11 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1bcda376a910a9e09dd68952d56563fc.pdf eb8bdf725bebbacf088e37cf8c3023bb PDF Text Text Development and State of Research on Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Korea Bo-hyun Lee (Conservation Science Research Curator, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage) ABSTRACT Conservation treatment of large waterlogged wooden historic ships improved gradually as historic ships were excavated one after another. After 40 years, exhibition halls and conservation treatment centers have been established and in operation in Mokpo and Taean. Taean is equipped with Asia's largest vacuum freezer and Mokpo conservation treatment place with a long history is being transformed into a new conservation treatment center. In addition, the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, which has Korea's only underwater cultural heritage conservation and treatment facility, has been publishing treatment reports and guidelines for many years. However, as the acidic aging was discovered on the Sinan shipwreck like the Vasa and Mary Rose, it has become an issue and various studies were conducted to identify the cause and treatment method accordingly. It is unreasonable to apply the results of test pieces in the laboratory directly to the entire Sinan shipwreck, which was restored and displayed at the exhibition hall. Therefore, it is planned to conduct a partial test gradually to find a method that can handle exhibition and treatment at the same time. Keywords: underwater cultural heritage, conservation treatment, research status, challenges List of Tables Table 1. State of conservation treatment of historic ships recovered from underwater (as of May 2023) Table 2. List of publications on conservation of underwater cultural heritage INTRODUCTION This study deals with overall matters related to the conservation treatment of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in Korea which started in 1976. The research was partially addressed in Conservation Treatment of Historic Ships Collected from the Sea published by the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) in 2021. This study intends to deal with the current state of research on conservation science of UCH in Korea in detail from more various perspectives. In addition, this study intends to highlight the current research projects and future tasks. We will examine the process of development before touching upon the current state of conservation science of UCH in Korea. DEVELOPMENT OF CONSERVATION TREATMENT OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN KOREA Conservation treatment of UCH in Korea began with the excavation of the Sinan shipwreck in 1976. However, excavation of the Sinan shipwreck which started in the sea, a special environment, presented many challenges from the beginning. There was no infrastructure to speak of such as professionals, budget and treatment facility and there was a big problem of how to treat super-large wooden historic ships. At that time conservation treatment technology of Japan was more advanced than that of Korea but the conservation treatment technology for wooden historic ships in East Asia was not comparable to that of Europe. Accordingly, Korea started direct exchanges with museums in many parts of Europe including Switzerland, Germany, Denmark, Sweden and the UK in order to learn Europe’s historic ship conservation treatment method and restoration technology in 1983. Korea dispatched domestic experts to international courses for wooden cultural heritage conservation sponsored by UNESCO and ICCROM and started forming academic exchanges. Thanks to this, the current state of wooden 1 �historic ships in Europe and various treatment methods became widely known in Korea. In the 1990s, the waterlogged wooden conservation treatment area took its root firmly in Korea’s cultural heritage conservation science. In addition, PEG-2 step treatment method was applied to the Sinan shipwreck through joint basic experiment and research conducted together with the German Maritime Museum. PEG-2 step is a method of impregnating a low-molecular PEG400 solution at a low concentration, and then heating the high-molecular solid PEG4000 at 40-45 °C and impregnating it to a high concentration (Kim Ik-joo 2004, 68-69). This method still works for submerged shipwrecks. Table 1. State of conservation treatment of historic ships recovered from underwater (as of May 2023) No. Name Size (length x width (m)) / No. of pieces Treatment method Date of treatment period Treatment status Location 1 Sinan shipwreck 34 x 11 / 1, 729 pieces 1981-2004 Exhibition Mokpo Museum 2 Wando shipwreck 9 x 3.5 / 1, 81 pieces 1984-1998 Exhibition Mokpo Museum 3 Dalido shipwreck 10.5 x 2.7 / 1, 33 pieces Jul. 1995- Dec. 2009 Exhibition Mokpo Museum 4 Sipyidongpado shipwreck 7 x 2.5 / 1, 14 pieces 2004-2016 Exhibition Mokpo Museum 5 Jindo shipwreck 16.8 x 2.3 / 1, 2 pieces Jun. 1992-present Dried Mokpo Conservation Center 6 Anjwado shipwreck 14.7 x 4.5 / 1, 39 pieces Aug. 2005-present Dried Mokpo Conservation Center 7 Daebudo shipwreck 6.6 x 1.4 / 1, 7 pieces Dec. 2006-present Dried Mokpo Conservation Center 8 Taean shipwreck 8.2 x 1.5 / 1, 7 pieces May 2008-present Reinforced (70%) Taean Conservation Center 9 Mado no. 1 shipwreck 10.8 x 3.7 / 1, 40 pieces Oct. 2009-present Reinforced (70%) Taean Conservation Center 10 Mado no. 2 shipwreck 12.8 x 5 / 1, 41 pieces - Oct. 2010-present Desalinated Taean Conservation Center 11 Mado no. 3 shipwreck 12 x 8 / 1, 21 pieces - - Conserved on site - 12 Yeongheungdo shipwreck 6 x 1.5 / 1, 3 pieces - Jul. 2013-present Desalinated Mokpo Conservation Center 13 Mado no. 4 12 x 5 / 1, 22 pieces - - Conserved on site - 14 Daebudo shipwreck no. 2 9.2 x 2.9 / 1, 50 pieces - Jul. 2015-present Desalinated Mokpo Conservation Center 15 Jebudo shipwreck no. 1 9.2 x 2.9 - - Conserved on site - 16 Jebudo shipwreck no. 2 9.2 x 2.9 - - Conserved on site - shipwreck PEG 2-Step method (400/4000) 2 �The Sinan shipwreck was unveiled in 2004 after 18 years of conservation treatment and 10 years of hull restoration. After excavation of Sinan shipwreck, historic ships were discovered one after another in the West Sea of Korea, including Wando shipwreck (1984), Jindo Pyokpari Tongnamu Pae (1992), Dalido shipwreck (1995), Sipyidongpado shipwreck (2004), Anjwado shipwreck (2005), Daebudo shipwreck (2006), Taean shipwreck (2008), Mado shipwreck no. 1 (2009), Mado shipwreck no. 2 (2010), Mado shipwreck no. 3 (2011), Yeongheungdo shipwreck (2013), Mado shipwreck no. 4 (2014), Daebudo shipwreck no. 2 (2015), Jebudo shipwreck no. 1 (2016) and Jebudo shipwreck no. 2 (2016). Table 1 summarizes where these ships have been treated for conservation or in the process of conservation treatment, while some are conserved on site. As historic ships have been excavated continuously, Korea’s underwater archeology and conservation treatment technology of historic ships have grown remarkably. The conservation treatment infrastructure, organization and budget have become one of the top in Asia. The NRIMCH, which started in Mokpo Conservation Center in 1982, is now operating museums in Mokpo (Jeollanam-do) and Taean (Chungcheongnam-do) respectively and has its own conservation treatment facility. Mokpo conservation center, which started with two employees about 42 years ago, has now ten employees in Mokpo and five in Taean. Taean conservation center has installed and run test operation of Asia's largest vacuum freezer. CURRENT STATE OF CONSERVATION SCIENCE FOR UCH IN KOREA Cultural heritage excavated from water is very diverse in materials such as metal, ceramics, wood, and stone. Various kinds of artifacts are excavated from ships as ships are a carrier of transport goods, which contains living space on the ship. Therefore, conservation methods should be applied differently depending on materials. Korea has already prepared guidelines on conservation treatment by material with dividing artifacts into those excavated from land and those from underwater and has treated them by referring to these guidelines. Recovered Artifacts so far are mainly made of wood (hull components, etc.) and ceramics (transport goods), so the proportion of conservation treatment for historic ships and ceramics is high. Out of 50,762 artifacts excavated, 47,036 pieces are ceramics, accounting for more than 93 per cent. In addition, all five pieces which are nationally designated cultural property and in possession are ceramics. Natural scientific analysis of ceramics excavated from the sea began in earnest in the early 2000s. Depending on the excavation site and function, various analyzes have been conducted, such as the base soil, firing temperature, minor components, and estimation of the production site. Starting from this year, research is being conducted to scientifically reveal the relationship between the production and the consumption areas, and the correlation between the times and materials based on the existing research results. 3 �Table 2. List of publications on conservation of UCH Major content No . Title Date 1 Guideline on Conservation Treatment of Artifacts Excavated from Underwater 2013 A guideline on conservation treatment of artifacts excavated from underwater including treatment cases. 2 Conservation Manual of Maritime Archaeological Objects in Korea 2014 English version of the guideline on conservation treatment of artifacts excavated from underwater, introducing how to treat wooden artifacts, ceramics and metal artifacts. 3 Conservation Treatment of Ceramics Excavated from Underwater 2020 Classifying pottery which was excavated the largest in volume into pottery, celadon and white porcelain and reporting treatment methods and cases. 4 Conservation Treatment of historic Ships Excavated from Underwater 2021 Containing the process of conservation treatment for Sinan shipwreck, Wando shipwreck, Jindo shipwreck, Dalido shipwreck and Sipyidongpado shipwreck and natural scientific analysis details. 5 Comprehensive Report on Sinan Ship Conservation Project 2022 Summarizing the research on analysis on aging of Sinan shipwreck and conservation treatment method comprehensively. Cover ISSUES REGARDING CONSERVATION SCIENCE OF UCH IN KOREA Korea's historic ship conservation treatment can be divided into two fields. First, conservation treatment of waterlogged wood using PEG and infrastructure. Second, neutralization treatment of acidic aging that occurs in historic ships treated with PEG. First, the conservation of waterlogged wood with PEG is to treat the wood using PEG-2 step method as mentioned earlier. Reinforcement treatment is done with PEG 400-PEG 4000 and not vacuum lyophilization but control drying is done for conservation. Taean conservation treatment room is equipped with the latest vacuum lyophilizer that can treat 10 m. The Mokpo Conservation Center needs facility replacement as it was established in 1981. Conservation treatment of waterlogged wood using PEG and infrastructure The hull varies in length from about 2 m to 10 m for each member and a specially designed tank is required for reinforcement treatment. The tank should be made of stainless steel with strong corrosion resistance, and a heat source (boiler hot water and electric coil) and temperature sensor should be attached to maintain a constant temperature. In addition, in order to mix the high molecular weight 4 �PEG well, a solution circulation pump facility that can exchange the upper and lower solutions is required. Moreover, boiler, expansion tank, and hot water pipe facilities should be in place in the boiler room upon heating treatment using boiler hot water. Assuming that the hull members are 5-6 m long, 0.1 m thick, and 0.5 m wide, the weight usually reaches 300 kg. Hoists, cranes, and lifts that can lift and move these members safely and easily are essential. Therefore, in order to conserve and treat large-sized timbers such as hulls, a large-scale processing facility should be established. The NRIMCH started seismic construction of PEG reinforcement treatment in 2022, and planned PEG reinforcement treatment internal construction (water drainage, piping, electricity, etc.) and tank (10 m x 1 m x 1 m * 1 unit, 6 m x 1 m x 1 m * 6 units), desalination treatment room improvement in 2025 and drying treatment room improvement in 2026. Acidic aging of historic ships treated with PEG Acidic aging is caused by the presence of iron compounds in wood and prolonged exposure, and the same phenomenon has already appeared in foreign ships such as Vasa, Mary Rose, and Batavia, and efforts have been made to solve this problem. The Sinan shipwreck experienced acidic aging since 2010 and various methods were tried inside and outside the laboratory to solve the problem. Constant temperature and humidity monitoring has been conducted to secure raw data and the aging condition of the hull has been recorded with 3D scanning using 3D digital methods. After that, surface contaminants were removed through dry cleaning, and a deterioration map was also prepared to compare changes in surface conditions. Integrated Pest Management is being implemented to prevent harmful organisms in exhibition halls and storage areas and to establish a stable conservation environment. Various acidic aging treatment experiments were conducted in the laboratory and the Comprehensive Report on Sinan Ship Conservation Project that contains the results of experiments was recently released. This experiment is the result of the experiment on a test piece carried out in the laboratory, but it is difficult to practically apply chemical treatment to the 924 m2 exhibition room. Therefore, the Heritage Science Team of the NRIMCH plans to expand the treatment area in the future, starting with a direct spot test on the Sinan shipwreck, which was exhibited from this year. Our future task will be how to open the exhibition site to the audience safely as the conservation treatment is underway in the exhibition hall. Acknowledgements I would like to thank organizers and committee members for making a decision for Korea to host APConf 2023. I would also like to express my gratitude to my seniors and colleagues who have worked hard for conservation science at the NRIMCH. Bibliography Kim, Ik-Joo. “Conservation of Waterlogged Ancient Ship in Korea.” The Conservation and Restoration of Shinan Ship, the 20 Years History (2004): 58-71 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Conservation Manual of Maritime Archaeological Objects in Korea, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 31. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2013 (In Korean). NRIMCH. The Conservation of Ceramics Excavated from Underwater, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 61. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2020 (In Korean). NRIMCH. The Conservation of Shipwrecks Excavated from Underwater, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 63. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2021 (In Korean). NRIMCH. The Comprehensive Report on Conservation Project of Sinan Shipwreck, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 74. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2022 (In Korean). 5 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 14: Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural Heritage Subject The topic of the resource Session 14 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 14 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Development and State of Research on Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Korea Description An account of the resource Conservation treatment of large waterlogged wooden historic ships improved gradually as historic ships were excavated one after another. After 40 years, exhibition halls and conservation treatment centers have been established and in operation in Mokpo and Taean. Taean is equipped with Asia's largest vacuum freezer and Mokpo conservation treatment place with a long history is being transformed into a new conservation treatment center. In addition, the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, which has Korea's only underwater cultural heritage conservation and treatment facility, has been publishing treatment reports and guidelines for many years. However, as the acidic aging was discovered on the Sinan shipwreck like the Vasa and Mary Rose, it has become an issue and various studies were conducted to identify the cause and treatment method accordingly. It is unreasonable to apply the results of test pieces in the laboratory directly to the entire Sinan shipwreck, which was restored and displayed at the exhibition hall. Therefore, it is planned to conduct a partial test gradually to find a method that can handle exhibition and treatment at the same time. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bo-hyun Lee Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Lee, Bo-hyun. 2023. “Development and State of Research on Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1961 Asia-Pac Session 14 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/707ae011556d3dbcccfa406a39d840fb.pdf 4c76ac592ca3b4428ebb1bb20f30f169 PDF Text Text PROTECTING AND PRESERVING THE UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES: A BACKGROUND PAPER Bobby C. Orillaneda1 and Wilfredo P. Ronquillo2 Abstract The archipelagic nature of the Philippines and its strategic maritime location in the South China Sea gives an indication of the country’s significant underwater cultural heritage. Indigenous rd and foreign watercraft dating from the 3 century C.E. has been discovered, excavated, exhibited and published by the National Museum of the Philippines and in collaboration with local and foreign research entities. However, the management and protection of this cultural heritage is far from perfect. Inadequate financial support from the government, weak legislation and enforcement and lack of qualified personnel are cited as some of the reasons. This is coupled with the ever active threat of pillage and destruction from treasure hunters, illegal fishing methods and the dive tourism industry. As such, the National Museum’s role as the leading government agency tasked with the conduct and management of the country’s underwater cultural heritage and the advance of underwater archaeology to an academic practice remains a challenge. The introduction of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region through the Regional Workshop in Hong Kong in 2003 with the aim of ratification has been an uphill battle, with Cambodia the only country to ratify the said convention in the Southeast Asian region thus far. This paper examines the impact of the 2001 Convention in the Philippines and examines the prospects for its ratification. INTRODUCTION The Philippines is an archipelago composed of approximately 7,107 islands, with a coastline of 36,289 kilometers, the fifth longest coastline in the world and surrounded by large bodies of water; the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea) on the west, the Philippine Sea that stretches to the Pacific Ocean on the east, the Sulu Sea on the southwest and the Celebes Sea on the south. There are 31 principal river basins and over 50 lakes scattered all over the archipelago (Cuevas et al. 2004). Considering the distribution of different land masses over vast waterways that have been utilized as a source of livelihood, migration, exchange, trade and other maritime cultural activities, it is unsurprising that the country has a rich underwater cultural heritage. Archaeological excavations inside Callao Cave in Peñablanca, Cagayan Valley, Northern Luzon unearthed the earliest human evidence dated to 67,000 years ago (Mijares et al. 2010). During the Neolithic period, after about the 4th 1 Museum Researcher II, Underwater Archaeology Section, Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com 2 Scientist II and Curator II, Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, wpronquillo@yahoo.com �millennium BCE (Before Common Era), Austronesian speaking people began occupying the Philippines bringing with them material culture consisting of pottery and stone artefacts (Bellwood 1997; Solheim 1994-95). The oldest archaeological evidence of indigenous watercraft in the Philippines are wooden lashed-lug, planked-boats termed balangay that was excavated in Butuan, northeastern Mindanao in the late 1970s (Scott 1982; Ronquillo 1989). Radiocarbon dates from one of the boats yielded a date between 260 to 550 CE (Common Era) while a similar vessel gave a date of 1270 to 1410 CE after calibration. The earlier radiocarbon date is purported to be unreliable, but further tests have yet to be conducted to validate or disprove this. Analysis of the boat building technology identified the Butuan boats as used for transporting people and goods over short-distance, inter-island travel that did not venture from the coast. By the 9th century, the Belitung shipwreck (Flecker 2000; Flecker 2001; Guy 2001-2002) excavated off Indonesia showed the development of maritime trade between Arab, Indian and Persian states with China. The West Philippine Sea used as a maritime highway along which they may have utilized the Philippines as a victual stop and a site for low level trade and exchange. The 10th century Chinese texts, specifically the official Sung History for the year 972 CE, mentioned trade relations with Ma-i, thought to be located in the present day Mindoro Island in southwest of the archipelago. Tribute bearing missions from Luzon and Butuan journeyed to China less than a hundred years later (Scott 1984). Chinese and Southeast Asian shipwrecks have been located in Philippine waters beginning with the 13th century CE until the early 16th century CE, indicating the participation of the Philippines in the regional Southeast Asian maritime trade network prior to the advent of the Europeans. The arrival of a Spanish expedition led by Portuguese captain Ferdinand Magellan in 1521 CE ushered in the colonial period and the fabled galleon trade that lasted 250 years (1565 – 1815 CE). During this period, indigenous watercraft and foreign ocean-sailing commercial vessels carried spices, forest and sea products, textiles and ceramics from all over the Philippine archipelago, China, Japan and other Southeast Asian countries to Manila and then brought these to Acapulco in Mexico, the entry point for the transshipment of goods for Spain via the naos de china or the ‘Manila Galleons’. In exchange, the galleons’ return voyage primarily carried silver metal mined from South America that was in high demand in China and Southeast Asia as currency (Schurtz 1985). The post galleon trade era during the 19th century saw the rise of Philippine exports such as sugar, abaca, tobacco and coffee that accounted for about 90 percent of the total export volume during that period (Legarda 1999). The commercial role of colonial Spain diminished and was replaced by trading partners such as Great Britain, the United States of America and China. This continued until the Philippine revolution in the last years of the 19th century. During the Second World War, the Philippines became the site of numerous naval engagements between the United States of America and Japan that resulted in huge loss of life and ships. To date, hundreds of World War II shipwrecks are scattered all over the Philippines. �HISTORY OF UCH MANAGEMENT Although the country’s Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) consists of varied material deposits from diverse sites such as an underwater cemetery in Camiguin, stone boat-shaped burials in Batanes (Dizon et al. 1995-1997) and reported submerged habitation sites and structures, research and management of UCH have been largely confined to shipwrecks. The earliest recorded shipwreck investigation occurred in 1967 at Santo Domingo, Albay in southeast Luzon (Lopez 1967), and then again in the 1970s (Conese 1989), but these early forays were purely salvage efforts unsupervised by qualified personnel or institution. In an effort to preserve and protect the country’s cultural properties, the Philippine government formulated Republic Act (RA) 4846, Cultural Properties Preservation and Protection Act, passed on June 18 1966. It was later amended by Presidential Decree (PD) 374, Amending Certain Sections of Republic Act No. 4846, Otherwise Known as the ‘Cultural Properties Preservation and Protection Act’ on January 10 1974. The National Museum was appointed as the lead government agency in implementing the provisions of these laws, including archaeological research and management. The Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) was created in 1979 with support from the Southeast Asian Minister of Education Organization Special Projects in Archaeology and the Fine Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Ronquillo 1989). In the absence of an underwater archaeologist or a diving archaeologist, UAU was staffed with people from other disciplines such as zoology and engineering with scuba diving skills. The practice of collaborating with private entities that could financially support exploration and excavation projects in exchange for a share of recovered materials started, reflecting the fact that the government could not provide funds for fieldwork and stop the rising incidence of shipwreck looting. The bases for such collaborative agreements between the National Museum and private proponents were stated in the Underwater Archaeology Policy Guideline. Contained in the guidelines were the rules and regulations for the issuance of permits for parties who wished to engage in underwater archaeological activities within the archipelago’s maritime territory, as well as establish guidelines on the methodology of survey, exploration, excavation and post excavation activities that should be strictly adhered to. These guidelines have been improved and expanded to its present form as the Rules and Regulations for Underwater Archaeology in Exploration and Excavation in Philippine Waters. Appended in the rules and regulations is a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) that serves as the binding legal instrument between the National Museum and the proponent. The first project of the UAU was the excavation of the 16th century Marinduque3 shipwreck in 1982 (Conese et al. 1981; Alba 1999). This was followed by survey and exploration projects around the country and the 3 The shipwrecks listed in this text that have not been identified have adopted titles based on nearby placenames and so are not italicized. Italics indicate known ship names. �excavations of the following: Puerto Galera wreck in Mindoro in 1983 and 1989 (Conese 1983; Conese 1989; Alba 1984; Ronquillo 1998); the Royal Captain Junk, a 16th century Asian trade vessel in 1985, (Goddio and Jay 1988; Ronquillo 1998); the British East Indiaman Griffin (1761) that sunk off Basilan Island from 1985 – 87 (Goddio and Jay 1988); the Nuestra Señora de la Vida (1620) that sunk off Isla Verde, Mindoro from 1985 - 88 (Conese 1989); and the San Jose galleon (1694) that sunk off Lubang Island Mindoro from 1986 – 88 (Sorapora and Michael 1987; Cuevas 1988; Conese 1989; Ronquillo 1998). In 1988, UAU was renamed the Underwater Archaeology Section (UAS), headed by archaeologist Eusebio Z. Dizon. UAS members participated in advanced underwater archaeology training in Thailand (Conese 1989). Fittingly, the primary project of UAS was the re-investigation of the Marinduque shipwreck in 1989 (Henson 1989; Alba 1990). The objective was to improve excavation and recording methodology and undertake first-aid conservation treatment of recovered archaeological specimens. The 1990s was considered the ‘peak’ of Philippine underwater archaeology following the excavation of a number of important shipwrecks and the creation of a university program in archaeology: • in 1990 and 1991 The Breaker Reef (Dupoizat 1994) and Investigator Shoal shipwrecks (Goddio 1997; Dizon 2003), both dated to the 13th century; • in 1991 and 1992 the San Diego (Goddio 1996), a nao that was converted into a warship that sunk on December 14, 1600 during the naval engagement with the Dutch ship Mauritius off Nasugbu Island in Batangas; • in 1993 the mid-15th century Pandanan shipwreck, a trade vessel that contained more than 70% of Vietnamese ceramics (Diem 1996; Dizon 1996); • in 1996 the San Isidro, a 16th century trade vessel (Goddio 1997a); • and in 1997 the Lena Shoal shipwreck, another trade vessel (Goddio 2002; Orillaneda 2003); • in 1996 the creation of the Archaeological Studies Program at the University of the Philippines (UP-ASP) at Diliman, Quezon City that offers a diploma and masters program in archaeology (Barretto 1997). This is of particular importance because this marked the entry of university-trained archaeologists into underwater archaeology. • In 1999 two vessels were excavated: Royal Captain, a British East Indiaman vessel that sunk in the Royal Captain Shoal, West Philippine Sea in 1773 (Goddio et al. 2001); and the Española underwater site where Chinese and Southeast Asian ceramics along with metal, wood and animal bones were recovered but the ship itself was not found (Dizon et al. 2000; Orillaneda 2000; Orillaneda 2004). • At the turn of the century, the first major project during this period was the excavation of the late 15th – early 16th century Santa Cruz shipwreck. Revealed to be a trading vessel that carried mostly porcelain and �stoneware ceramics from China, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar that was excavated off Santa Cruz municipality, Zambales. • The last major project, thus far, was the excavation of the Tagbita Bay shipwreck, a late 19th century European vessel discovered off the shores of Sitio Tagbita, Barangay Taburi, Rizal Municipality, southwestern Palawan from 2003 – 07 (Santiago 2003; Santiago et al. 2006; Orillaneda 2007). There were other non-shipwreck projects that occurred during this period: the investigation of reported submerged stone ruins of former towns of Batangas Province beneath the waters of Lake Taal (Lacsina and Faylona 2002) and the investigation of a deep underwater cave site in Mactan Island, Cebu in March 2005 (Batoon and Lacsina 2005) and its subsequent mapping and excavation in May 2011 in collaboration with archaeologist John Peterson. Despite the difficulty in collecting sediment samples in a relatively deep underwater environment, an adequate number of sediment, core and rock samples were taken and sent to a laboratory for dating and environmental analysis and studies (Lacsina and Orillaneda 2011). The new UAS staff also underwent training to further enhance their understanding and skill in underwater archaeology. In January 2003, the primary author of this paper and Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, another National Museum archaeologist, attended an underwater training workshop on “Archaeology: Principles and Practice” sponsored by SEAMEO-SPAFA in Chonburi Province, Thailand. In September 2009, a workshop on underwater archaeological artefact collections and management was held in Manila as part of the Collections Asia (COLLASIA) 2010 initiative (Lacsina and Orillaneda 2010). Sponsored by SEAMEO-SPAFA and the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), with funding from the Getty Institute, COLLASIA’s aim was to address specific challenges facing Southeast Asian countries in managing and conserving their rich and diverse heritage collections originating from underwater archaeological sites. One of the objectives of the workshop was the upgrade of storage facilities. LEGAL PROTECTION OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES Republic Act (RA) 4846 and Presidential Decree (PD) 374 recognize the importance of the Philippines’ cultural heritage as well the threats it faces from illegal excavations and cultural property commercialization. Section 2 of both laws states that, “It is hereby declared to be the policy of the state to preserve and protect the important cultural properties and National Cultural Treasures of the nation and to safeguard their intrinsic value.” Under Section 3, “ships or boats in part or in whole,” are part of the definition of cultural properties. Section 4 designates the National Museum as, “the agency of the government which shall implement the provisions of the Act.” Part of Section 12 of both laws states that: �It shall be unlawful to explore, excavate or make diggings on archaeological or historical sites for the purpose of obtaining materials of cultural historical value without the prior written authority from the Director of the National Museum. No excavation or diggings shall be permitted without the supervision of an archaeologist certified as such by the Director of the National Museum, or of such other person who, in the opinion of the Director, is competent to supervise the work, and who shall, upon completion of the project, deposit with the Museum a catalogue of all the materials found thereon, and a description of the archaeological context in accordance with accepted archaeological practices. Also contained are the penal provisions for violations of the law. Republic Act 8492, the National Museum Act of 1998, defines the role of the National Museum in the cultural development of the Filipino people. Section 4 establishes the National Museum Complex that included the Executive House Building, the Department of Tourism Building and the Finance Building. Section 7 defines the duties and responsibilities of the National Museum. Sections 7.8 through 7.9 emphasizes in the definition of archaeology to include research through controlled archaeological excavations on land and underwater, monitoring and regulation of archaeological activities and the collection of a national archaeological collection. Sections 7.15 through 7.23 mention information, dissemination and exhibition activities as well as establishing linkages with similar institutions to promote Philippine culture. The Cultural Properties Division (CPD) of the National Museum implements laws on the protection of the Philippine cultural heritage and conducts information dissemination activities throughout the country. To further strengthen the implementation of its mandate, the National Museum coordinates with other Philippine government agencies such as the Philippine Navy, Philippine Coast Guard, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources and Local Government Units (LGUs) that could be tapped for policing, monitoring and management purposes. The National Museum is also a member of the National Law Enforcement Coordinating Committee (NALECC), Sub-Committee on Environment and Natural Resources, composed of directors of concerned government agencies. This is a venue for discussing environmental and cultural concerns at the senior level for immediate action. The latest legislation related to UCH is Republic Act 10066, the National Cultural Heritage Act of 2009, this was approved on March 26, 2010. Article III Section 11 is a very important amendment to the previous laws since it states: No cultural property shall be sold, resold, or taken out of the country without first securing a clearance from the cultural agency concerned. In case the property shall be taken out of the country, it shall solely be for the purpose of scientific scrutiny. Article VI Section 23d further strengthens the previous section: The grant of permit export shall be based on the following conditions: (i) the cultural property is exported on a temporary basis; and (ii) the export of cultural property is necessary for scientific scrutiny or exhibit. �These provisions led to modified policies embodied in the National Museum Office Order 2011-108 entitled Guidelines Governing Categorization and Dealings of Archaeological and Traditional Ethnographic Materials. Section 5 of the Office Order categorizes archaeological and traditional ethnographic materials and assigns ‘grades’ based on levels of significance with the aim to, "rationalize the system of categorization," and, "provide appropriate guidelines for dealings of cultural property and disposition," while protecting the interest of the cultural heritage of the Filipino people. Grade I materials are National Cultural Treasures with the highest significance, Grade II are Important Cultural Properties while Grade III are Cultural Properties. The National Museum defines the criteria for the categorization. Article III Section 11 and Article VI Section 23d of RA 10066 are applicable to Grades I and II, while Grade III materials may be taken out of the country with the Permit to Export issued by the National Museum. These provisions aim to limit parties who wish to engage in archaeological projects with commercial intentions. Section 29 empowers the National Museum to, "recover or retrieve cultural properties which are under the custody of foreign nationals or entities and to bring these properties back to Philippine custody". Section 30, much like the RA 4846 and PD 374, assigns the National Museum to, "regulate and control archaeological exploration, excavation and research and to deputize other agencies to protect archaeological sites". THE UNESCO 2001 CONVENTION on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) On the international level, the Philippines, along with other countries, has actively participated in drafting an international treaty that deals with the protection of UCH. This effort began in 1993 and was spearheaded by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This culminated in the 2001 UNESCO General Convention that aimed to write a comprehensive framework of rules for the protection of the UCH. In the Asia-Pacific Workshop in Hong Kong in November 2003, a Philippine delegation was sent composed of Alberto Encomienda, then Secretary General of the Maritime and Oceans Affair of the Department of Foreign Affairs, UAS Head Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon, Maharlika Cuevas, Deputy Director for Operations of the National Museum of the Philippines as well as Attorneys Rose Beatrix Cruz-Angeles and Wylie Paler, ICOMOS representatives. Another UNESCO Experts Meeting on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Galle, Sri Lanka from 9th to 11th April 2007 was attended by Ms. Corazon S. Alvina, then Director of the National Museum. In this meeting the Philippines, through the Museum, made the position of actively preparing for the ratification of the 2001 Convention. In a recent UNESCO meeting in December 2009, Director Alvina was named as part of the technical working group to examine closely the text and implementation of the 2001 Convention. In 2010, Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon was assigned to write on Rule �26 on Documenting a Site, and Rule 27 on Documentation Standards, of the 2001 Convention Annex on the Rules Concerning Activities Directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage. One of the main objectives of the Convention is developing heritage professionals through training and research programs. In line with this, UNESCO sponsored three Foundation Courses (October 2009, March 2010 and February 2011) and one Advanced Course (September 2010) in the newly established Regional Training Centre in Chanthaburi, Thailand under the auspices of the Underwater Archaeology Division of Thailand and funded by the Royal Government of Norway (Orillaneda and Lacsina 2010). The training program was entitled Safeguarding the Underwater Cultural Heritage of Asia and the Pacific: Building Regional Capacities to Protect and Manage Underwater Archaeological Sites through the Establishment of a Regional Centre of Excellence Field Training Facility and Programme of Instruction. The Philippines sent five participants to these courses, including the secondary author of this paper who was a participant of the first Foundation Course and who afterwards became a resource speaker on the 2nd and 3rd Foundation Course and assistant dive supervisor during the 3rd Foundation Course. Thus far, the courses have produced 72 graduates from 17 countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, Central Asia and the Pacific. These graduates are expected to advance the goals and objectives of the 2001 Convention to their respective countries. The 2001 Convention provides a comprehensive framework for the protection of UCH and the Philippines recognizes its importance. However, its ratification and implementation in the Philippines remains a difficult task with the following reasons. Firstly, the timeliness of ratification by the Philippine government needs to be considered. This involves not only the National Museum but also the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Office of the President, and the Philippine Senate. Preliminary talks between these agencies have been carried out after the 2001 Convention but have been put on hold due to what were reported as more pressing matters. The National Museum is currently reestablishing links to stimulate talks on the 2001 Convention. Secondly, the National Museum does not have adequate resources to carry out underwater archaeology projects on its own. This is a perennial problem for developing countries where funds for cultural research come second to economic priorities. There is also an urgency to protect submerged sites from fishermen and treasure hunters who are discovering and looting sites at an alarming rate4. This increasing incidence of uncontrolled looting has forced the National Museum into a dilemma. On the one hand, letting commercially-motivated individuals and companies destroy everything in the absence of funding or, on the other hand, reach a compromise with private entities that can bear the exploration and excavation costs in exchange for a share of the recovered pieces. The second scenario was adopted because it was deemed more advantageous to the National Museum and the UCH of the Philippines. This 4 This is based on numerous reports that the National Museum received but there has not been a specific study regarding numbers of looting activities. �arrangement at least guaranteed that the method of recovery followed archaeological procedures during excavation and post-excavation research contrary to letting aggressive treasure hunters and unaware fishermen destroy underwater sites for economic reasons. However, with the passing of RA 10066 and the possible adoption of the 2001 Convention by the Philippines, it is expected that there will be a shift from undertaking joint projects with profit-oriented proponents to collaborative projects with academic institutions and non-profit, research-geared, agencies and organizations in the management, preservation and protection of UCH. The National Museum would strongly welcome and support such an outcome. SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS As shown above, the Philippines possess a rich and significant UCH that has been managed by the National Museum. However, the present framework needs to be improved and the Philippines has taken necessary measures in the form of strengthened legislation and training of personnel to conform to the principles and standards set forth in the 2001 Convention. However, the adoption of the 2001Convention remains challenging. Socio-political and economic problems will continue to influence decision making in undertaking underwater archaeological projects. At this time, no work on shipwreck preservation and protection, management and monitoring has yet been undertaken. There are numerous shipwrecks from the turn of the century to Second World War wrecks that are very vulnerable to looting and other forms of destruction. These submerged cultural resources need to be managed in conjunction with other stakeholders, such as the diving industry and local communities. There is a need to enhance information dissemination and public awareness through the Internet, television, books, journals, magazine articles and other media in order to reach a wider audience. Some National Museum projects have been televised but not widely or during primetime. More projects that have media coverage can be expected to provoke more public interest. The scuba diving community is a very important resource that needs to be tapped. In many cases divers possess first-hand information about shipwreck locations and most have the best intentions but not the knowledge of the process of shipwreck research and protection. This group has the most exposure to shipwrecks and can be a very valuable ally against UCH destruction if made more aware of the benefits of the preservation of heritage and if they can be involved in preservation programs. Finally, as the Philippines and the rest of the world face the challenges and opportunities in the preservation and protection of UCH, it is hoped that this Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage and similar meetings will be instrumental to formulating effective plans, establishing links and forming partnerships that could save this very important, but highly threatened, cultural resource. �Bibliography Alba, L. A., 1999 Alba, L.A., 1988 Barretto, G., 1997 Batoon, L. M. and Lacsina, L. SP., 2005 Bellwood, P., 1995 Brown, R., 2004 Conese, E. T., 2001 Conese, E. T., 1997 Conese, E. T., 1989 Conese, E., F. Aromin f., Jr., Palpal-latoc V., and de Celis, A, 1981 Crick, M., 2001 Cuevas, M., Ronquillo, W., and Santiago, R., 2004 Diem, A. I., 1996 Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila A Preliminary Report on the 1985 Royal Captain Shoal Expedition. Paper presented to the Second International Conference of the Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists in Western Europe, Paris. The Establishment of the Archaeological Studies Program at the University of the Philippines, Diliman. SPAFA Conference. National Museum, Manila. Marigondon Underwater Cave Archaeological Investigation. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. "Austronesian prehistory in Southeast Asia: Homeland, expansion and transformation", in (eds.) Peter Bellwood, James J. Fox, and D.T. Tryon, The Austronesians: Comparative and Historical Perspectives, Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University Press, Canberra, pp. 96-111. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics of Southeast Asia. A dissertation for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Art History. University of California, Los Angeles. Hermana Menor Underwater Archaeological Excavation Report. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. A Report on Western and Southern Palawan Archaeological Site Survey. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Underwater Archaeology in the Philippines. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Report on Marine Archaeological Exploration Conducted in Gaspar Island, Marinduque Province. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. The Santa Cruz Wreck 2001: Preliminary Archaeological Report and Ceramic Cargo Study, Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Boat Building Traditions in Pre-18th Century Philippines. A paper read at the ASEAN-COCI Symposium and Publication on Maritime and Waterways, Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage, Kuala Lumpur. Relics of a Lost Kingdom: Ceramics from the Asian Maritime Trade, Asiatype, Inc., Makati City. �Dizon, E. Z., 2003 Dizon, E. Z., 1996 Dizon, E.Z, Santiago, R., and Bolunia, M.J.L., 1995 – 1997 Dupoizat, M.F., 1994 Flecker, M., 2001 Flecker, M., 2000 Goddio, F., 2002 Goddio, F., 1997 Goddio, F., 1997a Goddio, F., 1996 Goddio, F., Iltis G., Gerigk C., and Kraft, M.M., 2001 Goddio, F., and Jay, E., 1988 Guy, J., 2001-2002 Lacsina, L. SP., and Faylona P.G., 2002 Underwater and Maritime Archaeology in the Philippines, in Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society, 31, pp. 1-25. Anatomy of a Shipwreck: Archaeology of the 15th Century Pandanan Shipwreck. Asiatype, Inc., Makati City. "Report on the Archeological Activities in Ivuhos and Sabtang Islands from February to March 1996", in Ivatan Studies Journal, Vol II, III & IV, pp. 30-63. "The Ceramic Cargo of a Song Dynasty Junk Found in the Philippines and its Significance in the China-South East Asia Trade", in Southeast Asia & China: Art, Interaction & Commerce, Colloquies on Art & Archaeology in Asia, Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, University of London, London. "A 9th-century AD Arab or Indian shipwreck in Indonesia: first evidence for direct trade with China", in World Archaeology, 32/3, pp. 335-354. "A 9th-century Arab or Indian shipwreck in Indonesia waters", in The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 29/2 (August), pp. 199-217. "The Wreck on the Lena Shoal", in the Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk, Periplus London. Weisses Gold, Steidl Verlag. Gottingen. In German. San Isidro Wreck ’96: Excavation’s Preliminary Report and Ceramic Cargo’s Study. Unpublished Site Report. Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA), National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. "The Scientific Mission", in Treasures of the San Diego, Association Française d'Action Artistique Ministere des Affaires Estangeres, Elf Foundation & National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Royal Captain, A Ship Lost in the Abyss, Periplus, London. 18th Century Relics of the Griffin Shipwreck, World Wide First and Ayala Museum of History and Iconographic Archives, Manila and Makati. "Early Asian Ceramic Trade and the Belitung ('Tang') Cargo", in Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, 66. "A Preliminary Report on Lake Taal, Talisay, Batangas: A Maritime Archaeological Survey", in Hukay: Official Bulletin of the Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, 4(1). �Lacsina, L. SP., And Orillaneda, B., Lacsina, L. SP., and Orillaneda, B., 2010 Legarda, B. J. 1999 Lopez, P.T. Jr., 1967 Manguin, P. Y., 2003 Mijares, A.S., Détroit, F., Piper, P., Grün R., Bellwood, P., Aubert, M., Champion, G., Cuevas, N., DeLeon, A., and Dizon, E. 2010 Mundardjito, et.al., 2008 National Museum Office Order 2011-108 Orillaneda, B., 2008 Orillaneda, B., 2006 Orillaneda, B., 2003 A Brief Report on the Marigondon Cave Underwater Project. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum. Manila CollAsia2010 International Course on “Conservation of Underwater Archaeological Collections” September 7-25, 2009 Participant Report. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. After the Galleons, Ateneo de Manila Press, Manila. Marine Archaeology in the Philippines. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Trading Networks and Ships in the South China Sea, In Lost for 500 years... Sunken Treasures of Brunei Darussalam, in (ed.) Dick Richards, Art Exhibitions Australia. New evidence for a 67,000-year-old human presence at Callao Cave, Luzon, Philippines, Journal of Human Evolution, Elsevier. "Bab II: Latar Belakang Eksplorasi", in Kapal Karam, abad ke-10 di Laut Jawa Utara Cirebon, (ed) Bambang Budi Utomo, Panitia Nasional, Pengangkatan dan Pemanfaatan, Benda Berharga Asal Muatan Kapal yang Tenggelam, Jakarta. Guidelines Governing Categorization and Dealings of Archaeological and Traditional Ethnographic Materials. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th Century C.E. A Master’s Thesis submitted to the Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City. Long Distance Ceramic Trade in Southeast Asia during the 15th Century: Evidence from Shipwrecks in the Philippines, Thailand and Brunei. Unpublished Manuscript. Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City. "A Status Report of Philippine Underwater Archaeology from 1996-2003", in Proceedings of the Society of Philippine Archaeologists, Katipunan Arkeologist ng Pilipinas, Inc. (KAPI), Quezon City. �Orillaneda, B., and Lacsina, L. SP., 2010 Republic Act (RA) 4846 Republic Act (RA) 8492 Republic Act (RA) 10066 Ronquillo, W. P., 1998 Presidential Decree (PD) 374 Ronquillo, W. P., 1989 Santiago, R. A., 2004 Santiago, R. A., 2003 Santiago, R. A., Orillaneda, B., and Peñalosa, A., 2005 Schurz, W. L., 1985 Scott, W. H., 1982 Scott, W. H., 1984 Solheim,W.G. II, 1984-85 A Report on the Regional Training Workshop on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Chanthaburi, Thailand. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. An Act to Repeal Act Numbered Thirty Eight Hundred Seventy Four, and to Provide for the Protection and Preservation of Philippine Cultural Properties (as Amended by P.D. 374) National Museum Act of 1998 National Cultural Heritage Act of 2009 Philippine Underwater Archaeology: Present Research Projects and New Developments, Plenum Press, New York and London. Amending Certain Sections of Republic Act No. 4846, Otherwise Known as The "Cultural Properties Preservation and Protection Act" "The Butuan Archaeological Finds: Profound Implications for Philippine and Southeast Asian Pre-history", in (ed.) Roxanna M. Brown, Guangdong Ceramics from Butuan and Other Philippine Sites, Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines, Makati, pp. 61-69. Field Report. Tagbita Shipwreck, Palawan. Unpublished Manuscript National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. The Tagbita Bay Shipwreck. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. The Tagbita Shipwreck Excavation Report: The 2004-2005 Season. Unpublished Manuscript. National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. The Manila Galleon, Historical Conservation Society, Manila. "Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society", in Philippine Studies, 30, pp. 335–76. Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine Prehistory, New Day Publishers, Quezon City. "The Nusantao Hypothesis", in Asian Perspectives, 26, pp. 77-88. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Protecting and Preserving the Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Philippines: A Background Paper Subject The topic of the resource Session 12: Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource The archipelagic nature of the Philippines and its strategic maritime location in the South China Sea gives an indication of the country’s significant underwater cultural heritage. Indigenous and foreign watercraft dating from the 3rd century C.E. has been discovered, excavated, exhibited and published by the National Museum of the Philippines and in collaboration with local and foreign research entities. However, the management and protection of this cultural heritage is far from perfect. Inadequate financial support from the government, weak legislation and enforcement and lack of qualified personnel are cited as some of the reasons. This is coupled with the ever active threat of pillage and destruction from treasure hunters, illegal fishing methods and the dive tourism industry. As such, the National Museum’s role as the leading government agency tasked with the conduct and management of the country’s underwater cultural heritage and the advance of underwater archaeology to an academic practice remains a challenge. The introduction of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region through the Regional Workshop in Hong Kong in 2003 with the aim of ratification has been an uphill battle, with Cambodia the only country to ratify the said convention in the Southeast Asian region thus far. This paper examines the impact of the 2001 Convention in the Philippines and examines the prospects for its ratification. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bobby C. Orillaneda Wilfredo P. Ronquillo Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 12 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/bec21e9afef5b6a4311e1faeeb70dffe.pdf 7fb9acd932134d309993980df547c6e4 PDF Text Text The Blues of the Santa Cruz: A study of porcelain color and composition Ellen Hsieh Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA ellenhsieh@g.ucla.edu Christian Fischer UCLA/Getty Conservation Interdepartmental Program chrisfischer@ucla.edu Bobby C. Orillaneda National Museum of the Philippines bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com Abstract For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000 ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be �related to weathering. From an archaeometry perspective, this research provides some insight on production standardization in Jingdezhen as well as on subsequent modifications that can affect ceramics found in an underwater archaeological context. Key words: Ceramics, shipwreck, Philippines, blue-and-white, pXRF Introduction Chinese blue-and-white porcelain was one of the most popular commodities during the pre-modern and early modern periods, and it was frequently found along the maritime trade routes. Because the decorative patterns of blue-and-white porcelain changed over time, the artistic style of this type of material is usually the primary research focus for clarifying dating issues. However, the chronology of Chinese blue-and-white porcelain was established based on fine wares made mostly for the court, and the variability of the production was relatively ignored. Regarding the color of the decoration observed with naked eyes, there is a broad range of “blues” on blue-and-white porcelain, ranging from blue, green, purple, gray, and sometimes even black.1 In this research, we have used scientific analysis to investigate the causes of the color difference among a selected set of blue-and-white porcelain from a shipwreck. This archaeological context provides a particular opportunity for this research: loaded in the same boat as merchandise, a same kind of mass-produced cargo was most likely made around the same time and was even from the same or nearby workshops. The artifacts were selected from the cargo of the Santa Cruz shipwreck that sunk about ten nautical miles off the northern Zambales coast on Luzon Island. This shipwreck is one of the representative fifteenth-century vessels in maritime Asia (Fig. 1). The underwater excavation was conducted in 2001 by the National Museum of the Philippines in �collaboration with the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology. The vessel was about twenty-five meters long and six meters wide and was built following the so-called South China Sea Tradition of shipbuilding. The structure itself is well preserved as 80 percent of the lower hull was discovered and the cargo was still loaded in the 16 transverse bulkheads. A variety of materials were found in the Santa Cruz including ceramics, metal products, glassware, wooden and stone materials. Among these artifacts, more than 15,000 ceramics were recovered during the campaign, including Chinese and Vietnamese blueand-white porcelain, Chinese celadon, as well as Thai and Burmese stoneware (Orillaneda, 2008, 2016). Mainly based on the style analysis of the ceramics, the Santa Cruz shipwreck could be dated to the Hongzhi period in Ming China (1488~1505 CE). The discovery of the Santa Cruz shipwreck and its cargo is an important piece of evidence for the so-called Dongyang (Eastern Sea, from the Chinese perspective) trade route during the “Age of Commerce” in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1988, 1993). Additionally, the vast amount of late fifteen-century CE Jingdezhen blueand-white porcelain on board marked the end of the “Ming Gap” (Brown, 2009) and the revival of the trade of Chinese ceramics in Southeast Asia. This research therefore, not only contributes to the general issue of color variation among blue-and-white porcelain but also sheds light on the production process and trade of Chinese porcelain during this particular period. �Fig. 1: Map of East and Southeast Asia with the location of the Santa Cruz Wreck (left) and images taken during the excavation (right). Materials and methods Blue-and-white porcelain Twelve blue-and-white dishes were analyzed with a particular focus on the different tones and shades of the blue color (Tab.1; Fig. 2). The porcelain ware was loaded in piles mostly at the port side of the boat, and the dishes were distributed in bulkhead 1, 3, 5, 7, and 9 (Orillaneda, 2008). The locations of these samples show that those from the same bulkhead did not necessarily share similar appearance or quality (e.g. III-2001-Z2963 and III-2001-Z-3245). The selected dishes are all saucer-shaped and of similar size: diameter of the mouth rims is about 26cm, height is about 4cm, and the diameter of the foot rim is about 13cm. Most of them �are entirely decorated with the same kind of casual-style patterns (e.g., flora and rock, deer and pine tree). The blue decoration was applied on both the interior and exterior of the dishes. To leave the foot rim unglazed, the transparent glaze was applied separately at the bottom of the dishes. In many cases, the glaze applied on the bottom looks different from the glaze in the other parts. While all dishes have been cleaned and desalinated after the excavation, some still show shell encrustations. Methods Two non-invasive technologies were used in this study: portable X-ray fluorescence (pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). Previous research has shown that these two techniques are suitable for the compositional analysis of blue-and-white porcelain and details of the settings used here for the two instruments can be found in the corresponding paper (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For pXRF, soil mode was used to acquire data on minor and trace elements from both the blue and white areas while mining mode was used for major elements from the transparent glaze. Measurements on the blue areas (glaze + blue pigment) were all taken on the main decoration at the center of the plate. As to the white area, due to the difference of the glaze application mentioned above, measurements were taken on two locations: one on the area next to the blue decoration and another one at the bottom. Depending on the size of the ‘white’ areas, the location of the first measurement was sometimes on the external side of the dishes. Compositional data of the body was collected on the only dish with a bare bottom (i.e. III-2001-Z-7026). Regarding FORS, measurements were taken on the blue decorated areas and on the ‘white’ at the bottom because there was not enough space for the measuring probe in between the blue decor. �Fig. 2: The dishes selected and analyzed in this study, with the color references of the decorations. �Table 1. Characteristics of the selected blue-and-white porcelain dishes Results and discussion Visual observations The selected blue-and-white dishes share general characteristics regarding size, form and decoration styles. The shape of the foot rims and the way of applying the glaze show that the manufacturing process might be similar. In general, the glaze is quite transparent though a bit grayish, but for a few dishes, it shows a milky and opaque appearance that influence the visibility of the blue pigment beneath. Cracks and dewetting features related to shrinkage are also commonly observed. In some cases, these characteristics are only visible on one side of the dish, suggesting that the variations of glaze might be mainly due to firing conditions, such as the temperature of the kilns and where the plates were loaded in kilns. The surfaces of the glaze are weathered to various degrees after staying hundreds of years under the sea. In some cases, it is however hard to tell whether the opaque aspect of the plates is due to �their inferior quality or weathering at first glance. The blue areas are generally dull and look greenish or grayish with the naked eye. The primary motifs are outlined and filled with light colors, whereas the small leave patterns were drawn directly with thicker pigments favoring the formation of darker spots after firing. Sometimes, a brownish material can be observed on the top of those dark blue areas, which is most likely due to weathering. Chemical composition and production kilns Chemical composition data obtained with pXRF on the transparent glaze indicate that the blue-and-white plates were produced in Jingdezhen based on the concentrations of some discriminative elements such as zirconium, thorium and titanium (Tab. 2), a result consistent with the stylistic analysis and historical context. Values for these elements are close to the ones measured in previous studies despite the different time periods (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017; Ma, et al. 2012) and such compositional similarities could correspond to a relative constancy in the procurement of raw materials and processing technologies from the middle to late-Ming period. However, variations in rubidium levels, i.e. the higher values reported in the present study, also found for the Guanyinge and other unspecified late-Ming kiln sites (Rb: 428±78 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016; Rb: 436±84 ppm, Ma et al. 2012) compared to the lower averages measured on Jingdezhen blue-and-white ware from the Nan’ao One shipwreck in China (Rb: 270 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016) and sherds from the Philippines and Indonesia (315±40 ppm, Fischer and Hsieh 2017) dated to the lateMing and early-Qing periods, might reflect some intra-site variability among the numerous kilns in Jingdezhen. Based on the analyzed elements2, the chemistry of the glaze measured in the ‘white’ area, corresponds to an alumino-silicate glassy network �containing calcium and potassium added as fluxing agents and network modifiers. The composition of the glaze is relatively homogeneous, independently of its degree of transparency, making it difficult to identify the origin of the opacity which could be linked to the firing process, underwater weathering, or both. For some dishes, calcium levels are low and such levels, associated with lower firing temperatures in some areas of the kiln, could indeed contribute to opacify the glaze. On the other hand, almost invisible defects in the glaze induced by composition and firing conditions could favor the weathering in an underwater environment as well, and explain the lack of transparency for the glaze of some dishes. Also noticeable are some differences in the composition of the glaze applied to the base which shows lower calcium and higher iron and titanium in comparison to the ‘white’ and decorated areas. Although this trend is not systematic (see e.g. III-2001-Z-3245), it could suggest usage of a slightly different recipe for the glaze applied to the bottom. Finally, it can be mentioned that the desalination process was rather effective as the levels of chlorine and sulfur, not reported here, are generally low, apart may be for the dish with reference III-2001-Z-14679. �Table 2. Compositional data from pXRF and FORS analysis. Major (% oxides) Accession N° Spot CaO K2 O III-2001-Z-256 blue white 4.4 5.2 base 3.9 5.1 III-2001-Z-789 blue white 6.1 4.0 base 5.5 4.0 III-2001-Z-1269 blue white 5.4 5.0 base 3.4 5.0 III-2001-Z-2797 blue white 6.9 4.2 base 5.8 4.3 III-2001-Z-2963 blue white 6.6 3.9 base 5.7 4.0 III-2001-Z-3245 blue white 5.4 4.2 base 5.5 4.3 III-2001-Z-3851 blue white 8.1 4.1 base 6.6 4.1 III-2001-Z-5135 blue white 5.6 4.2 base 5.0 4.7 III-2001-Z-7026 blue white 5.9 4.2 base** 4.1 3.5 III-2001-Z-13671 blue white 5.9 4.8 base 4.4 4.6 III-2001-Z-14679 blue white 5.9 4.3 base 4.9 4.5 III-2001-Z-14878 blue white 5.9 4.6 base 4.9 4.1 Selected Elements from pXRF Analysis Minor and Trace (ppm) Fe Ti Mn Rb Sr Zr Co Cu 2546 -- 7265 408 87 46 1276 47 2104 116 340 412 95 45 -28 84 495 403 71 58 -28 4019 128 3035 385 99 44 279 37 3585 125 348 411 97 50 -27 139 391 406 101 48 -19 2996 103 3038 385 82 57 442 54 2553 251 326 392 87 53 -33 187 254 395 62 63 -28 3375 115 1796 448 109 45 275 51 2697 116 295 408 136 40 -32 228 371 475 122 56 -37 4678 -- 3840 307 100 45 611 45 4591 -440 318 95 53 -37 95 464 326 72 59 -26 3484 -- 2150 322 111 48 343 58 2997 156 262 335 97 54 -33 133 233 334 73 63 -29 3408 -- 8910 333 94 50 1047 112 3194 148 602 331 112 49 -52 229 439 361 78 62 -32 3376 285 2011 417 106 49 186 113 3131 81 229 457 84 53 -47 151 327 492 71 58 -37 2925 105 1305 573 88 39 133 48 2835 202 240 601 92 48 -24 266 310 669 42 57 -19 3884 133 3543 392 92 50 355 56 3061 191 428 394 91 52 -49 117 398 414 66 55 -29 3416 103 2516 400 54 52 356 34 2561 214 438 391 71 50 -35 172 528 415 49 61 -27 4335 129 3169 539 84 45 166 71 3752 142 347 567 85 54 -66 255 607 655 57 66 -43 Th 11 8 17 10 10 9 11 11 12 9 -15 9 10 14 9 12 14 12 12 16 9 10 10 8 -18 12 10 13 10 8 14 21 10 13 FORS Analysis Spectral absorptions (nm)* Co (II) Ni Mn(II) Mn(III) H2O 341 421w 491vw 519w 583s 678s -71 244 422m 491w 517m 582s 673m --206 420m 489vw 521vw 584m 679s +++ 83 57 115 424w 493w 520m 585s 676s 67 77 415 422w 491w 517m 583s 677m 107 83 281 423w 491w 521m 581s 665br ++ -54 237 423w 491w 520m 583s 677s 87 82 164 426w 491vw 522m 585s 675s ++ -86 218 421m 491w 519m 583s 670s ++ --465 421m 492w 520m 581s 672m 111 64 351 421w 490w 518m 584s 671m + 88 -701 422m 492w 522m 586s 655br 93 56 * Absorptions: vw: very weak, w: weak, m:medium, s: strong, br: broad ** body Composition and color variations of the blue decorations The pXRF analysis of the blue decorated areas has shown that the cobaltbased pigment contains high levels of manganese, low iron and significant amounts of nickel as well as traces of copper. After subtraction of the manganese and iron contribution from the transparent glaze (white area), normalized percentages of Mn, Co and Fe are similar to the blue pigment analyzed on other export blue-and-white porcelain produced in Jingdezhen (Fig. 3). This compositional profile is consistent with the results of previous studies (Chen et al., 1978; Cheng et al., 2005; Fischer �and Hsieh, 2017; Wen et al., 2007) and also supports the use of Mn-rich asbolite ores in folk kilns during the Hongzhi period of the Ming dynasty. Fig. 3: Ternary plot showing the blue pigment composition based on the relative proportions of Co, Mn and Fe. FORS analysis provided colorimetric data using the 1964 CIE 10° XYZ standard which were converted to visible references, confirming the variability of the blues based on visual observations (Fig. 2). Spectral profiles obtained with FORS on the blue decorated areas (Fig. 4, left) show the characteristic absorptions of Co2+ in tetrahedral coordination with the triplet located around 520, 580 and 670 nm (Ceglia et al., 2012; Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For some plates, darker colors translate in an overall lower spectral reflectance in the visible, but the cobalt absorptions are always present though with variable intensities (Tab. 2). However, in these darker areas obvious signs of weathering are often visible (Fig. 4, right) and the associated brownish color is most likely due to an oxidation �of Mn and Fe phases. Moreover, the grayish or blackish hue of the decoration might be correlated with high levels of manganese in the composition of the pigment, combined with redox firing conditions favoring the crystallization of Mn-rich oxide phases (Wen et al., 2007). Some analogy can be made with ‘black’ glasses containing several percent of MnO making the glass appear black to the human eyes (Möncke et al., 2014). Similar dark colors were also found on blue-and-white from the Chenghua period (1465 ~1487 CE) though the amount of manganese in the blue pigment was not analyzed (Qu et al., 2014). In the FORS spectra, the presence of Mn-rich phases might be associated with the absorption of Mn(II) at 420 nm and a broad but weak Mn(III) absorption around 490 nm (Tab. 2), although the latter attribution would need to be confirmed by further research on reference materials. Finally, in the near infrared spectral range, some plates show a strong and asymmetrical combination band around 1910 nm which seems to be correlated to the degree of opacity and can be attributed to the presence of water adsorbed in the glaze and/or in the body that might result from the weathering and/or indirectly reflect a more porous body and lower firing temperatures. �Fig. 4: FORS spectra of the blue decorated area from selected dishes (left) and weathering features of the glaze and dark spots concentrated in blue pigment. (III-2001-Z-14878, right) In this preliminary study, the variability of the blue colors of blue-and-white porcelain from Santa Cruz shipwreck was explored by using pXRF and FORS. Factors associated with composition, recipe and production process as well as underwater conditions can all affect the appearance of the excavated ware, the most critical ones being the recipe of the glaze, the firing conditions and the weathering induced by water. The results of the pXRF data have shown that regardless of the appearance variability, the chemical composition of the selected dishes share the characteristics of middle and late Ming blue-and-white porcelain produced in Jingdezhen. The pXRF data also shed light on some aspects of production processes of the dishes. FORS provided colorimetric data which are well correlated with the visual perception and variability of the ‘blue’ colors. Also, the spectral profiles and related absorptions have given some insight on the potential causes for the darker colors. To further examine the variability of the blue-and-white porcelain loaded in the Santa Cruz, it would be �necessary to investigate a larger set of dishes and if possible, compare dishes from the same pile. Endnotes 1 It is worth noting that the Chinese name of blue-and-white porcelain is “Qinghua,“ meaning “patterns with qing color.” And qing can refer to colors ranging from green, blue and black. 2 For major elements, values for Si and Al are considered qualitative and not reported in Table 2. References Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society Under Royal Patronage, Bangkok. Ceglia, A., W. Meulebroeck, K. Baert, H. Wouters, K. Nys, H. Thienpont and H. Terryn, 2012. Cobalt absorption bands for the differentiation of historical Na and Ca/K rich glass. Surface and Interface Analysis, Vol. 44:219-226. Chen, Y.-c. , Y.-y. Kuo and T.-g. Chang, 1978. An investigation on Chinese blue-and-white ware and its blue pigment. Journal of the Chinese Ceramic Society, Vol. 1978(4): 225-241. Cheng, H. S., B. Zhang, D. Zhu, F. J. Yang, X. M. Sun and M. S. Guo, 2005. Some new results of PIXE study on Chinese ancient porcelain. Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms, Vol. 240(1-2): 527-531. Fischer, C. and E. Hsieh, 2017. Export Chinese blue-and-white porcelain: compositional analysis and sourcing using non-invasive portable XRF and reflectance spectroscopy. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 80:1426. Ma, H. , J. Zhu, J. Henderson and N. Li, 2012. Provenance of Zhangzhou export blue-and-white and its clay source. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 39(2012): 1218-1226. �Möncke, D., M. Papageorgiou, A. Winterstein-Beckmann and N. Zacharias, 2014. Roman glasses coloured by dissolved transition metal ions: redox- reactions, optical spectroscopy and ligand field theory. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 46: 23-36. Orillaneda, B. C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th Century C.E., Archaeological Studies Program, The University of the Philippines, Diliman. Orillaneda, B. C., 2016. Of Ships and Shipping: The maritime archaeology of fifteenth century CE Southeast Asia. In C. Wu (ed.), Early Navigation in the Asia-Pacific Region: A Maritime Archaeological Perspective, Springer, Singapore: 29-57. Qu, Y., J. Xu, X. Xi, C. Huang and J. Yang, 2014. Microstructure characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain from the folk kiln of Ming and Qing dynasties. Ceramics International, Vol. 40: 8783-8790. Reid, A., 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume One: The Lands below the Winds. Yale University Press, New Haven and London. Reid, A., 1993 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis. Yale University Press, New Haven and London. Wen, R., C. S. Wang, Z. W. Mao, Y. Y. Huang and A. M. Pollard, 2007. The chemical composition of blue pigment on Chinese blue-and-white porcelain of the Yuan and Ming dynasties (AD 1271-1644). Archaeometry, Vol. 49(1): 101-115. Zhu, J., H. Ma, N. Li, J. Henderson and M. D. Glascock, 2016 The provenance of export porcelain from the Nan'ao One shipwreck in the South China Sea. Antiquity, Vol. 90(351): 798-808. Bios Dr. Ellen Hsieh is a research affiliate at National Chengchi University in Taiwan. She started her archaeological career from Neolithic Asia and then switched to concentrate on historical archaeology. She received her PhD degree in archaeology at the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the �University of California, Los Angeles. Her research interests include maritime archaeology, historical archaeology, global history, archaeometry and cultural heritage. She has worked on archaeological projects in Taiwan, China, the Philippines and Cambodia and has published several articles about trading networks, colonialism, and scientific analysis of trade ceramics. Dr. Christian Fischer received a PhD in Geochemistry and Physical Chemistry from the Louis Pasteur University in Strasbourg. After years of scientific research in the private sector in France and China, he returned to academia in 2001. At UCLA since 2005, he has been teaching on various topics including archaeometry, conservation science and stone conservation as well as spectroscopy for the analysis of archaeological materials. He conducts research on raw materials sourcing and conservation of cultural artifacts, particularly of stone in Cambodia and neighboring countries in collaboration with the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), Chinese export blue and white ceramics in Southeast Asia, and is involved in other projects in Cyprus, Chile and Mexico. Dr. Fischer is also the co-director of the Archaeomaterials group and the Molecular and Nano Archaeology Laboratory at UCLA as well as a scientific consultant for UNESCO on the preservation of cultural heritage. Bobby Orillaneda is a Museum Researcher at the Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines. He is also finishing his doctoral studies at the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Oxford in England. He has been involved in maritime archaeology since 1999 and has worked in a number of projects in the Philippines, Egypt, Thailand, Indonesia and Sri Lanka. He was also part of a training team that carries out underwater training programs in Thailand and Indonesia. His areas of interest include Southeast Asian maritime history, Asian ceramics and World War II shipwrecks. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world Description An account of the resource Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world. This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharon Wong Wai-yee Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Hong Kong Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Blues of the Santa Cruz: A study of porcelain color and composition Description An account of the resource For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000 ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be related to weathering. From an archaeometry perspective, this research provides some insight on production standardization in Jingdezhen as well as on subsequent modifications that can affect ceramics found in an underwater archaeological context. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ellen Hsieh Christian Fischer Bobby C. Orillaneda Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Ellen Hsieh Christian Fischer Bobby C. Orillaneda Asia-Pac Session 3 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/559faca3d210e85b7892a2c75884b232.pdf b3a652b025647a012f023591600d30c1 PDF Text Text Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period Bobby C. Orillaneda Underwater Archaeology Section National Museum of the Philippines P. Burgos Street, Manila Philippines 1000 Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology University of Oxford United Kingdom Email: bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com Abstract The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. Keywords: Shipwrecks, Southeast Asia, Maritime trade, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand Introduction The Southeast Asian region played an important role in the development of global maritime economy in the sixteenth century. Anthony Reid’s thesis on the ‘Age of Commerce’ highlighted the economic prosperity in Europe, the eastern Mediterranean, 1 �China, Japan and perhaps India from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries (Reid, 1988, 1990, 1993). The ‘long sixteenth century,’ Wallerstein (2004) noted, is the period ‘during which our modern world-system came into existence as a capitalist worldeconomy.’ The raison d'etre for this commercial boom was largely the demand for spices (pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and camphor) and other exotic marine and forest products in India and Southeast Asia (Reid, 1980, 1993). Although the spice trade intensified in the fifteenth century, the arrival of the Europeans in Southeast Asia created new market opportunities and reoriented maritime network circuits as the region accommodated the new players in addition to the Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian Ocean merchants (Reid, 1980). This led to the emergence of insular and mainland Southeast Asian-controlled trade centres such as Aceh, Banten, Makassar, Demak, Gresik, Surabaya, and Hoi An that catered mostly to international seaborne trade (Reid, 1989, 1999; Lockard, 2010). The Europeans later established their own port cities, with the Portuguese in Melaka and the Spanish in Manila and, a century later, the Dutch in Batavia (Doeppers, 1972; Andaya, 1992; Thomaz, 1993). Reid (1993: 23) summarised the range and diversity of exchanged trade commodities in Southeast Asia: “The pattern of exchange in this age of commerce was for Southeast Asia to import cloth from India, silver from the Americas and Japan and copper-cash, silks, ceramics and other manufactures from China, in exchange for its exports of pepper, spices, aromatic woods, resins, lacquer, tortoise shell, pearls, deerskin, and the sugar exported by Vietnam and Cambodia”. For non-Southeast Asian traders, Indian cloth and silver were crucial commodities as these are what Southeast Asians wanted in exchange for spices and other natural and manufactured products (Lieberman, 2009). The Southeast Asian Scene in the Sixteenth Century At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Ayutthaya and Melaka became dominant trade centres in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1999; Andaya and Andaya, 2001; Lockard, 2010). Melaka underwent a difficult transition as the Portuguese takeover in 1511 caused the exodus of Malay rulers and maritime trade was diverted to other areas. The Muslim traders who felt the discriminatory policies of the Christian Portuguese opted to dispatch their goods at Brunei, Johor, Aceh, Patani and Perak (Reid, 1989; Lieberman, 2009). The setback in the Indonesian archipelago was, however, compensated with the 2 �establishment of a trading concession in Macau in 1557 that led to the Portuguese being the sole carrier of the China and Japan trade that exchanged Chinese silk and gold with Japanese silver bullion (Boxer, 1953). Ayutthaya benefited from Melaka’s difficulties in the early part of the century and became the focus for the China, Southeast Asia and Muslim trade (Reid, 1995; Lockard, 2010). The kingdom’s expansionist ambitions led to war with the Toungoo rulers of Burma who seized and destroyed the Thai capital in 1569, transferring the lucrative China trade to Cambodia (Wade, 2000). Meanwhile China, incognizance of the ineffective implementation of the previous overseas trade restrictions during the early Ming period, officially lifted its maritime ban in 1567 and opened the Yuegang ports in Fujian to foreign trade (Lockard, 2010). In its early stages, “fifty junks per year were licensed to trade at first, but this figure grew to 88 by 1589 and to 117 by 1597” (Reid, 1993: 18). Majority of the Chinese trading vessels were destined to Southeast Asian markets1. When the civil wars in Japan came to an end in the middle sixteenth century the Japanese opened its ports to international trade (Andaya, 1992). The Japanese merchants sailed into Southeast Asian waters using the Red Seal permit with accompanying letters and gifts from the shogun. The foreign enterprise was, however, short lived as the ports were closed again in 1635 due to the Tokugawa government’s restrictive overseas policy although the Japanese-Siam trade remained open and continued until the eighteenth century (Lieberman, 2009). The Entry of the Europeans The Portuguese appearance in Melaka and the Spanish in the Philippines in the early sixteenth century was a consequence of European territorial, economic and religious ambitions in Southeast Asia (Dixon, 1991). Both countries were primarily driven by the desire to acquire Southeast Asian spices and other natural and manufactured produce that were in growing demand in Europe (Boxer, 1953; Phelan, 1959). The Portuguese reached Southeast Asia via the western route through the Cape of Good Hope and India, establishing trading outposts along the way. By 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque captured Melaka, Southeast Asia’s premier city in the 15th century in order to take control of Southeast Asia’s maritime trade (Boxer, 1953; Hall, 2004; Leiberman, 2009). By the middle sixteenth century, Andaya (1992: 355) notes, “Portuguese trade had to all 3 �intents and purposes become a part of the Asian system”. Melaka continued its role as a trade entrepôt under Portuguese authority for more than a century albeit in gradually declining capacity before the Dutch successfully seized the city in 1641 (Dixon, 1991). Spain’s arrival in the Philippines in 1521 was an extension of its colonial policies that began in the Americas in the fifteenth century (Phelan, 1959). After initial occupations in Cebu and Panay, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi finally settled in Manila in the late sixteenth century (Doeppers, 1972; Reed, 1979). Manila became the commercial centre of the world in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries due primarily to the galleon trade that linked the trading commodities of the east and west (Schurz, 1985; Fish, 2011). The galleon trade would run for 300 years, from 1565 to 1815. The Chinese demand for American silver from the trade brought Chinese merchants to Manila to trade silk, porcelain and other manufactured merchandise in exchange for the precious metal (Phelan, 1959; Andaya, 1992). This is evidenced by the large number of Chinese junks licenses (wen-yin) to Manila during the period 1589 and 1592 (Reid, 1995). Japanese merchants also sailed to Manila to exchange their silver for Chinese silk and Southeast Asian spices and bulk foods. Other Southeast Asian port cities brought spices and other natural and manufactured produce to Manila in exchange for Chinese, Japanese and American commodities. The Shipwrecks The proliferation of port cities meant new shipping routes and shipping destinations. It is also logical to assume that the number of ships increased in direct proportion to the greater demand of foodstuffs, staples and merchandise. Below are the ships that were excavated in Southeast Asian waters dated to the sixteenth century (Brown, 2009): The San Isidro The San Isidro wreck was found in 1996 during an underwater survey approximately nine km from the shore of San Isidro, Cabangan, Zambales (Goddio, 1997; Dizon and Orillaneda; 2002). Subsequent excavation of the site in the same year revealed a shipwreck with predominantly Chinese ceramic cargo. The Chinese ceramics were predominantly blue and white porcelains of the Zhangzhou ware type, otherwise known as “Swatow” wares that were dated to the early sixteenth century, during the reign of 4 �Chinese emperor Zhengde (1506 - 1521 CE) (Goddio, 1997; Tan et al., 2007). The other ceramic wares were two stoneware jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns in Thailand and a blue and white box possibly from the Chu Dau kilns of Vietnam. Other artefacts included iron bars that may have been used as ballast, iron-cooking cauldrons, a knife, betel nuts that were found in a small jar, a coconut a sap of the Agathisphilippinensis Warb or almaciga tree used for caulking. Initial measurements of the timber remains estimated that the length of the ship could be 15 m and ‘clinker’ ship construction type, with the planks connected with ropes made from plant fibers (Goddio, 1997). Much of the hull was constructed using material commonly found in the Philippines. Analysis of the hull structure and the wood composition indicated that the San Isidro ship may have been a local boat used to transport trading commodities from bigger trading ships to land-based merchants and equipped with sails, no outriggers and similar to the indigenous Garay, Parao and Barangay Philippine boats (Santiago, 1997; Tan et al., 2007). The Xuande The Xuande site was found in 1996 between the coasts of Malaysia and Pulau Tionam (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). Chinese blue and white porcelains and monochrome white-glazed wares were found, as well as Thai ceramics from the Sisatchanalai kilns and the Sukhothai kilns (Sjostrand et al., 2006). Other finds include bracelets and glass beads that were found inside a stoneware jar. It is notable that no shipwreck remains were found despite deeply probing the seabed and sub bottom profiling. This could be due to the soft wood composition of the vessel (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002). The cargo mound, however, formed on the outlines of a ship that led to estimation that the shipwreck could have measured 28 m long and 8 m wide. The initial fifteenth century date of the site based on the Xuande reign marks turned out to be misleading (Brown, 2009). The presence of sixteenth century blue and white ceramics along with two bronze cannons that could not have been manufactured earlier than 1520 CE revealed that the shipwreck was 100 years later than previously assumed (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). The porcelains with Xuande reign inscriptions were actually copies made by potters who worked during the reigns of later 5 �Chinese emperors, most probably during the Zhengde (1506 - 1521 AD) and Jiajing (1521 – 1567 AD) reigns (Brown, 2009). KoKradat This shipwreck was discovered in 1977 by a Thai-Danish team and excavated in 1979 and 1980 as part of a training course in maritime archaeology sponsored by the Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization Project in Archaeology and Fine Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Green et al., 1981; Prishanchit, 1996). The site lies near KoKradat Island, Trat Province, southeast Thailand (Green et al., 1981). The ship remains comprised fragments of the lower hull, its planks edge-joined by wooden dowels, indicating Southeast Asian shipbuilding construction (Green et al., 1987). The wood was also identified as of the genus Terminalia found in Africa and Southeast Asia (Prishanchit, 1996). Approximately 35 tons of ballast stones were found scattered around the site. The majority of the recovered artifacts comprised of Thai stone wares from the Sisatchanalai kilns and earthen wares from possibly Thai kilns, as well as different types of Chinese blue and white porcelains. Based on the stylistic analysis of the ceramic cargo, the shipwreck was dated to the mid-sixteenth century (Brown, 2009). After examination of the circumstances of the wreck and its cargo, Green (1981:42) concluded that ‘the vessel may have been carrying an additional light cargo, or, she was returning home in ballast, with a small proportion of her cargo unsold, or undischarged’. The site was deemed significant as it showed the association of Sisatchanalai wares with Chinese blue and white materials, indicating the continued operation of the Thai kilns well into the sixteenth century (Green et al., 1987). KoSamui The KoSamui shipwreck was excavated by the Thai Fine Arts Department in 1984 off the shores of SuratThani (Intakosi, 1984). The wreck contained mostly earthenware pots, lids, stove, kendi, from local Thai kilns as well as small and large stoneware jars and celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns (Green et al., 1987). A few pieces of Chinese blue and white wares were also recovered. Similar large storage jars were also found in other 15th and 16th centuries shipwrecks in Thailand such as the Pattaya, Ko Si Chang III, and KoKhram. The meagre amount of large 6 �Sisatchanalai jars were found in the shipwreck, indicating that these were utility wares and not used for trade. Storage jars from the Mae Nam Noi kiln site in Singburi Province were also recovered (Charoenwongsa and Praicharnjit, 1990). The ship was reported to be double planked and without a keel. The Wanli A fisherman accidentally discovered the site in 1997 approximately six nautical miles off Tanjong Jara, in the state of Terengganu, on the east coast of Malaysia (Sjostrand et al., 2006; Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Exploration and cargo recovery in 2004 revealed a site extensively damaged by fishing trawlers and as high as 90% of the ceramics have been damaged (Sjostrand et al., 2006). The blue and white ceramic pieces were of the ‘Kraak’ type wares, manufactured in the kilns of Jingdezhen. Other artefacts included two iron cannons, various bronze and brass objects, a sounding lead, and tons of ballast stones (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007).The parts of the wooden ship found appeared to be joined by iron nails (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Based on the measurements, the ship was approximately 18 m long and 6 m wide and constructed with a ribbed framework, suggesting a European style of shipbuilding. However, the wood used was a tropical type most frequently found in the Philippines and India. It appeared that this is a European type vessel that had been built in South-East Asia or India and had later additional ‘sacrificial’ planks added in China to compensate for woodworm damage (Sjostrand et al., 2006). Sjostrand (2006) surmised that the ship belonged to a Portuguese merchant based in Macao and may have been used on the Estado de India route that serviced the Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route and may have carried the whole range of Chinese ceramics that were traded during the period. It is believed that the Kraak wares were primarily destined for Europe; while others could be traded in local South-East Asian markets. The Royal Captain Junk The Royal Captain junk, found in 1985, was located west of Palawan Island in the Philippines (Alba, 1988; Goddio, 1988). A wide range of ceramic wares, predominantly blue and white porcelain wares of various shapes, sizes and decoration was recovered along with stoneware jars, coloured glass beads, bronze gongs, iron bars, copper 7 �bracelets, and other metal objects. Goddio (1988: 115) concluded that “(the style of the ceramic wares) very clearly points to the Wan Li Period (1573 - 1620 AD)”. The nature of the recovered material evidence indicated the Royal Shoal junk to be an Asian vessel despite the very meagre wooden remains. Its small size meant it travelled shorter distances, possibly from Borneo to Manila, carrying trade goods in exchange for other in demand merchandise back to its home port (Goddio, 1988). Conclusion The study of shipwrecks and its associated cargo is just a part, albeit an important one, in untangling the complex and multi-layered maritime trade of sixteenth century Southeast Asian maritime trade. Based on the shipwreck material evidence, two general themes are examined: The ships The ships enumerated in this paper are of a wide range of type, size and construction. The information gathered from documents is insufficient to generate conclusive statements about vessel types and destinations but some information can be gleaned from them. The San Isidro, KoKradat and KoSamui wrecks appears to be examples of local, coastal traders that engaged in commercial activities within their immediate sphere. The San Isidro ship may have transported merchandise from bigger junks to local ports and carried out local trade between small ports and polities within the Philippines. The KoSamui ship was reportedly double-planked with no keel, an indication that the vessel is not built for long-distance, ocean-going voyage, as keels are needed to survive in a more hostile open sea environment. The KoKradat, meanwhile, is constructed using the local Southeast Asian tradition as evidenced by the use of wooden dowels in edge-joining the planks. Both the KoSamui and the KoKradat also carried predominantly local Thai ceramic wares. The Wanli, on the other hand, was constructed with a ribbed framework; a diagnostic European style of shipbuilding built for long distance trade. Sjostrand (2006, 2007) posited that the vessel serviced the Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route. The Royal captain junk and the Xuande did not yield any wooden vestiges due to various reasons. It is speculated that the Xuande was constructed using soft wood that deteriorated over time while the Royal Captain timber 8 �remains also deteriorated and widely dispersed as it sits on top of a shallow reef and exposed to natural elements. The cargo Although historical documents emphasise the importance of spices as the primary driving force of the global maritime economy, the enumerated shipwrecks also show other types of artifacts that have been circulated and exchanged throughout Southeast Asia. Ceramic wares, mostly porcelain and stone wares from China seemed to be an important trading commodity as all the ships contained significant amounts in its holds. This gives tangible evidence of the re-exportation of these wares for Southeast Asian markets and beyond. From the late fourteenth century and most of the fifteenth century, these wares were largely absent outside China when the country restricted overseas trade and economic exchange can only be carried out through official and diplomatic foreign missions. The European demand for Chinese ceramics is also apparent in the Wanli shipwreck that carried porcelains made for the European market. There are also significant amounts of Thai stone wares but are mostly storage jars that contain liquids, foodstuffs and spices except for the Thai ceramics found in the KoSamui with Sisatchanalai celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets and the Xuande that consisted of jarlets from Sisatchanalai and bowls from Sukhothai kilns that may be for trade. The presence of the Thai wares in sixteenth century shipwrecks also meant that some Thai kilns were still in operation during this century. The Wanli shipwreck on the other hand, carried predominantly Chinese blue and white porcelains destined for Europe that, at this time, was in great demand for Chinese ceramics. Iron bars were also found in the lower hulls of most ships as paying ballast and are used to manufacture other metal objects. Other items of trade included copper bracelets, glass beads and bronze gongs. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology (OCMA) especially my supervisor, Dr. Damian Robinson, for allowing me to engage in a research that, at first glance, may be outside the immediate scope of my thesis topic but is also equally important in terms of Southeast Asian maritime trade elucidation. Thanks also to my 9 �colleagues at the Thailand Underwater Archaeology Division (UAD) for permitting me access to their valuable shipwreck data and most importantly to the National Museum of the Philippines for permitting me to go on study leave to pursue my graduate studies. Endnote Reid (1993:19) further noted: “roughly half the Chinese junks in 1589 were licensed for the “Southern Seas”—the Philippines and Borneo. Spanish-controlled Manila was an important destination due to the galleon trade that brought American silver that the Chinese highly desired (Andaya, 1992). Of the half licensed for the “western seas,” the principal destinations were west Java (8), Cochin-China (8), southern Sumatra (7), Siam (4), Cambodia (3), and Champa (3). Japanese merchants began engaging in maritime trade in the fifteenth century, bringing silver to Chinese and Southeast Asian markets (Lockard, 2010). References Alba, L., 1988. A preliminary report on the 1985 Royal Captain Shoal expedition. Paper read at the Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists in Western Europe Second International Conference, Paris, Musee Guimet on 19 - 23 September 1988. Andaya, L. Y., 1992. Interactions with the outside world and adaptation in Southeast Asian Society 1500-1800.The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, 1(Part 2), Cambridge University Press, England: 345-95. Andaya, B. W., and Andaya, L. Y., 2001. A History of Malaysia. University of Hawaii Press, Hawaii. Boxer, C. R., 1953. The Portuguese in the East, 1500-1800. Portugal and Brazil: An Introduction. With the assistance of W. J. Entwistle, Clarendon Press, Oxford: 185-247. Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. Siam Society. The Siam Society under Royal Patronage, Bangkok. Brown, R. M., and Sjostrand, S., 2002. Maritime archaeology and shipwreck ceramics in Malaysia. Dept. of Museums and Antiquities and Nanhai Marine Archaeology Sdn. Bhd. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Charoenwongsa, P., and Praicharnjit, S., 1990. Underwater Archaeology in Thailand II: Ceramics from the Gulf of Thailand. (In Thai with English summaries), Department of Fine Arts, Bangkok. Dixon, C., (Ed.), 1991. Southeast Asia in the world economy (No. 16), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 10 �Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, B., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi, Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong kong: 211-223 Doeppers, D. F., 1972.The development of Philippine cities before 1900. Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 31(4): 769-92. Fish, S., 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565-1815. Author House. Bloomington, Indiana. Goddio, F., 1988. Discovery and archaeological excavation of a 16th century trading vessel in the Philippines. World Wide First, Lausanne, Switzerland Goddio, F., 1997.San Isidro Wreck ’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic cargo’s study. Unpublished excavation Report, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Prishanchittara, S., 1981. The excavation of the KoKradat wreck site, Thailand 1979-1980. Special Publication, Dept. of Maritime Archaeology, Western Australian Museum. Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Intakosi, V., 1987. The Maritime Archaeology of shipwrecks and ceramics in Southeast Asia (No. 4). Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 4: 1-36. Hall, K. R., 2004. Local and International Trade and Traders in the Straits of Melaka Region: 600-1500. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 47 (2): 213 – 260. Intakosi, V. 1984. The Excavations of Wreck sites in the Gulf of Thailand. SPAFA Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in Southeast Asia, I-W7, Cisarua, West Java, Indonesia, November 20-27, 1984,Spafa Co-Ordinating Unit. Lieberman, V., 2009. Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context 800-1830. Mainland Mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia and the Islands, Vol. 2, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 11 �Lockard, C. A., 2010. "The Sea Common to All": Maritime Frontiers, Port Cities, and Chinese Traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750. Journal of World History, Vol. 21(2): 219-247. Phelan, J. L., 1959. The hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish aims and Filipino responses, 1565-1700. University of Wisconsin Press, Wisconsin. Prishanchit, S., 1996. Maritime Trade during the 14th to 17th Centuries: Evidence from the Underwater Archaeological Sites in the Gulf of Thailand. In Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: 275-300. Reed, R. R., 1979. The Foundation and Morphology of Hispanic Manila: Colonial Images and Philippine Realities. In D. K. Basu (Ed.), The rise and growth of the colonial port cities in Asia. Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz: 169- 177. Reid, A., 1980.The structure of cities in Southeast Asia fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 11(2): 235-250. Reid, A., 1988.Southeast Asia in the age of commerce. Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut. Reid, A., 1989. The organisation of production in the pre-colonial Southeast Asian polity. In F. Broeze (Ed.), Brides of the Sea: Port Cities of Asia from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth centuries, (Vol. 1), University of Hawaii Press, Hawaii: 56-74. Reid, A., 1990. An 'Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 24 (1): 1- 30. Reid, A., 1993.Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450-1680. Expansion and crisis, Vol. 2.Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut. Reid, A., 1995. Documenting the Rise and Fall of Ayudhya as a Regional Trade Centre. In Reid, A. (Ed.), Charting the shape of Early Modern Asia. University of Washington Press, Washington: 85 – 99. Reid, A., 1999. Charting the shape of early modern Southeast Asia. University of Washington Press, Washington: 39- 55. Santiago, R., 1997. Preliminary Observation of the San Isidro Wreck. In San Isidro Wreck’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic cargo’s study. Unpublished Excavation Report, National Museum of the Philippines Schurz, Manila. 12 �Sjostrand, S., Bin Haji Taha, A., and Bin Sahar, S., 2006. Mysteries of Malaysian shipwrecks. Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Sjostrand, S., and S. LokLok., Syed, I., 2007. The Wanli shipwreck and its ceramic cargo, Malaysia. Dept. of Museums Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Schurz, W. L., 1985. The Manila Galleon. Historical Conservation Society. Tan, R. C., Li, J. A., Dizon, E. Z., and Orillaneda, B. C., 2007. Zhangzhou ware found in the Philippines: "Swatow" export ceramics from Fujian 16th-17th centuries. Art Post Asia, Malaysia. Thomaz, L.F.F.R., 1993. The Malay Sultanate of Melaka. In Anthony Reid (Ed.), Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief. Cornell University Press, Ithaca: 69-75. Wade, G., 2000. The Ming shi-lu as a Source for Thai History Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 31(2): 249-294. Wallerstein, I. M., 2004.World-systems analysis: An introduction. Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina. Biography Bobby C. Orillaneda is currently studying for a doctorate degree in maritime archaeology at the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology in the University of Oxford. He is also a Museum Researcher at the Underwater Archaeology Section of the National Museum of the Philippines and has been involved in underwater archaeological projects since 1999 and has worked in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan Sri Lanka and Egypt. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period Description An account of the resource The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bobby C. Orillaneda, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cdab29076868a5703fbfd2725db7a918.pdf ab88a71ea1821c93b33b3ca108ccd0c4 PDF Text Text Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines Joan Quincy Lingao1, Eduardo Corona-M.2, Grace Barretto-Tesoro1, Patrick Roberts3,4, Maricar Belarmino5, Mary Jane Louise Bolunia5, Bobby Orillaneda5, Leee Anthony Neri1, Victor Paz1, Noel Amano3,6, Juan Rofes1,5,7 1 School of Archaeology, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101, Philippines. Centro INAH Morelos & Seminario Relaciones Hombre-Fauna, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. 3 isoTROPIC Research Group, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745 Jena, Germany. 4 School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Australia. 5 National Museum of the Philippines, P. Burgos Drive, City of Manila 1000, Philippines. 6 Zooarchaeology Research Group, Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745 Jena, Germany 7 Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique : Sociétés, Pratiques et Environnements (AASPE, UMR 7209), CNRS/MNHN, CP56, 55 rue Buffon, 75005, Paris, France. 2 ABSTRACT After the discovery of the tornaviaje, or return trip to New Spain (Mexico), numerous galleons sailed from the Philippines to Mexico and back again for nearly two and a half centuries (1565–1815 CE). The Manila Galleon Trade played a major role in solidifying a maritime trade network between East and Southeast Asia and the Americas during the Spanish colonial period, stimulating the introduction of plants and animals that had major ramifications for the environments, economies, and societies of the Philippines. However, formal archaeological analyses of animal remains from the Spanish colonial period remain limited. Most studies related to the Manila Galleon Trade focus on shipbuilding, tradeware ceramics, and plants. Historical accounts have provided clues as to what animals may have been introduced to the Philippines during the Manila Galleon Trade and how they were integrated into the local economy and society. Demonstrating these introductions archaeologically is nevertheless an ongoing effort. By undertaking zooarchaeological research (study of faunal materials), we seek to improve the level of detail about the animals that arrived on Philippine shores during this time period. We recommend that extending the study of the Manila Galleon Trade to explore its impact on the landscape and culture of the Philippines will yield novel insights to animal translocations, animal husbandry practices, land-use, and changes in dietary preferences during the Spanish colonial period. Keywords: Galleon Trade, zooarchaeology, maritime archaeology, underwater archaeology, Spanish colonial period List of Figures Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations. Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia ruins INTRODUCTION The Philippines was under Spanish rule for more than 300 years (1565–1898 CE), and this period witnessed major changes in the economies (e.g., Legarda 1999), cultures (e.g., Dakudao 1992; BarrettoTesoro 2015), and landscapes (e.g., Amano et al. 2021; Findley et al. 2022) of the Philippines. After Ferdinand Magellan reached the Philippines in 1521 CE (Field 2006), Spain had sent several expeditions to the archipelago, with an initial goal of penetrating the spice trade in Southeast Asia (Iaccarino 2011). These expeditions saw an already existing maritime trade network between China (as well as other 1 �southeast and east Asian regions) and some islands in the Philippines, highlighting the benefits of a trade network with China to European colonizers (Blair and Robertson 1903). By the 1570s, Spanish explorers led by Miguel López de Legazpi headed to Manila and designated it as the capital of its new colony of the Spanish East Indies (Iaccarino 2011). Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, one of the members of López de Legazpi’s expedition, also successfully mapped the tornaviaje, or the eastbound return trip to Mexico, which shortened the voyage from the Philippines to the Americas. This ushered the beginning of the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade: a 250-year (1565–1815 CE) trans-Pacific maritime trade network that bridged together the two Spanish colonies (Legarda 1999; Reyes 2017). Archival records provide accounts of faunal introductions to the Philippines through the Manila Galleon Trade (Morga 1609; Iaccarino 2011; Javellana 2015). The thriving maritime trade in the Philippines at that time, particularly in Manila, not only welcomed plants and animals from New Spain (Mexico) but also from other East and Southeast Asian countries such as China and Cambodia (Alcina 1668; Legarda 1999; Javellana 2015; Amano et al. 2021). Animal husbandry practices and incorporation of the introduced taxa into the local diet were present in the archival records as well (Alcina 1668; Javellana 2015; Doeppers 2016). However, formal archaeological studies on these topics are limited. The historical archaeology of the Spanish occupation of the Philippines has tended to focus on buildings (e.g., churches and stone-based houses), shipyards, and tradeware (Barretto-Tesoro 2015; 2021; Jagoon and Orillaneda 2019). In contrast, there are limited zooarchaeological studies covering this period, including the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (Amano et al. 2021). The information provided by archival records only offers glimpses of the past, sometimes with conflicting accounts from different historical documents (Morga 1609; Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a). Direct analysis of archaeological materials, especially animal remains, will not only complement and contrast archival records but may also provide new insights not explicitly indicated in historical documents (Amano et al. 2021). Zooarchaeological studies in general can offer inferences on the interaction of humans with their environment (Reitz and Wing 2008). Incorporating zooarchaeology within an historical framework will add to our current understanding of the historical archaeology of the Manila Galleon Trade and its legacy in the maritime trade networks in Asia during the Spanish occupation of the Philippines. Formal zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains also serves as preparation for future in-depth analysis of animal remains using biomolecular approaches such as stable isotope analysis and ancient DNA (e.g., Guiry et al. 2015; Díaz-Lameiro et al. 2022), which can contribute to improving the resolution of our inferences regarding animal translocation, husbandry practices, and land use during the Spanish colonial period. SELECTED HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF ANIMAL TRANSLOCATION TO THE PHILIPPINES Several historical accounts of the early Spanish colonial period have mentioned various animals that were translocated to the Philippines. Antonio de Morga noted large scale cattle farms reared in several parts of the archipelago, with breeds coming from China and New Spain. In addition, he mentioned other animals and their introduction to the Philippines: ‘There are no ewes or rams, for though frequently brought from New Spain, they never increase because so far the climate and pasturage seem unsuitable. There were neither horses, mares nor asses in these islands until the Spaniards had them brought over from China and New Spain’ (Morga 1609, 255). However, there may have been horses already present in the Philippines before the colonial introductions, especially in Mindanao (Bankoff 2004; Amano et al. 2021). Morga also mentioned that ‘tame buffaloes, geese like swans in appearance; horses, mules, and donkeys, even caged birds some of which talk, while other sing, and make them play lots of tricks’ (Morga 1609, 306) were brought to the Philippines from China before loading them into the galleons bound for Acapulco. 2 �Similarly, Fr. Ignacio Francisco Alcina (or Alzina), a Jesuit friar who recorded a detailed natural history of the Visayas in the seventeenth century (Arcilla 1996), recorded that several animals were brought to the Philippines during the early Spanish colonial period, likely via the Galleon Trade. Some of the animals include cattle, goats, donkeys, and horses. He also mentioned how some of these animals were not readily accepted by the people in the islands and how some did not survive in their new environment. Alcina also mentioned that the cattle from New Spain interbred with those from China (Alcina 1668). Doeppers (2016, 137) mentioned that the “local breed of horse evolved in the archipelago in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from larger imported stock and, though small, was well adapted to the available forage supply”. The resulting breed was described as medium-sized, strong, vigorous, and hard workers (Bankoff 2004). This is in comparison to those from China, which Morga described as “small, strong, long steppers, but treacherous, vicious and ill conditioned” (Morga 1609, 255). RESEARCH FRAMEWORK The initial objective of this study was to identify the animal taxa present in colonial sites and infer from the faunal assemblages the taxa that could have been translocated to the Philippines, based on available historical data and chronological information. With this goal in mind, faunal remains from the 2020 Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) of the Intendencia Ruins, Intramuros, Manila (Paz et al. 2020) and some bones from the 1992 and 1993 excavations of the San Diego wreck (Desroches, Casal, and Goddio 1996) were examined. Skeletal elements with diagnostic features were identified to the highest taxonomic level using the available comparative reference collection at the University of the Philippines School of Archaeology (UPSA) Zooarchaeology Laboratory, atlases, and online databases (e.g., “Anthro - Dynamic Imaging Engine” n.d.; “Digital Resource Platform for Archaeozoology” n.d.; Cornwall 1956; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985; O’Connor 2000; Reitz and Wing 2008). To improve the resolution of the taxonomic identification, measurements of diagnostic features (Driesch 1976; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985) were also taken using a digital calliper, and the summarised values were compared with those in the literature. In cases of limited features that can be used to identify a specimen, taxonomic identification was performed to the genus, or at least the family, level. The faunal remains were also subject to in-depth taphonomic examination to identify the presence of anthropogenic modifications (e.g., cut marks, chop marks, and burning). The specific taphonomic features were compared with those from the collection in the UPSA Zooarchaeology Laboratory as well as those available in atlases and other literature (e.g., Behrensmeyer 1978; Fernández-Jalvo and Andrews 2016). 3 �CASE STUDIES Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations. (Left) Map of the Philippines. (Inset) The San Diego wreck and Intendencia ruins are marked with a yellow pin. San Diego Wreck (Nasugbu, Batangas, Philippines) The San Diego wreck site is located northeast of Fortune Island, off the coast of Nasugbu, Batangas (Figure 1). San Diego was initially a merchant ship that was retrofitted into a warship during the battle against the Dutch led by Oliver van Noort in December 1600. The San Diego was commanded by Antonio de Morga, whose accounts of the event were scrutinized for their inaccuracy and exaggeration (Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a; 1996b). An initial survey and exploration were conducted in 1991 to determine the site of the wreck, as there were contradicting historical accounts as to the approximate location where the vessel sunk (Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a). The first phase of the excavation was undertaken in 1991 followed by the recording of the ship hull in 1993. The diving activities were headed by Franck Goddio with the supervision of the National Museum of the Philippines, who did the accessioning, cataloguing, inventory, and recording of the archaeological materials recovered. Hundreds of ceramics (in the form of dishes, plates, bottles, pots, and jars), some cannons and muskets, navigational instruments, silver coins, two anchors, and many bone fragments were recovered from this site (Ronquillo 1993; Cuevas 1996). For this study, a fraction of the animal remains from the San Diego wreck were accessed from the repository of the National Museum of Anthropology. Of the reported 2,727 skeletal remains (combined number of animal and human bones), only 44 were accessed and confirmed as animal bones; some of the animal bones were fragmented and commingled with human bones, which made it difficult to sort them, while some of the bones may have been stored elsewhere. Among the bones analysed, 14 were pig bone fragments (Figure 2A), likely from the species Sus scrofa. The third lower molar (Figure 2A, topmost) is a good anatomical feature for identifying this species (Ingicco et al. 2017). The bovines in the assemblage were entirely represented by rib fragments (Figure 2B). Interestingly, anthropogenic modifications in the form of cut and chop marks (Figure 2B, arrows) were mostly observed on these bones, suggesting that bovines may have been butchered before they were loaded onto the galleon. The meat from the butchered animals was usually preserved in either brine or salt and then stored in barrels or jars (Guiry et al. 2015; Migaud 2011). Aside from pig and bovine bones, chicken (Gallus gallus) bones were also present in the faunal assemblage of the San Diego. Complete long bones of these birds were recovered from the site, with abrasions of the epiphyseal ends being observed due to the preservation underwater. 4 �Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck. (A) Pig skeletal remains, likely Sus scrofa (not necessarily from the same individual): (from top to bottom of panel A) a left mandible fragment with an intact third lower molar (m3), a humerus distal end, and a thoracic vertebra. (B) A bovine rib fragment with chop marks (arrows) at the sternal end. (C) A complete chicken (Gallus gallus) femur. Given the limited number of bones available from the original collection, it is difficult to make further inferences regarding the site. In the reports from the San Diego wreck survey and excavation, Secuya (1993) and Migaud and Pérez (in Veyrat 1996) provided insights into life on board the San Diego based on historical records and the initial analysis of the faunal remains from the site. According to the list of provisions for the San Diego, which consisted of live chickens and preserved pork and beef, there was a “certain predilection for pork hams, sides of beef, and chicken drumstick” (Veyrat 1996, 174). The presence of live chickens, specifically laying hens, was demonstrated by the presence of remains of a chick and eggshells, the major cortical ossification of certain long bones, as well as the accounts of the battle (Veyrat 1996). However, the initial zooarchaeological analyses focused only on the life on board the ship and did not provide possible explanations on the source of these animals (i.e., whether they were raised in the vicinity of the port, or transported from nearby provinces) and any clues on animal husbandry practices of that time (Migaud 2011; Veyrat 1996). More information regarding the origin of these animals may be generated using biomolecular approaches such as ancient DNA and stable isotope analyses. Intendencia Ruins (Intramuros, City of Manila) Not all shipwrecks will yield faunal remains for systematic zooarchaeological analysis. Aside from the San Diego wreck, other underwater excavations in the Philippines recovered mostly ceramics and metals, with almost no mention of faunal remains (Jago-on and Orillaneda 2019). Aside from the difficulty in recovering and collecting animal bones underwater, they may not always be preserved because they can be significantly eroded by tides and sea currents and are often used as substrate by certain aquatic organisms (Migaud 2011). In addition, faunal remains from shipwrecks may not necessarily represent the animals meant as livestock, but food rations and supplies of the passengers of the galleon. Thus, it is also necessary to investigate inland and coastal sites to expand our understanding of animal translocations and integration of introduced taxa to Philippine landscapes. 5 �In December 2020, an AIA was done on the Intendencia building inside Intramuros (Figure 1) to guide the reconstruction and development plan of the National Archives of the Philippines. Intendencia, or a building for offices, is a structure inside the Intramuros of Manila initially built as an aduana (customs house) in the nineteenth century. The excavation revealed some artefacts from the nineteenth century such as ceramic sherds, tiles, metal implements, coins, and faunal remains (Paz et al. 2020). The Intendencia Ruins faunal assemblage consists of several animal taxa including pig, cattle, buffalo, dog, and chicken. Furthermore, bones recovered from this site include a right tibiotarsus belonging to a wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) (Figure 3A). Currently, there is only limited evidence of an early introduction of turkey in the Philippines prior to the American period. Several turkey bone fragments were excavated from an AIA in Sta. Ana, Manila, although these were likely modern based on the associated materials in the sediment layer (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2018). The discovery of a much older turkey bone from a nineteenth century site suggests an earlier introduction of this animal to the Philippines, possibly from the Americas which is considered the center of domestication for this bird taxa (Manin et al. 2018). The presence of cut marks (not shown in the figure) suggests consumption of this animal as early as the nineteenth century (Doeppers 2016). Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia Ruins. (A) Right tibiotarsus of a turkey (Meleagris gallopavo). (B) A bovine tibia with chop marks (arrows). The abundance of bovine bones, either from cattle (Bos taurus) or water buffaloes (Bubalus bubalis), was also observed in the faunal assemblage of the Intendencia Ruins. Evidence of butchery such as cut and chop marks (Figure 3B, arrows) on the bovine bones was also recorded. However, it is yet to be elucidated whether these animals were reared within or in the vicinity of Intramuros, or were supplied from nearby provinces such as Batangas and Laguna (Doeppers 2016). It will be important to explore archaeologically whether the practice of importing cattle and buffaloes from nearby provinces was in place since the early Spanish colonial period, if not before, and if this network of inland trade had supplied the food provisions of the Manila Galleons. 6 �Summary, Recommendations, and Future Analyses Historical accounts record the introduction of certain animal taxa, such as cattle and horses, to the Philippines during the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. Currently, there is limited direct archaeological evidence for these introductions, as this aspect of Philippine history is yet to be explored and examined from the perspective of zooarchaeology. This academic paper presents two pilot studies of zooarchaeological assemblages of potential relevance to the Manila Galleon Trade; however, it is imperative to do further analyses of colonial sites, especially those of the early Spanish colonial period, regardless of whether the archaeological materials come from underwater/coastal sites or from inland sites. In addition, archaeological sites of the later Spanish colonial period should also be explored because they may provide archaeological records of the adoption/rejection of certain animal taxa. Such studies will provide a bigger picture of the extent of animal translocations and will improve the resolution of our inferences about the integration of introduced taxa to local environments and human lifestyles in the Philippines (Amano et al. 2021). Genetic studies will also help in tracing the ancestry of the domestic animals from colonial sites, given the historical accounts of interbreeding of animals, whereas isotopic data can provide insights to animal husbandry practices and how these contributes to changing landscapes (e.g., Manin et al. 2018; Thornton, Emery, and Speller 2016; Conrad 2022; Morandi et al. 2021; Freiwald and Pugh 2018; Guiry et al. 2015). Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the following for their help in realizing this study: Rachelle Ureta of the Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division of the National Museum of Anthropology (NMA), for assisting in accessing the reports and materials from the San Diego wreck; Marian Reyes of the Archaeology Division of the NMA, for doing the initial assessment of the bones from the San Diego wreck in their repository; Jane Carlos of the UP School of Archaeology (UPSA), for coordinating the access to the animal remains from the Intendencia Ruins; Ian Cartalaba of the UPSA for taking photos of some bones presented in this paper; and Diego Rebato, Jr. for sharing several reference materials on the Manila Galleon Trade. This study is also supported by a thesis grant from the European Research Council through the PANTROPOCENE Project of the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alcina, Francisco Ignacio. 1668. 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Paris and New York: Association Française d’Action Artistique, Fondation Elf, and Elf Aquitaine International Foundation, Inc. 9 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 12: The Archaeology of the Manila Galleon at the APCONF: past, present and new interpretations. Subject The topic of the resource Session 12 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 12 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines Description An account of the resource After the discovery of the tornaviaje, or return trip to New Spain (Mexico), numerous galleons sailed from the Philippines to Mexico and back again for nearly two and a half centuries (1565–1815 CE). The Manila Galleon Trade played a major role in solidifying a maritime trade network between East and Southeast Asia and the Americas during the Spanish colonial period, stimulating the introduction of plants and animals that had major ramifications for the environments, economies, and societies of the Philippines. However, formal archaeological analyses of animal remains from the Spanish colonial period remain limited. Most studies related to the Manila Galleon Trade focus on shipbuilding, tradeware ceramics, and plants. Historical accounts have provided clues as to what animals may have been introduced to the Philippines during the Manila Galleon Trade and how they were integrated into the local economy and society. Demonstrating these introductions archaeologically is nevertheless an ongoing effort. By undertaking zooarchaeological research (study of faunal materials), we seek to improve the level of detail about the animals that arrived on Philippine shores during this time period. We recommend that extending the study of the Manila Galleon Trade to explore its impact on the landscape and culture of the Philippines will yield novel insights to animal translocations, animal husbandry practices, land-use, and changes in dietary preferences during the Spanish colonial period. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joan Quincy Lingao Eduardo Corona-M Grace Barretto-Tesoro Patrick Roberts Maricar Belarmino Mary Jane Louise Bolunia Bobby Orillaneda Leee Anthony Neri Victor Paz Noel Amano Juan Rofes Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Lingao, Joan Quincy, Eduardo Corona-M, Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Patrick Roberts, Maricar Belarmino, Mary Jane Louise Bolunia, Bobby Orillaneda, Leee Anthony Neri, Victor Paz, Noel Amano, and Juan Rofes. 2023. “Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Roberto Junco. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1958 Asia-Pac Session 12 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0ecded04c2d4bd894dcdace419031d91.pdf 8ff215a6c69c8d921e9b65a3d22e7134 PDF Text Text Reinterpretation of Stone Fish Weirs mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on Guam Boyd Dixon CARDNO GS Inc. Tamuning, Guam Abstract In 1819 the French Corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor on Guam where its captain Louis Claude de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs, no longer in use. Archaeological surveys of Apra Harbor tidal flats identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries. Controlled excavation of small sites adjacent to one of these complexes yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725. Besides Chamorro fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations, it is plausible they were expanded to feed visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence documenting the continuity of communal aquaculture practices well after sustained Contact. The apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion circa 1700 is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and enforced settlement patterns. Key words: Guam, Fishing Weirs, Pacific, Radiocarbon Introduction In 1998, an archaeological survey for the U.S. Navy of Outer Apra Harbor tidal flats on the Micronesian island of Guam (Fig. 1) identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of a freshwater estuary (Dixon et al. 2013), first recorded in 1991 (Wylie and Madsen 1991). Piles of WWII-era bottles of Japanese manufacture and discarded bivalve shells were also found on the surface at these shoreline sites, suggesting that the walls themselves may have been constructed to foster shellfish production by forced native labor known to have been used to expand �wartime rice fields nearby. However, interviews with a local Chamorro resident who abandoned the area with his family in 1941 yielded no memory of the walls in Apra Harbor during their periodic harvesting of shellfish before the war1. Fig. 1: Location of Gigao on Guam. (Modified from Dixon, et al. 2017:196) Another archaeological survey of Inner Apra Harbor tidal flats in 2002 identified more low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries, many overgrown by mangroves or half-buried by silt, thus bringing archival documents in the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) at the University of Guam (UOG) under new scrutiny. A rereading of Captain Louis Claude de Freycinet’s account of his 1819 visit to Apra �Harbor aboard the French Corvette L’ Uranie suggested these sites might be the stone fish weirs or gigao mentioned by Chamorro residents. On March 17, 1819, the French corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor in Guam on a three year scientific mission to the Pacific which eventually circumnavigated the globe (Freycinet 2003), finishing the voyage in the vessel Physicienne (Arago 2013). While surveying the island and its inhabitants’ customs, Captain Louis de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs no longer in use. Most archaeologists and historians assumed that Freycinet was misinformed or such features had not survived the frequent typhoons that affect the region, as well as the ravages of WWII and subsequent U.S. Navy harbor construction. WWII therefore seemed the most logical date of origin for these walls (Dixon et al. 2013), until scholars of Japanese history on Guam who were consulted found no record of non-military construction projects along the shores of Apra Harbor during the 1941-1944 occupation. A more thorough examination of archaeological and historical literature from across Micronesia housed at the Micronesian Area Research Center then revealed close parallels between construction methods and environmental settings in Apra Harbor and traditional stone fish weirs recorded in coastal Yap, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. Marine science literature housed at the Marine Science Laboratory of UOG also confirmed the former use of fenced fish weirs by Chamorro residents near Apra Harbor from before WWII until the 1970s when such methods were outlawed. Freycinet’s informants therefore appear to be vindicated by the convergence of archaeological, historical, and circumstantial evidence. So besides Pre-Contact fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations before the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in 1521, it is hypothesized they were expanded to exchange fish and shellfish for metal �and trade goods with visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons, perhaps until well after the arrival of Jesuit missionaries in 1668. Traditional sailing techniques, ancestor veneration, ritual cohabitation, matrilineal land tenure, herbal healing specialists, and communal redistribution of natural resources were by then all discouraged in favor of Spanish Colonial norms of behavior and economy. In contrast, the gigao might have been maintained until after the forced relocation of northern Guam residents into traditional southern Guam villages like Sumay during La Reduccion circa 1700 and even the subsequent development of Apra Harbor to accommodate periodic Spanish shipping before Freycinet’s arrival. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence for continued traditional aquaculture methods and pottery production radiocarbon dated generations after the Spanish entrada, generally perceived as the end of the traditional era (Dixon et al. 2017). Documenting the continuity of subsistence practices from before until well after initial Contact and the apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and settlement patterns. Archaeological Identification of Fish Weirs around Apra Harbor During the first survey in the mangroves along the edge of Outer Apra Harbor in 1998 (Dixon et al. 2013), a complex of 14 previously unrecorded low-walled coral enclosures and nearby sites was encountered on the coral shelf and within the low tide area (Fig. 2), near fresh water seeps situated between the mouths of two small estuaries. At irregular intervals along the shoreline opposite this wall system were scatters of late Latte Period style prehistoric ceramics and marine bivalve shells (Fig. 3), mostly of Anadara sp. with fewer Gafrarium sp. Site 1 on-shore appeared to be the battered remains �of a low latte set or raised Latte Period habitation with midden, Site 4 was a coconut hummock located about 50 m inland with shell midden and more pottery, and Sites 2, 3, and 5 contained the stone enclosures off shore. Site 15 was a natural limestone hill with WWII Japanese defenses dug into the hillside. A subsequent survey of a segment of the Inner Apra Harbor shoreline in 2002 (Dixon et al. 2013) revealed another complex of seven walled constructions on the coral shelf near the mouth of another small estuary. Fig. 2: Outer Apra Harbor Fish Weir Map. (Dixon, et al. 2013:360) �Fig. 3 (left): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Shell Midden and Pottery, View to the Southeast. (Dixon, et al. 2013:359) Fig. 4 (right): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Coral Wall, view to the Northwest. (Dixon, et al. 2013:358) The walled enclosures of Outer Apra Harbor were composed of irregularly shaped, medium to large coral heads (Fig. 4), removed from inside the enclosures and piled directly on the tidally inundated coral substrate without the aid of mortar or fill. While some stacking was evident, the walls were very porous and today attract mangrove growth due to their stability and entrapment of sediment from the small estuaries flowing into the features. The outer walls of the roughly rectangular shaped enclosures measured approximately 3 m wide and 90 cm tall, accounting for some collapse after years of abandonment and typhoon damage, while some of the inner walls were less substantial. Many of the walls did not reach the modern shoreline during high tide, and much of their interiors were exposed during low tide. Controlled excavation adjacent to one of these complexes at Site 2 (Fig. 5) yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood �charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725 (Fig. 6). Fig. 5: Outer Apra Harbor Site 2, TU. 2, East Profile. (Dixon, et al. 2013:363) �Fig. 6: Radiocarbon Dating Results, Site 2, TU.2. (Dixon, et al. 2013:365) Regional Context of Fish Weirs on Guam within Micronesia A regionally appropriate comparison with the Apra Harbor walled enclosures in design and construction may be made with other Micronesian islands that have undergone less impact from modern development (Moore 1987), and hence maintained traditional prehistoric fish weirs into modern times. Low islands as far away as the Gilberts and Nauru farmed juvenile milkfish in artificial interior ponds for later harvest (Alkire 1972). On Kosrae, stone holding pens for turtles and fish were built along the mangrove-lined coastline near chiefly residential complexes indicating their ownership by specific high-ranking families over time (Cordy 1981). On Pohnpei, basalt stone weirs were constructed near shore to trap fish driven into the mangroves by high tides of the tradewind season from December to February. Weirs of coral were longer and more �irregular in shape, constructed closer to the deeper water lagoon to enable their incorporation in group fish drives to generate chiefly tribute (Ayers et al. 1979). The Micronesian island group best known for their fish weir diversity is Yap, where several varieties of offshore construction provide the best comparison for interpreting the function of the Apra Harbor enclosures. The arrow trap may be the oldest technique employed on Yap, where a V-shaped enclosure with a central shaft is built facing away from the shore toward the direction of the outgoing tide and the reef, although some were built facing deeper channels and holes within the lagoon (HunterAnderson 1981). Baskets were placed at the ends and apex of these weirs to trap fish attempting to escape. Another type of multiple V-shaped trap was built just inside the reef to catch fish running both in and out with the tide, while other Z-shapes traps were built on the crest of the reef pointing in both directions for a similar purpose. Rock and coral piles were also constructed in relatively clear areas of the lagoon to provide refuge for certain fish before they were speared or netted, although the yield of such features was lower than the V-shaped constructions. Closer to shore and along main channels were rectangular surrounds which reportedly functioned as corrals or holding pens for fish captured in deeper waters, as well as foundations for guardhouses associated with the more productive V-shaped arrow traps owned by chiefly families. Conclusions After comparison of the walled enclosures within Apra Harbor on Guam to their regional counterparts in Micronesia, it appears that the majority of features recorded archaeologically likely functioned as holding pens or corrals for high tide fish collection in deeper waters and as traps for fish stranded as the tide receded. The partial arrow-shaped wall extending seaward from the west end of Site 5 in the Outer Apra complex suggests �its function in trapping fish returning to the reef at low tide as seen in Yapese constructions. Its spatial proximity to a set of rectangular walls in Site 3 that do not reach the shore suggests a similar function. Given the holding capacity of these pens, it is reasonable to expect that deeper water features similar to those on Yap also existed in mid-harbor (i.e. rock or coral piles) or nearer the reef (i.e. V- or Z-shaped traps). It is possible that 19th century Spanish Colonial sailors may have found some aquaculture features at shallower depths within Outer Apra Harbor to be an obstacle to safe entry and mooring, although many vessels remained in deeper anchorage or at Umatac. The organization of Chamorro labor by local alcaldes to clear such impediments as payment of labor tax in the late 17th and early 18th century would have been challenging however, given native participation in numerous revolts against Spanish demands (Lon Bulgrin, personal communication 2017). Almost yearly visits by the Manila-bound situado ship from Acapulco by the 1580s and at least 24 Dutch and English visits by 1686 also noted the increasingly poor health of many inhabitants (Levesque 1997). Instead, if these deeper aquaculture features indeed existed at mid-harbor then many may have been dismantled to build Fort Santa Cruz in 1801 (Driver and Brunal-Perry 1994), a generation or more after their use had been discontinued by native fishermen when Freycinet arrived. The shoreline pens nevertheless, could still have been useful settings for family fishing even with declining population and Colonial entanglement, until mangrove growth reclaimed them in the 20th century. Forms of indigenous resistance in the face of Spanish Colonial influences were varied in the 16th through 18th century Pacific, but included the maintenance and transformation of native food ways in coastal California missions: “European-introduced foods… were prepared and cooked… according to traditional native prescriptions…” (Lightfoot 2005:196). �Reuse of European objects was another method of resisting their intended uses: “instead of using the objects in the European fashion as ceramic and glass tableware, the people transformed them into native objects such as pendants, beads, scrapers, and projectile points” (Lightfoot 2005:196). Traditional political structures and marriage patterns did change as native populations suffered catastrophic mortality rates from introduced disease, but religious dances continued and Catholic symbols and rituals were incorporated into native belief systems (Lightfoot 2005). Similarly, one might expect Chamorro use of the near-coastal fish holding pens in Apra Harbor to continue for a generation or more after La Reduccion circa 1700, albeit in smaller scale family collection endeavors not inviting Colonial taxation. The continued use of specific coastal settings for aquaculture in the Mariana Islands thus emphasizes the longevity of cultural memory as encoded in marine resource exploitation practices, even in the face of sustained Colonial enculturation. Cultural revitalization movements as expressed in the maintenance of traditional fishing practices remain active in the region today in the face of new challenges, as they appear to have been after the initial shock of Spanish contact in the Mariana Islands. Further archaeological evidence remains to be sought in Guam’s other embayments, as well as off the west coast of Saipan that represents a much larger lagoon system of equal antiquity. _________________________________________________________ _____ 1 This manuscript in no way reflects the opinions of the U.S. Navy or its contractors. Permanent site locations are not revealed here for their protection. �References Alkire, W. 1972. An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia. In W. Alkire, editor, The Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia, Addison-Wesley Publications, 1-56, Canada. Arago, J. 2013. Narrative of A Voyage Round the World IN the Uranie and Physicienne Corvettes, Commanded by Captain Freycinet, During the Years 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820 Cambridge University Press, London. Ayers, W., A. Haun, and C. Severance. 1979. Ponape Archaeological Survey: 1978 Research. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report Number 4, Historic Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Saipan. Cordy, R. 1981. Archaeological Survey of Inem, Okat and Loal Kosrae Island. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report Number 7, Historic Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Saipan. Dixon, B., L. Gilda, and T. Mangieri. 2013. Archaeological Identification of Stone Fish Weirs Mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on the Island of Guam. Journal of Pacific History 48(4):349-368. Dixon, B., A. Jalandoni, and C. Craft. 2017. The Archaeological Remains of Early Modern Spanish Colonialism on Guam and their Implications. In M. Cruz Berrocal and C. Tsang, Historical and Archaeological Perspectives on Early Modern Colonialism in Asia-pacific and the Pacific, Volume 1, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, in press. Driver, M., and O. Brunal-Perry. 1994. Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam. MARC, University of Guam, Mangilao. Freycinet, L. C. de. 2003. An Account of the Corvette L’Uranie’s Sojourn at the Marianas Islands, 1819. Occasional Historical Papers No. 13, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation, Saipan. Hunter-Anderson, R., 1981. Perspectives 24(1): 81-91. Yapese Stone Fish Weirs. Asian Levesque, R. 1998. Accounts of Early Contact: Non-Spanish Visitors to Guam before 1830. In Guam History: Perspectives Volume Two. L. Carter, W. Wuerch, and R. Carter Editoris, pp. 37-66, MARC Educational Series No. 22, University of Guam, Mangilao. �Lightfoot, K. 2005. Indians, Missionaries, and Merchants The Legacy of Colonial Encounters on the California Frontiers. University of California Press, Berkeley. Moore, J. 1987. Current Fishing Practices and Use of Marine Resources in the Outer Islands. Yap State Fishing Authority, Manuscript of file at MARC, Mangilao. Wylie, J., and D. Madsen 1991. Guam’s Excess Military Lands: Opportunities for the Multiple-Use and Protection of World-Class Natural and Cultural Resources. Department of Agriculture – Division of Forestry and Soil Resources, Territory of Guam. Acknowledgments The author would like to extend his appreciation to Jeannette Simons and Dr. Eric West, then of NAVFACPAC, and Jennings Bunn and Lon Bulgrin of NAVFACMAR who freely gave advice and council during the field surveys and technical reporting. The assistance of Journal of Pacific History editor Vicki Lucker with an earlier interpretation of this paper is also greatly appreciated as is the sage advice of Professor Bill Jeffery at UOG. Biography Dr. Boyd Dixon is a Senior Archaeologist for the Cardno GS office in the U.S. Territory of Guam. With over 40 years of archaeological experience in North America, Latin America, Western Europe, and the Pacific Basin, his interests are equally varied. They embrace prehistoric and historic patterns of settlement, subsistence, interaction, power, and conflict. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Reinterpretation of Stone Fish Weirs mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on Guam Description An account of the resource In 1819 the French Corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor on Guam where its captain Louis Claude de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs, no longer in use. Archaeological surveys of Apra Harbor tidal flats identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries. Controlled excavation of small sites adjacent to one of these complexes yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725. Besides Chamorro fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations, it is plausible they were expanded to feed visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence documenting the continuity of communal aquaculture practices well after sustained Contact. The apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion circa 1700 is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and enforced settlement patterns. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Boyd Dixon Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Boyd Dixon Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/2963bb29b78f7c5b7fcaf9a015fe093e.pdf 4fb38873c315e1d2814cfd3e3aec8b8f PDF Text Text Influencing the contemporary narrative on whaling heritage Bradley W. Barr National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, 175 Edward Foster Road, Scituate, MA 02066, USA Email: Brad.Barr@noaa.gov Abstract Whaling heritage is a significant part of the world’s maritime history, and its landscape footprint is global. In the 19th Century, the Pacific and adjacent Arctic waters were the epicenter of whaling, where both many of the most productive whaling grounds were located as well as the primary ports that serviced this industry. The most compelling stories of whaling heritage occurred in these waters, and the names of the storied whaling ships, and the perils they encountered, are well known. These are stories that not only illuminate significant events in our collective maritime past, but contain lessons learned that can inform and offer knowledge relevant to current, yet similar, problems we face today. The contemporary whaling narrative is dominated by the more recent history of whaling, and the divisive atmosphere created by the controversy surrounding the few countries that continue to have active commercial whaling industries. Efforts need to be directed at changing this contemporary narrative, perceptions of the public that whaling heritage is more than killing these giants of the sea. Increasing awareness of the many influences, positive and negative, that whaling, throughout its history, has had on shaping our geo-political system, societies, cultures, economies, and even expanding our knowledge of the oceans and their resources is essential. Through this expanded awareness and appreciation of how whaling helped shape the world we know, we can acquire some needed support for continued historical research and documentation of this part of our maritime heritage. Changing this narrative may also help in preserving the significant places in our global whaling heritage landscape, and hopefully inform wiser decisions about contemporary issues through learning from the past. Key words: Whaling Heritage, Global Whaling Heritage Landscape, Contemporary Narrative, Public Acceptance, Lessons Learned Introduction: Blood in the Water The predominant perception of whaling in modern society is all about killing whales, animals viewed as intelligent and social creatures that are brutally murdered for no particularly good reason. Except for a dwindling number of cultures, we no longer kill whales for meat, have little contemporary use of the oil rendered from their blubber, and have persisted in pursuing leviathan largely for political reasons related to preserving 1 �nationalistic prerogatives and traditional subsistence. This perception of whaling is a surprisingly recent phenomenon (Epstein, 2008), arising quite rapidly from a confluence of ideas, and a well-crafted campaign by environmental non-governmental organizations, related to the worldwide emergence of an ecological ethic in the mid1960’s. Epstein (2008) suggests that “Save the Whales” became a syllogism for the idea of saving the environment more generally, which led to this rapid and paradigmatic shift in the prevailing perception of whaling, and its nearly universal adoption by both society and particularly countries that had previously been very active advocates for the whaling industry throughout its history. When we think of whaling, what some see in their mind’s eye is the blood in the water. However, the whaling industry has, historically, contributed much to society and our collective well being. It has given us products that have illuminated our cities at a time when urban crime was epidemic (Starbuck, 1878), made the machines of the industrial age run smoothly and efficiently, and significantly influenced the global geo-political landscape. It was one of the first truly global industries, was a driver for opening up international trade and diplomatic relations, and was an economic engine for the global economy throughout most of the 19th Century. Whalers, somewhat like the Internet today, connected the world, and made it seem a bit smaller. The public learned about the world vicariously through the whalers’ experiences, covered extensively in the newspapers and magazines of the time. The whaling ships brought with them goods from their home countries and infusions of money to ports around the world to supply their operations and service their ships. They took away from these ports both local products and information about these places and their life ways. Popcorn, for example, is likely one of those products brought back to America by the whalers (Smith, 1999). They helped to increase our understanding of not just whales, but the oceans they live in and the other creatures that share these waters, illuminating a deeper knowledge of ocean currents and winds, weather and climate. They were, as described by Rozwadowski (2005), the first blue-water oceanographers. Not all the historical contributions of the global whaling industry were positive. In many far-off ports and places whalers put ashore to resupply, they introduced diseases to aboriginal cultures and often the deleterious effects of alcohol on 2 �these societies were exacerbated by visits from whaling ships. For example, it is believed that, quite unintentionally, the American whaling ship Wellington introduced mosquitos to Hawaii while restocking their water supplies during a visit to the islands in 1827 (Sedgwick, 1901). The introduction and influence of alcohol in Hawaii, after the first whalers began to arrive in Hawaii in 1819, was identified as a increasingly significant problem in Hawaii’s whaling ports through the latter part of the 19th Century, and has been attributed, beyond simply the intoxication of both Hawaiians and sailors, as a contributory factor in colonialism and its effects on Native Hawaiian society in this period (Brown, 2011). And, indeed, whale populations were decimated in many places around the world, leaving a legacy of impacts that remain on still recovering populations, which now face other challenges. In their wake, whalers undeniably left a host of environmental and societal impacts that often had severe and long-term deleterious effects. However, this was balanced, to one degree or another, by the economic benefits and geopolitical implications of their activities in these places. The dominant and powerful contemporary discourse surrounding whaling is quite definitively negative, as Epstein (2008) has observed. Notwithstanding whether the whaling industry is deserving of this widely-held public perception or not, one of the challenges this creates is that it makes raising public awareness about the positive aspects of whaling heritage far more challenging. To achieve some success in effectively reaching contemporary audiences with this more expansive, comprehensive and balanced view of whaling heritage, to help them be more open to receiving information that conflicts, perhaps deeply and with moral and ethical implications, with this prevailing discourse, offering some historical context is essential. To understand and appreciate the past, and to learn the important lessons this history offers, we need to find a way to overcome this contemporary perception of whaling as simply “blood in the water”. Whaling heritage and places Maury’s 1851 map whaling grounds and the more recent map of whaling voyages and species observed by Smith et al., (2012), taken from 19th logbooks and other documents, clearly demonstrate the global geographic reach of whaling in the 19th Century. While the extent of whaling during this period may have been global, it is the 3 �particular places in this landscape that help to tell the story of whaling heritage. The whaling grounds, such as the Japan Grounds, the Sea of Okhotsk, and the Western Arctic, were the places the whalers travelled to in search of whales, and spent time at sea catching and processing their quarry. These are places visited when the whales were plentiful and the profits were favorable, and inextricably linked with the storied whaling ports like Honolulu and Lahaina in Hawaii. Such port cities served the industry, offered provisioning supplies, ship repair and maintenance facilities and skilled craftsmen, often men to supplement whaling crews, and other less socially acceptable amenities, like grog-shops and prostitution (Daws, 1967). These ports, and all the whaling grounds, are places where whaling is a part of their history and heritage. As Barr and Delgado (in press) have suggested: ...we live in a world of places, created in the perceptions of people who are often deeply attached to these places and imbue them with special meaning. The landscape of whaling heritage and the significant places that are part of that landscape therefore also warrants some consideration in our collective efforts to interpret and inform, to educate and excite the imaginations of the public, as well as to increase and expand the awareness and appreciation of the importance of whaling heritage in our collective history. To effectively preserve and protect these places, we will need to be aware of and address the prevailing contemporary perception of whaling. Hawaii’s Whaling Heritage: What whaling contributed...... It has been suggested that whaling had a profound effect on the economic, cultural and social history of Hawaii (Barr and Delgado, In Press; Lebo, 2010; Raupp and Gleason, 2010). In the late 18th Century, as whaling began its global expansion, larger whaling ships began to be built that we capable of multi-year trips to new whaling grounds. With the discovery of the “Offshore Grounds” off Peru, the Sperm whaling grounds off Japan (LaCroix, 2002), the “Kodiak Grounds”, off Southeast Alaska (Burcin, 2005), and ultimately the Western Arctic whaling grounds North of the Bering Strait (Bockstoce, 1986), trips from the New England home ports to the Pacific were routinely three to four years by the mid-1800’s (Davis et al., 1987). Given such long voyages to the Pacific, 4 �the Hawaiian Islands were strategically located to provide ports to service this growing fleet. By 1822, approximately 60 whaling ships were routinely visiting Hawaiian ports, and by 1846, almost 600 ships were arriving each year (Juvik et al., 1998). While this impact gradually diminished over the next fifty years (Raupp and Gleason, 2010) it left a legacy of change in Hawaii. During the 1820’s to the 1830’s, the population of Honolulu tripled, from 3000 to 9000, and with this came the building of roads, housing, and other needed infrastructure (Daws, 1967). The waterfront area of Honolulu harbor also expanded: “The harbor made the town...by the middle of the 19th century Honolulu had grown from a tiny village to a busy Pacific port of call, the metropolis of the islands and the capital of the kingdom” (Daws, 1967). Given the substantial quantities of fresh water needed by ships, the first water supply system in Hawaii was installed in Honolulu harbor (Nellist, 1951). The existing water supply in Honolulu had become “impoverished and polluted” (Daws, 1967) and this new water system offered not only potable water to the ships, but to the residents of the harbor area. Whaling became an economic engine for Honolulu and the Islands (Daws, 1968; cf Raupp and Gleason, 2010). One of the most important interactions between the whalers and the Native Hawaiians was their service as crew on these ships. Lebo (2010) reports that by 1860, Native Hawaiians comprised upwards of one half of such crews in the Pacific and Arctic. As the influence of the expressed needs of the whalers for resupply of types of foods familiar to Yankee crews increased, the agriculture of the islands also began to change. The Hawaiian economy of the 1820’s was transformed from a trade-based to cashbased system. While not an uncommon occurrence in colonial systems (Feyrer and Sacerdote, 2006; Settles, 1996), this transition to the cultivation of foods to supply the whaling fleets visiting Hawaii changed the face of Hawaii’s agricultural landscape. One interesting example, offered by Daws (1967), of the impact of changing cultivation practices related to the increase in use, for a period of time in the 1840’s, of the port of Lahaina. Maui had begun to grow white potatoes, which were favored by the whaling crews over the native sweet potato. While there were other factors that contributed to the enhanced use of the port Lahaina, particularly the more liberal nature of the port with regard to prostitution and grog-shops, now that “Lahaina sported both the potato 5 �and the prostitute...the combination was all but irresistible” (Daws, 1967). Daws concludes, “In the mid-50’s, the potato boom ended but the prostitutes remained. Other things being equal, Honolulu's better shipping facilities prevailed again”. Finally, a speculative argument could be made that this change in Hawaii’s agricultural practices may have set in motion later changes, like the rise of the sugar, pineapple, and coffee cultivation that brought even greater political influence of non-Hawaiian interests that ultimately contributed to the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893. Daws (1967) discusses the sociological phenomenon of the perception of the working and personal habits of Native Hawaiians, and how this prevailing western perception was used to influence the actions of the American government with regard to Hawaii and its economic future. While clearly there were many other contributory social, cultural, and economic factors that may have had considerably more impact (Kuykendall, 1967), this fundamental change in the political power structure in Hawaii may have been facilitated not only by this change in the agricultural landscape of the Islands to accommodate the visiting whaling fleet, but also the subjugation of the Native Hawaiians that resulted as part of the colonial occupation of Hawaii. There is little doubt that Hawaii, and its essential ports of call, is a critically important place in the global whaling landscape. Not all these stories of the interaction between the whalers and the people of Hawaii may have represented particularly positive contributions, but they undoubtedly had a significant influence on Hawaii and its history. Whaling and Diplomacy The 19th Century was a period in American history that saw the emergence of this new country on a potential trajectory toward becoming a world power, foretelling the political hegemony of the United States in the 20th Century. The diplomacy of this fledgling country at the end of the 1700’s, right after its war of independence with England, was just beginning to develop. However, the American whalers had already been traveling to far off lands, making port calls with their ships, and forging commercial relationships with their counterparts in these countries for many years. As Fredrick Jackson Turner (1920) has suggested, it is the trader, what he called the “pathfinder of civilization”, that most often is earliest at the threshold of the frontier, and in this whaling was no exception. According to Starbuck (1878), the first ships sailing under the new American 6 �flag to enter a British port after the revolutionary war, in 1787, were the whalers Bedford, Industry, and Speedwell, all out of Nantucket. They had gone to England to try and recommence trade in whale oil and bone with the British. Starbuck (1878) also makes mention of another event where whaling was driving American diplomacy (and war). During War of 1812, Peruvian privateers, as allies of England in this war, were seizing US whalers. The US deployed a “diplomatic” envoy to address this issue, but securing the support of the Chilean army, the envoy led the fight to free captured whalers from their captivity in Peru. The history of whaling is rife with stories of first encounters with remote civilizations, sailing into unknown and uncharted waters, forging commercial relationships with ports where no American ship had visited previously. They were, indeed, Turner’s “pathfinders of civilization”. One particularly important event that was largely driven by the need for the whaling fleets to have ports in the North Pacific readily available was the opening of Japan by Admiral Perry in 1853. Burcin (2005) summarizes the event, and the intimate connection between Perry’s mission and the whaling fleets, which ultimately compelled the Japanese to permit vessels from other countries to enter their ports. Burcin (2005) recounts that the contemporary reports of the mission did indeed emphasize the importance of that mission in meeting the pressing needs of the whaling industry, but in subsequent historical analyses of the mission, the connection is often not mentioned or mentioned only in passing. By the mid-1800’s, America had a virtual monopoly on whaling in the Pacific, and with the Russians openly hostile to American whalers in their territorial waters, access to the ports in Japan was strategically essential. Indeed, as Burcin (2005) concludes “Commodore Perry’s expedition relied upon whalers’ experience in Japan not only for information about a little understood society but also as a political justification to sail into Edo Bay in July 1853”. Not only was whaling considered a justification for Perry’s expedition, but also for two previous Naval missions to Japan in 1846 and 1849, and a key justification for the American Exploration Expedition in 1836 commanded by Charles Wilkes (Burcin, 2005). There is little doubt that America’s whaling interests were driving diplomacy in the Pacific region. If American “whaling hegemony” in the 19th Century (Basberg, 2006) did serve an important role in the 7 �development of the American political hegemony in the 20th Century, this is an important story to tell. Conclusion Rudyard Kipling (1941) said, “If history were taught in the form of stories, it would never be forgotten”. Therefore, telling the compelling stories of 19th Century whaling should be an effective way to not only expand the awareness and appreciation of this influential human activity that has helped to shape the modern world, but perhaps assist in empowering the protection and preservation of the essential places in that history for future generations. However, storytelling requires both a good story to tell, and a willing and appreciative audience. There is little doubt that whaling can provide many suitable stories, but finding a willing audience may present a more significant challenge. This may be a bit of an overstatement, as places like the New Bedford Whaling Museum, New Bedford Whaling Historic Park, and Mystic Seaport seem to attract many visitors. Recent books on whaling, such as Dolan’s (2008) Leviathan, have received multiple awards and are bestsellers, while readers young and old continue to be drawn toward Melville’s (2001) story of Ahab and Ismael in Moby Dick. Certainly, the discovery of the Two Brothers near French Frigate Shoals in the Papahānoumokuākea Marine National Monument attracted an extraordinary amount of press coverage and generated considerable public interest. However, while it is one thing to attract visitors, read a bestseller, or follow a news story, its quite another to recognize and act on supporting the preservation of our collective whaling heritage, particularly to actively support protecting the particularly important places in the global whaling landscape. Perhaps encouraging public appreciation that whaling has helped to shape what the world is today, and the many contributions this industry has made to society, our economic well being, and to our rich maritime heritage, is the greatest challenge. There are many things that have happened throughout history, viewed through the lens of today that may not seem something about which we should be very proud. Through these experiences, however, we have learned a great deal and should not dismiss these lessons of history because contemporary perspectives diminish their perceived importance. We, as the conservators of this heritage, should not just tell the stories, but offer some sense of the historic context of the stories we are telling, helping the listener 8 �not only understand and interpret the implications of this powerful contemporary antiwhaling discourse on that history, but to suggest the need for acting to support and encourage the preservation of the global whaling heritage landscape so that what remains is not lost. Time is a powerful enough opponent in the efforts to preserve heritage resources, as they are ephemeral, degrading through natural process in the environment. However, the places in this global whaling heritage landscape, the stories they tell and the lessons they provide, are enduring. They are also worthy of preserving for future generations. Acknowledgements Thanks to Jim Delgado and Hans van Tilburg for helpful comments and advice regarding the ideas presented in this paper. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed here are solely the author’s, and do not reflect the views of the Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, NOAA, or the US Government. References Barr, B. W., and Delgado, J. P., (In Press). Preserving whaling heritage: The role of marine protected areas as “museums of the sea”. Presented at the 4th Symposium on Whaling and History, Commander Chr. Christensen’s Whaling Museum, Sandefjord, Norway, 18-21 June, 2013. Basberg, B. L., 2006. Two Hegemonies – Two technological regimes: American and Norwegian whaling in the 19th and 20th century. Presented at the XIV International Economic History Congress, Helsinki, August 2006, retrieval November 29, 2013, from http://www.helsinki.fi/iehc2006/papers3/Basberg.pdf Bockstoce, J. R., 1986. Whales, Ice, and Men: The History of Whaling in the Western Arctic. University of Washington Press, Seattle WA. Brown, M., 2011. ‘Äina Under the Influence: The Criminalization of Alcohol in 19th century Hawai’i. lili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being, Vol. 7: 311339. Burcin, T., 2005. Commodore Perry’s 1853 Japanese Expedition: How whaling influenced the event that revolutionized Japan. Master’s Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, VA, retrieval October 13, 2013, from http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-05132005 131722/unrestricted/MAThesis.pdf. Davis, L. E., Gallman, R. E., and Hutchins, T., 1987. Productivity in American Whaling: The New Bedford Fleet in the 19th century. Working Paper No. 2477, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, retrieval April 13, 2012, from http://www.nber.org/papers/w2477.pdf 9 �Daws, G., 1967. Honolulu in the 19th Century: Notes on the Emergence of Urban Society in Hawaii. Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 2: 77-96. Daws, G., 1968. Shoal of Time: A History of the Hawaiian Islands. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. Dolan, E.J., 2008. Leviathan: The History of Whaling in America. W. W. Norton and Company, New York, NY. Epstein, C., 2008. The Power of Words in International Relations: The Birth of an AntiWhaling Discourse. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Feyrer, J., and Sacerdote, B., 2006. Colonialism and modern income – islands as natural experiments. Working Paper No. 12546, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA. http://www.nber.org/papers/w12546 Juvik, S. P., Juvik, J. O., and Paradise, T. R., (Eds.), 1998. Atlas of Hawaii. University of Hawaii Press, Hilo, HI. Kipling, R., 1941. The Collected Works of Rudyard Kipling. Ams Press, Brooklyn, NY. Kuykendall, R. S., 1967. The Hawaiian Kingdom: 1874-1893: the Kalakaua Dynasty. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. HI. Lacroix, S. J., 2002. The economic history of Hawai’i: A short introduction. Working Paper No. 02-3, East-West Center, Department of Economics, University of Hawaii at Manoa, retrieval October 10, 2013, from http://ideas.repec.org/p/hai/wpaper/200203.html Lebo, S. A., 2010. Local Perspective of Hawaii's Whaling Economy: Whale Traditions and Government Regulation of the Kingdom's Native Seamen and Whale Fishery. Coriolis, Vol. 1: 3-37. Melville, H., 2001. Moby Dick: or The Whale. Penguin Classics 150th Anniversary Edition, Penguin Putnam, Inc., New York, NY. Nellist, G. F., 1951. An Early istory of onolulu’s Water System. Board of Water Supply, City and County of Honolulu, retrieval February 26, 2014, from https://evols.library.manoa.hawaii.edu/bitstream/handle/10524/11867/1951-NellistEarly-History-of-Honolulu.pdf?sequence=1. Raupp, J. T., and Gleason, K., 2010. Submerged whaling heritage in Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument. Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 34: 66–74. Rozwadowski, H. M., 2005. Fathoming the Ocean: The Discovery and Exploration of the Deep Sea. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Sedgwick, T. F., 1901. Chickens and their Diseases in Hawaii. Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin No. 1, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, HI, retrieval February 26, 2014, from http://books.google.com/books?id=bfJFAQAAIAAJ. Settles, J. D., 1996. The Impact of Colonialism on African Economic Development. University of Tennessee Honors Thesis Projects, retrieval December 12, 2013, from http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/182 10 �Smith, S. F., 1999. Popped culture: A social history of popcorn in America. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia, SC. Starbuck, A., 1878. History of the American whale fishery from its earliest inception to the year 1876. (Reprinted 1989), Castle Books, Secaucus, NJ. Smith, T. D., Reeves, R. R., Josephson, E. A., and Lund, J. N., 2012. Spatial and seasonal distribution of American whaling and whales in the age of sail. PLoS ONE, Vol. 7 (4): e34905. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0034905, retrieval October 22, 2013, from http://www.plosone.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjourn al.pone.0034905&representation=PDF Turner, F. J., 1920. The Frontier in American History. Henry Holt and Co., New York. Biography Brad Barr received a BS from the University of Maine, a MS from the University of Massachusetts, and PhD at the University of Alaska. He is currently a Senior Policy Advisor in the NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Adjunct Professor at the School of Marine Sciences and Ocean Engineering at the University of New Hampshire, and a Visiting Professor at the University Center of the Westfjords in Iceland. He is a member of the IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas, the International Committee on Marine Mammal Protected Areas, and IUCN Marine Mammal Protected Areas Task Force. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 4: Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 4 chair Akatsuki Takahashi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage. Underwater sites in Oceania span human history from the Stone Age to the Atomic Age. Due to the cultural richness of underwater heritage in the region and its complex history, the protection of these sites is of high importance for the region. Moreover, the potential for sustainable tourism in partnership with diving industry has been attracting a growing attention. The first UNESCO regional workshop on the Pacific underwater cultural heritage took place in December 2009 in Honiara, Solomon Islands. As possible steps towards building a capacity for managing UCH, participants at the workshop identified the following needs; systematic recording and maintenance of a database of submerged and underwater sites; exploring licensing activities directed at underwater sites; and developing a training and education programme for managers. The papers presented by experts at the workshop were compiled, edited and published as "Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania" in 2010. Based on the recommendations made at the Honiara workshop, a Feasibility Study on Pacific Capacity Building Programme was prepared by Flinders University with UNESCO support. The Study recommends a possible capacity building programme to be hosted by the University of the South Pacific (USP) in Fiji. The launching of the Pacific Heritage Hub (PHH), a regional facility for knowledge management, capacity building and partnership building, at USP in 2013 presents an opportunity for the actual implementation of the capacity building programme. UNESCO is also exploring the possibility of organising regional and national consultations in the Pacific focusing on cultural policy development. The objectives of the session are to: • Enhance understanding of characteristics of UCH in the Pacific. • Identify priority actions. • Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akatsuki Takahashi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Influencing the contemporary narrative on whaling heritage Description An account of the resource Whaling heritage is a significant part of the world’s maritime history, and its landscape footprint is global. In the 19th Century, the Pacific and adjacent Arctic waters were the epicenter of whaling, where both many of the most productive whaling grounds were located as well as the primary ports that serviced this industry. The most compelling stories of whaling heritage occurred in these waters, and the names of the storied whaling ships, and the perils they encountered, are well known. These are stories that not only illuminate significant events in our collective maritime past, but contain lessons learned that can inform and offer knowledge relevant to current, yet similar, problems we face today. The contemporary whaling narrative is dominated by the more recent history of whaling, and the divisive atmosphere created by the controversy surrounding the few countries that continue to have active commercial whaling industries. Efforts need to be directed at changing this contemporary narrative, perceptions of the public that whaling heritage is more than killing these giants of the sea. Increasing awareness of the many influences, positive and negative, that whaling, throughout its history, has had on shaping our geo-political system, societies, cultures, economies, and even expanding our knowledge of the oceans and their resources is essential. Through this expanded awareness and appreciation of how whaling helped shape the world we know, we can acquire some needed support for continued historical research and documentation of this part of our maritime heritage. Changing this narrative may also help in preserving the significant places in our global whaling heritage landscape, and hopefully inform wiser decisions about contemporary issues through learning from the past. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bradley W. Barr, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 4 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5ed56c643dc7d77453175c2bbd02196c.pdf b115931d4feda2bc01ae7229595aed48 PDF Text Text Observations on developing a maritime cultural landscape approach to managing US National Marine Sanctuaries Bradley W. Barr National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries Scituate, Massachusetts 02066, USA Email: Brad.Barr@noaa.gov Abstract Effectively managing marine protected areas requires considerable knowledge of these special places people value and to which they are sometimes strongly attached. Usually, this knowledge is limited to the present state of resources and changes observed in the recent past, which is used to inform the development of management actions to address current and emerging threats to biodiversity and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) resources. However, while acquiring this “snapshot” of the current status of natural and cultural resources is necessary, it is often not sufficient. Understanding the longer-term history of that site, illuminating its “maritime cultural landscape” (MCL), can provide critical context to interpreting that somewhat static “snapshot”. MCLs represent the historical imprint of human interactions with these special places, providing a deeper base of social and historical information to inform and empower stewardship of natural and UCH resources. The National Marine Sanctuary System (NMSS) sites are already managed as landscapes – through ongoing implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM) – and integrating MCL approaches offers opportunities to expand and enhance our deeper understanding of how these socio-ecological systems were formed, changed over time, and how coastal communities adapted to, and influenced, these changes. Better understanding these historical interactions can offer significant insights, integrated with knowledge attained through EBM, that can inform and guide contemporary management decision making. The NMSS has developed a vision and strategy for implementing an integrated EBM/MCL approach to stewardship, and is in the process of implementing that strategy. Key words: Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Underwater cultural heritage, Ecosystembased management, Marine protected areas, Stewardship Introduction: Valued Places We all have “special places”. Places that have deeper meaning to us, places that evoke especially memorable activities or events, or places we seek out, either physically or in our minds, when we need a retreat from the pressures of life. It is our deep connection to these places that imbues our lives with meaning, defines who we are, and influences our values and behavior. These places are, in turn, affected by our connection to them, our reliance on them for physical and spiritual sustenance, our recreation and 1 �livelihoods. Senegalese conservationist Baba Dioum has written “in the end, we will only conserve what we love”. Given this, it should not be too surprising that many of these special places have been preserved by society under law and policy as protected areas. It should also not be too surprising that the managers of these protected areas would have a keen interest in this essential human/environment relationship, what people find special about the place they manage, and how they can effectively preserve whatever compels and elicits such connections. If we do not have some knowledge of this relationship, of what people value about that place, how can we possibly offer the stewardship such a special place deserves? Protecting these special places in the coastal and ocean waters of the United States is the mission of the National Marine Sanctuary System (NMSS). The National Marine Sanctuaries Act (U.S.C. 16, Chapter 32, Sections 1431 et seq.), the principal statutory authority for establishing and managing marine protected areas in the waters of the US Exclusive Economic Zone, provides the framework for protection and management of such special places. This authority extends to preserving both ecosystem biodiversity and integrity, as well as maritime cultural heritage. The former is addressed in the NMSS through the implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM), generally defined for the marine environment, by Leslie and McLeod (2007), as follows: “Marine EBM is about interactions: interactions among different spatial and temporal scales, within and among ecological and social systems, and among stakeholder groups and communities interested in the present and future health of coastal and marine areas”. It is about explicitly integrating humans into management, recognizing and accounting for the potential affect that humans have on ecosystem structure and function, but also incorporating their interests and aspirations into how places are managed and what strategies are used to accomplish management goals established collaboratively with these communities. As the authors clearly state, however, it is the communities’ interests in the “present and future” of these places that embodies EBM. It is largely based on understanding the present state, the drivers that are currently influencing the ecosystem and management strategies that lead to a future state that sustains, or improves, the ecosystem over time. Conversely, preserving the cultural heritage of that place is necessarily focused on the past, how humans have influenced these places 2 �through time, and how those communities have, in turn, been shaped by these places. Understanding the cultural heritage of a place offers the knowledge and experience acquired by the community over a broader sweep of history. It involves a deeper understanding of how that community has responded to ecosystem changes in the past, how their actions have altered the socio-ecological system over time, and perhaps shedding some light on how resilient that community might be to adapting to future changes. To effectively integrate this cultural heritage preservation component into the management of national marine sanctuaries, the concept of maritime cultural landscapes (MCL) was identified as a complementary mechanism to EBM that offers a compatible framework for understanding, and ultimately more effectively managing, these special places in the oceans and along the coasts. What are “Maritime Cultural Landscapes?” As described in Barr (2013), the concept of “maritime cultural landscapes” builds on the older and more widely applied notion of cultural landscape in terrestrial environments. As first suggested by Westerdahl (1992), maritime cultural landscapes (MCL) were defined as “human utilization of maritime space by boat, settlement, fishing, hunting, shipping and its attendant subcultures”. MCL “comprises the whole network of sailing routes, old as well as new, with ports and harbors along the coast, and its related constructions and remains of human activity, underwater as well as terrestrial” (Westerdahl, 1992). Jensen et al., (2011) provided an eloquent definition of “cultural landscapes”: “Cultural landscapes capture the living past that surrounds us and give us a better understanding of the links the natural history and human history of a place. They illustrate how we have shaped the world, and how the world’s natural environments have shaped us. Perhaps most importantly, cultural landscapes can also provide us with valuable insights into the future, such as the relationship between the heath of natural resources and human well-being and prosperity. At their most basic, cultural landscapes are specific places where combinations of human activity and natural forces have left a discernable mark on the world. Cultural landscapes are reservoirs of human experience that preserve undeniable examples of human triumph and loss. Retaining the intangible as well as the tangible parts of human culture, cultural landscapes can do what the natural sciences alone cannot. They convey the human meaning of places”. 3 �MCL encompasses not only this cultural history of the physical maritime environment, but also the “cognitive landscape”, defined as “the mapping and imprinting of the functional aspects of the surroundings in the human mind. Man in landscape, landscape in man” (Lofgren, 1981; cf Westerdahl, 1992). It embraces both the changes observed over time with regard to the physical environment and human use, but also the perception of these changes by the people who have lived, and are living, in that place throughout history. How this maritime and ecological landscape has shaped and been shaped by the human activities that have occurred there throughout its history provides the foundation for understanding, and ultimately more effectively preserving, these cultural landscapes. As Tuan (1974) has observed, geographic spaces become “places” when people imbue them with meaning, a process that influences self-identity and affects the way in which we perceive and behave toward these places. Understanding the maritime cultural landscape of a place identifies not only our collective contributions to sustaining and improving these places we have given meaning, but of how people have contributed to what they have become, offering insights and experience acquired by the community along the way. Such deeper knowledge of place is likely to be a valuable asset to guide and inform place-based management. This last point is worthy of emphasis. This deeper knowledge may indeed have considerable potential value that contributes to a more holistic and effective management approach to preserving the natural and cultural resources of an MPA, but a more traditional reading of the literature on cultural landscapes suggests that there should be no direct connection between the process of cultural landscape analysis and place-based management. Cultural landscape approaches are focused on engaging the various stakeholder and cultural communities in acquiring knowledge about the human/environment relationship through time, and offering a forum for this engagement. Integrating EBM and MCL EBM is about including the “human dimension” in sustaining ecosystem structure and function through collaborative management, engaging the community in establishing management goals for that place, and the strategies implemented to achieve those goals. It is a prospective process, informed with knowledge of the current state of the 4 �ecosystem, and leading to some agreed upon desired future state. In most cases, EBM utilizes various management tools and strategies, such as zoning, regulations, and voluntary mechanisms to balance sustainable use and preservation. MCL approaches also involve these same people as a key element in understanding and preserving heritage resources of this valued place, but it is a retrospective process. It focuses on the history of the human use of that place, illuminating what has happened, through time, which has left an imprint of this use on the socio-ecological system. It identifies how the system has changed over time, how human uses have changed, and how the system has responded to those changes. MCLs also held to ascertain what attributes and elements of the human/environment relationship are relevant and contribute to the deeper meaning and value the communities ascribe to this place, thereby offering some insight into which of these elements and attributes are most important to preserve and protect. While EBM and MCL could be implemented independently - which would be an easier path to follow - an integrated management approach involving both EBM and MCL would seem to offer opportunities not readily available if executed separately. Clearly, both EBM and MCL involve “taking a step back”, looking at the “bigger picture” of why this place is valued, which human uses have (and are leaving) an imprint on the environment. The both have people as a central and important element of their implementation. MCL offers the opportunity to acquire deeper knowledge of place through the lens of history (both remote and recent) to learn what the state of the ecosystem is today, what human activities may have led to the current state, and what knowledge was acquired as these communities adapted to, accommodated, and caused environmental change. They appear to be quite complementary, and are likely, as they both seek the active engagement of the interested and affected pubic, to potentially offer some efficiency in implementing them together rather than individually and separately. With regard to the practice of MPA management, one other rationale to consider in this integrated implementation of EBM and MCL is the potential to break down some of the internal barriers between those MPA management staff focusing on natural resource protection, and their counterparts that apply their energies to preserving cultural heritage. In this age of specialization, when it is beyond the capabilities of anyone to 5 �become what used to be called a “Renaissance Man” (or woman), managers cleave to their specialties, and organizations of MPA programs are almost always set up with “natural resource” and “cultural resource” staff in different organizational units. Through the integrated implementation of EBM and MCL, there is greater opportunity for collaboration and knowledge sharing between these two usually isolated operational units within an MPA program. If Young (2010) is correct in his assertion that institutions, particularly environmental governance systems, are similar to other socio-ecological systems in that they are made more resilient, adaptive, and more resistant to stress through effective implementation of adaptive management and social learning, this sort of interdisciplinary integration may contribute to not only successfully achieving the mission of the program, but also to sustaining the organization over time, avoiding what Olson (1982) has termed “institutional arthritis”. “The Devil is in the Details” Making such an integrated approach operational for an MPA program like the NMS System is no small feat. There are institutional and practical challenges to effectively integrating EBM and MCL. Seeking acceptance of the idea of broadening the way managers think about their sites to include MCL, let alone integrating EBM and MCL, represents a challenge to MPA Programs that have been in operations for decades and where their approach to management has become rigid and somewhat inflexible (“the way we’ve always done it...”). For an MPA system like the NMSS, which includes fourteen sites operating largely under a single statutory authority but quite different in composition and management focus, not all sites will embrace this change simply because the leadership of the MPA program has decided it should be so. Not all sites have the necessary staff with expertise relevant to cultural heritage preservation, and the site budgets may be insufficient to consider the additional costs associated with the background research and public engagement required to successfully implement an MCL approach. Therefore, it has been determined that the implementation of this approach should be on an opportunistic basis, with each site deciding whether they will incorporate MCL, and the integration of MCL with EBM, into their management planning when their site plans are being reviewed and updated. If they choose to do this, additional support will be provided to them from the national program, bringing needed 6 �expertise in history, archaeology, and relevant planning and public engagement support from NOAA’s Maritime Heritage Program (MHP) and operating units from other sites and headquarters who can offer such expertise. For sites that express a willingness to begin the process, an MCL “synopsis document” is developed that generally identifies the scope and elements of what the MCL for that site would include, providing an overview of the historical human uses of the area, the various cultures that were involved in that use, discussions of how those cultures left their imprint on the ecosystem, both physically and cognitively (through such things as place names and knowledge of differing perceptions of the cultural landscape among the cultures who lived in that place). Such a “synopsis document” has been prepared by the MHP for the proposed expansion of the Gulf of the Farallones and Cordell Banks National Marine Sanctuaries along the Northern California “Redwoods” coast (Delgado, Unpublished MS). This document is made available to those who are developing the proposed management planning documents for this possible expansion of these sanctuaries, with the promise of further support should the sites agree to proceed with the implementation of this MCL initiative. Other opportunities may involve more targeted support toward implementation. There has been some interest expressed by the State of Wisconsin for a possible sanctuary in the waters of Lake Michigan off their coast. While a considerable amount of research has been assembled on the shipwrecks of this region, this is the home lands and waters of a number of maritime indigenous cultures, and little was known about their use and habitation of this place over time. To begin to identify and collect relevant information regarding this indigenous cultural landscape, a MHP Graduate Fellow was identified to conduct this essential research (Tate, Unpublished MS). In this case, the more specific focus on the Indigenous contribution to the MCL was essential, and the research provides a starting point for better understanding and incorporating these cultures’ contributions to the MCL of this area that may be considered for sanctuary designation at some point in the future. Where there are many cultures that value a place all need to be heard and given the opportunity to contribute to our deeper understanding of that place. 7 �It is expected that the implementation of an Integrated EBM/MCL approach to management for the NMSS will be something that will take considerable time and effort, but this will be addressed as opportunities arise. Budgets and staff resources, both currently in short supply are contributing to this slow pace of implementation. However, perhaps this is not the issue is might appear to be. Organizational cultures change and adapt very slowly. Therefore, even if resources were not severely limited, it is likely that the pace of adoption of this proposed change in the management approach for the national marine sanctuaries across the System would only progress as the institutional culture continues to evolve and adapt. We have built the trough, have filled it with fresh, clean water, and have led the horse to it, but are prepared to wait until it gets thirsty enough to drink. Not another Solution in Search of a Problem All too frequently, we encounter situations where, in times of great uncertainty, we reorganize or begin another round of strategic planning. Neither should careful scrutiny of our organizational structure nor strategic planning be considered unworthy endeavors when there is a demonstrated need to engage in these actions. However, they are pointless when the strategic plan for an organization is serving its purpose, and the organizational structure is sufficient to get the job done. When we are resource limited, we should spend what time and energy we have on addressing real problems, seeking innovative and creative solutions to the many challenges we face. As Barr (2013) offers, the oceans and coasts, and the communities that inhabit these areas, are facing many complex and significant problems. Global climate change is increasing the severity and frequency of storms. Coastlines are being altered, sometimes significantly, and there is considerable damage to infrastructure from these storm events. While these has been some recovery of the economy, coastal communities remain hard hit, with collapses in fisheries, and the increasing reliance on tourism providing less well-paying jobs but also resulting in seasonal surges in population and increasing demands for services. The societal burdens from the continued economic pressures are being exacted on coastal communities in these challenging times. To add to the challenges, these are “wicked problems”, difficult or impossible to solve because of incomplete, contradictory, and changing requirements that are often difficult to recognize (Skaburskis, 2008). Finding 8 �practical solutions will not be an easy task. Concurrently, as summarized by Barr (2013) our governance system is also being challenged: “...as the severity of these problems increases, potential management responses that involve trade-offs and compromise are perceived as unacceptable. Communities are deeply polarized by diminishing resources and challenges that exceed our capacity to effectively address using more traditional management approaches. There is also sometimes deep mistrust of others who may have differing views and perspectives. In the history of those places, however, similar challenges have confronted, and these communities have successfully adapted to those changes, or learned much by their failures. This history and experience has considerable value in offering some hope for resolving problems being encountered today”. MCL can provide this historical context for our management of these special places. It offers a forum for public engagement that involves not just addressing problems, but speaks to the proud heritage of these communities, resilient places that have “weathered the storms” and persisted. EBM is necessary, as incorporating the “human element” in ocean and coastal stewardship has demonstrated its importance, but it may not be sufficient. We can benefit considerably by “learning from the past”, so that we are not “doomed to repeat it”. The effective integration of MCL and EBM in addressing these challenges has the potential to be one of the creative and innovative solutions to help “turn the tide” for coastal communities, and the MPA managers that work with them to sustain their way of life. Acknowledgements Thanks to Jim Delgado, Hans van Tilburg, and Paul Orlando for helpful comments and advice regarding the ideas presented in this paper. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein are solely the author’s, and do not reflect the views of the Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, NOAA or any of its sub-agencies, nor of the US Government. References Barr, B. W., 2013. Understanding and managing marine protected areas through integrating ecosystem-based management within maritime cultural landscapes: Moving from theory to practice. Ocean and Coastal Management, Vol. 84: 1984-192. Delgado, J. P., (Unpublished Manuscript). The “Redwood Coast:” The maritime cultural landscape of the potential expansion of Cordell Bank and Gulf of the Farallones 9 �National Marine Sanctuaries. NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Maritime Heritage Program. Jensen, J. O., Mather, R., and Gray, J., 2011. Viewing the future through the lens of maritime cultural landscapes. Sanctuary Watch, Vol. Fall: 2-3. Leslie, H. M., and McLeod, K. L., 2007. Confronting the challenges of implementing marine ecosystem-based management. Front. Ecol. Environment, Vol. 5: 540-548. Lofgren, O., 1981.Manniskanilandskapet-landskapetimanniskan. In L. Honko, and O. Lofgren (Eds.), Tradition OchMiljii, Lund, Sweden: 235e261. Olson Jr., M., 1982. The Rise and Decline of Nations. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Skaburskis, A., 2008. The origin of “wicked problems”. Planning Theory and Practice, Vol. 9 (2): 277-280. Tate, S., (Unpublished Manuscript). Native American Cultural Presence and Usage of Wisconsin’s Lake Michigan Coasts. NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Maritime Heritage Program. Tuan, Y. F., 1974. Topophilia: a Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values. Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Westerdahl, C., 1992. The maritime cultural landscape. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 21 (1): 5-14. Young, O., 2010. Institutional dynamics: Resilience, vulnerability and adaptability in environmental and resource regimes. Global Climate Change, Vol. 20: 378-385. Brad Barr received a BS from the University of Maine, a MS from the University of Massachusetts, and PhD at the University of Alaska. He is currently a Senior Policy Advisor in the NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Adjunct Professor at the School of Marine Sciences and Ocean Engineering at the University of New Hampshire, and a Visiting Professor at the University Center of the Westfjords in Iceland. He is a member of the IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas, and the International Committee on Marine Mammal Protected Areas/IUCN Marine Mammal Protected Areas Task Force. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 2: New Approaches in UCH Management in the US Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 2 chair Dr. Hans Van Tilburg and links to the papers included in the session. Description An account of the resource In 2009, responding to the effort to protect the significant natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, the U.S. National Marine Protected Areas Center formed a Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group to provide expert advice on improving the conservation and management of maritime heritage resources. The resulting White Paper provided a series of recommendations to both the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Department of the Interior, including new definitions for cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes. Central to these recommendations was a strong endorsement for the Cultural Landscape Approach in the understanding and management of maritime heritage resources (or UCH). Subsequently, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s (NOAA) Maritime Heritage Program has adopted the recommendations of this paper and is implementing a “maritime cultural landscape” approach to the management of cultural resources within the National Marine Sanctuary System. Also as a part of this initiative, NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support maritime cultural landscape studies of heritage resources by Native American Tribes and Native Hawaiian communities in the Pacific region. These projects on the U.S. West Coast and in the Hawaiian Islands demonstrate the necessity of adapting a broader range of recognized cultural resources and a more inclusive and participatory management and preservation process. Charismatic resources like historic shipwrecks will always provide unique information for archaeologists and historians, but we do ourselves a disservice if we focus solely on these types of properties, and neglect other perspectives and the broader nature of all types and traces of human existence that lie underwater. Participants in this session will focus on the status of these ongoing ground-breaking projects, the advantages of a broader and more inclusive approach compared to the previous cultural heritage management paradigm in the U.S., and the challenges that this creates. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Hans Van Tilburg Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Observations on developing a maritime cultural landscape approach to managing US National Marine Sanctuaries Description An account of the resource Effectively managing marine protected areas requires considerable knowledge of these special places people value and to which they are sometimes strongly attached. Usually, this knowledge is limited to the present state of resources and changes observed in the recent past, which is used to inform the development of management actions to address current and emerging threats to biodiversity and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) resources. However, while acquiring this “snapshot” of the current status of natural and cultural resources is necessary, it is often not sufficient. Understanding the longer-term history of that site, illuminating its “maritime cultural landscape” (MCL), can provide critical context to interpreting that somewhat static “snapshot”. MCLs represent the historical imprint of human interactions with these special places, providing a deeper base of social and historical information to inform and empower stewardship of natural and UCH resources. The National Marine Sanctuary System (NMSS) sites are already managed as landscapes – through ongoing implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM) – and integrating MCL approaches offers opportunities to expand and enhance our deeper understanding of how these socio-ecological systems were formed, changed over time, and how coastal communities adapted to, and influenced, these changes. Better understanding these historical interactions can offer significant insights, integrated with knowledge attained through EBM, that can inform and guide contemporary management decision making. The NMSS has developed a vision and strategy for implementing an integrated EBM/MCL approach to stewardship, and is in the process of implementing that strategy. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bradley W. Barr, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 2 2014 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Agriculture Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bray, Francesca Joseph Needham Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1984 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Bray, Francesca Series Editor Joseph Needham Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1984 Place Cambridge Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Series Science and Civilisation in China Series Number 2 Title A name given to the resource Agriculture Volume 6 China https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/85787d79fe25897696333f4f59acf9d4.pdf d23766701a0d68d28066eaedc2683cdb PDF Text Text Cricket run or Home run? Can a correlation between Emporia and non-Emporia based trade be made using the wreck of the Lena Shoal? Brian Fahy Abstract Is it possible to look at a shipwreck like the Lena Shoal and investigate patterns of emporia and non-emporia trade throughout Southeast Asia? Was the boat simply ferrying cargo from one specific port to another specific one, or was the trade a linear, multi-legged run? By looking at the artifactual assemblage of the boat and its cargo, its construction, as well as the socio-political and th economic climate of 15 Century Southeast Asia and China, it is the goal of this paper to assess what trading might have looked like from a boat like the Lena Shoal. Both types of trading were most likely happening simultaneously, but there may certain characteristics that the Lena Shoal wreck possessed that may stress a specific role or function that it had in the smaller (or larger) scheme of Southeast Asian trade. Construction methods and ship size of the boat may reveal details into the boats’ intended role in maritime trade. Can correlations be made between ships of specific sizes having specific purposes? An attempt at comparing ship size and cargo of similar wrecked vessels that share a similar temporal space in the area will be necessary and vital to ascertain such qualities. Much, but not all of the cargo was Chinese, the whole of which may help reflect a particular course of trade through the area. Planned testing of the metals excavated at the site will hopefully help promote the need for a complete database of metallurgical sources in the th region, to help further understand the role that the Lena Shoal played in 15 Century Southeast Asian Maritime trade. Introduction Shipwrecks are often referred to a “time capsules,” whereby the moment a ship sinks and comes to rest on the ground; it produces a pseudo-effect of an event “trapped” outside of time. Everything on that ship (including cargo and hull) in that moment gives us a font of information most importantly due to their connection with each other. Since all these items onboard were deposited in situ at the same time, then they have relatability to one another. While fieldwork methods of mapping, excavating and cataloguing the artifacts will yield a large amount of data, there are a number of other inferential corollaries to be made with the finds. Richard Gould (2000:12) notes that these, “so-called events (the moment a ship wrecks, becoming a potential archaeological site) prove to be embedded in ongoing processes linked to social, economic, and even symbolic activities”. There is valued information to be gained not only from looking at the moment of the wreck, but also from the various circumstances preceding and proceeding it. Shipwrecks are part of larger social and cultural landscapes; they are not without a wider set of interpretive contexts. In the instance of the Lena Shoal wreck (or Busuanga), there is a great deal of artifactual evidence to process. Dated to approximately 1490 CE, the wreck carried a various array of materials: metal ingots and cannons, ivory, glass beads with the bulk of the cargo being a large assemblage of Chinese and Southeast Asian ceramics. �The objective of this paper is to attempt to describe the environment of 15 century production and exchange in Southeast Asia, as it possibly relates to the Lena Shoal, to put the wreck back into the social, cultural and economic systems that created it. Can inferences be made on the cargo of a wreck to determine whether the cargo practicing direct trade between two ports (making a sort of “cricket run”, between two bases), or will the cargo tell us a tale of a linear, port-to-port circuit trade known as “tramping” (like a batter traveling around the bases in baseball)? I plan on addressing this in a two ways; the artifactual assemblage, (ceramics and metals) as well as the material used in the construction of the ship. Other sources located within the assemblage give supporting claims to regional provenances, but are not as concrete as the ceramic wares. Items like ivory tusks, brass arm bangles, brass and iron cannons, bronze gongs and tin ingots reveal their presence in the remains, yet are less distinct in the details. In these cases traditional typological studies can reveal vague regions of production rather than specific production centers. This paper is also intended to stress the strict need for metallurgical surveys and X-ray Florescence (XRF) catalogues throughout the region, to aid in distinguishing provenances of the ingots (both the iron and tin) and well as the brass workings in the collection. To achieve these goals, it will be necessary to understand the concepts of what is and what is not an emporium, how this affects and directs trade routes and connectivity, and whether the classical definition of the term applies to the ports of trade in Southeast Asia. th The wreck of the Lena Shoal The wreck was discovered in 1996. The book, Lost at Sea by Goddio, et al. (2000) relates the discovery and subsequent archaeological excavation through the following facts. The research vessel Kaimiloa, en route to another archaeological site, was waylaid by reports of fisherman bringing up ceramic shards in their fishing nets. A quick scan and reconnaissance dive by the vessels’ crew revealed a large swath of ceramics and elephant tusks at a depth of about 48 meters. After an impressive feat of organization and logistics, in a matter of weeks the team managed to secure the site, map the wreck in commendable detail, and bring up thousands of artifacts from the wreck. The bulk of the cargo seems to have been ceramic in nature. Monique Crick (2002:86) notes that there were blue and white porcelains, celadon ware, monochrome and Fahua porcelains from China within the wreckage. The cargo also consisted of Thai Sawankhalok and Tao Maenam Noi jars, Siamese Celadons and Vietnamese stonewares. These items clearly have a specific provenance in their creation; ones which archaeologists are able to correlate to definite kiln sites throughout Southeast Asia and China. Other items uncovered within the wreck include; bronze arm bangles, bronze and iron cannons, iron pots, tin ingots and pig iron, as well as laquerware, iron needles, elephant tusks, glass beads , stone/shell objects and pepper. �Comparative analysis was done on the remainder of the hull (left in situ) to determine the materials used in its construction, and spectrographic samples of the tin, brass and beads were performed. Concepts of Emporia There are varying definitions for the word “emporia”. At its barest definition, the word was used merely as a synonym for “port” (Rouge 1966); Its’ other minimalistic meaning was known as a “place where ships are built” (Rouge 1966). This acts as a “stepping off” point, to be able to define the term in a more elaborate manner. Defined from a purely economical position, emporia is characterized by historian and Indologist Deitmar Rothermund (1991:3) as a: (M)arket place in which a variety of goods is more or less continually available and in which a plurality of buyers and sellers can meet without undue restraint under predictable conditions of supply and demand. A synthesis of these base definitions were made by Alain Bresson (1993), using translations and writings from Greek geographer Strabo and analyses of Strabo from Michel Casevitz (1993). He notes the necessity to include geographical terms in the definition of emporia, notably the need for its connectivity to water (i.e. river, canal, and sea). This is useful because it includes both a market function AND connectivity. With the exception of Rothermund, these authors are referring to emporia in the Mediterranean during the Roman period, yet I believe there are similarities in the terms and universals in the concepts that can be used to define emporia globally. Obviously there are some differences in defining Asian emporia and Mediterranean emporia, as well as temporal differences in entrepots between the Roman era (27 BCE - 476 CE) and the Medieval Era (10th - 15th centuries), further research is needed to properly compare and contrast the two. In the case of Southeast Asia, an attachment to the sea certainly applies here. The regions’ major centers of civilization come from water rich areas. Riverine locales promoted an agricultural boon and the use of the rivers as trade routes imply that early cities established on these coastal tributaries may embody the very nature of emporia (see Hall 2011). Strabo notes there are specific activities and structures that contribute to the identity of emporia. Obviously, commercial activity is one aspect that defines an emporium. He stresses that trade can have a single axis (i.e. one way trade, tribute), or dual axes (i.e. forms of exchange, barter). With these commercial activities come commercial structures; buildings like trade offices, storage facilities and market halls. From an agricultural standpoint, it would be necessary to have grain storage of some sort not only for the local populace, but as a tradable commodity. Technically, an emporium would benefit from places to build or repair one’s ship as well as fabricate certain items. Certain religious structures would be present to cater to the various religions of the local populace as well as the passing sailor and traveler. Institutional and bureaucratic structures like tax �offices and administrational centers would be in place to facilitate profit for the state and establish diplomacy in state matters. Emporia in Southeast Asia certainly had some of these structures and processes in place to varying degrees. These structures may take form as a “Bund”, built similarly like Shanghai’s port that was established during the 18 th century steamship era, or something more organic, whereby structures and processes were erected and established in a port as they were needed, and wherever they could fit them. However, some of these structures may not have been necessary in Southeast Asia, certainly depending upon how large or small the emporium was. There are theories in maritime economics that propose varying degrees of emporia, based upon region of connectivity. Some emporia may cater to a local, riverine population; other mid-level emporia operate within small seas or cities along a stretch of coast line, while other, even larger emporia may provide interactions from a multitude of continents. Martin Stopford attempts to place these emporia into different sizeable contexts, based on type of maritime trade. He proposes that there are some ports that specialize in either Interregional trade, Short sea trade, and/or Land/River/Canal based trade. (1988:39) The models are applied by Stopford in a modern framework, defining Interregional trade (or “Deep-Sea shipping”) as economic exchange between continental landmasses; Short Sea trade is defined as the coastal distribution of the cargo delivered to major ports by Deep Sea shippers. Local/River/Canal transport is small scale, localized trade within a series of waterways or river network (Figure 1). Figure 1. Stopford’s Models of Modern Sea Trade �There are certainly emporia that do some or all of these types of trade, but within these types of emporia one trade method is usually more popular than the others. Within the region of Southeast Asia, and using Stopford’s models of trade I suggest breaking and splitting Interregional trade into Inter-regional emporia and Intra-regional emporia (Figure 2). I believe that these terms would easily assist in defining which ports were catering to ports mostly within (Intra) Southeast Asia and those emporia whose region of trade and contact was between two regions (Inter). Stopford’s “Short Sea” shipping model can apply to vessels that operate Intra-regionally, because the largely common practice of following the coast applies to Most of Southeast Asia. Examples of Inter-regional emporia would be cities along the straits of Moluccas and Java in the West and the Chinese cities of Guangzhou and Quanzhou in the East. There are other regional emporia which had some degree of inter-regional contact, depending upon politics and security at that time. Entrepots that typically operate as Intraregional emporia are those that are mostly engaged in trade within the South China, Sulu and Java Seas, including the Gulf of Thailand (Hall 2011). Figure 2: Augmented Inter/Intra regional model for within Southeast Asian context. �Reflections on the wreck of the Lena, as it relates to Southeast Asian emporia The ship It is important to note that while the design of the Lena may be Chinese in nature, the ship itself is not. Identification of the planking reveals the type of wood to be a variety of Shorea (Shorea sp.) It is a tropical hardwood belonging to the family Dipterocarpaceae, and found most commonly in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Two taxa of Shorea are found in China, but both are rare, and not located near the coastal China. The pegs/treenails used to connect the planking were identified as GuttaPercha (Palaquium sp.) of the family Sapotaceae. Again, this is a wood primarily native to Southeast Asia and Northern Australasia. These factors point to a ship that was most likely constructed in Southeast Asia, in the Southeast Asian junk tradition, and most likely called its home port somewhere in the region. The cargo The wreck contained items from all over Southeast Asia and China, the majority of the cargo coming from China. Franck Goddio (2000) surmises that the Lena Shoal most likely overshot its port of call in the Philippines, after visiting ports of China, Vietnam and Thailand (in that order), and while attempting to come around, grounded itself along the Palawan Coast. It is most likely that the ships’ next port of call was the Philippines. A nearly identical list of commodities that the Philippine elite were importing was documented by E.P. Patanñe (1996:59) in The Philippines in the 6th through 16th Centuries, he states, (t)he elite [of Tanjay] also possessed [in their burial contexts] status-symbolizing goods such as trade porcelains from China , Annam and Siam, iron and bronze weaponry, brass and copper gongs and drums, silks and fine cotton textiles, elaborate basketry, beaded and gold ornaments. This shows that there is a clear corollary between the marketable commodities popular in the Philippines at that time, and the cargo on the Lena Shoal, deemed as product that never made it to its intended destination. Further Study It is conjectured that the Lena arrived and traded at ports in China, Vietnam and Thailand before making its last leg of the trip to the Philippines – tramping (Figure 3; Goddio, et al. 2000:259). �Figure 3. Emporia based “Direct trade” example vs. Non-emporia, “Tramping” model (adapted from Goddio, et al. 2000:259). I wish to propose an alternative pattern of trade that the Lena may have taken before its untimely end. As mentioned earlier, the tin was (expertly) analyzed by Energy Dispersive Spectrometer. Without going into great scientific detail about the process, an elemental spectrum is created of the sample, and, with the help of other measured metallic spectra, there may be a chance to source the material being analyzed. The goal is to look at sources of tin throughout Southeast Asia, with the hopes of locating where the tin on the Lena Shoal came from. The island of Mendo Barat, in Indonesia is one of the largest, if not the largest sources of tin in the region. If analysis of these sources of tin is catalogued, then we can cross reference the data from Mendo Barat with the tin ingots found within the Lena cargo. The same holds true for the Brass bracelets located within the wreck. Spectrographic analysis gives us a detailed look at the copper, zinc and tin elements in the arm bangles. Again, if accurate analyses of said sources were measured and catalogued, it might reveal useful information about the arm bangle and bracelet trade as well as the ship(s) that carry them. At that time, India held the largest sources of zinc, and if the spectrographic analysis matched sources from there, it would reveal significant insight into the metallurgy trade of the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. �If the tin was from Mendo Barat, it could suggest that the Lena Shoal had docked there previously. The ship could have made its way up from Srivijaya, through Thailand and Vietnam, up into China and on its way to the Philippines when it overshot its port. It still remains plausible that the Lena’s next port was in the Philippines, quite possibly with the intent to unload the whole of its cargo. However, the sheer volume of high quality blue-and-white ceramics on the boat does not coincide with the social atmosphere in 15th century Philippines. Studies done by John Miksic (2006) and Laura Junker (1999) show an increase in the demand of high quality porcelain, but not to the extent of what the Lena Shoal was carrying. It lends credence to the possibility that the Philippines was at least the intended port of call for a portion of the blue-and-white, with the bulk of the Chinese ceramics destined for points farther West. In that regard, we may envision a ship whose route was forever clockwise, possibly engaging in a cyclical trade pattern throughout Southeast Asia and Southern China. Clearly identified trading routes would certainly contribute to such a scenario. Goddio (2000:8) put forth the claim of a maritime trading route up and down the Western Palawan coast, stating that although there are no textual sources that mark a trade route via this corridor, he believed that it was a frequently used route since the eleventh century. He backed that up with finding and documenting other wrecks along the coast, showing that indeed the route was a popular one. An original map of the region, recently rediscovered in the Bodleian Library Special Collections in Oxford, dating to the mid-16th century further supports his theory. Figure 4. Selden Map. Orientation - North is to the right (photo by author, copyright Ashmolean Museum). �The “Selden Map”, is a detailed map of Southern China and Southeast Asia in the 17th Century (Figure 4). Dated to 1653, it was allegedly made by Chinese cartographers and captured during a British military operation. There were two documented independent ventures from Britains to China around that time; One by Henry Bornford made in 1635 and another made in 1637 by William Corteen’s Association. Both were going to Macao, but no mention of the map was in either record (Riddick 2006). The map appears to have been made in Quanzhou, as it appears to be the start of all the sea routes on the map. The map clearly shows Goddio’s suggested Palawan Strait route, supporting his theory regarding that coastal trade route. The map also reveals a direct trade route from Quanzhou to the Philippines, which may help bolster the cyclical route of the Lena Shoal. Certainly, there are a great many other factors to be taken into account to help support this claim. Agents like weather patterns, politics and maritime logistics need to be, and will be, studied to bolster this theory (Fahy in prep). I hope though that the paper shows the necessity for a more complete metallurgical spectroscopy catalogue, and a need for continued collaboration supporting the field of maritime archaeology in Southeast Asia. Bibliography “Flora of China, 2004-2010”, in The Flora of China Project, Missouri Botanical Garden Press, accessed June 17 th 2011: http://flora.huh.harvard.edu/china/. Bresson, A., and L’Emporion, De Boccard, Paris. Rouillard, P., 1993 Cricket Run or Home Run: Emporia and non-Emporia based Fahy, B., trade in Southeast Asia, unpublished DPhil thesis, Oxford In preparation Centre for Maritime Archaeology, University of Oxford. Sunken Treasure: Fifteenth Century Chinese Ceramics From Goddio, F., the Lena Cargo, Periplus, London. Pierson, S., and Crick, M., 2000 Goddio, F., Crick, Lost at Sea: The Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk, M., Pierson, S., Periplus, London. and Scott, R., 2002 Archaeology and the Social History of Ships, Cambridge, Gould, R. A., 2000 Cambridge University Press. A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Hall, K. R., Societal Development, 100-1500, Rowman and Littlefield, 2011 Maryland. Raiding, trading, and feasting: the political economy of Junker, L. L., Philippine chiefdoms, University of Hawai`i Press, Honolulu. 1999 Brach, A. R., 2011 �“Chinese Ceramics and the Economics of Early Southeast Asian Urbanisation, 14th to 16th Centuries”, in Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association, 26, pp.147-153. The Philippines in the 6th through 16th Centuries, LSA Press, Patanñe, E.P., 1996 San Juan. The History of British India: a chronology, Praeger Riddick, J. F., 2006 ,Connecticut. Rothermund, D., “Asian Emporia and European Bridgeheads” in (eds.) Roderich Ptak and Dietmar Rothermund, Emporia, 1991 commodities and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade, C.1400-1750., Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart. Recherges sur L’organisation du Commerce Maritime Rouge, J., Mediterranee sous L’empire Romain, Service d'Edition et de 1966 Vente des Publications de l'Education Nationale (S.E.V.P.E.N.) , Paris. Selden Map of MS Selden Supra 105], Map Collection, Bodleian Library, Southern China University of Oxford, Oxford. and Southeast Asia, 1653 Stopford, M., Maritime Economics, Unwin Hyman, London. 1988 Miksic, J. N., 2006 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cricket run or Home run? Can a correlation between Emporia and non-Emporia based trade be made using the wreck of the Lena Shoal? Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource Is it possible to look at a shipwreck like the Lena Shoal and investigate patterns of emporia and non-emporia trade throughout Southeast Asia? Was the boat simply ferrying cargo from one specific port to another specific one, or was the trade a linear, multi-legged run? By looking at the artifactual assemblage of the boat and its cargo, its construction, as well as the socio-political and economic climate of 15th Century Southeast Asia and China, it is the goal of this paper to assess what trading might have looked like from a boat like the Lena Shoal. Both types of trading were most likely happening simultaneously, but there may certain characteristics that the Lena Shoal wreck possessed that may stress a specific role or function that it had in the smaller (or larger) scheme of Southeast Asian trade. Construction methods and ship size of the boat may reveal details into the boats’ intended role in maritime trade. Can correlations be made between ships of specific sizes having specific purposes? An attempt at comparing ship size and cargo of similar wrecked vessels that share a similar temporal space in the area will be necessary and vital to ascertain such qualities. Much, but not all of the cargo was Chinese, the whole of which may help reflect a particular course of trade through the area. Planned testing of the metals excavated at the site will hopefully help promote the need for a complete database of metallurgical sources in the region, to help further understand the role that the Lena Shoal played in 15th Century Southeast Asian Maritime trade. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brian Fahy Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4