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                    <text>Rocks, Wrecks and Relevance: Values and Benefits in
Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Bill Jeffery1

Abstract
A small limestone outcrop is located on part of Tanzania‟s coastline on the island of Kilwa Kisiwani (now a
World Heritage Site). Local folklore depicts this as an Arab dhow, turned to rock following prayers offered
by the local residents, fearful that the crew of the dhow were coming to harm them. This folklore was
recorded during some oral history work in a maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH) project at
Kilwa Kisiwani. It was a reminder of what the local people valued and equally, if not more important, to
their cultural identity.
This presentation will use three locations, from Chuuk and Yap in the Federated States of
Micronesia to Kilwa Kisiwani in Tanzania to explore their tangible and intangible maritime and underwater
cultural heritage (UCH) and how they are valued.. In all these cases local communities know what are the
significant MUCH sites and stories, yet other site types and/or other (non-local) values can dominate
management programs. This is compounded by international agreements such as the United Nations
Educational. Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of
Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) giving prominence to more dominant cultural values and
in pursuing management processes that marginalize local sites and values. This causes some
indifference in developing MUCH programs in some countries which is further influenced by the fact that
not all countries can afford or want to implement MUCH programs, particularly if the programs do not
provide real benefits to communities and stakeholders.
Within this context, the presentation will explore what forms of empowerment programs have
been used or are being considered in realising the MUCH aspects of a community‟s cultural identity.

Chuuk
Chuuk (formerly Truk) is located in the Western Pacific Ocean 3,700 kilometers (km)
south-east of Tokyo and is made up of the central most populated area Chuuk Lagoon,
and five coralline atoll groups. Today it forms one of the four States of the independent
Nation, the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM).
Chuuk has been inhabited for about 2,000 years and the inhabitants were initially
coastal dwellers living in stilt houses who produced a simple undecorated pottery from
local clays (Rainbird 1993). As time moved on, Chuukese moved from being coastal
dwellers to hill top inhabitants. Edward Hall and Karl Pelzer (1946:22) state that, „Truk
society is divided into three large groups: chiefs, chief‟s people and common people or
low-class people‟.
Land ownership has been and continues to be very important to Chuukese. The
Chuuk landscape has spiritual associations known through traditional stories. Many
landscape features provide spiritual connections to Chuukese history, mythology and
settlement of the islands as well as in a metaphorical manner, through the Itang
language (Figure 1). The sites and stories are still a strong and tangible part of
Chuukese society in the same way as land ownership.

1

Coordinator, Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Program, CIE-Centre for International Heritage
Activities, billfjeffery@gmail.com

1

�Figure 1. Tonaachaw, viewed as a supernatural octopus, kuus, whose tentacles stretch
out across Chuuk Lagoon to the outer islands (King and Parker 1984:55),
Photograph by Arimichy Rudolph, 2006.
Chuukese cultural practices, customs and traditions are inherent in every part of
daily life. Aspects of these cultural practices can be manifested in what is sometimes
called tangible heritage but much is intangible. All constitute an important part of being
Chuukese. In contrast to western, scientific construction of heritage, tangible heritage is
of less value in relation to Chuukese cultural identity.

Colonial history
Chuuk, as with all of Micronesia, had Spanish (only as a presence from 1565 but
formally as a colonial ruler from 1885-1898), German (1899-1914), Japanese (19141945) and the United States of America USA (1945-1991) colonial rulers, with the
Japanese and Americans having the greatest influence on current lifestyles.
In 1919 under the League of Nations (the forerunner to the United Nations)
Micronesia (apart from Guam which remained as an American territory) was entrusted
to Japan to administer as a Mandated Territory. Given the vigor and size of the
Japanese bureaucracy involved in this administration and the ineffective restrictions
placed on it by the international community, Japan was able to, „Japanize the islanders
through education, propaganda, intermarriage, and in general the promotion of cultural
changes‟ (Mirrer 1971:23).

World War II (WWII)
The Japanese Navy wanted to expand further south to the resource-rich lands of
Indonesia, Malaysia and Borneo so Micronesia was seen as stepping stones to this
region. In 1939, the Japanese Navy established the Fourth Fleet to guard Micronesia
establishing Chuuk as one of four Micronesian headquarters (Peattie 1988:251). Japan
considered that Chuuk Lagoon‟s natural fortifications made it one of the best
anchorages in the world and a „formidable naval base‟ (U.S.SBS 1947:2).
2

�The later development of the military base in Chuuk Lagoon meant great
changes to the islands, particularly around the coastline. Three airstrips were built on
the islands of Weno, Etten and Param (for fighter and bomber aircraft) and two
seaplane bases located on Tonoas and Weno. Major facilities were constructed to cater
for the various naval fleets. The main island of Tonoas had over 1,200 buildings erected
on it in addition to Dublon Town for civilians and many coastal defence guns were
established on the majority of the islands (JICPOA 1994:10).
In February and May 1944 a total of 3,450 aircraft bombing flights from an
American Carrier Task Force of over 50 ships sunk more than 60 Japanese navy and
merchant ships located within Chuuk Lagoon, and destroyed over 300 aircraft, and the
airstrips and many of the buildings on the islands in Chuuk Lagoon.
Chuukese suffered the greatest loss of life in all the Caroline Islands from the
almost daily bombing (Poyer, et al. 2001:147). Initial USA plans for Chuuk were for a
USA fleet anchorage and recreation centre (Blake 1945). Within a short time, and a
change of plans not to proceed with the recreation facilities, USA impacts and aims
became similar to earlier Japanese time—imposition of another official language,
alienation of land, manipulation of the traditional political and social structures, and
acquisition of the territory through a United Nation system leading to independence with
strings attached. “Japanizing” Micronesia was replaced with “Americanizing”
Micronesia.

Yap
Yap (Waab, the traditional name) is located 840 km south west of Guam.. Yap is one of
the four States of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and like Chuuk it contains
a more populated region of high volcanic islands (Yap proper) and some outer coralline
atoll groups. The population today is about 11,700.
Traditions, customs and cultural practices remain a core of Yapese society. The
outer islanders are famous for their canoe building, sailing, navigation and related
customs and practices (Jeffery and Pitmag 2010). In Yap proper, stone money still plays
an important role in Yapese cultural practices and traditional dances are performed to
honour the spirits and ancestors, and tell of the suffering during World War II, amongst
other things (Jeffery and Pitmag 2010).
German administrators had a significant impact on Yapese society although it
was Japanese emigrants who arrived in great numbers that dominated Yapese. The
biggest impact during the Japanese times was in the decline of the number of Yapese;
the population dropped to 2,400 from an estimated 27,000 pre western contact, and
about 7,800 in 1899 (Adams 1997:16; Hunter-Anderson 1983; Useem cited in Takeda
1999:4).

Kilwa Kisiwani
Kilwa Kisiwani is a small island located on the southern coast of Tanzania, East Africa,
about 270 km from the capital city of Dar es Salaam.
3

�Kilwa Kisiwani was a prominent, perhaps a pre-eminent Swahili port and city
during much of its time but primarily during the 12 th-15th centuries (Sutton 1998). The
Swahili Coast of East Africa covers 3000 km of Kenya and Tanzania and was linked to
Persian traders seeking gold, ivory and slaves in Africa and bringing back to Africa
cloth, silver, perfumes and jewelry from India, and ceramics from China (see Bita this
volume). As a result the Kiswahili language developed from the mix of the African Bantu
language and Arabic and Persian words, and other key aspects of the Swahili culture
greatly developed, including Islam, Arabic art and architecture. The Portuguese
attacked Kilwa in 1505, bringing decline along with loss of control of the gold trade
(Pollard 2009).
Kilwa Kisiwani had periods of decline after the Portuguese, then great activity
mainly through the slave trade operated by the Omanis from Zanzibar up until the mid
19th century (Sutton 1998). A reminder of Kilwa Kisiwani‟s importance, prosperity and
culture can be seen in the ruins of palaces, residences, a fort, about 80 small and large
mosques, and a number of cemeteries (Figure 2).

Figure 2. The great mosque on Kilwa Kisiwani, Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2010.
4

�2001 Convention
The 2001 Convention contains a number of general articles on the best practice of
underwater cultural heritage management. It applies to „heritage sites‟ not just
„shipwrecks and artefacts‟ which means it should be the catalyst for many broader
based programs that have relevance to and benefit many people.
The 2001 Convention should therefore, as a priority, actively promote these
broader based programs especially where traditional sites and traditional cultural
practices are strongly developed and maintained in a country or region and they
contribute to a local cultural identity.

Project implementation
Kilwa Kisiwani
Since 2009, a four-phased capacity building program developed by Centre for
International Heritage Activities CIE has been implemented in Tanzania. A phased
program implemented over a period of time was considered appropriate for a number of
reasons. It provided the necessary time for teams to build the skills (in many cases this
needed to start with swimming and diving training)and it gave the trainers time to build a
relevant and beneficial local program (Parthesius and Jeffery 2009).
The program has involved many theoretical and practical sessions, from learning
to dive through to the implementation of a non-disturbance survey of a shipwreck off
Zanzibar, and reporting on their activities (see Mahudi this volume).
An Action Plan subsequently developed by the Tanzanian Stakeholders called
for more advanced training in association with the implementation of a project to survey
the MUCH sites at Kilwa Kisiwani. It was considered that the project would raise the
awareness of the value of MUCH sites and the need for ratification of the 2001
Convention, in addition to helping to sustain the MUCH Unit as the Competent
Authority. The Kilwa Kisiwani project was also recommended due to the need to assist
in the Integrated Approach to the Protection and Safeguarding of Cultural Heritage of
the Ruins of Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara, Endangered World Heritage sites which
had as a major aim, „to improve living standards and ensure long-term sustainability of
the site‟ (UNESCO Tanzania 2008)2
The project was implemented in November 2011 with the major activities being
site investigations, building a relationship with the local community, collecting oral
histories. The team also gained experience in the use of a magnetometer and searching
for some ship remains, and an anchor possibly from one of the three 16th century
Portuguese ships wrecked in the area was located during the project (Theal 1898:40;
Theal 1901:390-391, 476-477)
Of great interest with many of the residents of Kilwa Kisiwani was a site called
Jiwe la Jahazi (English translation is „stone dhow‟). Local folklore depicts the site as an
Arab dhow turned to stone following prayers offered by the local residents, fearful that

5

�the crew of the dhow were coming to harm them. The dhow and the crew changed form
and were therefore unable to harm the residents of Kilwa Kisiwani and it is now a
significant site in the maritime cultural landscape of Kilwa Kisiwani (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Jiwe la Jahazi „stone dhow‟ on Kilwa Kisiwani,
Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2010.
In a meeting with Kilwa Kisiwani‟s elders, they expressed interest and some
reservations about the MUCH project. They were very keen to obtain some lasting
tangible benefits in collaborating with researchers at the World Heritage Site and from
their experience with previous researchers, ongoing benefits were rare. In the MUCH
program, community engagement priorities from the elders were training in new skills,
ongoing employment and economic benefits.

Chuuk
A comprehensive survey was used in identifying the sites and in gaining an
understanding of their nature, integrity, condition and value (Jeffery 2007).
This work included a range of methods in order to gain an appreciation of who
maintains a „sense of belonging‟ to the submerged WWII sites. This included many
participant observations in Chuuk and the collection of oral histories from Chuukese
which provided broad socio-historic and socio-political views of Chuuk (Jeffery
2007).The type of underwater surveys employed combined with an emic approach

6

�made it possible to interpret information about different societies and their relationships
without employing any destructive site analysis3.
It was revealed that the submerged WWII sites contain both tangible and
intangible heritage aspects but the management focuses on the tangible aspects
according to a dominant Euro-American perspective. This is related to the iconic
pedestal that the tourism industry has placed the sites on which is widely promoted
through websites, and primarily American publications.
To Chuukese, the tourism industry centred on the submerged WWII sites brings
considerable economic benefit to the government and tourist operators, as does
dynamite fishing and artefact recovery to many Chuukese families. Although these
activities do conflict in relation to the management and longevity of the sites, the
government appears powerless to stop it. Although the submerged WWII sites are used
as mnemonic devices by some Chuukese to remember when the war started, it is the
terrestrial WWII sites that have family and suffering connections and reflect elements of
a Chuukese identity (Jeffery 2007).It is contended however, that the submerged WWII
sites do not provide Chuukese with a sense of place, meaning there is no sense of
belonging (Jeffery 2007).
The investigation of the Chuuk Lagoon submerged WWII sites has shown that
the value and use of the sites from a Chuukese perspective, and from a Japanese and
American perspective as well as how they imposed their values on the Chuukese, has
provided an understanding of Chuukese identity, and the impacts of colonialism in
Chuuk. It provides concepts of empowerment for the Chuukese in constructing local
identities using foreign material culture, as well as empowering them to manage these
sites but not with a marginalized voice.
Chuukese and other Pacific Islanders have expressed an indifference to, or a
reaction against the global hegemonic view of what constitutes underwater cultural
heritage as highlighted in a comment made at a UNESCO World Heritage Convention
1972 meeting of Pacific Island Nations in Vanuatu in 1999:
“Protection of Underwater Heritage”, within the Pacific, at the moment seems to refer more
often to underwater wrecks from World War II, despite the existence of other underwater
sites such as sacred cultural sites existing in many areas of the Pacific. The meeting urged
the protection of these sites as well as those on land that may be protected by the World
Heritage Convention. (WHC 1999)

Yap
Traditional sites are a primary focus for heritage management in Yap.
The Yap Historic Preservation Office (HPO) is very interested in their fish weirs
(aech). During the last few years, funding had been provided to some aech owners for
aech restoration. It was considered that a comprehensive survey of the aech, many of
which are unknown to Yap HPO, was warranted to assist in prioritising further
restoration work and revitalising what Yapese saw as a sustainable fishing practice. An
estimated 700-800 aech are thought to be located on the reef flat.
3

Knowledge about cultures can be gained through an emic approach; a subjective, insider’s perspective about what
things mean to members of a society, and/or an etic approach which is an objective, analytical interpretation of the
same customs.

7

�In 2008-2009, the author in collaboration with Yap HPO, with US National Park
Historic Preservation funding commenced a survey of the aech in association with the
aech owners, village chiefs and Yap HPO staff. The project was completed in August
2009 and the location of 432 aech, together with detailed surveys of 46 aech were
implemented (Figure 4) (Jeffery and Pitmag 2010).
This work demonstrates that maritime archaeology, if implemented in a broad
and contemporary manner can help in some important social, cultural and
environmental issues.

Figure 4. Yapese artist Luke Holoi‟s impression of an aech,
based on site and oral information

Conclusions
The 2001 Convention is a significant step forward in the management of underwater
cultural heritage sites around the world. The impetus came from effective systematic
and scientific archaeological work, as well as from the conflicting and detrimental
commercial salvage work on shipwrecks, which were pursued by affluent western
nations and nationals. This 2001 Convention and its best practices are now being
promoted for implementation around the world including countries that have no
background in implementing maritime archaeology, although they have a significant
maritime cultural heritage and identity.
8

�The types of heritage sites that some developing countries are more concerned
with are their traditional cultural sites. There are also local values in many foreign sites
as has been highlighted in this paper. However, many provisions of the 2001
Convention focus on sites that are not a priority from a local perspective or are valued
from a dominantly foreign cultural perspective. For example, a number of countries can
have an interest in a shipwreck, e.g. the owner of the ship, where it was built, where
cargo was collected, where it was destined for, and the nationality of the crew are just a
few examples of the different nationals that can be involved in shipwrecks. It may or
may not have value to the local community but there are a number of provisions in the
2001 Convention that encourage and support these many national interests and the
funding that could possibly flow. Traditional cultural sites however do not have other
interests and therefore the 2001 Convention does not as comprehensively support the
management of these sites as there is not the potential funding benefit that could come
through international collaboration. And in developing countries that need money for the
basics; health, food, housing, education, this means money for MUCH is a low priority. It
is gratifying to see an account or „fund‟ has been established to support the 2001
Convention and for supporting developing nations manage their traditional cultural sites
although how much and when money will be available is still not clear4.
In regard to some specific issues that come out of this paper, in Yap, the broad
community (politicians, government agencies, citizens) led/directed what they wanted in
regard to maritime archaeological investigations rather than outside researchers
directing what type of investigations should be implemented. In Kilwa Kisiwani there is
great potential for maritime archaeology with little having been done which, with the
same approach as in Yap, could lead to relevant projects being implemented that
achieve realistic benefits for the community.
I attempted to go into greater detail about Chuuk to highlight the complexities that
can be inherent in a region‟s history and what this greater level of understanding can
lead to. Amongst other things, it helps to understand the relevant sites to a community.
Sites that need protection and intangible heritage are part of the cultural heritage and
identity of all stakeholders. It also illustrated how foreign heritage sites could be used to
reveal information about local cultural identities. It is my view that researchers in the
field of maritime archaeology need to have an emic approach—to spend time with
communities in understanding the many, perhaps complex social issues—as well as
having an etic approach. Even more appropriate would be to have local citizens
implement projects and ongoing programs. Hence the need to develop programs in
building capacity for the many different stakeholders who could pursue local
approaches and reveal information about relevant sites and their histories, and provide
tangible benefits for their citizens.

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11

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                <text>Rocks, Wrecks and Relevance: Values and Benefits in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Session 6&#13;
Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>A small limestone outcrop is located on part of Tanzaniaâ€™s coastline on the island of Kilwa Kisiwani (now a World Heritage Site). Local folklore depicts this as an Arab dhow, turned to rock following prayers offered by the local residents, fearful that the crew of the dhow were coming to harm them.  This folklore was recorded during some oral history work in a maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH) project at Kilwa Kisiwani. It was a reminder of what the local people valued and equally, if not more important, to their cultural identity.&#13;
&#13;
This presentation will use three locations, from Chuuk and Yap in the Federated States of Micronesia to Kilwa Kisiwani in Tanzania to explore their tangible and intangible maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and how they are valued.. In all these cases local communities know what are the significant MUCH sites and stories, yet other site types and/or other (non-local) values can dominate management programs. This is compounded by international agreements such as the United Nations Educational. Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) giving prominence to more dominant cultural values and in pursuing management processes that marginalize local sites and values. This causes some indifference in developing MUCH programs in some countries which is further influenced by the fact that not all countries can afford or want to implement MUCH programs, particularly if the programs do not provide real benefits to communities and stakeholders.&#13;
&#13;
Within this context, the presentation will explore what forms of empowerment programs have been used or are being considered in realising the MUCH aspects of a communityâ€™s cultural identity.</text>
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                  <text>Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) from World War II is extensive throughout the Asia/Pacific Region. It encompasses numerous warships from many Nations, thousands of merchant ships commissioned to support the war effort, and also many other types of sites and objects such as aircraft, docks, lighthouses. A database of World War II shipwrecks for the Asia/Pacific Region stands at around 3,800 and many of them have not been explored. In 2014, World War Iâ€™s underwater cultural heritage will begin to fall under the full scope of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, and although it will be several more years for World War II sites to fulfill the Conventionâ€™s 100 year-old provision, sections of the Convention such as the Annex are now applicable in their management.&#13;
The UCH relating to WW II has a great historical importance. It is a reminder of the existence of the war and its horrible consequences. The majority of the UCH lying on the seabed are also grave sites still containing human remains. One of the goals of preservation and research must therefore be to make the public understand their historic significance and to raise the public awareness of the historical testimony these remains constitute. Many World War II sites are also popular diving sites, lending themselves to cultural tourism, and through effective in situ management and interpretation, they are significant sites in conveying many stories and reaching many people.&#13;
The UCH of WW II are an important historical source of information. They can represent the peak of technology at that time. They can also contain multi-vocal valuesâ€”different groups of people perceiving and valuing them differentlyâ€”particularly in regard to local indigenous communities who were innocent bystanders in the war but their world, their culture and heritage changed forever. The management of UCH relating to World War II contributes to the efforts in undertaking research reminding present and future generations of the importance of peace.&#13;
The objectives of the session are to:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Advance knowledge of related UCH in the Pacific,&#13;
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â€¢ Identify priority actions in terms of research, preservation and education,&#13;
â€¢ Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.</text>
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                <text>Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) from World War II is extensive throughout the Asia/Pacific Region. It encompasses numerous warships from many Nations, thousands of merchant ships commissioned to support the war effort, and also many other types of sites and objects such as aircraft, docks, lighthouses. A database of World War II shipwrecks for the Asia/Pacific Region stands at around 3,800 and many of them have not been explored. In 2014, World War Iâ€™s underwater cultural heritage will begin to fall under the full scope of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, and although it will be several more years for World War II sites to fulfill the Conventionâ€™s 100 year-old provision, sections  of the Convention such as the Annex are now applicable in their management. &#13;
The UCH relating to WW II has a great historical importance. It is a reminder of the existence of the war and its horrible consequences. The majority of the UCH lying on the seabed are also grave sites still containing human remains. One of the goals of preservation and research must therefore be to make the public understand their historic significance and to raise the public awareness of the historical testimony these remains constitute. Many World War II sites are also popular diving sites, lending themselves to cultural tourism, and through effective in situ management and interpretation, they are significant sites in conveying many stories and reaching many people. &#13;
The UCH of WW II are an important historical source of information. They can represent the peak of technology at that time. They can also contain multi-vocal valuesâ€”different groups of people perceiving and valuing them differentlyâ€”particularly in regard to local indigenous communities who were innocent bystanders in the war but their world, their culture and heritage changed forever. The management of UCH relating to World War II contributes to the efforts in undertaking research reminding present and future generations of the importance of peace. &#13;
The objectives of the session are to: &#13;
 &#13;
â€¢	Advance knowledge of related UCH in the Pacific, &#13;
 &#13;
â€¢	Identify priority actions in terms of research, preservation and education, &#13;
â€¢	Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.&#13;
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                    <text>A history and archaeology of fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia
Bill Jeffery, PhD (Associate Professor Anthropology, College of Liberal Arts and Social Science,
University of Guam)
ABSTRACT
Tuna fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is currently a sustainable and profitable fishing industry
and part of the leading world tuna fishing industry in the western Pacific.
This paper will outline how the FSM got to this position and what related tangible and intangible heritage
exists today. It begins with how indigenous people from the region implemented their fishing practices, using
techniques that were implemented in balance and harmony with their marine environment. When Japan colonised
the region, they were aware of the rich marine resources, proclaiming Micronesia had about ‘one-tenth of the total
known fish in the world’. In 1918 they enthusiastically began to develop a fishing industry, which included
exploiting shellfish, beche de mer, mackerel, different species of tuna, and skipjack tuna that became the dominant
species exploited, for the benefit of Japanese people and the Japanese economy. However, local people in
Micronesia were not actively encouraged to be part of this industry. The Japanese established a research station and
imposed several regulations in how the industry should be developed and implemented.
This activity occurred pre-World War II, and during the war many of the fishing vessels were converted to
assist in the war effort, then lost during the war. Following World War II, the U.S. attempted to revive the tuna
fishing industry in association with local people, having limited success, but today tuna is the FSM’s top export, and
part of a sustainable billion-dollar industry that provides benefits to local people. Coupled with the extensive
tangible and intangible heritage of indigenous fishing before Japanese times, a holistic picture of the cultural
landscape and seascape associated with fishing will be provided in this paper.
Keywords: Tuna fishing, Micronesia, Japan, World War II
List of Figures
Figure 1: Locality map of various places mentioned in this paper. Chuuk Lagoon is shown as ‘Chuuk Islands’.
Figure 2: Two aech (fish weirs) on the reef flat in Yap at low tide. Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2018.
Figure 3: Memorial on Tonoas dedicated to the fishermen from Okinawa who died in Chuuk (Truk).
Figure 4: Photograph of the bowsprit of the Tonoas dock boat looking back along the vessel.

INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper is relevant to this session that focuses on the sea-people of Oceania, and their
cultural identity that is reflected in their maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes. These landscapes
and seascapes encompass not just the tangible cultural heritage, being the ‘things’, such as sites and
objects, but also the living heritage, the intangible cultural heritage including cultural practices, customs,
and folklore associated with their marine environment. Central in the lives of islanders has been the
exploitation of the coast and sea for their food—predominantly the vertebrate and invertebrate fish. Fish
for islanders has been the major source of protein for thousands of years. Many practices and living
heritage in acquiring fish developed, including pelagic offshore fishing, and fish weirs and traps for
inshore fishing.
The paper commences with a discussion on the traditional Indigenous cultural heritage associated with
fish and fishing practices. When foreigners came into Oceania in 1521, they impacted many lifestyles,
cultural practices, and their fishing practices through not allowing indigenous people to use their canoes
such as in the Caroline and Mariana Islands. When Japan took control of greater Micronesia in 1914, they
enthusiastically established an industry exploiting the region’s fish for their benefit, and Indigenous
people’s fishing practices were greatly marginalised. Local people were not supported in the Japanese
1

�fishing industry, which soon became a viable and profitable industry for Japan, and in conjunction with
other industries focusing on sugar, phosphate, and copra, this made Micronesia self-sufficient. A large
influx of people from Japan, including those from Okinawa assisted in the development of the fishing
industry through their involvement in pole-and-line fishing for mainly bonito (skipjack tuna, Katsuwonis
pelamis), and employment in the canneries.
Through the use of oral sources, primary historical documents (from the pre, during, and post-World War
II periods) and secondary historical literature, together with examples of several sites and living heritage,
the extent of the cultural landscape and seascape associated with fish and fishing practices in the FSM and
in Micronesia is highlighted in this paper. The aim in highlighting this significant sea heritage is to raise
awareness of its many attributes including the cultural, historical, and archaeological values being as
valuable to land-based heritage. Many sacred and spiritual connections with the coast and sea, as well as
with fish have developed for many millions of people across Oceania. They should be as important to
land-based heritage given the planet is 70% covered with water. This ‘human’ connection and
significance needs to be recognized especially in the United Nations Decade 2021-2030 of Ocean Science
for Sustainable Development.
MICRONESIA AND THE FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA
The Federated States of Micronesia is made up of four states (from west to east), Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei
and Kosrae, with Pohnpei containing the capital of the FSM, Palikir. It comprises 607 volcanic, and
predominantly coralline islands that stretch 2,736 km west to east, and Chuuk Lagoon, which is
approximately at the centre is located at 7° 25’ North and 151° 50’ East. Micronesia is the broader region
of the north-west Pacific that includes FSM as well as the independent nations, Palau, Marshall Islands,
Nauru, and the Gilbert Islands in Kiribati, and the U.S. territories of Guam, the Commonwealth of the
Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), and Wake Island (Figure 1). The Micronesia term (meaning small
islands), was used to distinguish between other regions of Oceania, being Melanesia (islands of black
people) and Polynesia (many islands), all 19th century colonial terms for the more than 10,000 islands
located in what is now called Remote Oceania (Kirch 2010, 133). It was through the expansion of
Austronesian speaking people, originally from Taiwan, through Island Sea East Asia (ISEA), primarily
the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas (Wallacea) that people came into Oceania (Bellwood 2006, 113). The oldest
inhabited islands are those in the Mariana Islands (c. 3,500 BP), Palau, and the Bismarck Archipelago
(3,350 BP) (Carson 2014, 1; Spriggs 2013, 1). The Gilbert Islands, Marshall Islands, Pohnpei, and Chuuk
were settled later (from 2,800 to 2,000 BP), through a northward migration via the Solomon Islands into
the Gilbert Islands, Marshall Islands, Kosrae, then westward to Chuuk (Blust 1976, 29). A stimuli
Bellwood (2006, 110) promotes as to why people moved from Taiwan into ISEA, then into Oceania, was
because of their: ‘predilection for rapid coastal movement and exploration, probably to find the most
favorable environments for cultivation and sheltered inshore fishing.’

2

�Figure 1: Locality map of various places mentioned in this paper. Chuuk Lagoon is shown as ‘Chuuk
Islands’. Source USDA-NRCS National Cartography &amp; Geospatial Center, Pacific Basin Area,
1:20,000,000, Fort Worth Texas, 1999.

TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS FISHING
It is beyond the scope of this paper to provide a comprehensive perspective of the significance of fish and
fishing practices to indigenous Micronesians. Throughout Micronesia, fish are valued as part of the living
heritage for many Indigenous communities, and they connect people: ‘Fish and other marine animals are
not only aspects of many Ocean mythologies, they are also objects of exchange between clans from the
sea and the land for ceremonial purposes’ (Hilmi et al. 2016, 178). The authors found that Pacific
Islanders in exchanging goods, including fish, were doing so primarily for their social, cultural, and
political interactions, and the economic values were of secondary importance (Hilmi et al. 2016, 176).
Many traditional Indigenous conservation and management systems are carried out throughout the FSM,
such as in the pwaaw in Chuuk, where a reef section would be closed off following the death of the reef
owner (Rauchholz 2016, 57); traditional bans such as ‘harvesting at specific times the resources needed
for feasts and customary exchanges’ (David 2016, 239); and how certain fish collected from a Yapese
aech are only to be eaten by certain individuals ((Jeffery In Prep; Jeffery &amp; Pitmag 2010, 5).
Micronesians also developed extraordinary skills in catching fish, such as in CNMI, where Driver (1983,
15) related a story from a Micronesian man named Suñama told to a Spanish Priest Fray Juan Pobre in the
early 17th century about catching a marlin (Amesbury 2013, 44):
…a very large blue marlin took the hook. His line was very thin and, as he did not want to break it, he
hesitated to pull it in. Yet he was very anxious to land the fish; therefore he very cautiously began playing
and tiring it. Meanwhile, a large shark appeared and attacked the marlin in the midsection of its back. In
order not to let go of his line, the fisherman allowed his boat to capsize. Then he tied the end of the line to
the capsized boat, followed the line through the water to the shark and diverted him from his catch. He then
brought the marlin back to his boat, righted the craft, and sailed home, flying a woven mat as a banner from
the masthead.

3

�Amesbury (2013, 40) has documented the range of fish bones found in various archaeological sites on
Guam, testifying to the importance of pelagic fish in the diet, although reef fish remains are dominant.
What she discovered was that this quantity of pelagic fish remains were unique when compared to a
database of 75 Pacific Islands archaeological sites. Flying fish were also a very popular fish to catch
throughout Micronesia, either as a source of food, or as bait during pelagic fishing. In discussing fishing
practices using canoe in Yap, I learnt that the Yapese outer islanders would fish without a canoe by
floating in the water dangling a line and hook to catch shark, and there are many other stories related to
the extraordinary fishing skills of Micronesians (W. Pitmag, personal communication, 2008). Other
fishing practices can include using spears, nets, fishing poles, poisons, and traps, activities implemented
by both men and women (Merlin 2002, 27-31). Fish traps and fish weirs were extensively used
throughout Micronesia for catching reef fish on the reef flats (inshore fishing). Several styles made of
different materials such as wood, bamboo and rocks have been used, and it is the fish weirs made of basalt
or coral rocks, called aech in Yap that is extensive today and indicative of their value in FSM. The first
seven aech in Yap were built by spirits, guiding the Yapese in how to build and catch fish in a sustainable
manner, and there are about 800 around the volcanic islands of Yap. They reflect a Yapese cultural
identity, highlighting Yapese ingenuity and the harmonious, spiritual, and sustainable relationship they
have with the marine environment, through building and utilising the Traditional Ecological Knowledge
they built up (Figure 2) (Jeffery 2013).

Figure 2: Two aech (fish weirs) on the reef flat in Yap at low tide. Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2018.

JAPANESE COLONIAL PERIOD
The FSM had Spanish, German, Japanese and the U.S., colonial rulers, which all greatly impacted the
lives of Indigenous people. During the Japanese period (1914-1945) a fishing industry, as compared to
Indigenous subsistence fishing, was first developed.

4

�The Japanese commercial fishing industry was administered by a Marine Industry Section of Nan’yō-chō,
which established licences, regulations, and penalties for all commercial fishing, including Indigenous
people although their licensing was simplified if using traditional techniques (USFEA) 1944, 20). They
declared closed seasons for certain types of fishing, provided subsidies for the construction of fishing
vessels, the manufacture or purchase of new and improved fishing implements, and the construction of
processing plants, amongst other things. In addition, they provided several subsidies to assist Japanese
fishers, including the provision of boats to groups of 30-40 men who would implement bonito fishing
(USFEA 1944, 21). The commercial fishery was a Japanese industry developed for the benefit of the
Japanese government and people (USFEA 1944, vii). Subsidies for Indigenous fishers amounted to just
0.02% from 1922-1937 (Purcell 1976, 207). A Marine Products Experiment Station was established in
Palau in 1931 and was equipped to implement fisheries research, with surveys of tuna implemented across
Micronesia with two vessels Suiho Maru (180 tons), and Haku Maru (10 tons) (Gillet 2007, 4; USFEA
1944, 20).
Chuuk and Palau were the centres for this fishing industry with over 640 fishing vessels between them,
and 4,750 predominantly Japanese, and Micronesians engaged in the industry in 1937. The pole-and-line
bonito fishing vessels employed in the industry had distinctive features, with ‘angling racks extending
around the entire outside of the bulwark, and in most cases they are detachable. Live-bait tanks are placed
fore in some boats, aft in others’ (USFEA 1944, 8). Okinawan fishermen migrating to Chuuk commenced
the fishing industry, and together with Palau and Saipan, the export value of bonito climbed substantially
(Hezel 1995, 188; Kawashima 2008, 52) (Figure 3). A total of 23 factories implemented the drying and
manufacturing process for export to Japan: eight in Chuuk, and seven in Palau, all operated by Nan’yō
Kōhatsu Kaisha in 1933 (USFEA 1944, 15). In addition, two canneries were operating in 1937, one in
Chuuk run by Nankō, and one in Palau, but only 50 of the 6,305 tonnes were processed into cans.

Figure 3: ‘Memorial on Tonoas (formerly Dublon, and Natsushima) dedicated to the fishermen from
Okinawa who died in Chuuk (Truk).’ Inscription reads ‘Tamashiro Shoei (玉城松榮) [and]
Shoutokuhi (頌徳碑) [memorial]’. Photograph taken during U.S. General Robert Blake’s inspection
on the
island
on
October 4, 1945. Source: Okinawa Prefectural Archives.
http://www2.archives.pref.okinawa.jp/opa/SearchPicsDetail2.aspx?pid=63260&amp;kword=Truk

5

�Remains of land-based fishing-related activities, such as the docks, the drying factories and canneries, as
well as the fishing vessels can be found throughout Micronesia. In Chuuk, the well-preserved remains of a
pole-and-line fishing vessel, and several documented by Holly (1999, 2000, 2006) in the Marshall Islands
are a legacy of this type of tuna fishing and a significant link to the present day profitable and sustainable
tuna fishing industry (Figure 4).
During World War II, both traditional Indigenous fishing and the profitable Japanese fishing industry
essentially based on tuna greatly declined. Many fishing boats were adapted to serve in the Japanese
military, with some being destroyed during the war together with the land-based facilities. Immediately
following the war, the USA attempted to revive the tuna fishing industry, but resources were so badly
damaged, and local people had such a minor role in the industry that it was not possible. A United Nations
mission report to the Pacific Islands in the 1950s, partly blamed in a neocolonial tone, the characteristics
of local people for the poor post-war economic advancement, in addition to ‘extensive transport
requirements and a dearth of economic resources’ (United Nations Trusteeship Council 1950, 3).
In the early 1950s, restrictions on Japanese vessels fishing in Micronesia were lifted and they resumed
commercial fishing. In the 1960s both Japan and the U.S. established tuna bases throughout the Pacific
Islands (Gillett 2007, vii). Since then, tuna fishing based on skipjack tuna, has now developed into a
profitable and sustainable industry for the FSM, Palau, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Solomon
Islands, Papua New Guinea, and Tuvalu. They have come together ‘to coordinate and harmonise the
management of fisheries with regard to common stocks within the Fisheries Zones, for the benefit of their
peoples…in the world’s largest sustainable tuna purse seine fishery’ as provided in the ‘Nauru
Agreement’ (PNA (Parties of the Nauru Agreement) 2021).

Figure 4: Photograph of the bowsprit of the Tonoas dock boat shipwreck, looking back along the
vessel. Photograph by Bill Jeffery, 2006.

6

�CONCLUSIONS
The most important value of the legacy of the Japanese in developing the tuna fishing industry is the
well-regulated approach to research and management of the fishery. However, the Japanese commenced
and pursued the industry for Japanese personnel and as a Japanese commercial endeavour with minimal
support for Indigenous Micronesians. Fortunately, this has now changed with good local employment in
the industry, and good revenue for Micronesians, although the Japanese still have the largest fleet of
fishing vessels.
From the time the commercial fishing industry in Micronesia commenced in 1922, when 16 tonnes of
tuna were caught across greater Micronesia, the industry has developed where in 2020 a total of 174,476
tonnes of tuna (skipjack, yellowfin, bigeye and albacore) were caught in the FSM Economic Exclusion
Zone (EEZ) alone (Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) 2020). The highest
catch of tuna in the FSM EEZ was in 2017, with 272,580 tonnes. In 1937, there was a total of 644 vessels
employed across greater Micronesia, and in 2020, it was 312 vessels (142 purse seiners; 149 long-liners;
and 21 pole-and-line), of which 69 were FSM fishing vessels, and 243 foreign vessels (NORMA
(National Oceanic Resource Management Authority) 2019). Modern day fishing vessels have got much
larger, with the purse seiners ranging from a few hundred tonnes up to 1500+ tonnes; and the long-liners
from 50-500+ tonnes. The World Wildlife Fund (2021) regard skipjack stocks as healthy, and ‘resilient,
[but] could easily slip into a vulnerable state due to overfishing if improperly managed,’ a situation the
fisheries managers are aware of through lowering the maximum catches and limiting the number of
long-liners and purse seiners.
This paper has briefly revealed a holistic maritime cultural landscape and seascape related to fishing over
many centuries in the FSM. Traditional Indigenous fishing and the pre-World War II tuna fishing industry,
all of which incorporate tangible cultural heritage, and intangible cultural heritage (living heritage), is a
sea heritage reflecting a cultural identity of indigenous people. It is an important focus for maritime
heritage/archaeological studies in Micronesia, and throughout Oceania.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Amesbury, J.R. “Pelagic Fishing in the Mariana Archipelago: From the Prehistoric Period to the Present.” In Terra Australis 39
Prehistoric Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific Regions, edited by R. Ono, R, A. Morrison, and D. Addison, (2013):
33-58.
Bellwood P. “Austronesian Prehistory in Southeast Asia: Homeland, Expansion and Transformation.” In The Austronesians,
Historical and Comparative Perspectives, edited by P. Bellwood, J. Fox, and D. Tyron D., 103-118. Canberra: The
Australian National University Press, 2006.
Blust R. “Austronesian culture history: some linguistic inferences and their relations to the archaeological record.” World
Archaeology 8, no.1 (1976): 19-43.
Carson M. “Conclusions and Implications of Earliest Marianas Sites.” In: First Settlement of Remote Oceania, edited by M.
Carson, 135-147. Springer Briefs in Archaeology, 2014
David, G. “The challenge of sustainability for Pacific Island village fisheries, a historical perspective.” In Fishers in the Pacific:
the challenges of government and sustainability, edited by S. Pauwels, and E. Fache, 221-253. Marseille: Pacific-credo
Publications, 2016.
Driver, M.G. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and his account of the Mariana Islands.” Journal of Pacific History 18, no. 3 (1983):
198-216.
Gillett R A short history of industrial fishing in the Pacific Islands. RAP Publication 2007/22. Bangkok: Asia-Pacific Fishery
Commission, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2007.
Hezel F.X. Strangers in Their Own Land: A Century of Colonial Rule in the Caroline and Marshall Islands. Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press, 1995.
Hilmi N., Bambridge T., Safa A., Quinquis B., and P. D’Arcy “Socioeconomic significance of fisheries in the Small Island
Developing States: natural heritage or commodity?” In Fisheries of the Pacific: The challenges of governance and
sustainability, edited by E. Fache E, and S. Pauwels, 175-197. Marseille: Pacific-credo Publications, 2016.

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�Holly M.B. “Archaeological Survey and Inventory of Submerged Resources in the Lagoons of Majuro and Kwajalein Atoll.”
Part II Kwajalein Report. Kwajalein Sites on the South and Eastern Sides of Kwajalein Atoll. Republic of the Marshall
Islands: Historic Preservation Office, 1999.
Holly M.B. “Archaeological Survey and Inventory of Submerged Cultural Resources in the Lagoons of Majuro and Atoll.”
Republic of the Marshall Islands: Historic Preservation Office, 2000.
Holly M.B. “Submerged Cultural and Historic Resources of Maloelap Atoll, Marshall Islands.” Micronesian Journal of
Humanities and Social Sciences 5, No. 1/2 (2006): 162-200.
Jeffery B “Tidal Stone-Walled Fish Weirs in Asia-Pacific: An Austronesian Cultural Identity and its Relevance in Marine
Ecology Conservation.” In An Archaeology of Human Resilience: Sustainability in Indigenous Island Societies edited by
S. Fitzpatrick, J. Erlandson and K.Gill University Press of Florida, (In Prep).
Jeffery B, Perrin M. Yamafune, K. “From small beginnings to a leading world industry: the connection of Micronesian
underwater
cultural
heritage
with
its
Tuna
fishing
industry.”
J
Mari
Arch (2023).
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-023-09352-9
Jeffery B. “Reviving community spirit: furthering the sustainable, historical and economic role of fish weirs and traps.” J Mari
Arch, no. 8 (2013): 29-57
Jeffery, B., &amp; Pitmag W. “The aech of Yap: A survey of sites and their histories.” Unpublished report. Yap: Yap State Historic
Preservation Office, 2010.
Kawashima A. “Teikokushi Kenkyu to Okinawa Shusshin Nanyo Imin: Okinawa to Iu Genba Kara.” Komazawa Shigaku, no. 71
(2008): 48-69.
Kirch P. “Peopling of the Pacific: A Holistic Anthropological Perspective.” Annual Rev. Anthropology, no. 39 (2010): 131-148.
Merlin M. “Documenting fishing practices.” SPC Women in Fishing Information Bulletin, no. 11 (2002): 27-31.
www.iclarm.org/Pubs/Wif/pub_wifglobal.htm check URL
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Authority (NORMA) “Annual Report 2017-2019.”
2019.
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2021
Parties of the Nauru Agreement (PNA) “Nauru Agreement.” 2021 https://www.pnatuna.com/index.php/content/nauru-agreement
Accessed 2 October 2021
Purcell D.C. “The Economics of Exploitation: The Japanese in the Mariana, Caroline and Marshall Islands, 1915-1940.” The
Journal of Pacific History, 11, no. 3 (1976): 189-211
Rauchholz M. “Resources, boundaries and governance: What future for marine resources in Micronesia?” In Fisheries of the
Pacific: The challenges of governance and sustainability. edited by E. Fache E, and S. Pauwels, 49-76. Marseille:
Pacific-credo Publications, 2016.
Spriggs M. “Oceania: Lapita Migration.” The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration, (2013): 1-6. Wiley-Blackwell
https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm839 Accessed 11 October 2021
United Nations Trusteeship Council (U.N.TC) “Major Problems of Administration in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands.”
NARA Record Group No. 313, Washington, NARA, 1950.
United States Foreign Economic Administration (USFEA) “Civil Affairs Guide. The Fishing Industry of the Japanese Mandated
Islands.” OPNAV P22-20, US Chief of Naval Operation, 1944.
Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) “Annual Report to the Commission: Part 1: Information on
Fisheries, Research and Statistics.” 2020. https://meetings.wcpfc.int/node/11601 Accessed 2 October 2021.
World Wildlife Fund (WWF) “Skipjack Tuna.” 2021 https://www.worldwildlife.org/species/skipjack-tuna Accessed 8 September
2021.
Personal Communications
William Pitmag, former Yap State Historic Preservation Office Technical Officer

8

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                <text>Tuna fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is currently a sustainable and profitable fishing industry&#13;
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techniques that were implemented in balance and harmony with their marine environment. When Japan colonised&#13;
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known fish in the world’. In 1918 they enthusiastically began to develop a fishing industry, which included&#13;
exploiting shellfish, beche de mer, mackerel, different species of tuna, and skipjack tuna that became the dominant&#13;
species exploited, for the benefit of Japanese people and the Japanese economy. However, local people in&#13;
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tangible and intangible heritage of indigenous fishing before Japanese times, a holistic picture of the cultural&#13;
landscape and seascape associated with fishing will be provided in this paper.&#13;
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                <text>Jeffery, Bill . 2023. “A history and archaeology of fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2029</text>
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                    <text>Seabee Junkyard:
A holistic and locally inclusive approach to site management and interpretation
Kalle Applegate Palmer
University of Guam, University of Guam Marine Lab, Mangilao, Guam 96923
Email: kalleerin@gmail.com
Bill Jeffery
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, South Australia
Email: billjeffery@gmail.com
Abstract
The United States of America (U.S.) Navy’s Construction Battalion called ‘Seabees’
were born in January 1942 from the demand for a unique set of both engineering and
combat skills: “We Build, We Fight”. The Seabees were instrumental in the Pacific
theater, and played a significant role in rebuilding Guam. Known as the Seabee
Junkyard due to the dumping of Seabee materials and equipment after the war, the site
located within Apra Harbor, Guam is a popular dive site amongst local and visiting
divers. Research on the significance of the site has revealed that it also represented the
rapid demobilization of U.S. Navy after World War II (WW II). In July 2012, the
University of Guam conducted a Nautical Archaeology Society maritime archaeology
training course funded by the Guam Preservation Trust, which resulted in the material
identification and surveying of the site. Further site investigations have taken a holistic
and locally inclusive approach to the management and interpretation of the site. This
includes non-disturbance wreck diving and underwater cultural heritage education in
association with developing site preservation strategies, and compilation of a
nomination to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Additional activities in
promoting the site and educating the diving public will include underwater dive guides,
development of a comprehensive site plan and an underwater cultural heritage trail.
Engagement with various government agencies and community groups are being
implemented to gauge their various levels of interest and assistance in managing and
interpreting the site. Baseline environmental assessment surveys are to be conducted
to determine the differences in natural communities with significant man-made
substrates and those without. Further outreach proposals are being investigated to see
if it can fulfill a role as an Educational and Interpretive Park.
Key words: Seabees, Apra Harbor, Guam, Marianas archipelago, Micronesia
Introduction
Guam is the largest and most populated island of the Marianas archipelago. Exposed to
European contact since the 1500’s and administered by the U.S. since 1898, the island
has been heavily influenced by its colonizers. During WW II, Guam came under the
1

�possession of Japan from 1941 until 1944, at which time the U.S. rapidly developed its
military facilities on the island including Advanced Base Guam. Largely responsible for
this build-up were the U.S. Navy Construction Battalions, popularly known as the
Seabees. With the Seabees came vast amounts of equipment required to conduct such
a massive and rapid build-up. At the end of the war, equipment was arriving on island in
its largest quantities (Hammer, 1947). When the war ended, men on the front and
families at home demanded their immediate return. Large amounts of equipment were
dumped in the jungles and oceans of Guam. One dump site known as the Seabee
Junkyard contains a large and dense area of submerged equipment in seemingly good
condition. The site is positioned at the end of the Glass Breakwater of Apra Harbor; of
which the building was one of the highest priority projects undertaken by the Seabees
upon repossession in 1944. Little is known about the specifics of when and how the
equipment was dumped. Much of the material was unidentified until a July 2012 site
survey. The large quantity of man-made substrate provides an opportunity to describe
and monitor the natural environment in contrast to other sites lacking the unnatural
substrates but with otherwise comparable environmental conditions.
The site provides a unique opportunity for a first of its kind holistic management and
interpretative project on Guam as it is regularly accessed by recreational divers and
exposed to commercial and military activities. Sites on Guam are protected from looters
and salvagers today through recent legislation, but they have been plagued by them
since the end of WW II. The state of such sites is of concern on the island but difficult to
manage because of the ease of access to them and lack of on-site regulatory
management. The holistic management and interpretative approach would be inclusive
of educational outreach, a U.S. National Register of Historic Places nomination pending
the confirmation of its historical significance, as well as the establishment of
environmental and site baseline monitoring.
Historical Overview
The Marianas archipelago is a chain of 15 islands in the Pacific which includes Rota,
Saipan and Tinian. Anthropological and archaeological evidences support the biological
and cultural diversity of pre-contact Micronesia from around 3,500 BCE, which includes
the Chamorro group of people (Dixon et al., 2013). Ferdinand Magellan’s arrival in 1521
2

�marked the beginning of Guam’s European contact and colonization. Spain officially
claimed Guam in 1565 and occupied the island until the U.S. took possession in 1898
following the Spanish, American War (Rogers, 2011). A seaplane base was established
in Apra Harbor, in 1921, where the most suitable anchorage was located (Hammer,
1947) (Fig. 1). In 1938, the Hepburn report recommended Guam as a location for an
advanced base, a fortified base with airfields and naval facilities that could be used to
keep combatant forces on the move during future wars (Bureau of Yards and Docks,
1947). The development of Apra Harbor was prioritized, including building a breakwater
along the northwest side of the harbor to protect it from exposure to the natural
environment and potential attacks (Hammer, 1947). A mile of the breakwater had been
completed when the Japanese bombed Guam on December 8, 1941. The attack
resulted in the Japanese occupation. Advanced base work was halted (Bureau of Yards
and Docks, 1947) and pre-existing U.S. documents on the island were destroyed by the
Japanese (R. Glass, personal communication, 2013).

Fig. 1 Apra Harbor including the location of Seabee Junkyard and Sumay Village.
(Sean Newsome, 2012)

3

�Guam was liberated on July 21,
1944

and

occupational

a

Japanese

presence

on

the

island ended officially on August
10.

The

liberation

of

Guam

marked the beginning of the end
for Japanese forces. Arriving with
the Marines and Army Corp of
Engineers

were

conceived

to

the

Seabees,

support

combat Fig. 2 Seabees at work on Guam in the 1940‘s. (Bill Jeffery,
forces while building advanced 2013)
bases in military-active areas (Hammer, 1947). Seabees were organized in ‘Lions’ which
provided all support needed to build an advanced base, including multiple battalions
and great quantities of equipment. Lion Six, the Lion responsible for work in Guam,
began movement on May 1, 1944 (Hammer, 1947). Liberation marked the beginning of
a rebuilding period for Guam that resulted in the largest base west of Pearl Harbor and
the second largest base in the world (Hammer, 1947). Possession of Apra Harbor was
among the invasion objectives. The harbor developments resulted in the 17,000 linealfoot breakwater, 7,500,000 cubic feet of inner harbor dredging and 26,000 lineal-foot
quay wall (Fig. 2). The Seabees can be credited with 75 percent of the total construction
on Guam with 37,000 construction troops used in the completion of the Advanced Base
Guam (U.S.N., 1946).
Much of the Seabee’s work did not appear to be the product of any pre-planning and
consequently was completed regardless of property lines particularly with the production
of Marine Corp Drive (one of Guam’s main and longest roads) (Rogers, 2011). Much of
the land used by the military was private land and was not properly rented or paid for by
the military. Previous occupants of Sumay village actually remained in refugee camps
during this time (Rogers, 2011). The ’Magic Carpet’ operations to get troops home
began shortly after the end of the war due to demand and public outcry that forces
were not needed any longer (Hammer, 1947). The result was a rapid pace and scale
4

�demobilization resulting in disorganization, misconceptions and infighting. The Truman
administration sought post war foreign policy aimed at establishing economic not
military power. Truman avoided the increase in deficits and military expenditures,
prioritizing the balancing of the budget and ’dismantling the military machine’ (Pollard,
1985). At the time of the end of the war, Seabee equipment was being shipped out to
the Pacific in its highest quantities and could not be sent back without contributing to the
chaos (Hammer, 1947). As they demobilized on Guam, the Seabees dealt with their
equipment by dumping tractors in the jungle and tearing roofs off storage sheds,
exposing it to the elements and hastening deterioration (Hammer, 1947). Seabees
ruined their material for two reasons. The first was that it was too expensive to ship
home; many of the Seabee locations during WWII were very far from the U.S. mainland.
The second was that not returning it home created the demand for continued production
in the domestic market; returning tractors and dozers that could be re-purposed after
their use in the war effort did not stimulate the economy (J. Sprengle, Personal
Communication, 2013). The Seabees were among those severely reduced in the post
war period. By 1946, more than half of the men on Guam had been sent home and the
Naval Operating Base was falling apart (Hammer, 1947). At least thirty-one known
locations of submerged material are in Apra Harbor. Among them are two Nationally
Registered Historic Places (NRHP) and Guam Register of Historic Places (GRHP),
Tokai Maru, a Japanese passenger-cargo freighter struck down by a U.S. submarine in
1943

and

SMS

Cormoran,

a

German ship destroyed in 1917
(Dixon, personal communication,
2013). A number of sites in the
area qualify as NRHP and or
GRHP but have not yet been
nominated.
Natural Environment
Guam is 32 miles long and varies
from 4 to 8 miles wide. It differs in
its natural environment with a higher

Fig. 3 Unidentified material at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012.
(Bill Jeffery, 2012)

5

�limestone plateau occupying the northern half and red clay volcanic soil in the southern
half which is vulnerable during the regular heavy rains. The island is surrounded by a
reef system (Bureau of Yards and Docks, 1947). Changes in the natural environment
have occurred since WW II. Apra Harbor has been predominantly used by the U.S.
Navy for the naval station and naval supply depot but is also accessed commercially
and recreationally. Commercial uses include the Port Authority, the Cabras power plant
and recreational uses include diving, snorkeling, fishing, and jet skiing. Recreational,
military and commercial activity in the area can be considered a human disturbance that
may affect coral reef health. Currently, 27% of the world’s coral reefs are at high risk
and 31% at moderate risk due to human disturbance (World Resources Institute, 2013).
Confirmed disturbances that are factors at the Seabee Junkyard include coastal
development, port installation, recreational activities, tourist facilities, and nuclear
activity (Chabanet et al., 2005). The Seabee Junkyard is located at a depth of eight
meters, 200 meters inside of Apra Harbor along the Glass Breakwater (Fig. 1). The site
covers an estimated two acres of benthic surface area which includes four tractors, an
amtrac, ten pontoon outboard motors, cranes, vehicle remains and hundreds of meters
of one steel piping (Figs. 3-5). Fish found at the site can include Porcupinefish, Diodon
nicthemerus; Moorish idols, Zanclus cornutus; Blue chromis, Chromis cyanea; and
Yellow tangs, Zebrasoma flavescens. Invertebrates at the site may include Day octopi,
Octopus cyanea; blue Linckia, Linckia laevigata; and Cnidarians including jellyfish and
corals. The coral community at the site appears to differ in diversity, quantity and size
from those at similar sites without material but this has not yet been confirmed
quantitatively.
Existing Underwater Archaeological work
Since 2002, the National Park Service gave WW II sites a threatened status as a result
of the ’significant deterioration, vandalism and looting’. WW II sites on Guam comprise
about 20 percent of the islands submerged cultural heritage sites (Jeffery, 2013).
Natural and cultural processes at submerged sites ’intermingle’ with each other and may
be interpreted and managed simultaneously. Environmental processes which affect a
site are specific to the environment they are located in and are inclusive of regional
6

�biology, water movement and quality (Keith, 2004). Multidisciplinary studies surrounding
mid-20th century underwater cultural resource sites and the hazards to the environment
are emerging. A study on the USS Arizona which was sunk during the battle of Pearl

Fig. 4 One of four dozers at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012. (Bill Jeffery, 2012)

Fig. 5 Unidentified material at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012. (Bill Jeffery, 2012)

Harbor in 1941 was geared towards monitoring the rate of oil release into the ocean as
well understanding the nature of and rate of deterioration of the vessel (NPS, 2013).
Baseline monitoring was designed and completed to quantifiably assess the changes
7

�over time. Diverse disciplines of research were investigated simultaneously; each
related directly or indirectly to overall project objects (Russell et al., 2004). Similarly, an
Earthwatch Project in 2006-2008 was completed in Chuuk comparing reef communities,
coral and fish diversity, at natural sites with shipwrecks (Jeffery, 2012). Guidelines for
monitoring the natural and cultural attributes of submerged historic sites were for the
National Historic Preservation Office (HPO) Federated States of Micronesia, Pohnpei
(Jeffery et al., 2007). They were intended for use throughout Micronesia and aimed to
promote education and training so that additional culturally significant sites could be
studied using the same guidelines. Guidelines encompass maritime archaeology,
marine biology, corrosion surveying, site conservation and conservation components
and stress regular, locally based monitoring for the best management. The development
of a database with files on each submerged site was also among the recommendations
from the report (Jeffery et al., 2007).
There is no existing comprehensive framework for assessing risk and managing
polluting wrecks although a series of regional frameworks exist according to Landquist
(2013) which sought to analyze risk assessment methods and suggest a framework for
risk assessment. Factors in coral reef and resource decline include complications
inhibiting abandoned vessel removal as well as vessel impact resulting from contact
with reefs according to a 2003 National Oceanic and Atmosphere Administration
Damage Assessment Center by Smith et al., 2003. The study promotes the need for a
data collection identifying abandoned vessels linked to a Geographic Information
System. Risks from WW II wreck pollution exist and continue to increase. Thirteen
million tons of vessels are reflected in the Pacific WW II information database that
consists of 3,800 shipwrecks. Pollution results from leaking oil, fuel, chemicals and
unexploded ordinance. Many of these sites are rapidly deteriorating. The Pacific Ocean
Pollution Prevention Program of the South Pacific Regional Environment Program
(SPREP) developed a regional strategy to investigate ways of minimizing environmental
damage resulting from these sites while also preserving site sanctity (Monfils et al.,
2006). Creating artificial reefs by sinking de-fouled ships or other materials has been
increasingly popular. The Victorian Artificial Reef Society in Australia scuttled the ex
HMAS Canberra in 2005 to develop an artificial reef dive site. A biological assessment
8

�of the site conducted in 2006 established that the wreck may still be less diverse than
the natural reef in the area nearby although home to multiple fish and invertebrate
species. The study was intended as a baseline study for which future assessments
could be compared (Schlacher-Hoenlinger et al., 2006).
Project Focus
In July 2012, the Seabee Junkyard was
mapped and surveyed by a Nautical
Archaeology

Field

School

at

the

University of Guam funded by Guam
Preservation Trust. The field school
recommended the distribution of the site
plan (Fig. 6) as well as community
outreach, and further historical research
to

improve

site

interpretation

and

management. The site survey resulted

Fig. 6 Seabee Junkyard Site Map. (Bill Jeffery, 2013)

in the positive identification of WW II
Seabee material at the site. Funded by Guam Preservation Trust, an intensive program
of community and stakeholder engagement was conducted in July 2013. The program
collected feedback on potentially renaming the site as well as further developing it as an
underwater educational and interpretive park. This project is being conducted in
conjunction with the program. Outcomes from stakeholder engagement included the
production of educational and recreational tools for divers, tourists and community
members.
This project will take a holistic approach to in situ interpretation and management that
incorporates the site history, site value, and environmental baseline studies of sites.
This will promote protection of both the history and the environment with nondisturbance diving techniques promoted throughout the region. The easy accessibility of
the site and diversity of substrates, both man-made and natural as well as its exposure
to human disturbances in a relatively protected natural environment provides a unique
opportunity for research, monitoring and education. Gaining a better understanding of
the natural environment at the site can give insight as to the impacts of the WWII
9

�material on the environment. Studying the secondary depositional process of the
salvage of a site after wreckage, predominantly by looters, which alters the
archaeological record left since the primary depositional process of the actual wreckage
of the material can complement interpretation of the site (Keith, 2004; Muckelroy, 1978).
At the site, there is little to no material that may be lifted by hand with much of it
removed by local and visiting looters (M. Beggs, Personal Communication, 2013). Local
management of these sites has not been effective in preventing the extensive looting
from cultural sites and damage to both natural and cultural heritage. In contrast, in
Chuuk, dive guides generally help in curbing looting and there for the protection of these
submerged cultural heritage sites (Jeffery, 2012). There is some legal protection in
place; permits administered by Guam Historic Preservation Office are required to
recover material under Title 21 (Real Property) Chapter 76 (Historical Objects and Sites).
The U.S. protects the sovereignty of sunken government vessels, aircraft and
spacecraft. Recovery of such craft is not allowed without permission (Federal Register,
2004). The U.S. Navy does not allow recovery or disturbance of the material nor
alteration of the site which is on land managed both by either the U.S. Navy or the
Guam Historic Preservation Office. Studies carried out on the Seabee Junkyard have to
be approved by both entities.
Methods
Establishing and conducting the environmental baseline assessment requires
preliminary surveys of the water column and the benthic community will be conducted.
The assessment for all categories will record down to the lowest taxon possible. The
water column study will be conducted using the Stationary Point Count (SPC) method
which is optimal for monitoring large and mobile species. Three cylindrical areas in the
research site and the control site will be assigned and fish, mobile invertebrates, and
mega fauna will be tallied in the area. The cylindrical area will be five meters in diameter
and data collected will reflect all fish in the entire water column with only those
penetrating the area recorded for species. Surveying will start with five minutes of
observation and species listing before counting for five minutes (Ayotte et al.,
2011). Data collected will also include bottom current, visibility, transect depth and

10

�slope. Rugosity measurements will be made dissecting the SPC monitoring zones along
a 10 m transect tape.
The benthic community survey data will be collected using quadrats and line-intersect
transects. Data collected will be in two parts: the substrate type, and what is on the
substrate. Categories for substrate type are man-made or natural. Man-made
substrates include wood, metal, plastic. Natural substrates include pavement, dead
coral, sand patches, rubble, and rock. Growth on substrate may be categorized as live
hard coral, soft coral, coraline algae, macroalgae, other, recently killed/dead coral,
rubble, pavement, and sand. Benthic community data will be statistically analyzed using
a one-way ANOVA and a Cluster Analysis, hierarchically grouping data by similarity, will
be applied for the results of the SPC survey. This preliminary analysis is a question
driven monitoring framework which will assist in determining the survey design (Houk
and van Woesik, 2013).
Conclusion
In order to meet the project objective of holistically interpreting and managing the site in
situ, the following outputs are being developed: U.S. National Register of Historic
Places Nomination, Environmental Baseline Assessment, and development of public
outreach and education including a dive map, presentations to schools and tourism
operators. Research to produce a NRHP nomination for Seabee Junkyard is being
conducted to ascertain the site’s historical significance. Interpreting and nominating the
site promotes awareness about the lasting effects of WWII dumping, moving
undesirable goods out of sight and out of mind at the likely expense of the natural
environment. Revealing the site’s history helps to understand the site’s value, which
may be utilized as an educational and tourism oriented asset for present day
Guamanians.
The baseline environmental assessment will provide a snapshot (Chabanet et al., 2005)
of the site by describing the benthic community, invertebrate populations, and fish
populations. Findings from the site will be compared to that of another site without
material but similar conditions, depth and proximity along the Glass Breakwater.
Information obtained from the assessment includes fish community descriptors, coral
morphological diversity, and the ratio of dead and live standing coral on man-made as
11

�opposed to natural substrates. This comparison which is yet to be undertaken will help
to understand the impact of the manmade material on the environment as well the
impact of the environment on the material. Questions to be investigated also include the
quantity and diversity of species at the site as well as the settlement success of coral on
the man-made material. The assessment is intended to establish a method for
surveillance monitoring (Houk and van Woesik, 2013) of the site that can be conducted
with its continued management. This assessment would be the first of its kind
conducted on submerged cultural heritage sites on Guam and can act as a model for
future monitoring design on other sites on island and in the region.
Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge my graduate advisor, Dr. Laurie Raymundo with the
University of Guam Marine Lab and graduate committee member, Dr. John Peterson,
Director of the University of Guam Micronesian Area Research Center. Additional thanks
to the Guam Preservation Office for funding the July 2012 underwater archaeology
course resulting in the detailed survey of the Seabee Junkyard.
References
Ayotte, P., McCoy, K., Williams, I., and Zamzow, J., 2011. Coral Reef Ecosystem
Division Standard Operating Procedures: Data Collection for Rapid Ecological
Assessment Fish Surveys. Pacific Island Fish. Sci. Cent., Natl. Mar. Fish. Serv., NOAA,
Honolulu, HI. Pacific Islands Fish. Sci. Cent. Admin. Rep. H-11-08, 24, accessed online
17

October

2013,

&lt;http://www.pifsc.noaa.gov/library/pubs/admin/PIFSC_Admin_Rep_11-08.pdf&gt;
Chabanet, P., Adjeroud, M., Andrefouet, S., Bozec, Y., Ferraris, J., Garcia-Charton, J.,
and Schrimm, M., 2005. Human-induced physical disturbances and their indicators on
coral reef habitats: A multi-scale approach. Aquatic Living Resources, Vol. 18: 215-230.
Department of the Navy Bureau of Yards and Docks. 1947. Building the Navy’s Bases
in World War II: History of the Bureau of Yards and Docks and the Civil Engineer Corps,
1940-46,

accessed

online

&lt;http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/USN/Building_Bases/index.html&gt; 28 February 2013.

12

�Department of State, 2004. Federal Register 69-24, 5 February 2004. Federal Register
online

via

the

Government

Printing

Office,

accessed

online

&lt;www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/FR-2004-02-05/html/04-2488.htm&gt; 1 September 2013.
Dixon, B., Gilda, L., and Mangieri, T., 2013. Archaeological Identification of Stone Fishweirs Mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on the Island of Guam. The Journal of Pacific
History, Vol. 48 (4): 349-368, DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2013.856666.
Hammer, D, H., 1947. Lion Six. United States Naval Institute. Menasha, Wisconsin.
Houk, P., and van Woesik., 2013. Progress and Perspectives on Question-Driven CoralReef Monitoring. BioScience, Vol. 63 (4): 297-303.
Jeffery, B., Beger, M., MacLeod, I., Richards, V., Hengeveld, M., and Carpenter, J.,
2007. Guidelines in Recording and Monitoring the Natural and Cultural Attributes of
Submerged Historic Sites in the Federal States of Micronesia. National Historic
Preservation Office Federated States of Micronesia Pohnpei, September 2007.
Jeffery, B., 2012. The future of Chuuk Lagoon’s submerged WWII sites. Bulletin of the
Australiasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 36: 15-30.
Jeffery, B., 2013. Concept Plan, Seabee Underwater Heritage Park. Unpublished
Report for Guam Preservation Trust, Hagatna, Guam.
Keith, M., 2004. A Model for Studying Wolrd War Ii-era Lcms in the Archaeological
Record. Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations. Paper 3240, accessed online
&lt;http:diginole.lib.fsu.edu/etd&gt; 12 Dec 2013.
Landquist, H., 2013. Environmental risk assessment of shipwrecks: A fault-tree model
for assessing the probability of containment release. Integrated Environmental
Assessment and Management, Vol. 9-3: 537-538.
Monfils, R., Gilbert, T., and Nawadra, S., 2006. Sunken WWII shipwrecks of the Pacific
and East Asia: The need for regional collaboration to address the potential marine
pollution threat. Ocean and Coastal Management, Vol. 49: 779-788.
Muckelroy, K., 1978. Maritime archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
National Park Service. 8 September 2013. World War II Valor in the Pacific Frequently
Asked Questions, accessed online &lt;http://www.nps.gov/valr/faqs.htm&gt; 30 September
2013.

13

�Pollard, R, A., 1985. Economic Security and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945-1950.
Columbia

University

Press,

New

York:

20-23,

accessed

online

&lt;https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/pollard.htm&gt; 12 September 2013.
Rogers, R. F., 2011. Destiny’s Landfall: A history of Guam. University of Hawaii Press,
(First edition 1995), Guam.
Russell, M. A., Murphy, L. E., Johnson, D. L., Foecke, T. J., Morris, P. J., and Mitchell,
R. 2004. Science for Stewardship: Multidisciplinary Research on USS Arizona. Marine
Technology Society Journal, Vol. 38 (3): 54-63.
Schlacher-Hoenlinger, M. A., Walker, S. J., Johnson, S. T.A., and Hooper, J. N. A.,
2006. Final Report on Biological baseline survey of the ex-HMAS Brisbane artificial reef.
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA): 110.
Smith, A., Helton, D., and Zelo, I., 2003. Developing a Database to Support and
Prioritize the Removal of Abandoned Vessels Impacting Coral Resources. International
Oil

Spill

Conference:

Prevention,

Preparedness,

Response

and

Restoration-

Perspectives for a Cleaner Environment, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada,
American Petroleum Institute publication No. I 4730 B: 575-578.
World Resources Institute. 2013. Status of the world’s coral reefs. Washington, DC,
accessed online &lt;www.wri.org/publication/content/8354&gt; 30 September 2013.
Biography
Kalle Applegate Palmer is a Master of Science student in the University of Guam
Environmental Science Management Program completing her work through the Marine
Laboratory. She completed her undergraduate degree at the University of Washington,
College of Architecture and Urban Planning in 2006 majoring in Community,
Environment and Planning and minoring in History and Finnish Language. Kalle
received a certificate in Aquarium Science from Oregon Coast Community College in
2010 and has worked at Oregon Coast Aquarium, Birch Aquarium and Underwater
World Guam. She is a PADI Open Water SCUBA instructor, American Academy of
Underwater Sciences Certified Diver and currently working on her Level Three Nautical
Archaeology Certification.
Bill Jeffery has been working as a maritime archaeologist for over 30 years. Bill
formulated and coordinated a maritime heritage program for a state government agency,
Heritage South Australia from 1981-2001. He went onto working with the Federated
States of Micronesia National Historic Preservation Office and completing a PhD in
maritime archaeology at James Cook University. He is a consulting maritime
archaeologist to ERM Hong Kong, the CIE-Centre for International Heritage Activities
14

�and the Hong Kong Maritime Museum and has implemented various types of
archaeological and heritage management programs in Australia, the Pacific Islands,
Hong Kong, Sri Lanka and various countries in Africa. He has conducted maritime
archaeology field schools with the Flinders University, University of Guam and James
Cook University in addition to teaching Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training
programs in nine different countries.

15

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                  <text>Underwater cultural heritage holds a vast potential for sustainable development. It is a very interesting and attractive form of heritage, appreciated by the public. Underwater cultural heritage opens tourism opportunities. Worldwide, national authorities create dive trails to foster diving tourism economies. This is of special importance for States bordering the ocean, in particular Small Island Developing States (SIDS), which can greatly enhance their tourist attractiveness through the valorization of submerged archaeological sites.&#13;
The investment in museums on underwater archaeology, dive trails and other forms of access for the public promise a beneficial and lasting return. Studies show that every USD invested in heritage increases the economic activity around the site by a factor between 1.2 to 8, depending on the significance of the site and the form of its valorization by museums and individual access. This is in particular to be noted as raise in employment and gain (hotels, food sales, transport benefit, guides), raise of cultural and educational levels in a region and improved consideration of heritage and local pride. Concerned forms of tourism in the case of underwater cultural heritage are cultural, dive and cruise tourism.&#13;
New approaches and valid alternatives to commercial exploitation of sites are under consideration in order to finance underwater archaeological research and sustainable management of underwater cultural heritage sites, which include; i) dive club guardianship sites, ii) paid and controlled public visits of archaeological work, iii) evaluation of cultural development needs, iv) tour and exhibition opportunities, v) film and book rights in planning archaeological excavations.&#13;
The objectives of the session are to:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Enhance understanding of the contribution of underwater cultural heritage to sustainable development;&#13;
â€¢ Identify and promote good practice;&#13;
â€¢ Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.</text>
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                <text>The United States of America (U.S.) Navyâ€™s Construction Battalion called â€˜Seabeesâ€™ were born in January 1942 from the demand for a unique set of both engineering and combat skills: â€œWe Build, We Fightâ€. The Seabees were instrumental in the Pacific theater, and played a significant role in rebuilding Guam. Known as the Seabee Junkyard due to the dumping of Seabee materials and equipment after the war, the site located within Apra Harbor, Guam is a popular dive site amongst local and visiting divers. Research on the significance of the site has revealed that it also represented the rapid demobilization of U.S. Navy after World War II (WW II). In July 2012, the University of Guam conducted a Nautical Archaeology Society maritime archaeology training course funded by the Guam Preservation Trust, which resulted in the material identification and surveying of the site. Further site investigations have taken a holistic and locally inclusive approach to the management and interpretation of the site. This includes non-disturbance wreck diving and underwater cultural heritage education in association with developing site preservation strategies, and compilation of a nomination to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Additional activities in promoting the site and educating the diving public will include underwater dive guides, development of a comprehensive site plan and an underwater cultural heritage trail. Engagement with various government agencies and community groups are being implemented to gauge their various levels of interest and assistance in managing and interpreting the site. Baseline environmental assessment surveys are to be conducted to determine the differences in natural communities with significant man-made substrates and those without. Further outreach proposals are being investigated to see if it can fulfill a role as an Educational and Interpretive Park.</text>
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                <text>Kalle Applegate Palmer</text>
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                <text>Bill Jeffery, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/13/2014</text>
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                    <text>The underwater cultural heritage of the Federated States of Micronesia
Bill Jeffery
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, South Australia
Email: billfjeffery@gmail.com
Abstract
Of all the United Nation member states, the Federated States of Micronesia’s (FSM)
total land area is one of the smallest (191st out of 193 UN member states), yet the
length of its coastline connecting its 607 islands ranks 21st in the world - after India and
Chile. The people from the FSMare world-renown navigators and boat builders and they
have developed and maintain many cultural practices, customs and legends associated
with the sea. The FSM contains a variety of tangible heritage related to their traditional
use of the sea and coast, material remains of foreign traders, pirates, colonial powers,
and from World War II. This presentation will provide details about this significant
heritage related to the sea and the FSM’s recording and training programs, in context
with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001,
and the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage 2003.
Key words: Federated States of Micronesia, Pohnpei State, Underwater cultural
heritage, UNESCO
Background
The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is a recently formed nation - formally
recognized by the United Nations in 1990 - comprising the island states of Yap (9º30’N;
138ºE) in the west, Chuuk (formerly Truk), Pohnpei (comprising the FSM capital,
Palikir), and Kosrae (5º20’N; 163ºE) in the east. It covers an area in the Western Pacific
of over three million sq km, of which only 702 sq km is land and is home to about
110,000 people (Fig. 1). ‘Micronesia’ is a recent (c.200 years old) European term given
to some of the many tiny islands in the western Pacific Ocean to differentiate them from
Melanesia and Polynesia (Meller, 1998: 1). The Micronesian region includes the group
of islands known as the Caroline Islands (the FSM and the Republic of Palau), the
Republic of the Marshall Islands, Guam, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana
Islands, the Republic of Nauru and the Republic of Kiribati. These islands have been
occupied at various times dating back to about 3,500 years ago (Dixon et al., 2013:
351). Starting with the Spanish, Micronesia has had a succession of colonial rulers

1

�Fig. 1 Location of the four states of the Federated States of Micronesia: Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei and Kosrae.

(Magellan arrived in Guam in 1521). From 1919, Micronesia was formally recognized as
a mandated territory of Japan by the League of Nations. Following World War II, the US
was granted a strategic trusteeship of the region by the United Nations (UN), and the
region became known as the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI). Over the next
40 years, the Marshalls, Palau and the North Mariana Islands left the federation, leaving
Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei and Kosrae to form the FSM, accepting a Constitution in 1979
and entering into a Compact of Free Association with the US in 1986.
Tangible and Intangible Underwater Cultural Heritage
Many of the initial inhabitants of the FSM were coastal dwellers living in stilt houses
(Rainbird, 1993). They have been building and using canoes for short and long distance
voyaging for a long time, providing Micronesians with a ‘certain cohesiveness’ (Kiste,
1999: 434). The FSM coral atoll dwellers are some of the most renowned Pacific Island
navigators and many cultural practices, customs and legends are associated with
building and sailing canoes. They include the early settling of places such as Chuuk,
which is reputed to have been settled from either Pohnpei or Kosrae, ‘from whence the
2

�first woman arrived pregnant, sailing on a coconut frond’ (Gladwin, 1970: 4). Dances,
chants and storyboards convey information of these many Micronesian legends and
customs (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2 Dancing is carried out in all the FSM states - this one is of Yapese dancing and chanting near a
(Faluw) men’s meeting house/stone money bank. (Bill Jeffery, 2009)

Tangible UCH in the FSM range from c. 2,000 year old indigenous habitation sites;
sacred, cultural sites; fish weirs; seventeenth century Spanish ships; 19th century
trading and whaling vessels; and Japanese and American World War II remains
(aircraft, naval and merchant ships) (Bailey, 2000; Carrell, 1991; Hezel and Graham,
1997; Jeffery, 2012a) (Fig. 3). Some of the oldest underwater cultural heritage sites
(stone tools) have been found off Fefan (an island in Chuuk Lagoon, which Rainbird
(2004: 89) dated between 2350 and 1650 years ago, and Craib (1997: 13) argues that
they are the oldest pottery-bearing sites in central and eastern Micronesia. Pacific
Island countries have pointed out that their UCH is extensive and argued for
international recognition and protection of this wide remit of UCH at a UNESCO Meeting
in Vanuatu in 1999:
"Protection of Underwater Heritage", within the Pacific, at the moment seems to
refer more often to underwater wrecks from World War II, despite the existence of
other underwater sites such as sacred cultural sites existing in many areas of the
3

�Pacific. The meeting urged the protection of these sites as well as those on land
that may be protected by the World Heritage Convention (UNESCO 1999) (Fig.
3).

Fig. 3 World War II Japanese aircraft in the hold of the
Fujikawa Maru. (Bill Jeffery, 2004)

FSM Underwater Cultural Heritage programs and legislation
The FSM states are committed to maintaining their traditions and customs, in addition to
using them to preserve terrestrial and underwater cultural heritage sites and they have
enshrined relevant provisions in their Constitutions and state codes. Some examples of
these aspects can be found in Pohnpei State where the Government of Pohnpei
respects and protects the customs and traditions of Pohnpei1. In Yap, two councils
made up of traditional chiefs, the Council of Pilung and Council of Tamol, have been
established to advise the governor and legislature, and to promote and preserve the
traditions and customs of the people of the state in a manner consistent with the
Constitution of the FSM and the Constitution of the State of Yap2.
The Kosrae State Code 1997 (Title 11: Land and Environment, Chapter 14: Antiquities)
provides for impact assessments on ‘antiquities and traditional culture’ located on land
and in state waters to be reported to the governor3. In Chuuk, in addition to the
protection of local customs and traditions and the roles of traditional leaders,’ the Chuuk
4

�State Constitution recognizes all traditional rights and ownership over all reefs,
tidelands, and other submerged lands subject to legislative regulation of their
reasonable use4’. The only specific UCH law in the FSM is found in Chuuk. It forms part
of the Chuuk State Code and is known as Title 25: Maritime and Marine Resources,
Chapter 8: Chuuk Lagoon Monument5. This law applies only to Japanese World War II
sites located underwater, whereas the other FSM state laws are generic ones that cover
the identification, protection and preservation of indigenous and non-indigenous sites
and traditions on land and underwater.
To assist the FSM in implementing UCH activities, the US Submerged Resources Unit
spent some time in Micronesia and the FSM during the 1980s and early 1990s primarily
conducting site surveys and developing a catalogue of sites and strategic plans for site
management in association with the National and State Historic Preservation Offices
(HPO) (Carrell, 1991). More recent UCH programs including capacity building programs
have been carried out by the authorin Guam from 2006 to 2012 (Jeffery 2012b).
Additional UCH surveys have been implemented (see Applegate-Palmer this volume),
by the author (Jeffery and Drew, 2007; Jeffery and Moran, 2007) and a number of other
types of UCH surveys and research have been implemented such as that on fishing and
the associated intangible and tangible heritage (Dixon et al., 2013; Jennison-Nolan,
1979). Building and using traditional Guamanian and Micronesian boats is being
maintained by a Traditional Seafaring Society in Guam (Cunningham et al., 2006).
In Chuuk, through the FSM National Historic Preservation Office a program of
documenting Chuuk’s UCH has been implemented by Jeffery (2006, 2007). This has
included the development of tourism/community awareness raising through production
of signs and a booklet, as well as building the capacity of staff at the Chuuk HPO
although the office has now been closed (Jeffery, 2003, 2004b). Staff from Pohnpei,
Kosrae and Yap HPO also participated in this training which included development of a
document in recording and monitoring the natural and cultural heritage values of UCH
sites as well as the corrosion/conservation aspects, and all four offices gained
equipment to assist in implementing these activities (Jeffery et al., 2007). From 20062008, an Earthwatch Institute funded project was implemented in Chuuk to assess the
values and health of the submerged World War II sites and to assist the Chuuk
5

�government in their management (Emslie et al., 2007; Jeffery, 2012a: 25-28). This
included discovery of oil leaking from one of the shipwrecks, an issue the President of
the Federated States of Micronesia, H.E. Emanuel Mori raised at the 66th United
Nations General Assembly in New York on 23 September 201 (Jeffery, 2012a: 27-28).
As a result of this work in Chuuk, three television documentaries have been produced
and shown world-wide about the values and issues associated with the World War II
sites (Prospero’s ‘Shipwreck Detectives’; the French television series ‘Thalassa’ and the
Australian Broadcasting Commission’s series ‘Foreign Correspondent’). In recent times,
canoes built in the traditional manner, and a traditional canoe house have been built in
Chuuk (pers. comm., Meter, T., 2011).
In Pohnpei, reconnaissance surveys have been carried out on some its fish weirs and
the remains of whaling activities (Jeffery, 2013), and extensive research and surveys
have been implemented at Nan Madol. Covering an area of about 100 ha, located in the
inter-tidal area on the eastern coast of Pohnpei, the complex of 90+ enclosures (islets)
built of massive column-shaped basalt rocks, is considered to be an important political,
residential and ritual center that dates back about 1,000 years BP (Ayers, 1983) (Fig. 4).
The site is being documented for World Heritage listing together with the Lelu ruins on
Kosrae. Traditional canoe building is also being revived in Pohnpei. In Yap, in
association with the HPO, a comprehensive survey has been implemented on its
extensive fish weirs (aech), a program that was directed by HPO and aimed at reviving
their construction, use, maintenance and associated cultural practices (Jeffery and
Pitmag, 2010; Jeffery, 2013) (Fig. 5). Maintaining Yap’s traditional boatbuilding,
navigation and sailing heritage is being supported by groups and are a feature of annual
event ‘Yap Day’, and the Yap Traditional Navigation Society hold an annual two-day
celebration of building and sailing traditional canoes (Fig. 6). Yap and Palau HPO are
working together on a World Heritage nomination of the Yapese stone money quarries
(in Palau), and banks (on Yap, and underwater between the two islands which are still
greatly valued by people in Yap). In Kosrae, where 19th century whaling and trading era
shipwrecks form the majority of the shipwrecks, the SRU implemented a survey of
‘pirate’ Bully Hayes’s vessel Leonora to confirm its identity and recommend a
management strategy. Kosrae also contains Lelu, a basalt built rock settlement similar
6

�to Nan Madol located in the inter-tidal area and consisting of about 100 enclosures
(islets) that were used by the chiefs, as mortuary compounds, and for commoners from
about 800 BP. There are still strong known oral history connections with this site,
although as with Nan Madol, the construction techniques used are not known.

Fig. 4 One of the dominant enclosures at Nan Madol.
(Bill Jeffery, 2004)

Fig. 5 Fish Weir (Aech) Daqoloch in Gagil, Yap. (Bill Jeffery,
2008)

Issues arising from FSM programs in context with UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001
The FSM’s Historic Preservation Offices, supported by the US National Park Service’s
Micronesia and American Samoa Historic Preservation Program implement a range of
historic preservation activities, including UCH, archaeological and anthropological
research and surveys, which have been published with the assistance of a Micronesian
NGO6. The United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001 (2001 UCH
Convention) at March 2014 has been ratified by 46 countries and is aimed at preserving
‘”Underwater cultural heritage” [being] all traces of human existence having a cultural,
historical or archaeological character which have been partially or totally under water,
periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years…’
Some of the main aims of the UNESCO Convention 2001 are to preserve sites in situ,
as a first option; to stop commercial exploitation of sites and artifacts; facilitate
international collaboration; encourage public access; maintain sovereign rights; and to
ensure that - where excavation is permitted - it is carried out in accordance with
international best practice, i.e. the Rules contained in the Convention’s Annex. These
7

�aims are consistent with how sites in the FSM and particularly the World War II sites in
Chuuk should be managed given dive tourism is an important industry in the economy
of the region. In fact, it could interpreted that the management of shipwrecks is the
overriding aim of the 2001 UCH Convention, even
though the term ‘shipwrecks’ is not used in it. ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage’ is used in
an attempt to have the 2001 UCH Convention cover all types of UCH although many of
its aims do not seem appropriate to non-shipwreck sites. There are a number of other
issues in how potentially inappropriate the 2001 UCH Convention is to the FSM, greater
Micronesia, in fact many other countries that value
traditional sites over colonial shipwrecks (see Jeffery
2004a, 2006, 2011), although this needs to be
considered on a case by case or country by country
basis. For example in Chuuk the Japanese World War
II shipwrecks are not valued historically by local
residents - there is no sense of place or belonging to
these sites. They are valued economically through dive
tourism, souveniring, and through the fish that can be
caught using dynamite - causing considerable damage
to the shipwrecks and the environment. Souveniring
has contributed to many artifacts being removed from
Fig. 6 Drawing of Yapese
transporting stone money from
Palau to Yap using a traditional
canoe. (Unknown Yapese artist)

the shipwrecks and the Chuuk government, even with
their legislation, seem powerless to control it. In Palau,
souveniring of the Japanese World War II shipwrecks
has brought swift legal action and two individuals were

fined and imprisoned for this activity in 20067. The government of Palau regards these
sites as an important part of their history and heritage and warrant protection.
Neither the FSM nor any other Pacific Island nation has ratified the 2001 UCH
Convention. The FSM ratified the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural
Heritage (2003 ICH Convention) on the 13 February 2013, and the Republic of Palau,
ratified it on 2 November 20118. In the 2003 ICH Convention, the definition of intangible
cultural heritage is seen as ‘the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge,
8

�skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces associated
therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part
of their cultural heritage’ (emphasis by the author)9. Some of the main aims of the 2003
ICH Convention are to: safeguard the intangible cultural heritage through ‘the
identification, documentation, research, preservation, protection, promotion. This
heritage is ‘constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their
environment, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a
sense of identity and continuity’ (emphasis by the author).
On its own, the 2001 UCH Convention would not appear to be an answer in terms of
managing FSM’s diverse UCH given much of what FSM and other Pacific Islanders
value is intangible heritage associated with the sea and UCH. Even some tangible sites
which have strong intangible aspects, such as fish weirs, if they are in use, may not be
‘protected’ under the 2001 UCH Convention (pers. comm. Azner-Gómez, M.J., 2013).
Western constructs of heritage and the separation of intangible and tangible heritage in
research and management, much like the separation of natural and cultural heritage is
not appropriate with Pacific Island nations.
A way forward for UCH management in FSM
Effective management of UCH in the FSM should be implemented in context with the
broad tangible and intangible heritage of FSM. This would give relevance to all the
different types of UCH and assist in their management. Development of a strategic
management plan outlining how this could all come together and be implemented would
be a good first step. Given the doubts about intangible cultural heritage and the
associated objects of UCH being covered under the 2001 UCH Convention (such as
fish weirs), but their appropriateness under the 2003 ICH Convention, the strategic
management plan should outline the most pragmatic approach to managing UCH
incorporating the most appropriate laws and agreements. The World War II shipwrecks
and aircraft located throughout the FSM, particularly in Chuuk Lagoon, should be
promoted and managed in context with the broad history of the region, in addition to
their management as dive tourism sites, something which is catered for in the 2001
UCH Convention. This could mean the FSM developing agreements with Japan and the

9

�US about the best way to manage the sites, which should mean gaining a better
understanding of all the different values from the three stakeholder perspectives.
In 1989, the US National Park Service implemented the Truk (Chuuk) Lagoon Historical
Park Study and made a number of recommendations about the future management of
the shipwrecks (USNPS, 1989) which I believe are still relevant today. This report
appears to be the first document which discusses any social values of the submerged
World War II sites and the war in general from a Chuukese perspective. It concluded
that Chuukese had been overlooked in commemorating their losses from the war:
‘unfortunately nothing tangible remains of this aspect [how the war affected
Micronesians] of World War II except the graves of the Nauruans on Tol. The
establishment of an historical park provides a means to preserve these intangibles and,
through interpretation, pass them on to others’ (USNPS, 1989: 64). An aim of the study
was to consider if the Chuuk Lagoon sites would meet the criteria for designation as a
Historical Park within the USNPS system, and it found a number of management issues
that needed to be addressed. It was concluded that the submerged WWII sites ‘are
utterly unique’ and ‘for the sunken wrecks, the establishment of a historical park or
reserve seems to be particularly appropriate in light of the long-standing concerns over
looting and vandalism’ (USNPS, 1989: 61). The report recommended that a national
park management agency and approach at a FSM national level be adopted given the
significance of the submerged WWII sites. This could mean establishing a group of FSM
employees to manage the park in the same manner as the Conservation Rangers of the
Palau Rock Islands Southern Lagoon World Heritage area, a system that appears to be
working very well. The idea of World Heritage listing of the Chuuk Lagoon World War II
shipwrecks is an issue that the author and the Chuuk government have considered
(Jeffery, 2004a, 2012: 28).Combining aspects of the 2003 ICH Convention that is
community focused, takes a holistic perspective (natural and cultural heritage), and
assists in providing a sense of identity, with aspects of the 2001 UCH Convention,
would help to develop a relevant and beneficial underwater cultural heritage program for
the FSM.

10

�Acknowledgement
I would like to thank the people of Chuuk, Yap and Pohnpei for their assistance in this
study and the staff of the Historic Preservation Offices in Chuuk, Yap, Pohnpei and
Palikir.
Endnote
1

Constitution, Article 5, Section 2: see http://www.fsmlaw.org/pohnpei/index.htm (accessed 12 January

2014).
2

See http://www.fsmlaw.org/yap/code/index.htm Chapter 4 of Title 5 of the Yap State Code, known as

"State Historic Preservation Act of 1989" (accessed 12 January 2014).
3

See http://www.fsmlaw.org/kosrae/code/index.htm (accessed 12 January 2014).

4

Nimeisa v. Department of Public Works, 6 FSM Intrm. 205, 209 (Chk. S. Ct. Tr. 1993) (accessed 12

January 2014).
5

See http://www.fsmlaw.org/chuuk/index.htm (accessed 12 January 2014).

6

See http://www.mehp.org/(accessed 12 January 2014).

7

See http://pidp.org/archive/2006/May/05-24-12.htm (accessed 12 January 2014).

8

No other northern Pacific Island country has ratified the 2003 ICH Convention, although the Philippines,

Indonesia, Fiji, Samoa, Tonga, Nauru, Vanuatu, and Papua New Guinea have ratified it.
9

See http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&amp;pg=00006 (accessed 7 January 2014).

References
Ayers, W., 1983. Archaeology at Nan Madol, Ponape. Bulletin of Indo- Pacific Prehistory
Association, Vol. 4:135-142.
Bailey, D.E., 2000. World War II Wrecks of the Truk Lagoon. North Valley Diver
Publications, Redding.
Craib, J. L., 1997. Truk Archaeology: An Intensive Archeological Survey of Pwené
Village, Dublon, Truk State, Federated States of Micronesia. Micronesian Resources
Study, United States National Park Service, San Francisco.
Carrell, T., 1991. Micronesia: Submerged Cultural Resources Assessment. Submerged
Cultural Resource Unit, National Park Service. Santa Fe.
Cunningham, L., Kranz, W., and Sikau, M., 2006. Restoring Traditional Seafaring and
Navigation in Guam. Micronesian Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol.
5(1-2): 314-319, accessed at
http://marshall.csu.edu.au/MJHSS/Issue2006/MJHSS2006_119.pdf on 7 January 2014.

11

�Dixon, B., Gilda, L., and Mangieri, T., 2013. Archaeological Identification of Stone Fishweirs mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on the island of Guam. Journal of Pacific History,
Vol.48 (4): 349-368.
Emslie, M., Jeffery, B., MacLeod, I., and Maynard, J., 2007.Chuuk Lagoon World War II
submerged sites: Earthwatch project report, July 30 to August 11 2007. Chuuk Historic
Preservation Office, Chuuk.
Gladwin, T., 1970. East Is a Big Bird: Navigation and Logic on Puluwat Atoll. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge.
Hezel, F., and Graham, C., 1997.Truk Underwater Archaeology. Micronesia Resources
Study. United States National Park Service, San Francisco Jeffery, B., 2003. War in
Paradise: World War II sites in Truk Lagoon. Chuuk Historic Preservation Office, Chuuk.
Jeffery, B., 2004a. World War II underwater cultural heritage sites in Truk Lagoon:
Considering a case for World Heritage Listing. International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology, Vol. 33 (1): 106-121.
Jeffery, B., 2004b. World War II sites in Chuuk, Federated States of Micronesia: A
survey of underwater and terrestrial sites. Chuuk Historic Preservation Office, Chuuk.
Jeffery, B., 2006. Federated States of Micronesia. In S. Dromgoole (Ed.), The
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: National Perspectives in light of the
UNESCO Convention 2001, MartinusNijh off Publishers, Leiden: 145-159.
Jeffery, W.F., 2007. War graves, munition dumps and pleasure grounds: A post-colonial
perspective of Chuuk Lagoon’s submerged World War II sites. Doctoral dissertation,
James Cook University, Townsville, http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/2068/
Jeffery, B., 2011. Rocks wrecks and relevance: values and benefits in maritime and
underwater cultural heritage. In M. Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on,
Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the inaugural Asia-Pacific
regional conference on underwater cultural heritage, Asian Academy for Heritage
Management, Manila: 527-539.
Jeffery, B., 2012a. The future of Chuuk Lagoon’s submerged World War II sites. Bulletin
of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 36: 15-30.
Jeffery, B., 2012b. Report on Guam’s Maritime Archaeology Field Schools, 2009-2012.
Guam Preservation Trust, Guam.
12

�Jeffery, B., 2013. Reviving community spirits: furthering the Sustainable, Historical and
Economic role of fish weirs and traps. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 8 (1): 2957.
Jeffery, B., Beger, M., MacLeod, I., Richards, V., Hengeveld, M., and Carpenter, J.,
2007.Guidelines in recording and monitoring the natural and cultural attributes of
submerged historic sites in the Federated States of Micronesia. National Historic
Preservation Office, Pohnpei.
Jeffery, B., and Drew, T., 2007.Report on Surveys of Submerged and Maritime
Archaeology Sites in Guam. Report for Guam Historic Preservation Office, Agana.
Jeffery, B., and Moran, V., 2007.Report on the development of Guam’s Submerged and
Maritime Archaeology sites databases. Guam Historic Preservation Office. Agana.
Jeffery, B., and Pitmag, W., 2010.The aech of Yap: A survey of sites and their histories.
Yap State Historic Preservation Office. Yap, Federated States of Micronesia.
Jennison-Nolan, J., 1979. Land and lagoon use in prewar Guam: Agat, Piti and Asan.
MARC Working Paper No. 15. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam.
Kiste, R.C., 1999. A Half Century in Retrospect. In R. C. Kiste, and Mac Marshall (Eds.),
American Anthropology in Micronesia. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: 433-467.
Meller, N., 1998.‘The Congress of Micronesia’ in D. Hanlon Remaking Micronesia.
University of Hawaii Press.
Rainbird, P., 1993. Report on the Cultural Resource Management in the Coastal Area of
Chuuk Lagoon. Chuuk Historic Preservation Office, Chuuk.
Rainbird, P., 2004. The Archaeology of Micronesia. Cambridge University Press.
Cambridge.
UNESCO, 1999.Second World Heritage Global Strategy for the Pacific Islands Region,
Port Vila, Vanuatu (24 to 27 August 1999).
United States National Park Service (USNPS), 1989. Truk Lagoon Historical Park
Study. Draft Report for Federated States of Micronesia, State of Truk. Photocopy from
Micronesian Seminar, Pohnpei.

13

�Biography
Bill Jeffery has been working as a maritime archaeologist for over 30 years. Bill
formulated and coordinated a maritime heritage program for a state government agency,
Heritage South Australia from 1981-2001. He went onto working with the Federated
States of Micronesia National Historic Preservation Office and completing a PhD in
maritime archaeology at James Cook University. He is a consulting maritime
archaeologist to ERM Hong Kong, the CIE-Centre for International Heritage Activities
and the Hong Kong Maritime Museum and has implemented various types of
archaeological and heritage management programs in Australia, the Pacific Islands,
Hong Kong, Sri Lanka and various countries in Africa. He has conducted maritime
archaeology field schools with the Flinders University, University of Guam and James
Cook University in addition to teaching Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training
programs in nine different countries.

14

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                  <text>The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage. Underwater sites in Oceania span human history from the Stone Age to the Atomic Age. Due to the cultural richness of underwater heritage in the region and its complex history, the protection of these sites is of high importance for the region. Moreover, the potential for sustainable tourism in partnership with diving industry has been attracting a growing attention.&#13;
The first UNESCO regional workshop on the Pacific underwater cultural heritage took place in December 2009 in Honiara, Solomon Islands. As possible steps towards building a capacity for managing UCH, participants at the workshop identified the following needs; systematic recording and maintenance of a database of submerged and underwater sites; exploring licensing activities directed at underwater sites; and developing a training and education programme for managers. The papers presented by experts at the workshop were compiled, edited and published as "Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania" in 2010.&#13;
Based on the recommendations made at the Honiara workshop, a Feasibility Study on Pacific Capacity Building Programme was prepared by Flinders University with UNESCO support. The Study recommends a possible capacity building programme to be hosted by the University of the South Pacific (USP) in Fiji. The launching of the Pacific Heritage Hub (PHH), a regional facility for knowledge management, capacity building and partnership building, at USP in 2013 presents an opportunity for the actual implementation of the capacity building programme. UNESCO is also exploring the possibility of organising regional and national consultations in the Pacific focusing on cultural policy development.&#13;
The objectives of the session are to:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Enhance understanding of characteristics of UCH in the Pacific.&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Identify priority actions.&#13;
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â€¢ Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.</text>
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                <text>Of all the United Nation member states, the Federated States of Micronesiaâ€™s (FSM) total land area is one of the smallest (191st out of 193 UN member states), yet the length of its coastline connecting its 607 islands ranks 21st in the world - after India and Chile. The people from the FSMare world-renown navigators and boat builders and they have developed and maintain many cultural practices, customs and legends associated with the sea. The FSM contains a variety of tangible heritage related to their traditional use of the sea and coast, material remains of foreign traders, pirates, colonial powers, and from World War II. This presentation will provide details about this significant heritage related to the sea and the FSMâ€™s recording and training programs, in context with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001, and the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage 2003.</text>
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                    <text>Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas
Bina Gandhi Deori (Deputy Director - Research, SAARC, Cultural Centre, Colombo-7)
binagandhideori@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
Traditional hunting and gathering ways of life have existed as the main mode of subsistence for humans since
long and continue to be with some indigenous communities despite the onslaught of urbanization. Arunachal
Pradesh, the North-easternmost state of India that shares international borders with the Republic of China,
Bhutan and Myanmar is home to a large number of indigenous communities who still continue to live in
traditional ways of life despite the changes brought by modernization.
Traditional and community fishing is still practiced by them and the use of various types of weirs is still
common. The weirs come in various shapes and sizes and are made by the community people themselves using
bamboo splits and rattan. The making of the fishing weirs needs special skill as some take a longer period for
the processing of the raw materials while some are made on the spot at the time of need, in both cases active
participation to learn and develop the skill is necessary. What makes these fishing weirs special is the mythology
behind it. The Galo indigenous community people hold these fishing weirs with utmost respect because of its
importance in their mythology. The folk stories mention how the fishing weirs came to the human and the role
played by the weirs in sustaining human life on this Earth. However, as the younger generation do not have
much time to spent with their village/community elders, this tradition of making fishing weirs is not easily
known to many and the myths behind it. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the different kinds of the fishing
weirs and to bring out the importance of the related mythologies associated with them.
Key words: fishing weirs, myths, indigenous communities, Himalayas

INTRODUCTION
Arunachal Pradesh located in the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas is home to a number of
indigenous people who still practice traditional mode of subsistence. As the land is gifted
with numerous rivers and natural freshwater streams, the natives still do fishing on a regular
basis using traditional fishing techniques. The data presented here are from a preliminary
ethnographic study carried out between 2017-2019 on the subsistence mode of the Galos, one
of the well-known ethnic communities mostly inhabiting the Leparada District of Arunachal
Pradesh. The principal objective of the research was to provide a database documenting the
traditional fishing weirs of the Galos and to explore the associated fishing myths or legends.
The research also aims to understand the significance of these traditional weirs in the context
of modern fishing equipment readily available in the market.
The importance of fish in a Galo society cannot be ignored. As most of the villages are
located near a river or stream, fishing is a very important economic activity and fish is an
important source of food for them. Fish is not only important as a source of protein but also
an important food item in any feast or ritual to entertain the guests. Sharing of fish is
important socially and communally. Fish are exchanged during marriage, also offered as gifts
when visiting distant relatives. Certain species of fish are only exchanged during marriage,
others such as Amblyceps sp. (Tammii), Chaanna punctata (Talo), Pterokryptes afgana
(tayek), botia sp. (Ribo-Ringum) etc. are not consumed or offered during weddings for
consumption nor for gifting. And during the taboo period also, certain species of fish are not
consumed for a stipulated time period.

1

�Galos still practice community fishing when all the community people gather on an
appointment day to fish together. Fishing is not only a medium of food supply but it also
brings the members of the clan together and through such exercise it binds the community
further. For them fishing is not just an economic activity but also an important part of the
learning process through which the young ones gain an understanding of the technique of
using the fishing gears and learn about the fish behavior from the village elders. Through
such on-spot training, the traditional knowledge is being passed on to the successive
generations. Community fishing is a part of the cultural heritage of the Galos and it is still
practiced by the community members. It is interesting to note that in many of the Galo
folklores the mention of rivers, fish and the water world is invariably there. The tales of Jai
Bonnw, Anyi-Kari-Karnya, Vmv lama Yo Vmv feature special mention of the water world
and different techniques of fishing. It is in the folklore of Jai Bonnw that the first mention of
herbal fishing occurs. Religious rites and other marks of respect are integral to the practice of
fishing. Galos believe in the sacredness of nature and in the guardian spirits who are in
charge of the mountains, hills, sky, streams, rivers, streams etc therefore before any large
scale fishing mission or hunting, the shaman performed a ritual called ambin hunam.
However, in the present day, this tradition is not strictly followed. In community fishing,
men, women, young and even children take part. On the appointed day many families come
together with their assorted indigenous fishing gear and whole day fishing is done. Meal is
cooked by the river bank with the freshly caught fish and all the community members have
their meal together. At the end of the day, the catch is divided among the participants who
then either steam the fish in a bamboo receptacle or dry it over fire for preservation and
future consumption.
Fishing is done mainly during the winter season when there is abundance of fish in the rivers.
The Galos are good fishermen and they can travel to far off places on foot, for days together
and stay near the river in the forest for fishing. The most common fish consumed by them are
Ngoru (Garra annandalei), Riibo (Schistura rupecula), Riingum (Nemacheilus devdevi), Orse
(Semiplotus semiplotus) Ngopi (Labeo gonius) etc. (Bagra 2010). Due to the importance of
fish amongst them many indigenous techniques have been developed. Some popular
traditional methods of fishing are hand-gathering, trapping, stationary enclosures, indigenous
basket-shaped wicker traps, bamboo weirs and use of stupefying aids to catch fish. These
indigenous techniques are locally called qou nunam (ubnam), `lwwruu ubnam, tahum-kunam,
ta`kom `gaanam, w`dwr`gaanam, `riigoo goonam, `higo `tonam, `hwl `monam, `lwwpum
`pumnam, `paakam karnam, hi`bok pvnam. Though many new methods and machineries are
available in the market, the age-old traditional methods are still used as specific fishing
methods are very effective to catch particular species of fish.
The indigenous gears used for fishing are made of perishable locally available material,
bamboo, wood and cane. The indigenous traps are designed in such a way to make the entry
easy and the exit difficult; once the fish enters inside it cannot escape. Traps are culturally
almost universal. They make traps with various forms: conical, cylindrical and basket type.
Some of the traps are used exclusively by the women and some by the men only. Traps can be
either fixed or mobile. However, a number of techniques with various kinds of traps and
weirs which can be operated by a single person are also practiced.
A Glimpse into various Fishing methods

● Tahum /Tasum Kunam
2

�In this fishing method a conical shaped basket with narrow end and broad mouth, `raajuu is
used to catch small fish in the rivers and streams. This gear is made of cane and bamboo. It is
used by the womenfolk to fish. `Raajuu is put down in the water and fixed in between two
legs, and slowly with both hands the bottom of the stones are searched. Because of the
disturbance caused, fish come out of their hideouts and enter the `raajuu. The `raajuu is then
lifted up and the catch is put in a small bamboo basket called `ginci, which is tucked under
the waist for carrying the catch. The mouth of the basket is covered with ferns and leaves to
prevent the fish from coming out of the basket.
● `Riigoo goonam
This method is also practiced by womenfolk. In this technique the (cylindrical gear with wide
mouth and narrow end) are fixed in the river in a straight line in such a way that the whole
width of the river from one bank to the other bank is covered and the corners are sufficiently
covered with ferns and other shrubs, so that no space is left for the fish to escape. From a
distance of about 10 metres ahead, standing facing the mouth of the `raajuu, women start
moving the stones vigorously with the hands or with the help of a stick etc. so that the fish
come out of its hideouts and make an escape towards the side where the `raajuu are already
fixed. Gradually the fish are herded towards the mouth of the `raajuu. Once the fish enter the
`raajuu, they are immediately lifted out of the water and the fish caught in the individual
`raajuu are taken. (Fig. 1)

Figure 1.`Riigoo goonam

● Ta`kom `gaanam
A traditional gear locally called ta`kom which is a hand-woven long funnel shaped wicker, is
placed against the water current with some leaves inside it. A simple ta`kom can also be made
of split bamboo. It can be kept overnight. As it is fixed against the water current, fish that
enters a ta`kom could not turn around to get out.
3

�● W`dwr`gaanam
It is a traditional basket weir fish trap about two meters long consisting of two wicker cones,
one inside the other which is made in such a way that it is easy for the fish to get inside and
hard to get out. It can be set as well as mobile. To catch fish, the trap is buried halfway in
shallow water. Sometimes to lure the fish, baits are used. This is the most common gear used
by men as it does not require guarding. It can be fixed in the evening or night and can be
checked the next morning.

Figure 2. `Lwwpum

● `Lwwpum `pumnam
It is another traditional method of fishing where flat stones are piled underwater. This is done
during the cold months when fish like to remain in holes. Choosing an appropriate site to pile
the stones is the most important issue. A site with shallow water, medium current and
sufficient sunlight is the most appropriate selection. Big flat stones are piled underwater in
such a way that there is sufficient space inside for easy movement of fish. These piled stones
are called `lwwpum (Fig.2). These piled stones are left undisturbed for 2-3 months, after
which the fish gathered in the `lwwpum are harvested. A circular bamboo screen locally
called cwergoo is used to cordon the `lwwpum. It is tightly fixed at the bottom so that fish
cannot escape. From a small hole in the bamboo screen, w`dwr is fixed. Gradually, the piled
stones are removed. It is practiced mainly from the month of October to February.
The Galos also use different types of weirs for fishing. The large fishing weir structure is
constructed from wooden posts, wattle fences and with stones at times. The wooden stakes
are woven together to create a barrier or temporary dam that traps fish while letting water
pass through. All the openings are blocked with traps, baskets or net traps. These are buried
halfway in shallow water. In stone weirs, stones are arranged into rectangular walls on the
4

�edge of rivers. At regular intervals the wall is opened. Then the fisherman would wade into
the walled trap and seize their catch. Today the government prohibits such massive trapping
techniques during the fish breeding season.
Herbal poisoning
The use of fish stupefying plants is an old practice in the history of humankind all over the
globe. Indigenous people using various fish poisons to catch fish are common among many
tribes of North-East India. Fish poisons are extracted from several plant species and these are
mixed with water which makes the fish numb.
Even Galo ethnic community tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, due to their close contact with
nature for a long period of time have acquired the knowledge of usefulness of certain plants
to be used as fish poisons. The use of fish stupefying plants has historically been used by
many hunter-gatherer societies to stun fish, so that the fish become easy to collect by hand.
These stupefied fish can be eaten by humans without any adverse reaction. Mostly the plant
species used as fish poison by the tribal are harvested exclusively in the wild.
Use of herbs as fish stupefying agent (Hi`bok Pvnam)
In this technique of fishing, all community members participate. It is performed in a festive
mood. This technique requires group involvement where the male group constructs a barrier
or a temporary blockage across a river using reeds, tree branches and stones which results in
a drop in the water level downstream. For stupefying fish through usage of fish poisons, the
selection of a suitable water body is very important. Poisoning or intoxication is generally
done in shallow water bodies, slow flowing or stagnant water so that the concentrated poison
can be more effective. When the flow of the water reduces, the leaves, roots, seeds or the bark
of the plant which is to be used as poison is crushed into a pulpy mass and scattered in and
around the base of rocks and into holes where fish might hide. A small opening is made in the
blockade to let the water mix with the crushed material or it is simply thrown in the water so
that it can thoroughly mix with the poison which starts affecting the fish right after 10
minutes and soon thereafter the fish starts floating belly upwards. The Galos use varieties of
stupefying agents. Tamo is the common term for all the poisoned herbs. The use of these
poisonous plants does not remain the same throughout the season as their effectiveness also
changes. Oxor, `Diik-tamo are mostly used in winter whereas Rwpwk, `Talik, Taataa `puraa,
Tanwr, `Rugdwk are used throughout the year. In the case of`Diik-tamo bundles of this bush
are laid on stones thereafter pounded and crushed and the juice is mixed well with the water
which is done only by men. Women and tabooed people (like people bitten by snakes or who
carried a dead body and have not completed a stipulated time period etc.) are strictly
restricted from touching such items. It is believed that if such people touch the herbal poison,
the poisoning capacity gets reduced. Two to three people beat the plant upstream and the rest
of them who are not engaged in beating and mixing the plants gather downstream with
`raajuu or even with bare hands to catch the floating fish that succumb to the poison. Thus,
the fish poison makes the fish float in a dazed state and come to the surface of water from
where they can be captured easily.
As the juice of the plant mingles with water the bio-active components present in the plant act
on the fish and their activity slowly gets paralyzed. The fish become stupefied and they rise
to the bank or the surface of the river, where they are caught with bare hands and thrown on
to the bank or put inside a container which is tagged along the waist. The effect of the poison
does not last for more than 20 or so minutes. Therefore, the stunned fish are collected
immediately and any fish that were washed out of the pools or overlooked in the gathering
5

�would recover and swim away, since the toxins merely stupefied the fish rather than killing
them outright. The poison does not adversely change the taste and quality of fish. These
stupefied fish can be eaten by humans without any adverse reaction (Fig.3. and Fig.4.).

Figure 3. Herbal Poisoning

Figure 4. Hi`bok Pvnam

The government prohibits such massive trapping techniques during the fish breeding season.
Indigenous techniques are eco-friendly and non-destructive at all other aquatic life forms.
These traditional methods of fishing do not deplete the stock of fish in the river. The modern
6

�indiscriminate poisoning of creeks and ponds, however, has caused a decline in fish stocks.
Presently, modern equipment and techniques like chemical poisoning, blasting and electro
fishing for catching fish are also used. Fish are killed by blasting dynamites in the river and
then skimmed from the surface and from the bottom. These are responsible not only for fast
depletion of the freshwater fish but also causes water pollution, therefore, the state
government has very strict regulations regarding fishing.
Recording and study of the traditional fishing techniques lead to conclude that all the
materials used in fishing are highly perishable. In most of the cases the ecological factors are
manipulated or molded to the advantage of the fishermen. In both cases, there is hardly any
chance of leaving any trace of any kind. Therefore, the study of the ethnographic data can
help us to get an insight into the archaeological gap of the traditional fishing practices of the
indigenous community.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bagra, K., Kadu, K., Sharma, K. N., Laskar, B. A., Sarkar. U. K., Das, D. N. Ichthyologic Survey and review of the checklist
of fish Fauna of Arunachal Pradesh, India, Checklist 5, no. 2 (2009): 330-350.
Dutta, R., Bhattacharja, B. K. An Indigenous community Fishing Practice of Tirap Dist, Arunachal Pradesh, Indian Journal
of Traditional Knowledge 7, no. 4 (2008): 624-626.
Gurumayum, S.D. and Choudhury, M. Fishing methods in the rivers of North -East India, Indian Journal of Traditional
Knowledge 8, no. 2 (2009): 237-24.
Watters, I. Some Observations on the Material Culture of Aboriginal fishing in the Moreton Bay Area: Implications for
Archaeology, Queensland Archaeological Research 2 (1985): 50-57.

7

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                <text>Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas</text>
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                <text>Traditional hunting and gathering ways of life have existed as the main mode of subsistence for humans since&#13;
long and continue to be with some indigenous communities despite the onslaught of urbanization. Arunachal&#13;
Pradesh, the North-easternmost state of India that shares international borders with the Republic of China,&#13;
Bhutan and Myanmar is home to a large number of indigenous communities who still continue to live in&#13;
traditional ways of life despite the changes brought by modernization.&#13;
Traditional and community fishing is still practiced by them and the use of various types of weirs is still&#13;
common. The weirs come in various shapes and sizes and are made by the community people themselves using&#13;
bamboo splits and rattan. The making of the fishing weirs needs special skill as some take a longer period for&#13;
the processing of the raw materials while some are made on the spot at the time of need, in both cases active&#13;
participation to learn and develop the skill is necessary. What makes these fishing weirs special is the mythology&#13;
behind it. The Galo indigenous community people hold these fishing weirs with utmost respect because of its&#13;
importance in their mythology. The folk stories mention how the fishing weirs came to the human and the role&#13;
played by the weirs in sustaining human life on this Earth. However, as the younger generation do not have&#13;
much time to spent with their village/community elders, this tradition of making fishing weirs is not easily&#13;
known to many and the myths behind it. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the different kinds of the fishing&#13;
weirs and to bring out the importance of the related mythologies associated with them.&#13;
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              <elementText elementTextId="6893">
                <text>Bina Gandhi Deori</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text> Deori, Bina Gandhi. 2023. “Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2007 </text>
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                    <text>Synergetic management strategy toward sustainable use of ocean resources and enhancing blue
economy
Bishnu Pada Bose1, Debashruti Bose2, Diptasri Ghosh3
1

Swami Vivekananda University, Barrackpore, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Symbiosis International University, Pune, Maharashtra, India
3
Indian Institute of Technology Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Corresponding author, E-mail address: bosebishnu@gmail.com
2

ABSTRACT
As intensified anthropogenic activities and altered global climate systems impose cumulative pressures on marine
biodiversity, their potential to provide tangible and intangible benefits to people and the planet might decrease, causing
degrading maritime heritage. The marine environment considers a precious heritage of the global community. A healthy
marine environment can boost the resilience of marine heritage. On the other side, the blue economy in the ocean context is
strongly gaining international importance. Blue economy cooperation at both global and regional levels will develop a
common concept of marine ecosystems and protect underwater marine heritage. The worldwide ocean covers 71% of Earth's
surface area. It is expected to become the great economic frontier in the coming future, with tremendous potential for
resource generation and development across multidirectional segments. As the oceans are vast and particularly sensitive to
ocean trades, coastal economics, marine heritage, and ecosystems need to be preserved, and a balance between trade and
commerce and the conservation of the marine ecosystems and heritage must be found. Worldwide, 80% of global trade is
achieved using the seas, and 40% of the global population lives near coastal zones. It has been estimated that the annual gross
revenue from marine products (GMP) is US$2.5 trillion, and the total value of the ocean resources is at least US$24 trillion;
also, the ocean economy is capable of providing a livelihood for over 3 billion people. Pursuing the blue economy sustainably
is essential to optimize mutual benefit for the well-being of people and the planet. To enhance the blue economy, we must
focus on achieving SDGs goal 14, conserving the maritime cultural heritage and ocean biodiversity. At the same time,
stakeholder initiatives, policy formation, and transboundary cooperation are significant. It requires disruptive approaches to
eliminate marine pollution and conserve marine ecosystems and heritage to enhance the blue economy at the global level.
This paper discusses the threat to underwater cultural heritage caused by anthropogenic sources. It discusses ocean
governance, policies, and the proposal to protect marine ecosystems, conserve maritime heritage, and enhance the blue
economy.
Keywords: Anthropogenic Activities, Underwater Cultural Heritage, Ocean Resources, Blue Economy
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
GMP
Gross marine product
MCH
Marine Cultural Heritage
R&amp;D
Research and development
SDGs
Sustainable Development Goals
UCH
Underwater cultural heritage
UNESCO
United Nations educational, scientific and cultural organization
LIST OF TABLES and FIGURES
Table 1
The present threats to UCH
Table 2
Presents the definitions of the sustainable ocean economy and blue economy
Table 3
Regional Collaboration in Sustainable Ocean Governance
Table 4
Summarizes the factors influencing the blue economy
Table 5
Marine policy directions adopted by major nations
Table 6
Solutions to be coordinated between MCH protection and marine development
Figure 1
Marine Ecosystems and economic benefits

1

�INTRODUCTION
The literature is evident that the ocean economy consists of living resources, renewable energy, minerals, tourism
and recreation, carbon sequestration, transport and trade, and overall marine and coastal zone protection (Ebarvia,
2016; Hussain et al. 2018; Karani and Failler 2020; Choudhary et al. 2021). On the other hand, it has been stated
that "UCH is defined as all traces of human existence of a cultural, historical or archaeological nature which, for
at least 100 years, have been partially or immersed, periodically or permanently, under the oceans and in lakes and
rivers" (UNESCO 2001 Convention; Pearson and Thompson 2023). UCH is not officially a blue economy sector,
but it is a field where UCH can be used as a resource of economic benefits, in turn enhancing the global blue
economy (Nishikawa 2021; Lamont 2022). Worldwide around 40% of the population is mainly connected in
coastal zones, and 75% of the world's major cities are situated near the coastal area (Small and Nicholls, 2003;
Mimura, 2006; Lane et al., 2015 Vignudelli et al. 2019). Probably the significant legacy of securing a sustainable
ocean economy is that developing measurements to usher sustainable ocean development can gleam the way for
the measure to a sustainable blue economy (Fenichel et al. 2020). The ocean economy is under multidirectional
risks and stressors, ranging from direct biodiversity damage, unmanaged resource extraction, pollution, and
climate change (Ryabinin et al. 2019). Achieving effective sustainability of the ocean environment, biodiversity,
and ecological systems in a changing era is a great challenge Anthropogenic (Bigagli 2016; Quirk and Hannah
2016; Fox et al. 2021). The ocean strongly contributes to the global society for our well-being but, at the same
time, is severely impacted by human activities (Micheli et al. 2013; Halpern et al. 2015). Oceans provide us with
essential natural resources, but the management towards governance is a very complex network, and, as a result,
ocean ecosystems. The current protocol of management strategy is seen to have failed to utilize the ocean
resources sustainably, and also, there needs to be more efficient in managing other ocean ecosystems, which has
been highlighted in the various consequences (Curtin and Prellezo 2010; Henderson 2019) Sustainable
development of the ocean ecosystem is possible; still, such growth will depend upon the sustained capacity
building of coastal and indigenous communities, stakeholder collaboration, and the resource's long-term
sustainability. Based on the literature review data, ocean sustainability is linked with the other sustainable
development goal (Claudet et al. 2020). The current ocean governance system must be revised to handle the
ocean's challenges. A reconfiguration of ocean management and governance orientation should support a healthy
and thriving relationship between the human community and the ocean, enhance the blue economy, and improve
sustainable development.

UCH (DEFINITIONS)
The UCH defines as “all the material and resource evidence of human activities carried on in the ocean
environment, particularly as evidenced on the bottom of the sea." (Smith and Couper 2003). According to the
UCH Convention of UNESCO (adopted in 2001), “UCH is defined as all traces of human existence having a
cultural, historical, or archaeological character, which has been partially or totally under water, periodically or
continuously, for at least 100 years” (UNESCO 2021).
PRESENT THREATS TO THE UCH
Considering the increased interest in ocean heritage in the last few decades, it is vital to emphasize global
awareness of the value of UCH and engage stakeholders, leaders, and policy-makers in taking initiatives to protect
marine cultural treasures. As per UNESCO, the present threats to UCH are becoming serious and presented in
Table 1.

2

�Table 1 The present threats to UCH

Threats to the UCH

Effects on UCH

Climate change

Rising sea levels, damaging biodiversity and ecosystems

Pillages

Due to the modern technological advancement, research interest, and hunting of treasure.
Extensive pillage is now also taking place underwater.

Commercial and tourist exploitation

Commercial exploitation is the legal recovery of artifacts from a heritage site to put them up for
sale.

Trawling and Fishing

Trawling activities are degrading UCH. Its impact on the sea floor is devastating.

Economic activities

Economic activities in the ocean environment are damaging UCH in multiple directions. Such as
marine construction works, mineral extraction, and trading of marine species affect the
environment by generating pollution, causing erosion, or modifying currents. In turn, they are
degrading UCH.

Industrial and commercial work

Shipping and other commercial activities causing significant effects on UCH

Developing the seabed
extraction, pipeline)

Extracting sand, gravel, and minerals in the seabed imposes multidirectional effects on UCH.

(mineral

Source: UNESCO, UCH, 15 February 2023

SUSTAINABLE OCEAN ECONOMY AND BLUE ECONOMY
According to the World Bank's report, the blue economy is defined as the "sustainable use of ocean resources for
economic growth, improved livelihoods, and jobs while preserving the health of the ocean ecosystem."
Blue Economy is an economy that "comprises a range of economic sectors and related policies that determine
whether the use of ocean resources is sustainable” (According to the United Nations). Table 2 presents the
definitions of the sustainable ocean economy and blue economy (Sumaila et al. 2020)
Table 2 Definitions of the sustainable ocean economy and blue economy (Sumaila et al. 2020)
Asian Development Bank

“The economic, societal, and environmental derive economic activity from the ocean.''

Center for the Blue Economy

“It uses three related but distinct meanings: (i) the overall contribution of the ocean to economies,
(ii) the need to address the environmental and ecological sustainability of the oceans, and (iii) the
ocean economy as a growth opportunity for both developed and developing countries."

Economist Intelligence Unit

“A sustainable ocean economy emerges when economic activity is in balance with the long-term
capacity of ocean ecosystems to support this activity and remain resilient and healthy."

Economic
Cooperation
Development

and

“The ocean economy can be defined as the sum of the economic activities of ocean-based
industries and the assets, goods, and services of marine ecosystems."

United Nations
Development Program

“Protecting, preserving, and restoring ocean resources while increasing the economic activity
derived from the ocean."

World Bank

“The sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth and improved livelihoods and jobs
while preserving the health of the ocean ecosystem."
“A sustainable blue economy provides social and economic benefits for current and future
generations; restores, protects, and maintains diverse, productive, and resilient ecosystems; and is
based on clean technologies, renewable energy, and circular material flows."

Worldwide Fund for Nature

3

�Ocean economy or sustainable blue economy can be enhanced by regional collaboration in Sustainable Ocean
Governance (Sumaila et al. 2020). Table 3 describes the Regional Collaboration in Sustainable Ocean
Governance.
Table 3 Regional Collaboration in Sustainable Ocean Governance (Sumaila et al. 2020)
Region

Sustainable ocean management (Initiative/Strategy)

Africa

“African Union’s Blue Economy Strategy United Nations Economic Commission for Africa’s Blue Economy
Regional Action Plan”

Asia

“Asia Development Bank’s Action Plan for Healthy Oceans and Sustainable Blue Economies. Indonesia’s
Sustainable Oceans Programme”

Baltic Sea

Baltic Sea Initiative

Europe

EU’s Blue economics initiative g

Indian Ocean

Indian ocean rim association’s blue economy declaration

Pacific Ocean

Pacific Regional of Oceanscape Program

BLUE ECONOMY
Oceans are the most expensive ecosystem and a vast economic system and network - a blue economy. Our oceans
cover 97% of the world’s water resources, and globally, the blue economy has enormous potential and is an
emerging economy. It includes all commercial and economic activities related to oceans, seas, and coastal zones
in a broad perspective, regardless of whether the activities occur on the sea or land. To develop the blue economy,
we must address the issue of the significant bottleneck toward the sustainability of the blue economy in the global
context. Table 4 presents the factors influencing the blue economy.
Table 4 Summarizes the factors influencing the blue economy.
Factors Affecting the blue economy

Description

Disasters

The blue economy is negatively impacted yearly by natural disasters. 
These include Cyclones, hurricanes, Tsunamis, and typhoons. 
These disasters damage properties and take the lives of thousands of people.

Sea-based terror activities

Terrorism, robbery, piracy, trafficking of drugs and humans, illegal arms trade, illegal trade of
crude oil, smuggling of drugs, etc.

Man-made issues

These include problems such as oil spills, war, and aggression, etc.

Climate condition

The impact of present climatic conditions on the marine ecosystem is immense. Increase of
acidity in oceans, unnatural changes in sea temperatures, etc. These negatively affect the
oceanic habitat, marine resources, and people that are dependent on them.

Marine pollution

This includes dumping untreated sewage, runoff from agriculture, microplastic pollution, solid
waste disposal, etc.
The excess nutrients from waste lead to problems such as low dissolved oxygen levels in the
water.
Vulnerable resources, such as corals, fish species, etc., are threatened.

Unsustainable use of marine
resources

Use of marine resources in an Unregulated, illegal, and unsustainable manner.

4

�OCEAN GOVERNANCE
Ocean governance includes the policy, rules, regulations, affairs, and actions towards sustainable use of ocean
resources and to conserve its ecosystems. (Balgos et al. 2015; Stephenson et al. 2019). Considering these
challenges is constitutive to developing proper governance towards developing marine ecosystems and improving
sustainability leading to protecting UCH (Alexander and Haward 2019).
Haas et al. (2021) derived from the SDGs three significant risks in the context of ocean governance as follows:
1. The consequence of the unmanaged use of ocean resources (SDG12, SDG14, SDG16)
2. Improper allocations of access to the benefits from the ocean ecosystem e.g., gender inequalities and
technology transfer (SDG1, SDG8, SDG10, SDG16)
3. Lack of awareness of adaptation to changing ocean conditions (SDG1, SDG13, SDG11, SDG16).
With the view of the UN SDG goal and for the sake of ocean sustainability, it is rational to jointly work with all
nations to protect the ocean environment and biodiversity, leading to sustainable use of ocean resources.

OCEAN POLICY CONTEXT
As the twenty-first century has progressed the cumulative impacts of unmanaged resource consumption and the
exponential growth of the global population are the red alert towards the long-term sustainability of marine
biodiversity and the sustainable use of their invaluable resources. There has been an international focus on the
maritime context over the past few decades, and we must maintain that motivation. The ocean policy provides
strength to protect marine biodiversity and resources, improve coastal economies, preserve UCH, and manage
sustainable uses and access. Worldwide few major Nationals have adopted the marine policy for the sake of
sustainable development of the ocean, presented in Table 5 (Kaczynski 2011; Wlodzimierz 2011).
Table 5 Marine policy directions adopted by major nations (Kaczynski 2011; Wlodzimierz 2011)

Country
Source

Significant policy directions/measures

USA

Marine education, policy, marine resource, ocean water, and ocean economic

Japan

Ocean resource, Coastal zone management, conservation of remote islands, Ocean environment, Marine transportation,
and Marine security, Carrying R&amp;D and survey for better ocean management.

Canada

Marine sustainable development, ocean ecosystems, Ocean science development

China

Ocean-related policy and rights, Conservation of the marine ecosystem, Marine resources, Integrated governance of ocean

Korea

Secure the ocean environment, protection of the ocean environment, and training of the marine specialists

5

�SYNERGETIC MANAGEMENT STRATEGY TO ENHANCE THE OCEAN BLUE ECONOMY
MCH or UCH is closely related to SDG 14, that life below water is a crucial goal of the 2030 global agenda with
its stated aim to synergetic management strategy towards sustainable oceans management and sustainable
development while, more specifically, a concern with the blue economy in the ocean context. Not only that, but
instead, we depend upon ocean ecosystems. Worldwide damaging marine biodiversity and degrading MCH result
from sustained human action over millennia. The benefits and advantages provided by the ocean are being eroded
rapidly. Figure 1 presents a typical image of marine ecosystems and the general economic benefits and services
they provide to global communities (Barbier 2017).

Figure 1 Marine ecosystems and economic benefits (Barbier 2017).

To enhance the blue economy, all the stakeholders must jointly collaborate to implement ocean policy and
governance and step forward to protect MCH and ocean ecosystems; these are the significant elements of the blue
ocean economy. As per UNESCO, we must address the six measures to protect UCH, such as i) Awareness
Raising Material, ii) Practical Measures of Protection, iii) Contribute to the Fund, iv) Model Implementation Law,
v) Ratify the 2001 Convention vi) State Cooperation Mechanism.
A synergetic management strategy properly enhances the blue economy to harmonize marine culture
development, protect ocean resources, and restore marine biodiversity. (Guilan and Weiwei 2021) Proposed
solutions to protect maritime cultural heritage and marine development are presented in Table 6.

6

�Table 6 Solutions to be coordinated between MCH protection and marine development (Guilan and Weiwei 2021)
Correlation aspects

MCH Protection

Marine Development

Spatial planning

Where is the potential MCH area
and MCH protection area?

How to include MCH areas in marine spatial
planning?

Environmental standard

What kind of preserved
environment is required for MCH
with different materials

Is there any discharge that will pollute or
damage MCH?

Management
coordination

Preserve in situ or excavation and
salvage?

How to coordinate the schedules of a marine
development projection?

Laws and policies

Are the impacts on marine
development activities taken into
account?

Are the MCH protective provisions fully
included?

A synergetic management strategy for the ocean environment and economy aims to account for global
communities' vast environmental, social, and economic challenges. Unmanaged utilization of ocean resources
increases anthropogenic and ecological pressures. This paper highlighted the significant bottleneck towards the
development of the blue economy (Table 3). To develop the blue economy, the integration of MCH (MCH) into
marine policy has been deemed necessary, and it is part of the blue economy.

CONCLUSION
The Blue economy has enormous potential to encompass and improve social well-being and sustainability in the
ocean context. The risks are close if the uncontrolled uses of ocean resources and coasts continue to be used
mainly for commercial and trading purposes. The concept of the blue economy should address the issues and give
direction on how cultural heritage can be used sustainably in the coastal and marine sectors. On the other hand,
the creative economy is not directly concerned with the blue economy but directly linked with the maritime
cultural heritage. In turn, the protection of cultural heritage enhances the blue economy. By 2030, ocean
protection areas will be expected to expand from 11 per cent to 30 per cent. At the global level, ocean resources
and the sustainability of the blue economy are also coming into focus; it would be a significant area with the green
deal. Sustainable approaches to ocean management that can address these cumulative pressures have been the
focus of considerable research and agency action. To achieve SDGs goal 14 (sustainable use of the oceans) and
conservation of marine biodiversity, stakeholder initiatives, policy formation, and transboundary cooperation are
extremely important. It requires disruptive approaches to eliminate marine pollution and conserve marine
ecosystems and heritage to enhance the blue economy at the global level, in turn leading to improved sustainable
development.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
We would like to extend our sincere thanks and gratitude to the Head, Members, Organizers, and Colleagues of the Asia Pacific Conference
on UCH for providing us with an excellent platform to exchange our views and ideas and enhance knowledge through this conference with
experts from different locations of the globe. We are also grateful to our university and institutions in India for their generous support,
motivation, and contributions to our research. We are delighted to be part of the conference and have aspired to remain attached to the
organization of “Asia Pacific Conference on UCH” in the future to conduct collaborative research to improve the sustainability of UCH.

7

�.

Dr. Bishnu Pada Bose
Professor
School of Engineering
Department of Civil Engineering
Swami Vivekananda University
Kolkata, India

Ms. Debashruti Bose
Symbiosis School of International
Studies
Symbiosis International University
Pune, India

Ms. Diptasri Ghosh
Department of Electrical
Engineering
Indian Institute of Technology
Hyderabad, India

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21-32.

9

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                    <text>Back from Oblivion: Deep Water Wrecks of World War II, Commemoration and
Protection
1

Blair Atcheson (Naval History and Heritage Command, Underwater Archaeology Branch
Program Manager)
2
Frank Thompson (Naval History and Heritage Command, Deputy Director of Collection
Management Division)

ABSTRACT
The paper as part of Session 4, Underwater Cultural Heritage of World War II in the Asia-Pacific Region:
Discoveries, Opportunities &amp; Challenges, provides an overview of some of the recent high-profile, deep-water
World War II shipwreck discoveries in the Pacific and how studying the data collected supports the Naval
History and Heritage Command’s long-term management strategies, approaches to policy and protection, and
commemorations. The case studies under consideration are the Battle of Midway Japanese aircraft carriers, USS
Juneau, and USS Indianapolis. The resources available to conduct the work include the data from surveys
conducted by Vulcan LLC and reviewed by the U.S. Navy’s cultural resource managers for sunken military
craft. The data set provides a unique opportunity for research and scientific analysis of deep-water wrecks that
are remarkably well-preserved and raises questions on how to address, through policy or practice, the new
challenges facing submerged cultural resource managers. The results provide an overview of the information
learned from reviewing the ROV footage of the wreck sites and how that informs the management approach for
other and future deep water U.S. Navy wreck discoveries by third-party researchers.

ABBREVIATIONS
AUV – Autonomous Underwater Vehicle
DON – Department of the Navy
NHHC – Naval History and Heritage Command
ROV – Remotely Operated Vehicle
UA – Underwater Archaeology Branch
U.S. – United States of America

FIGURES
Figure 1. Aerial photograph of the Midway Atoll, 24 November 1941. (Credit: U.S. Navy, 80-G-451086)
Figure 2. Image of one of the eight 8inch guns on the wreck of the Japanese carrier Kaga. (Credit: Vulcan LLC)
Figure 3. USS Indianapolis, 10 July 1945, with inset wreck images. (Credit: U.S. Navy, Vulcan LLC)
Figure 4. A comparison between the ship plan for USS Juneau and the wreck. (Credit: NHHC, Vulcan LLC)

1

�INTRODUCTION
In recent decades, the rapid advance and increased accessibility of ocean exploration technology have
made public ship wreck discoveries, particularly in deep water environments, more common. One of
the more successful groups was the ocean exploration team of Vulcan LLC, founded by Microsoft cofounder Paul Allen to locate and identify World War II ship wrecks. From 2015 to 2020, the team
discovered some of the United States (U.S.) Navy’s most iconic ships, such as USS Indianapolis (CA35) and USS Lexington (CV-2). The Vulcan exploration team was forthcoming, cooperative, and
responsible in their approach to locating WWII shipwrecks and provided the survey data to the
responsible government agency or museum. For U.S. Navy wrecks, the data was provided to the
Naval History and Heritage Command’s (NHHC) Underwater Archaeology Branch (UA) as the
managers of the U.S. Navy’s sunken military craft.
The mission of the NHHC UA is to manage, interpret, preserve, and protect the Department of the
Navy’s (DON) sunken and terrestrial military craft, which includes over 3,000 shipwrecks and 15,000
aircraft wrecks located world-wide and which date from the American Revolution through to the
Nuclear Age. In accordance with customary international policy and practice, the United States retains
right, title, and interest in and to any U.S. sunken state vessel regardless of location or the passage of
time. The U.S. government passed the Sunken Military Craft Act in 2004 to codify into law these
existing principles and, primarily, to preserve and protect from unauthorized disturbance all sunken
military craft that are owned by the United States, as well as foreign sunken military craft that lie
within U.S. waters. U.S. Navy policy recognizes these wreck sites as fit and final resting places for its
service members and, as such, prefers non-intrusive, in situ research on sunken military craft.
However, the Navy recognizes that disturbance and/or artifact recovery may be justified or become
necessary for archaeological, historical, or educational purposes. Therefore, the NHHC established a
permitting program to allow for controlled site disturbance.
Researchers are not required to obtain a permit from NHHC for non-intrusive, remote-sensing data
collection, but are encouraged to coordinate such activities with NHHC. With such a large, global
collection of submerged cultural resources, the NHHC is reliant on responsible divers and third-party
researchers to provide invaluable information on these wreck sites. The data is closely reviewed to
confirm the identity of a wreck, to document the state of preservation of a site, and/or to enhance our
understanding and tell the story of the ship and its crew. The search and data reviews of the Japanese
wrecks at Midway, USS Indianapolis, and USS Juneau have expanded our understanding of each site
and continue to inform NHHC’s submerged resource management approach.
MIDWAY
In the remote reaches of the western Hawaiian Archipelago sits a small atoll consisting of two islands
and a lagoon. The atoll gets its name, Midway, from its location roughly equidistant from North
America and Asia. Given its central location, the atoll was an important U.S. Navy base for aircraft
and ships traversing the Pacific, and would become the spot of one of the most important
confrontations between the Imperial Japanese Navy and the United States Navy - the Battle of
Midway.

2

�Figure 1. Aerial photograph, looking just south of west across the southern side of Midway atoll, 24 November 1941.
Eastern Island, the site of Midway's airfield, is in the foreground. Sand Island, location of most other base facilities, is
across the entrance channel. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the U.S. National Archives. (US
Navy Photograph #80-G-451086).

In 1941, the Imperial Japanese Navy wielded one of the most awesome instruments of warfare the
world had ever seen, the Kido Butai - a strike force made up of six aircraft carriers and their air
groups supported by escorts of battleships, cruisers, and destroyers. Under the command Vice
Admiral Chuichi Nagumo, the Kido Butai swept all enemies aside as it conducted operations across
the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Fuchida and Okumiya 1955). Until 4 June 1942, when the Kido Butai,
downed two carriers damaged at the Battle of the Coral Sea, faced an American force of three carriers
and their escorts, plus land-based aircraft operating from Midway. By the end of the day, the U.S.
Navy had won a major victory; all four of the Kido Butai’s aircraft carriers and their air groups were
destroyed against the loss of one U.S. carrier and a destroyer. With this victory, the U.S. began to turn
the tide of war in the Pacific. To the U.S. Navy, the Battle of Midway remains a pivotal moment in its
history and is the subject of yearly commemorations.
Only one carrier wreck, USS Yorktown (CV-5), had previously been located from the battle, alongside
possible debris from the Japanese carrier Kaga (Ballard 1999). In 2019, Vulcan launched a survey to
locate the Japanese wrecks of Kaga, Akagi, Soryu, and Hiryu. The expedition cast off on 31 August
2019 from Honolulu Harbor aboard the R/V Petrel, a 3400-ton vessel measuring 76.45 meters (m) in
length with a 15 meter beam. Petrel deployed with a crew of twenty and ten project team members,
which included a subject matter expert from the NHHC. The vessel embarked with an autonomous
underwater vehicle (AUV), a REMUS 6000, and a custom built remotely operated vehicle (ROV), an
ARGUS Bathysaurus XL79 equipped with two high-resolution forward-facing cameras and a
forward-mounted Kongsberg MS 1171 scanning sonar unit to aid navigation. Both vehicles were rated
for 6000 m.

3

�With records collected from years of archival research and study of secondary sources, the expedition
team decided to concentrate the search on Akagi, Kaga, and Soryu. As they were disabled at the same
time during the battle, it was possible that their wrecks would be close to each other. Here, the book
“Shattered Sword” proved invaluable (Parshall and Tulley 2005). The authors provided accounts from
surviving crewmen on each carrier during and after the air attacks. Soryu, the smallest carrier in the
Kido Butai, was heavily hit by three bombs and left a drifting wreck. Kaga, the largest of the carriers,
was hit by five bombs which destroyed the flight deck and hangars. However, there was evidence that
the propulsion plan was able to maintain steam up to a speed of about four knots. Furthermore, the
war patrol report from the submarine USS Nautilus (SS-168), which fired a torpedo at Kaga after the
dive bombing attack, provided a location reference that was used to plot the search area (DON 1942).
Akagi, the flagship, suffered one direct hit and a near miss that disabled the steering gear. The direct
hit destroyed the carrier’s primary firefighting system, preventing her crew from quenching the
growing conflagration in her hangars and flight deck. Later in the morning, the ship’s engines came
back on, leaving the ship steaming in circles. Taking all of these factors into account, the search began
on 7 September 2019.

Figure 2. Video image of one of the eight inch guns on the wreck of the Japanese carrier Kaga. (Credit: Vulcan LLC).

The AUV was programed to run a series of five tracks over 13 hours. Unfortunately, a software glitch
created a vibration in the AUV that caused some distortion in the data readout. Despite updates from
the manufacturer, the problem was never fully resolved, but the data remained decipherable.
However, the seafloor ensonification proved deceptive. Instead of presenting a clear debris trail, the
contacts in the data did not point in any one direction to follow (Paul Mayer pers comm 2023). On 13
September, after running a search of over 600 nautical square miles (nm2), a promising contact was
noted on the bottom at about 5,500 m. A high resolution side-scan pass revealed the impression of a
carrier. The dimensions of the contact eliminated Soryu as a candidate. The tethered ROV was
deployed to investigate the target starting on the aft starboard side quarter of the wreck. The wreck
had plowed into the bottom and buried itself up to the degaussing cable. One of the first noticeable
features was the barrel of an eight-inch gun. That image confirmed that the wreck was either Akagi or
Kaga. According to the ship’s data, Akagi had six such guns, mounted three on each side. Kaga,
slightly larger, had 10 total, five on each side (Skwiot and Jarski 2015). Three eight-inch guns or
associated empty barbette were noted on each side, which originally suggested the site was Akagi.
However, what the video did not show, the side-scan sonar did; debris covered a couple of the mounts
4

�bringing the total guns to eight. The site was confirmed as the wreck of Kaga. Reviewing the plot, the
team noted that Kaga was 16 kilometers (km) from the initial calculated search position. The
condition of the site and battle damage, including the collapsed flight deck and superstructure,
corroborated the survivor accounts published in “Shattered Sword” (Parshall and Tulley 2005).
The search for Akagi and Soryu continued, but the survey was dogged by troubles with the AUV,
while AUV missions that were successfully launched kept concluding without result. Finally, on 20
October, a large debris field lit the data screen at a depth of about 5,500 m. Unfortunately, the cable
system on the ROV had failed and so no video data could be collected. However, the high resolution
side-scan clearly indicated a carrier wreck and the dimensions matched the Kido Butai flagship,
Akagi. The expedition ended before locating the wrecks of the Soryu and Hiryu. The atoll, now under
the jurisdiction of the U.S. Department of the Interior, is slowly being restored to its pre-human
habitation environment. While little will remain of the land side of the Midway battle, the wrecks of
the American and Japanese carriers will stand in testament to the mighty clash of these two naval
forces and as memorials to the service and sacrifice of the servicemen of both nations.
INDIANAPOLIS
Shortly after midnight on 30 July 1945, an explosion severed the bow of the heavy cruiser USS
Indianapolis (CA-35). Seconds later, another explosion rocked the starboard side of the ship and
engulfed the superstructure in flames. The ship had been hit by two torpedoes from Japanese
submarine I-58. The damage was catastrophic to ship and crew. In less than 15 minutes, the decorated
warship would come to rest 3.5 miles (5,500 m) at the bottom of the Philippine Sea. The loss of
Indianapolis would not be reported for another four days when the first of the survivors were spotted
and pulled from the sea. An estimated 900 men of a crew of 1,195 went in to the water, but only 316
survived. The ship had a commendable record before and during WWII, but ‘the proud legacy of the
ship would forever be marred by the controversial circumstances of her loss, the Navy’s failure to
rescue her stranded crew in a timely manner, and the treatment of her skipper’ (Hulver and Atcheson
2019, 13).
The wreck of Indianapolis was located by the Vulcan exploration team aboard R/V Petrel on 19
August 2017 utilizing their AUV and ROV systems. The side-scan sonar of the wreck site revealed
the bow, broken and separated from the main hull by nearly 2 km. The speed at which the ship sank
and landed keel-first on the seafloor is evidenced by the impact crater left in the sediment; a
remarkable sight given the 72 years that had passed since its sinking. After the torpedo strikes, one
engine kept running so the ship circled to port while going down at the bow with an increasing
starboard list. At 12 minutes from impact, the ship almost completely capsized before going vertical
and disappearing under the waves. The side-scan image of the wreck and the arrangement of the
debris field confirmed the sinking event transpired just as described by survivors in the Navy’s 1945
report (DON 1945).
Damage from the second torpedo is marked by a large hole in the shell plating on the starboard side at
the top of the first platform; an exit blast is evident on the deck of the communication platform behind
the barbette of Turret Two. The visible damage seems modest in comparison to survivor accounts of
ruptured decks with flames coming through and scorching hot walls and floors that burned hands and
feet. However, the 1945 report believed that the heavy longitudinal bulkhead likely deflected the force
of the torpedo detonation upward into the crew’s spaces, something confirmed by the exit blast on the
communication platform. The most striking feature of the wreck site is its remarkable preservation,
highlighted through the clear paint and stenciling from the hull number 35 on the bow, a lone box in
the debris field labelled “USS INDIANAPOLIS, PARTS AND TOOLS”, the 2-tone grey paint on the
hull with the intact teak decking, or the bureau number visible on the tail of a Curtiss SC-1 Seahawk.

5

�Figure 3. Indianapolis off Mare Island, California, 10 July 1945, after her final overhaul and repair of combat
damage, Bureau of Ships Collection, National Archives #19-N-86911. Inset images: 1) shell damage from the second
torpedo hit, 2) exit blast damage on the deck of the communication platform, 3) bow hull number. (Credit: U.S. Navy,
Vulcan LLC)

The upright positioning of the wreck, and pristine condition of the site, allowed the Navy to
reinvestigate the sinking and corroborate the historical records with the actual wreckage. In general,
the Navy’s 1945 report on the loss (DON 1945), was remarkably accurate given the chaotic nature of
Indianapolis’s last moments and trials of the survivors at sea. One of the more surprising results from
each site reviewed thus far is the accuracy of survivor accounts, with a few discrepancies, which
highlights the importance of collecting oral histories.
JUNEAU
USS Juneau (CL-52), a 6,000-ton Atlanta-class light cruiser commissioned on 14 February 1942 had
a short, but notable career largely conducting carrier escort duty in the Pacific theater until the Naval
Battle of Guadalcanal. During an unexpected close-quarters engagement between an Allied task force
and Japanese bombardment fleet shortly after midnight on 13 November 1942, Juneau was hit in the
port forward fire room by a torpedo from a Japanese destroyer. The impact caused significant damage
and Juneau withdrew from the skirmish to conduct emergency repairs. In the morning, the injured
cruiser joined with the remainder of the Allied task force. At 11:01, Juneau was hit by a torpedo from
the Japanese submarine I-26. The torpedo struck just forward of amidships on the port side very near
the torpedo hit from the earlier night battle causing a catastrophic explosion that sank the ship in a
minute. Eyewitnesses did not believe any of the crew survived the violent explosion or rapid sinking.
However, an estimated 115 sailors of a crew of 693 survived the initial sinking only to endure seven
days at sea. Only 14 of Juneau’s crew would ultimately survive. While loss of Juneau itself is
haunting, the ship is most remembered for the death of the five Sullivan brothers; the story of service
and sacrifice of one family resonated deeply with the Navy and the nation, then as it does today.
Using positions from the war diaries of two ships near Juneau at the time of the sinking, the Vulcan
research team aboard R/V Petrel developed a search grid and deployed their AUV to scan the seafloor
for anomalies in March 2018. A high frequency side-scan target revealed a large hull-shaped object
and a concentrated debris field. An ROV investigation confirmed the wreck as the remains of Juneau.
Once the data was received, NHHC (2018) archaeologists conducted a close review of survivor
6

�accounts, official Navy records, and secondary sources to determine any lingering questions from the
historical record. For Juneau, historical accounts of the sinking were generally consistent.
The wreck of Juneau lies at a depth of over 4,000 m in the waters of the Solomon Sea southwest of
the island of San Cristobal. The site is broken up in two sections: the intact main hull and a debris
field which includes a portion of the bow and stern. The main hull section is approximately half of the
542 ft (165 m) long ship and is sitting proud on seafloor buried in sediment up to the bilge keel.
Approximately 600 m to the southeast is the main debris field which includes, rather perplexingly, a
portion of the bow resting on its port side with a portion of the stern (fantail) on top of the bow. The
name plate on the stern with the letters “uneau” are visible confirming the wreck’s identity.
The entire wreck site bears witness to the cataclysmic explosion that rocked the ship on the morning
of 13 November 1942. The degree of destruction made it a challenge to grasp how much of the ship
remained. Although the video was not collected systematically, NHHC archaeologists experimented
with processing the video through photogrammetric software. While imperfect, the three-dimensional
model that was produced provided significant insights into understanding the site. The scene is that of
great violence. Half of the ship essentially evaporated upon impact; what little remains is because it
was immersed so quickly that it did not have time to explode or burn.

Figure 4. A comparison between the ship plan profile for USS Juneau and remaining wreckage. The 3D model,
developed from Vulcan’s video data, shows the most intact portion of the main hull from the aft stack to the
propellers, portside. (Credit: NHHC, Vulcan LLC)

In the debris field, the detached rudder was the first indication of a possible second torpedo hit in the
stern. Returning to the historical records, one survivor and one witness from a nearby ship believed a
second torpedo from I-26 struck in the fantail (O’Neill 1942). The distinct shockwave damage on the
rudder provides some credence to an adjacent external explosion, likely near the vessel’s propellers.
While further, systematic, documentation of the wreck site, particularly near the rudder and stern,
would help to interpret the damage, the level of destruction is so severe that even with further
documentation it is unlikely that a conclusive determination could be made about the possible second
torpedo strike. However, the ship’s official record has now been amended to indicate that Juneau was
likely struck by three torpedoes in all, one during the night battle and two later the following morning.

7

�CONCLUSION
The many discoveries by Vulcan LLC provide the Navy with a unique opportunity to study multiple
well-preserved and undisturbed wreck sites of a similar age, type, and environment. While the data
was not collected systematically nor with archaeological research in mind, NHHC has extracted
substantial information from the data reviews, allowing archaeologists to compare historical records
with the extant wrecks, providing baseline documentation for resource management purposes,
informing future site visits and research questions, and supporting NHHC’s mission to preserve and
present an accurate history of the U.S. Navy.
Prior to the twenty-first century, the deep ocean, much like outer space, was explored mostly by
governments and academia. There is now an ever-increasing interest in deep-water shipwreck
visitation, spanning from the privately-funded researcher to individuals wishing to merely explore the
seafloor with private submersibles. Based on the knowledge gained from analyzing the site data
provided by Vulcan LLC and other partners, NHHC has been in a better position to develop policies
to address deep-water wreck site visits, in particular those involving the use of submersibles. As
wrecks continue to be found and depth becomes less of a protecting factor, the more knowledge
gained on each site that is responsibly studied, the better positioned NHHC and other submerged
cultural resource managers are to create best practices and policies that preserve these untouched
resources and honor those lost onboard.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The NHHC Underwater Archaeology Branch is grateful to Vulcan LLC for many years of dedicated and responsible
surveying and documenting of WWII shipwrecks and for subsequently providing this key data to the appropriate cultural
resource managers. We anticipate the information will continue to produce significant findings as data analysis continues
and be used to protect and commemorate these wreck sites for many decades. The authors would like to thank all the Navy
researchers that contributed to the analysis of the wrecks sites addressed in this paper: Heather Brown, Ken Nahshon,
Richard Hulver, Jason Griffin, and George Huss.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ballard, Robert D., Archbold, Rick. Return to Midway. Washington DC: National Geographic/Madison Press Books, 1999.
Department of the Navy [DON]. Loss of USS Indianapolis, 2 October 1945, RG 19, Entry P1, Boxes 30-32, National
Archives and Records Administration [NARA] II, College Park, MD.
Department of the Navy [DON]. USS Nautilus First War Patrol Report, 1942, RG 19, NARA II, College Park, MD.
Fuchida, Mitsuo and Okumiya, Masatake, Midway: The Battle that Doomed Japan, The Japanese Navy’s Story. Naval
Institute Press, 1955
Hulver, Richard A. and Atcheson, Blair. “USS Indianapolis Discovered! Now What? – Analysis of a Wrecksite”
Proceedings of Preserving U.S. Military Heritage: World War II to the Cold War, Fredericksburg, Texas, June 4-6, 2019.
Naval History and Heritage Command [NHHC]. “Juneau I (CL-52).” United States: Dictionary of American Naval Fighting
Ships. Accessed December 12, 2018. https://www.history.navy.mil/research/histories/ship-histories/danfs/j/juneau-i.html
O’Neill, Rodger MC-V(G), U.S. Navy Reserve. Report of USS Juneau Activity from November 11 to 13, 1942, inclusive.
PacFlt Conf. Ltr. 24CL-42. Textual Reference Branch, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.
Paul Mayer, Personal communication with Frank Thompson, NHHC, April 21, 2023.
Parshall, Jonathan B., and Tully, Anthony P. Shattered Sword: The Untold Story of the Battle of Midway. United States:
Potomac Books, 2005.
Skwiot, Miroslaw and Jarski, Adam. Kaga 1920-1942: The Japanese Aircraft Carrier. Poland: Kagero, 2015.

8

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                <text>Kegan Paul</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>The Ethnographic Evidence for Long-Distance Contacts between Oceania and East Africa</text>
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