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                    <text>Lessons from the Inland Seas: A Submerged Landscape Study in the Great Lakes
Dr. Ashley Lemke (Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin – Milwaukee, Associate Professor)
ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract fits best within Session15 because it is a case study of 9,000-year-old archaeological sites
on a submerged landscape under a lake. The case studies under consideration are the following 1) conducting
prehistoric archaeology 30 meters below water, 2) studying a submerged landscape in an inland setting, in this case,
a large freshwater lake, and 3) novel data preserved underwater in the Great Lakes challenges our previous ideas
about hunter-gatherer societies. The resources available to conduct the work include funding from the National
Science Foundation and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (both based in the United States) and
methods include sonar surveys, remote operated vehicle investigations, photogrammetry, scuba diving,
environmental sampling, and virtual reality computer modeling. The research questions/approach/problems are 1)
how can we conduct anthropologically relevant underwater archaeology, 2) how do you investigate sites 30 meters
below water, and 3) what can submerged data tell us about prehistoric peoples? The [expected] results are stone
tools and debitage, stone constructed hunting features, and ancient peat deposits.

 
Keywords: Submerged landscapes, North America, Great Lakes, Deep-water archaeology
List of Figures
Figure 1. Lake Huron and the Alpena-Amberley Ridge
Figure 2. Two obsidian flakes recovered from a submerged landscape below Lake Huron, Great Lakes, United States
Figure 3. Sampling an exposed peat layer on a submerged landscape below Lake Huron, Great Lakes, United States.

INTRODUCTION
The topic of this article fits best within Session 15, The Archaeology of Submerged Landscapes and
Inland Waters because it is a case study of Early Holocene (9,500-8,900 cal. yr. BP) archaeological sites
on a submerged landscape under an inland lake. Over the past 200,000 years the earth experienced several
phases of glacial and interglacial climates and associated changes in global water level. During these
periods, when large amounts of water were frozen, sea-level lowered by as much as 130 meters (Joy
2021). These global processes of sea level change, including glaciation, isostatic rebound, and fluctuating
water levels are mirrored on a local level in the North American Great Lakes.
The North American Great Lakes is a region in the midcontinent of North America with five fresh bodies
of water. Amongst the largest lakes in the world, the Great Lakes are often referred to as the “inland seas”
given their size, depth, ecological habitats, and significant weather and waves. Today these lakes greatly
impact communities in the region in terms of commerce, travel, subsistence, climate, and recreation. The
same was true for these lakes in the past, where they have influenced, and been influenced by, the human
communities on and around them for thousands of years.
The Great Lakes have been a region of study for nautical archaeologists for many decades, given the
unique and varied vessels to sail across them and their long-standing role in transportation, trade, and
conflict (e.g. Lardinois 2021). In addition to the rich maritime history of the area, the cold, fresh waters of
the Great Lakes provide some of the best preservation habitats for archaeological remains, particularly
wooden and metal ships given the lack of salt (and its corrosive properties), absence of ship worms
(Teredinidae), and cold-water temperature. Indeed, the large numbers of shipwrecks and their immaculate
state of preservation has resulted in two National Marine Sanctuaries in the Great Lakes, one in Lake
Michigan, the Wisconsin Shipwreck Coast National Marine Sanctuary, and one in Lake Huron, the
Thunder Bay National Marine Sanctuary.

1

�Within the Thunder Bay National Marine Sanctuary in Lake Huron, this project seeks to move beyond
shipwrecks and further back in time, to explore submerged landscapes in the Great Lakes, using Lake
Huron as a test case. At the end of the last ice age, during the Lake Stanley time period, water levels in
Lake Huron were 100 meters lower than modern sea level and exposed more than 250,000 hectares of
previous lake bottom. These lower water levels created a long, narrow dryland feature called the
Alpena-Amberley Ridge (AAR) that runs across the modern Lake Huron basin, splitting it in two (Figure
1). The AAR is ~145 kilometers long and between 12-16 kilometers wide, it now rests in an average of
25-30 meters of water. Between 9,500-8,900 cal. yr. BP this causeway was a dryland environment that
connected mainland Michigan and Ontario on either side of the lake and served as a migratory pathway
for caribou herds in the area which in turn attracted human hunter-gatherers.

Figure 1. Lake Huron and the Alpena-Amberley Ridge.

Interdisciplinary research since 2008, including paleoenvironmental studies and computer science
applications, but focusing on archaeology, has documented 9,000-year-old hunting sites for targeting
caribou (Lemke 2022; O’Shea and Meadows 2009; O’Shea et al. 2014). Organic remains and stone
artifacts have been collected including two lithic flakes fashioned out of an exotic obsidian from over
4,000 kilometers away (O’Shea et al. 2021 Figure 2).

2

�Figure 2. Two obsidian flakes (specimen numbers 105-1 and 105-2) recovered from a submerged landscape below
Lake Huron, Great Lakes, United States (O’Shea et al. 2021).

CASE STUDIES
While one project, the case studies under consideration are the following: 1) conducting prehistoric1
archaeology 30 meters below water, 2) studying a submerged landscape in an inland setting, in this case, a
large freshwater lake, and 3) novel data preserved underwater in the Great Lakes challenges our previous
ideas about hunter-gatherer societies in the region.
While submerged landscapes studies are now common across the globe (Bailey et al. 2020; Benjamin et
al. 2011; Evans et al. 2014), it is still a small group of archaeologists working in prehistoric time periods
within the larger field of underwater archaeology. As such, projects across the globe have targeted
different regions, various time periods, diverse research questions, generated novel data, and have utilized
unique methods while creating new research designs. While many approaches from nautical archaeology
1

A note about the use of “prehistoric” here. While many archaeologists are using pre-contact to refer to ancient sites in the
Americas, the author prefers the use of prehistoric, arguing that “pre-contact” obscures diversity and artificially creates a
homogenous “pre-contact” North America that did not exist (akin to the use of “pre-colonial Africa” see Táíwò 2023)

3

�can be adapted to older sites, submerged landscapes also present their own unique challenges, and project
teams have often invented new techniques combined with standard methods to approach these
archaeological records. For the Lake Huron project specifically, a new approach was applied that worked
in iterative, mutli-scalar levels, developed out of necessity for working in very old contexts in deep, fresh
water, far offshore (55-80 kilometers).
Conducting prehistoric archaeology in water depths of 30 meters required a multi-scalar approach to
submerged landscapes, to first understand the underlying landforms and their associated
paleoenvironments to then make predictions about where hunting and gathering sites would be located.
Therefore, the first research conducted was large-scale mapping of the central portion of the AAR using
multibeam and side-scan sonars. The AAR was broken into 4 research areas, targeting unique geological
aspects of the landform. Area 1 (56 kilometers squared) focused on high ground outcrops that may have
included local chert/flint deposits, Area 2 (49 kilometers squared) has some of the deepest water on the
AAR, thus representing evidence from the earliest stages of Lake Stanley (those areas that would have
been exposed first after water levels lowered), Area 3 is a narrow section of the AAR with a pronounced
slope (17 kilometers squared) and Area 4 is an large, flat area that likely would have had the best
grazing/browse for migrating herds (165 kilometers squared). The central portion of the AAR was
targeted for investigation because archaeological deposits offshore are less likely to be deeply buried by
modern sediment and are less likely to be significantly impacted by coastline waves and weather (e.g. ice
thrusts, erosion, etc.).
Once these large areas were mapped, investigations focused on targets of interest on the sonar surveys,
and research focused on these smaller areas. Fortunately, the archaeological record on the AAR
investigated thus far consists of stone-constructed hunting features, some of which are large enough to see
on large-scale sonar surveys given their high reflectivity. These sites are similar to hunting architecture
sites known from the terrestrial record (Lemke 2022) and are stone lines, rings, v-shapes, funnel-shapes,
and other constructions used to attract and channel wild prey into predictable hunting areas. Many of the
sites under Lake Huron have rocks with diameters of 1 meter and some rock line constructions are 30
meters long and thus are visible on side-scan surveys (O’Shea and Meadows 2008) and were chosen for
more in-depth research. Once an area on the AAR is known to have a prehistoric structure, finer scale
survey is conducted with scanning sonar, autonomous underwater vehicles (AUV) with side-scan sonar,
and a remote operated vehicle (ROV) resulting in micro-regional investigations of 150-hectare areas
(O’Shea 2021). Given the depth and temperature of the water, large-scale scuba surveys are not possible
given limitations on bottom time, and these remote sensing methods coupled with the live video of the
ROV have proven very successful at finding archaeological sites and conducting preliminary mapping
and video surveys of features.
Once sites are fully photo-documented using the ROV and mapped using the scanning sonar and/or AUV,
they are then sampled for cultural materials by scuba divers. Sampling on the AAR has taken a varied
approach depending on the context. In general, archaeological sites and materials are shallowly buried
(less than 10 centimeters of sediment overlay archaeological deposits). At large sites, preliminary
sampling was conducted in a fashion similar to shovel testing in the United States where a small area, 30
centimeters squared, was hand excavated and screened and cultural material was collected every three
meters. Once cultural material was recovered, further excavation was completed in one by one-meter
square units. Locations of all samples are collected via the ROV which is equipped with a tracking sonar
with real time geospatial coordinates. Other sampling methods include 100 mL plastic vials which are
primarily used for collecting sediment for paleoenvironmental and geoarchaeological analyses, including
pollen, testate amoebae, grain size, etc. These samples occasionally also collected cultural materials, such
as the two obsidian flakes (O’Shea et al. 2014).
To date, numerous stone constructed sites have been documented and sampled on the AAR using the
above methods. These include Drop 45, a long liner drive lane site that has associated hunting blinds and
4

�stone artifacts (O’Shea et al. 2014), the Gap Locality, an area of hunting blinds and other constructed
features that yielded the obsidian artifacts (O’Shea et al. 2021), and the Dragon Drive lane, a site with a
long, liner drive lane feature and a hunting blind (O’Shea and Meadows 2009). In addition to the cultural
material, paleoenvironmental data characterized this submerged landscape as a peri-glacial sub-arctic like
environment with spruce and tamarack trees, freshwater lakes, bogs, and marshes. Most recently, a
preserved peat bog was discovered. Radiocarbon dates from this peat layer ranged from 9678-9296 cal.
yr. BP (Figure 3). Samples of the peat have been submitted for environmental DNA analyses which aim to
further illuminate the flora and fauna present on this early Holocene now submerged landscape.

Figure 3. Sampling an exposed peat layer on a submerged landscape below Lake Huron, Great Lakes, United States.
Photograph by John O’Shea, used with permission.

In general, the archaeological record on the AAR can be characterized as evidence of a modified, cultural
landscape, where groups of foraging societies encountered caribou on their semi-annual migrations and
used targeted hunting techniques in both the fall and spring using built structures. Hunting architecture
sites increase the yield and predictability of wild animal resources and provide meeting areas on the
landscape for people to come together for cooperative hunts while also likely trading goods, socializing,
sharing foods, exchanging information, conducting rituals, etc.
Significantly, the archaeological evidence preserved on this inundated landform is notably different from
terrestrial archaeological sites in the region. Historically the standard model of occupation for the area
began with the Paleoindian time period (~13,000-10,000 cal. yr. BP) as the earliest occupants,
characterized as highly mobile, big-game hunters, using distinctive fluted point projectiles, changing to
lanceolate points during the later stages. Such technology is unique in the Americas and has been
well-studied; although, regionally archaeological sites with this technology are not well dated due to
5

�acidic soils and largely ephemeral deposits (Lothrop et al. 2016). The following Archaic period is
characterized by notched and stemmed points in the Great Lakes, with the Hi-Lo variety often assumed to
be transitional between these and the earlier fluted points. To date, no large bifaces have been recovered
from submerged sites on the AAR. While the two obsidian flakes are likely the byproduct of bifacial
manufacture/maintenance (O’Shea et al. 2021), other lithics from the AAR are more indicative of a
microtool tradition, unknown from the terrestrial record in the region. The AAR archaeology therefore
offers a unique window in diverse lifeways that characterize the late Pleistocene/early Holocene, a time
period of immense environmental change, mosaicked flora and fauna, and likely small regional refugia
such as the AAR (see Lemke and O’Shea 2019).
RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct the work include funding from the National Science Foundation and
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (both based in the United States) and methods include
sonar surveys, remote operated vehicle investigations, photogrammetry, scuba diving, environmental
sampling, and virtual reality computer modeling.

FRAMEWORK
The research questions/approach/problems are 1) how can we conduct anthropologically relevant
underwater archaeology, 2) how do you investigate sites 30 meters below water, and 3) what can
submerged data tell us about prehistoric peoples? First, submerged landscapes represent a fundamentally
different problem than sunken wrecks (boats, ships, or airplanes), rather than a time capsule of a historical
event, submerged landscapes are often palimpsests of longer periods more akin to most terrestrial
archaeological sites (Lemke and O’Shea 2022). As such, they can be investigated like terrestrial
archaeological sites, admittedly with some unique methods, such as those developed for the deep-water
archaeology conducted on the AAR. The investigation of submerged landscapes also requires
geoarchaeological, paleoenvironmental, and paleolimnological data to understand when sites were
submerged, how long environments were habitable, and what type of climates and resources they
provided to past peoples. Ultimately it is critical to investigate these landscapes from an anthropological
archaeology perspective (Lemke 2021). The Great Lakes case study presented here also offers ideas for
research designs in deep-water, offshore contexts, but it is important to stress that while theoretically
submerged landscapes share many commonalities with each other and their terrestrial counterparts, siteand regional-level modeling must be done on a case-by-case basis. For example, most sea-level curves are
not appropriate for wide-scale use, and water levels need to be reconstructed for specific areas keeping in
mind their unique geomorphology. Additionally, methods that work well for one submerged site will not
work at others, for example, an airlift that was designed to excavate ancient, submerged sites in Florida
karstic sinkholes and rivers was used in Lake Huron and froze given the dramatic differences in water
temperature. Lastly, it is important to note that data from submerged landscapes date to some of the most
critical time periods in the human past, and rather than providing redundant data, they often preserve
unique evidence about the past to better elucidate the lifeways of prehistoric peoples.

RESULTS
The [expected] results from this research are stone tools and debitage, stone constructed hunting features,
and environmental DNA from ancient peat deposits. Taken together, this case study from the inland seas
presents unique methodologies for conducting deep-water archaeology, a long-term regional study of a
submerged landscape, and novel results that indicate a unique early Holocene environment, significant
6

�modification of the landscape best characterized as niche construction by hunter-gatherers, and a mosaic
of foraging lifeways in the ancient Americas.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research presented in this article is the result of interdisciplinary collaborative work with project founder and co-director
John O’Shea, and research partners including Tyler Schultz, Elisabeth Sonnenburg, Brendan Nash, Daneille Riebe, Jeffery
Ferguson, Alex Nyers, Robert Reynolds, Thomas Palazzolo, Chencheng Zhang, Sarah Saad, Matthew Boyd, and Cailen O’Shea.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bailey, Geoff, Galanidou, Nena, Peeters, Hans, Jons, Hauke, and Mortiz Mennenga (,eds.). The Archaeology of Europe’s
Drowned Landscapes. Verlag: Springer, 2020.
Benjamin, Jonathan, Bonsall, Clive, Pickard, Catriona, Pickard, and Anders Fischer (,eds.). Submerged Prehistory. Oxford ;
Oakville: Oxbow Books, 2011.
Evans, Amanda, Joe Flatman, and Nic Flemming (,eds.). Prehistoric Archaeology on the Continental Shelf. Verlag: Springer, 2019.
Joy, Shawn. “Coastally-adapted: A developing model for coastal Paleoindian sites on the North American eastern continental
shelf.” Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 16, no.1 (2021): 150-169.
Lardinois, Anna. Shipwrecks of the Great Lakes: Tragedies and Legacies from the Inland Seas. Essex: Globe Pequot, 2021.
Lemke, Ashley. “Submerged Prehistory and Anthropological Archaeology: Do underwater studies contribute to theory?” Journal
of Island and Coastal Archaeology 16, no. 1 (2021): 5-26.
Lemke, Ashley. The Architecture of Hunting: The Built Environment of Hunter-Gatherers and its Impact on Mobility, Property,
Leadership, and Labor. College Station: Texas A&amp;M University Press, 2021.
Lemke, A. K., and J. M. O’Shea. “The End of an Era? Early Holocene Paleoindian Caribou Hunting in a Great Lakes Glacial
Refugium.” In People and Culture in Ice Age Americas: New Dimensions in Paleoamerican Archaeology, edited by R. Suárez
and C. F. Ardelean, 156-171. Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 2019.
Lemke, A. and J. O’Shea. “Drowning the Pompeii Premise: Frozen Moments, Single Events, and the Character of Submerged
Archaeological Sites.” World Archaeology 54, no. 1 (2021): 142-156.
Lothrop, Jonathan C., Lowery, Darrin L., Spiess, Arthur E., and Christophere J. Ellis. “Early Human Settlement of Northeastern
North America.” Paleoamerica 2, no. 3 (2016): 192-251.
O’Shea, John M. “Micro-regional Approaches for Submerged Site Archaeology.” Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology,
16,1 (2021): 103-117.
O’Shea, J. M., Lemke, A. K., Sonnenburg, E., Reynolds, R.G., and B. Abbott. “A 9,000- year-old Caribou Hunting Structure
beneath Lake Huron.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111, no. 19 (2014): 6911-6915.
O’Shea, J. M., Lemke, A. K., Nash, B. S., Sonnenburg, E. P., Ferguson, J. R., Nyers, A. J., and D. J. Riebe. “Central Oregon
Obsidian from a Submerged early Holocene Archaeological Site beneath Lake Huron.” PLOS ONE 16, no. 5 (2021): e0250840.
O’Shea, John M. and Guy A. Meadows. “Evidence for Early Hunters beneath the Great Lakes.” Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences 106, no. 25 (2009): 10120-10123.
Táíwò, Olufemi, “It never existed: The idea of a ‘precolonial’ Africa is theoretically vacuous, racist, and plain wrong about the
continent’s actual history.” Aeoni (2023) https://aeon.co/essays/the-idea-of-precolonial-africa-is-vacuous-and-wrong?utm_source=rss-feed

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                    <text>Ports and Trade Networks of the Tamiraparani Delta of Tamil Nadu
V. Selvakumar (Associate Professor, Tamil University)

ABSTRACT
The deltas of Tamil Nadu in southern part of India have several ports that acted as nodes of maritime networks.
Evidence of prehistoric hunter-gatherers is found in the Tamiraparani delta in the red sand dunes of Teri in the form
of microliths. In the Iron Age the Tamiraparani region witnessed megalithic settlements with burial sites. The
famous urn burial site of Adichanallur is located in this region. Evidence for early historic trade interaction is found
at the site of Korkai, which has been identified as the center of the early Pandyan kings. The port of Korkai is
discussed in the early Tamil literature and archaeological excavation has revealed evidence for urban activities. In
the Medieval period, Kayal became an important port of trade and it is referred to in the medieval textual sources. It
was a major center for horse trade and the temple of Tiruppudaimaraudir in the Tamiraparani region has evidence of
Arab horse traders in the form of mural paintings. The region is well connected with the Western Ghats and a trade
route connecting Kerala and Tamil Nadu region. The main research problem of the paper is to understand the nature,
function and foreland and hinterland networks of the ports of Tamiraparani valley. The paper discusses the
archaeological evidence of ports of the early historic and medieval periods (Korkai and Kayal) and the maritime
networks that connected with these ports using textual and archaeological sources. The data sources are collected
from the author's fieldwork, critical study of primary sources and collection of secondary literature.
Keywords: Korkai; Indian Ocean Trade; Indo-Roman Trade; Kayal; Horse Trade

INTRODUCTION
The Tamiraparani delta lies in the southern part of Tamil Nadu, adjacent to the Palk Strait that separates
India and the island of Sri Lanka. The Tamiraparani river originates near Agastiyakoodam in the Western
Ghats mountains and meets the Gulf of Mannar, which is part of the Bay of Bengal, near the ancient port
of Korkai and south of the modern port of Tutukudy/Tuticorin. The Tamiraparani river valley is one of the
historically important regions of Tamil Nadu with the evidence of the cultural remains of the Microlithic,
Iron Age, Early Historic and historical periods. This paper discusses the ports and trade networks of the
Tamiraparani delta mainly in the Early Historic and Medieval periods.

ENVIRONMENTAL BACKGROUND
The Tamiraparani river valley lies between Latitudes 8º 21’N and longitudes 9º 13’ N; and 77º 10’ E and
78º 15’ E. The river flows for about 130 km towards the east before joining the Gulf of Mannar and it is
known as Porunai in the Tamil texts and inscriptions (PAN 2021, 19-23). Tirunelveli, district headquarters
in the west, and Tutukudy (Thuthukudy), district headquarters and port in the east, are the important
centres located in the river valley. The popular name of the river “Tamiraparani” is known as Tambapanni
in Prakrit language, and is cognate with the name of Sri Lanka, which is referred to as Tambapanni in the
inscriptions of Asoka (Sen 1956, 66). The Korkai bay, which is near the coast, abounds in tanks and
backwater-bodies now. It has been argued that the river Tamiraparani might have flowed further north,
from its current course, in the early historic period and then moved southwards (Arunachalam et al. 2006,
278-280). Kayal was another port that developed in the medieval period and is located further east of
Korkai in the Tamiraparani delta. Geological investigations reveal that the Korkai bay must have been a
prominent feature adjacent to the coast, in the early historic period (Arunachalam et al. 2006, 278-280).
1

�The trenches excavated at the site of Korkai as part of archaeological excavation by Tamil Nadu State
Archaeology Department in 2021 revealed water-logging in the lower level, below 1.5 m from the surface
level (Tangadurai, Personal Communication, 2023) suggesting possible lower sea-level in the early
historic period. Although the Tamiraparani river valley forms a distinct drainage system, south of the
Tamiraparani river flows the Nambiyar, which originates near Tirukkurungudi and flows parallel in the
south, can also be treated as part of the broader cultural region of the Tamiraparani river valley. The Gulf
of Mannar is famous for pearl fishery and marine shells are abundant in this region (Athiyaman 2000, 1-5;
Arunachalam 2011, 1-8), the river valley is suitable for agrarian produce, and the Western Ghats has rich
forest resources including spices.

Figure 1. Map of Southern Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka with important Sites, by Shika Rai

HISTORY OF RESEARCH
Arch Bishop Robert Caldwell published on the history of this region (1881). He excavated the sites of
Korkai and Kayal and identified urn burials (1887, 80-82, 82-83, 279-290). Based on the study of the urn
burials and the human bones, it has been argued that the people who were buried in the urns were
physically similar to the contemporary population of Tiruneveli region. Robert Bruce Foote explored this
area and identified microlithic sites and the Mesolithic formations of the Teri Sand dunes (Foote 1884,
1-98) and artifacts of microliths have been identified by Zeuner and Allchin (1956, 4-20). Alexander Rea
explored several megalithic burials sites in this river valley and excavated the famous urn burial site of
Adichanallur and unearthed voluminous cultural materials (Rea 1915, 1-40). Mangudi in Sankarankoil
2

�Taluk further north of the Tamiraparani valley excavated by Tamil Nadu State Department of
Archaeology exposed microliths beneath the Iron Age-Early Historic remains (Shetty 2003, 1-3).
Subsequently, the urn burial site of Adichanallur was re-excavated by Archaeological Survey of India in
2005 (Satyamurthy 2007, 55-66; Bhadreenath 2021, 1-15; Nambirajan et al. 2009, 57-61). Archaeological
excavation is ongoing now to establish the site museum at Adichanallur and the task is undertaken by the
Archaeological Survey of India from 2021 (Arunraj et al. 2022, 6-13). Tamil Nadu State Department
undertook excavations at the habitation site in the village of Adichanallur in 2021 and also at Korkai
(PAN, 2021). An archaeological survey of Tamiraparani region has been undertaken by Tamil Nadu State
Archaeology Department in 2021-2022 and they have identified several archaeological sites (Tangadurai,
Personal Communication, 2023). The Megalithic burial site of Sivakalai in the Tamiraparani delta has
been excavated and dates of ca. 1155 BCE has been obtained on the urn burials (Rajan et al. 2021, 57-86).
N. Athiyaman has discussed the importance of the ports of southern Tamil Nadu, mainly in the Gulf of
Mannar region (Athiyaman 2014, 1-15). This region has paintings and sculptures related to the maritime
activities in the temples and they have been studied by Athiyaman (2015, 99-111). The excavated
materials from Adichanallur, especially the copper-bronze artifacts have been studied for their
metallurgical contents and it has been found that these artifacts have high tin content as found in other
megalithic bronze artifacts (Paramasivan 1944, 87-93; Srinivasan 2017, 807-812).

KORKAI IN LITERATURE
Korkai is spoken in early Tamil as well the Greek literature as an important port and centre for marine
resources, especially pearl and chank (Turbinella Pyrum). This section describes the poetic narration of
Korkai in early Tamil literature.
Tamil Literature
The Tamil Sangam texts are generally placed in the early centuries of the Common Era and a few of these
texts could extend to the early medieval period (Zvelebil 1974, 1-50). While the information and
composition of some of these poems were undertaken in the early period, these texts were compiled into a
corpus in the early medieval period, ca. sixth to ninth centuries CE.
Marine Resources of Korkai
The Sangam Tamil texts often refer to the importance of the town of Korkai for pearl fishery and marine
shell industries.
Akananuru (poem 27) mentions that the large port (perunturai, Peru = large and turai = port, in Tamil)
of Korkai was protected ethically and peacefully by the Pandya king who was involved in bloody, violent
battles. The town was famous for pearl fishery, and the pearls from the town are compared to the teeth of
the heroine in the poem.
Akananuru (poem 201) refers to the shining pearl of Korkai munturai (Mun = front and turai = port, in
Tamil), and conch (Turnbinella pyrum). In the famous town of the Pandya, who were victorious with the
support of elephants efficient in warfare and the women of the fisher-folk, who wear leaf dress, deposit
pearl and the Turbinella pyrum with the opening on the right-side. The chank shells with the opening on
the right-side are considered rare and more valuable. Such chanks are known as valampuri in Tamil and
are highly priced even today.
3

�Narrinai refers to the front port (munturai) of Korkai as yielding pearls (Narrinai 23:5). Here the Tamil
term of munturai used to refer to the port is interesting. Some scholars suggest that munturai as a front
port, which was very close to the mouth of the river and perunturai (large port or main port) was in the
interior. Munturai might have referred to the actual port or ferry context nearby the river, while Perunturai
referred to the town in a broad sense.
Aingurunuru (185, -2) poem mentions the munturai port of Korkai where neytal flowers (Nymphaea
nouchali) and pearls are scattered and they resemble the teeth of the heroine. The poem narrates that the
waves bring the shining pearls onto the shore and the pearls trouble the hooves of the moving horses. She
wears the fine shell bangles cut out of Turbinella pyrum, by a sharp tool. Such poetic narrations are
exaggerations that speak about the abundance of pearls in the region.
Cilappatikaram, an epic work in Tamil, mentions the pearl from the Korkai perunturai (14. 180).
Maduraikkanchi, another text of the Sangam corpus, has a more vivid narration. Pearls, and the bangles
cut from Turbinella pyrum, and the various commodities of Paratar, and the salt, the dry fish supplied by
those who drove the timil boats, and the sailors of navai and kalam who brought horses reached Madurai
(Maduraikkanchi, 316 – 325). Here navai and kalam are two types of seagoing watercraft used by
merchants, while timil was the boat often used by the fisherfolk. The same text talks about the quarters
where the bangle makers lived (Maduraikanchi 134–138).
The literary narratives are very clear that pearls and marine shells were extensively exploited in the region
of Tamiraparani delta.
Political Control of the Pandyas
An important category of information from the literature pertains to the political control of the port of
Korkai. Although the existence of strong political control in the early historic period was a matter of
debate (Gurukkal 2012, 1-20), the poems are very categorical that the port of Korkai was controlled by
the political power of the Pandyas.
Akananuru poem 130 refers to Korkai as narrer Valuti Korkai munturai, which means the front port of
Korkai, belonged to the king Vazhuti, who had fine chariots. Aingurunuru (185:1-2) poem is clear that the
port of Korkai was controlled by the Pandya king Vazhuti. Several Pandya kings had the title Vazhuti; for
example Ukkirapperuvazuti and Maran vazhuti. Coins of the early historic period with the name “vazhuti”
have been found in Tamil Nadu. The title Korkai Koman (Sirupanarruppatai 62-63), which means the
headman of Korkai and another title ‘Korkai Ventu’ (Cilappatikaram 10, 65), which means the ‘chief of
Korkai,’ strongly suggest that the Pandya king controlled Korkai.
Greco-Roman Literature
The Periplus Marei Erythrea mentions Korkai as Colchi and it also refers to the pearl fishery here was
undertaken by condemned criminals. It also states that the town was under the control of the Pandyas
(Schoff 1912, 46). The text of Ptolemy which is dated to the second century CE also speaks about Korkai
as ‘Kolkhoi’ and also as an emporium (Renou 1925, 6).
While describing the area north of Korkai it says “Beyond Colchi there follows another district called the
Coast Country, which lies on a bay, and has a region inland called Argaru. At this place, and nowhere
else, are bought the pearls gathered on the coast thereabouts; and from there are exported muslins, those
called Argaritic.” (Schoff 1912, 46). The identity of this settlement and interior region is not certain. The
place of Argaru was identified with Uraiyur, the capital of the Cholas lying further north, and based on the
excavation and the finding of tanks identified as dying-vat (Raman 1988, 1-5); it is argued that such
4

�clothes were produced at Uraiyur. Since pearls and other marine resources were brought to this town, it
could well be the area near Alagankulam (Sridhar et al. 2005, 1-5) and the hinterland could be the region
east of Madurai. Keeladi in this region could be a potential early historic urban settlement associated with
textile production (Amarnath Ramakrishna et al. 2019). The name Argaru could be the contemporary
name of Arrankarai near the mouth of the river Vaigai or the ancient name of Aruppukkottai, which is
famous for the textile industry. The textile class of aruvai referred to in the early Sangam texts
(Athiyaman and Athithan 2018, 41-50) could have been the original name of argaru of the Periplus.

IMPORTANT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE TAMIRAPARANI VALLEY
Archaeological surveys have revealed several prehistoric, Iron Age and Historical sites in the
Tamiraparani valley. This region is also rich in historical settlements, inscriptions and temples. Some of
the important historical settlements related to maritime activities are discussed here in this section.
Exploitation of marine resources in the Tamiraparani region might have begun in the mid- second
millennium BCE, although archaeological evidence has not been identified in this region. Excavations at
Molapalayam near Coimbatore have produced marine shells of Turbinella pyrum and Oliva sp. used as
ornaments in 1600-1400 BCE context (Selvakumar et al. 2022). Such shells are found in the Deccan
Chalcolithic and Southern Neolithic cultures of India suggesting the early exchange in marine shells
(Deshpande-Mukherjee 2006, 259-83). Evidence of Iron Age settlements are found in large numbers in
the Tamiraparani river valley.
Korkai
Korkai is in Sri Vaikuntam Taluk of Tirunelveli district and lies in the delta of Tamiraparani valley.
Adichanallur lies about 15 km further inland and the microlithic site of Sawyerpuram lies three km from
the site. Korkai was excavated by Tamil Nadu Archaeological Department in 1968-69 and in 2020-21.
Based on the excavations, three cultural periods have been identified and they can be described as Early
Historic, Early Medieval and Mid-Medieval (Majeed 1987, 73-77; Sridhar 2004, 48). Brick architectural
remains, urns, ring wells, soakage jars, pottery with Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions, cut pieces of shells and
bangles, beads of semi-precious stones, Northern Black Polished Ware, rouletted ware fragments have
been excavated at the site (Figures. 2-3). A radiocarbon date of 785 BCE was obtained from a trench
(Sridhar 2004, 56). The re-excavation of the site in 2021 produced similar findings.

5

�Figure 2. A ring well or Soakage Jar (?), Korkai, Courtesy: Tamil Nadu State Archaeology Department

6

�Figure 3. Brick Structure, Korkai, Courtesy: Tamil Nadu State Archaeology Department

Sivakalai
Sivakalai is an urn burial site in Tamiraparani valley. The areas of Srimoolakarai, Sivakalai Parambu. and
Parakiramapandi Thiradu have been excavated by Tamil Nadu State archaeology department in 2020
onwards. They have found evidence of urn burials, human skeletons and evidence of rice husk. An AMS
date of 1155 BCE (PAN 202, 16-171; Rajan et al. 2021) is available for the site. The early date suggests
the possible beginning of the Iron Age in the late second millennium BCE.
Adichanallur
Adichanallur was an important Iron Age burial site in this region which has been investigated for more
than a century since 1877 (Rea 2015, 1-40; Satyamurthy 2007, 55-66; Bhadhreenath 2021; Arunraj et al.
2022, 6-13). The burial site has produced a vast quantity of grave-goods including iron objects, copper
bronze artifacts and gold objects indicating the establishment of agricultural and pastoral communities.
Although the habitation site associated with the burial site has not been identified, the evidence proves
that the Tamiraparani valley was extensively occupied by the Iron Age communities, who were involved
in rice cultivation and had some degree of craft specialization from early first millennium BCE (Table 1).
The diverse varieties of metal objects suggest possible long distance trade.
7

�Kayal
Kayal area with a cluster of settlements variously known as Pazhayakayal and Kayalpattinam was the port
of the Medieval period from about 12th century CE and it is mentioned as Cail and Qail in the literary
accounts. Marco Polo, Wassaf and the Arab sources (Dayalan 2019, 28-29) and the Chinese accounts
(Roderich 1993) mention the port and its activities. Kayalpattinam has evidence of medieval Islamic
architecture (Shokoohy 1993). Kayal was famous for trade in horses and it was a major centre for Arab
traders (Anas Babu 2015, 1-15). Marco Polo describes it as an important port and says "all ships touch
that come from the west, as from Hormos and from Kis and from Aden, and all Arabia" (Roderich 1993,
note 2). The continued importance of Kayal in the later period indicates the strategic location of the
Tamiraparani delta in the maritime trade routes of the Indian Ocean network.
Tiruppudaimarudur
Tiruppudaimarudur is a settlement with a temple depicting the paintings of Arab ships (Athiyaman 2015,
99-111). While Tiruppudaimarudur is in the interior at the confluence of the Kadana river with the
Tamiraparani river, the depiction of theme of an Arab ship loaded with horses indicates the predominance
of the horse trade and its impact on the overall political and social developments in the Later Medieval
period and more particularly the role of this region in the maritime trade associated with horse trade.
Tirukkurungudi
Tirukkurunkudi is another medieval temple with sculptures of an Arab ship and maritime activities
(Athiyaman 2015, 99-111). Tirukkurunkudi is located in Nanguneri taluk of Tirunelvei district. It lies 40
km north of Kanniyakumari and 45 km from Tirunelveli.

Table 1 Radiocarbon Dating for the Iron Age sites in Tamil Nadu*Calibrated using http://calib.org/calib/
Site Name

Radiocarbon Date Cal BCE

Reference

Sivakalai

1155 BCE

Rajan et al. 2021

Adichanallur

855 BCE

Rajan et al. 2021

Adichanallur

640-650 BCE

Bhadhreenath 2021, 144

Adichanallur*

770-795 BCE

Bhadhreenath 2021, 144

Adichanallur*

795 -830 BCE

Bhadhreenath 2021, 144

Adichanallur*

795-835 BCE

Bhadhreenath 2021, 144

Korkai

785 BCE

Maloney 1976

Adichanallur

682 BCE

Rajan et al. 2021

8

�HINTERLAND AND MARITIME NETWORKS OF THE TAMIRAPARANI VALLEY
The network of the Tamiraparani river valley incorporated many Iron Age-Early historic settlements in
the hinterland and the port of Korkai. Adichanallur is one of the important Iron Age Early Historic burial
sites indicating several agrarian settlements nearby. The rich grave goods including the iron objects and
bronze and gold ornaments and the finding of rice suggest an agrarian economy with craft production in
the Iron Age. The coastal region of the river valley would have been an ideal location for the exploitation
of the marine resources as evidenced by the archaeological excavations at Korkai. Korkai has also
revealed rouletted ware and Northern Black polished ware suggesting strong networking with Northern
India and Sri Lanka. However, no evidence of amphora seems to have been coming from this site to
indicate direct Roman contact as of now. It could be because of limited excavations and the lack of
identification of the excavated ceramics.
Korkai is one of the southern-most entry points of Southeastern India and it would have been an ideal
location for the ships coming the West, which could have had quicker access to the southern part of
peninsular rather than Alagankulam, which is located beyond Rameshwaram island. Alagankulam has
produced large varieties Roman Ceramics unlike Korkai. It needs to be researched further to understand if
the Roman ships and or goods came to Korkai from the south and then reached Alagankulam through the
Palk Strait or they skipped Korkai and the Palk strait and reach Alagakulam by sailing around Sri Lanka.
In the Medieval period, definitely the Arab ships reached Korkai as revealed by the literary accounts.
Perhaps, it was easier for the ships from West to Southeast Asia to reach Korkai and then proceed to
Southeast Asia around Sri Lanka or through the Palk Straits. Periyapattinam in the north to the south of
Alagankulam was another important medieval port (Karashima 2002, 166-169).
The coastal network of Tamiraparani must have had links with the port of Korkai primarily and also with
the networks of Comari (Kanniyakumari) in the South, and Vaigai valley and Alagankulam in the north
and Sri Lanka including Mantai. The network of Tamiraparani was linked with the network of the Vaigai
valley, and the Periyar valley of Kerala through the inland trade routes linking Madurai (Selvakumar
2023, 333-368). The Punalur pass across the Western Ghats connecting Kollam with the Southern part of
Tamil Nadu is another important gateway for the supply of spices and pepper into the port of Korkai from
the Kerala region.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Tamiraparani region is a culturally rich zone with the rise of agro-pastoral communities and
craftgroups by the Iron Age. There is a probability for the beginning of shell exploitation and shell
exchange in this region in the mid-second millennium BCE. The Iron Age burials of this region have the
rich gravegoods indicating long distance interactions in the Iron Age early historic period. The Western
Ghats region of Southern India was a major source of spices and this region was accessed through several
ports of Southern India from Naura in the North to Arikamedu in the east. Korkai was also part of this
network in the Early Historic period. But, more evidence is required for understanding the nature of
Roman trade connection at Korkai. In the Medieval period, the Tamiraparani delta became more
prominent because of its strategic location very near the maritime corridor linking West Asia and
Southeast Asia in the Indian Ocean.

9

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14th–15th Century Monuments,” South Asian Studies 9, no. 1, (1993):137-166, DOI: 10.1080/02666030.1993.9628470 .
Srinivasan, Sharada  “Iron Age beta (23% tin) bronze: Peninsular Indian bowls of Adichanallur, Nilgiris, and
Boregaon.” Materials and Manufacturing Processes 32, (2017):7-8, 807-812, DOI: 10.1080/10426914.2016.1244843
Sridhar, T.S. Excavations at Archaeological sites in Tamil Nadu 1969-1995. Chennai: Tamil Nadu State Archaeology
Department, 2004.
Sridhar, T.S., D. Thulasiraman, S. Selvaraj, S. Vasanthi. Alagankulam, an ancient Roman port city of Tamil Nadu. Chennai: Tamil
Nadu State Archaeology Department.
Zeuner, F. E. and Allchin, B. 1 “The Microlithic Sites of the Tinnevelly District, Madras State.” Ancient India 12, (1956):4-20.
Zvelebil, K. The smile of Murugan on Tamil literature of South India. Leiden:  E. J. Brill, 1974. 

11

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                <text>The deltas of Tamil Nadu in southern part of India have several ports that acted as nodes of maritime networks.&#13;
Evidence of prehistoric hunter-gatherers is found in the Tamiraparani delta in the red sand dunes of Teri in the form&#13;
of microliths. In the Iron Age the Tamiraparani region witnessed megalithic settlements with burial sites. The&#13;
famous urn burial site of Adichanallur is located in this region. Evidence for early historic trade interaction is found&#13;
at the site of Korkai, which has been identified as the center of the early Pandyan kings. The port of Korkai is&#13;
discussed in the early Tamil literature and archaeological excavation has revealed evidence for urban activities. In&#13;
the Medieval period, Kayal became an important port of trade and it is referred to in the medieval textual sources. It&#13;
was a major center for horse trade and the temple of Tiruppudaimaraudir in the Tamiraparani region has evidence of&#13;
Arab horse traders in the form of mural paintings. The region is well connected with the Western Ghats and a trade&#13;
route connecting Kerala and Tamil Nadu region. The main research problem of the paper is to understand the nature,&#13;
function and foreland and hinterland networks of the ports of Tamiraparani valley. The paper discusses the&#13;
archaeological evidence of ports of the early historic and medieval periods (Korkai and Kayal) and the maritime&#13;
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from the author's fieldwork, critical study of primary sources and collection of secondary literature</text>
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                <text>V. Selvakumar</text>
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                <text>Selvakumar, V.  2023. “Ports and Trade Networks of the Tamiraparani Delta of Tamil Nadu.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1991 </text>
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                    <text>Integrating Marine Cultural Heritage into Marine Spatial Planning for SIDS: an Indian
Ocean case focused on Mauritius.
Krish Seetah,1,2 Stefania Manfio,2 Yann von Armin,3 Hemanaden Runghen,4 Rezah Badal,4
1

Environmental Behavioral Science &amp; Oceans, Stanford Doerr School of Sustainability, USA.
Department of Anthropology, Stanford, USA.
3
Mauritius Museums Council, Mauritius.
4
Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration &amp; Exploration, Prime Minister’s Office,
Mauritius.
2

ABSTRACT
This paper deals with the utility, valorization, and sustainable development of underwater cultural
heritage in the Indian Ocean region. We outline how the process of valorizing underwater cultural
heritage has been undertaken in this specific context, and how this important resource is being
integrated into the Marine Spatial Plan of the island.
The case study under consideration focuses on Mauritius, located in the Southwestern Indian
Ocean, with a rich maritime heritage and associated repository of wrecks.
The resources available to conduct the work include human capacity both locally and
internationally, built through local partnerships. Financial, logistical, and equipment needs have also
been sourced locally and internationally, all of which is outlined in the presentation.
The research presented tackles the question of how to sympathetically integrate a sustainable
program to capitalize and protect a nation’s maritime legacy, a subject often complicated by the needs
for growth and development.
The [expected] results focus on the applicability for other AIMS SIDS, and perhaps SIDS
more broadly, illustrating ways to use maritime heritage as a route for building resilience at the local
level for communities heavily dependent on coastal lagoon waters.
***This paper summaries from Seetah. K., (In press). Maritime cultural landscapes as a framework to bridge
terrestrial and marine heritage in Mauritius. In, Seetah. K., &amp;, Leidwanger. J. Across the Shore: Integrating
Perspectives on Heritage. Springer Science + Business Media: ‘When the Land Meets the Sea’ Series.***

INTRODUCTION: THE PATH TO VALORIZING MARITIME HERITAGE IN MAURITIUS
The relative infancy of maritime archaeology as a subject, and more generally, the paucity of
archaeology in much of the African continent and her islands (Mitchell 2004), has meant that the
impressive maritime legacy of the region remains largely unknown (Sharfman et al. 2012; von Armin
&amp; La Hausse, in press). Similarly, writing two decades ago on maritime archaeology in Southeast
Asia, Michael Flecker noted that “It is unfortunate that even in these times of increasing cultural
awareness, there is little public recognition of the historical role played by ships, their makers, their
sailors, and the sea” (Flecker 2002, 12). For Mauritius, situated geographically and culturally between
Asia and Africa, these words, unfortunately, still resonate today. The process of acknowledging and
developing local maritime archaeology bears testament to this lack of recognition.
In 2008, with the start of the Mauritian Archaeology and Cultural Heritage (MACH) project, there was
an explicit and ambitious aim to implement a ‘total archaeology’ approach to the island (Seetah
2015a). Several sites were quickly integrated into a program of excavation driven by local
stakeholders (Seetah 2015b; 2016; see summaries in Seetah et al. 2022). However, there was an
evident and massive lacuna matched only by the size and magnitude of the resource itself: maritime
heritage. This lacuna was present not only in knowledge of the wrecks, and knowledge of what had
been studied, but it was also evident in the way local legislation was enacted to protect maritime sites.
Regulations focused almost entirely on the terrestrial context and concentrated on vestiges of colonial
elites. From 2008, meetings were held with the Mauritius Oceanographic Institute to integrate
maritime heritage into the work of MACH; in 2010, maritime archaeologist Helen Farr, Southampton
1

�University, UK, joined the team to undertake coastal surveys and provide guidance on potential future
directions for local maritime heritage research; throughout the period from 2009-2016, meetings were
held with a host of stakeholders, including the National Heritage Fund, and University of Mauritius
(UoM), all to no avail. What was remarkable about this situation, and unlike many other islands in the
region, was that maritime archaeology was well established in Mauritius. Yann von Armin had
directed or been involved in the investigation of some 10 wreck excavations (see Table 2 and
references, von Armin &amp; la Hausse, in press). This extensive body of work had gone almost entirely
unrecognized. Mauritians appeared unreceptive to the value of our heritage.
Two important developments took place in 2016 and 2017 that helped turn the tide. Coming from
Stanford University, Rob Dunbar, Neil Tangri, and I were all invited to a two-day workshop on
‘Capacity Building for a Sustainable Development of the Ocean Economy’, and ‘Ocean Acidification’,
29th and 30th June 2016, at the UoM. During this meeting, we collectively sought to integrate and align
natural science research on corals, with social science research on cultural heritage, around the broad
topic of disease (Seetah 2018). The workshops and small group meetings with students and faculty
emphasized the social dimensions of the Blue Economy (see below), and the need for capacity
building, points which resonated with local colleagues. In 2017, Carlo Beltrame and Stefania Manfio
(Ca’ Foscari University, Venice, Italy) and I were invited to a follow up workshop at the UoM, focused
specifically on ‘Sustainability and the Blue Economy’. Beltrame provided a much-needed agenda for
local maritime archaeology, employing the Mercurio (1812) shipwreck project as a usable case study
(Beltrame 2019). Subsequent meetings that year with Rezah Badal and the team of the Department for
Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration and Exploration (CSMZAE), Yann von Armin, and
a broad assembly of local stakeholders, ultimately catalyzed proper recognition of the existing
maritime archaeology, and led to a concerted effort to establish a systematic inventory of local wrecks
to promote the scientific study, valorisation, and protection.

CASE STUDIES: BRIDGING THE DIVIDE
Here I outline three case studies aligning maritime and terrestrial contexts.
Case Study 1: Defensive Sea and Landscape
Elements of the fortification landscape unite a group of archaeological sites that draw together
different components of the island’s military past. The Dutch built the first fortification on the island,
Fort Frederik Hendrik, which was itself constructed on the demolished remnants of what is now Vieux
Grand Port, the site of the first Dutch settlement (la Hausse de Lalouvière 1998, 30). This is well
testified from historical accounts described by Van der Kerkhoven, a survivor of the Arnhem, which
wrecked in 1662, close to present day Mahébourg (Moree 1998, 35). This site remains one of the best
studied on the island. Initial research was undertaken by van Vliet (1973) but remained preliminary.
An extensive program of excavation directed by Pieter Floore started in 1997, with subsequent seasons
in 1999, 2000, and 2003-05 (Floore &amp; Jayasena 2010). Results from this site already form the basis for
regional comparisons of fortifications (Jayasena &amp; Floore 2010). In addition to this major coastal
defensive settlement, sites such as Batterie de la Pointe du Diable monitored access to Mahébourg,
Fort George overlooking the northern entrance to the capital of Port Louis, and Batterie de la Pointe
aux Canonniers, which surveyed the northern most coast of Mauritius, formed part of a ring of
surveillance around the island. To these sites encircling the perimeter, fortifications were established
on islets such as Île de la Passe to further reinforce strategic defenses. To the fortifications themselves,
one can add other elements associated with military landscapes. Principal amongst these is Moulin à
Poudre, Pamplemousses. Mauritius was the only colony of France to produce gunpowder, and the site
was finally closed when the British took over in 1810. Systematic excavations started in 2015,
revealing much about the site, and the people who worked there (Munghur-Medi in press).

2

�Case Study 2: Heritage Tourism
For a small island where one of the main economic pillars is tourism, it is surprising that Mauritius
hasn't fully developed the heritage tourism sector. Establishing a viable and sustainable program of
wreck dives has been a major effort of work under the MoU between MACH at Stanford, and the
CSMZAE working with Yann von Armin in Mauritius. Efforts have concentrated on: 1) identifying,
and then rationalizing into a database, all the known historical wrecks; 2) working with community
partners to identify and engage all local stakeholders; 3) undertaking preliminary workshops and
training sessions to share capacity and build knowledge of maritime archaeological approaches and
methods. The regulation, management, and protection of this resource is discussed in Badel et al. (in
press), and Manfio (in press), with a state of the art presented by von Armin and la Hausse (in press).
Here, suffice to mention that dive tourism is already an important, though underdeveloped, component
of existing dive operations. There is impressive potential for growth, given the number of known
wrecks and the potential for sustainable development along the lines of ‘underwater living museums’,
for example. To exploit this specific sector more effectively, an immediate and obvious path would be
to form tours that enriched the dive experience, and which could also have broader appeal. This could
take the form of taking divers (as well as other tourists) around the defensive structures of the island,
incorporating some of the key emplacements briefly outlined above. Selecting from the more than 60
coastal sites, clear narratives could be developed that integrate evidence from the historical,
archaeological, and architectural records to relate how the ships and coastal sites functioned within the
colonial machine, and as part of the process of birthing the nation.
Case Study 3: Grand historical narratives
In addition to developing storytelling accounts around historically significant wrecks that are already
in the process of study, such as the Sirius, Mauritius could also develop narratives that centralize its
role within key thematic topics that were radically reshaped with the onset of colonialism. These
include trade and exchange, migration, and extinction, biodiversity, and conservation, all of which
have clear relationships or dependencies on maritime contexts, and which can be fruitfully explored as
part of cultural and natural heritage tourism. The island would serve as an ideal location to develop
narratives on labor diaspora. Similar initiatives are already in place to describe the story of sugar, a
notable example being ‘L’Aventure du Sucre’, which incorporates detailed accounts of the history and
process of sugar production within a museum setting, a restaurant highlighting local cuisine, and a tour
of the former sugar estate itself, allowing for a cultural tourism experience that draws on architecture
and landscape, the historical record, as well as local cuisine. For a parallel case study focused on labor,
a large number of vessels carrying laboring peoples are well attested and a number have been well
studied. These wrecks would provide the first link in a chain exploring how and why the island’s
population arrived. With the wrecks serving as a cornerstone, which can either be visited by divers or
described to non-divers from artefacts within a museum setting, one can integrate disembarkation
sites, both formal and informal, into the narrative. Aapravasi Ghat is an ideal example, with a
groundbreaking interpretation center that explores many aspects of how laboring peoples were
administered and treated as they commenced a new life on the island. Sites like Bassin des Esclave, a
location in the Pamplemousse region that was apparently used as a place to wash enslaved peoples,
add to our understanding of how laboring peoples were treated. Some debate exists as to the
functioning of the site and its relationships to enslavement; however, it is a site of major significance
in local memory, particularly for the Creole community. Within the public domain, a relative silence
exists to this day regarding the role of enslaved and indentured workers on sugar estates themselves,
and on their lifeways more generally. Aapravasi Ghat is indeed a trailblazer in this regard. By using
historical, archaeological, architectural, and anthropological research to enrich the story described in
the Beekrumsing Ramlallah Interpretation Centre, visitors can better understand the experience of
indentured laborers while also gaining a better understanding of how indenture shaped Mauritius, and
the role of the island within the larger indentured experiment.

3

�RESOURCES: MARITIME CONTEXTS IN MAURITIUS
Maritime routes around Mauritius served as a nautical thoroughfare for many of the major seafaring
nations during the period of colonialism. All settlers, commodities, commensals, and ideas arrived by
sea. Thus, while the archaeology of Mauritius has overwhelmingly, and understandably, emphasized
terrestrial sites, research towards a unified land and sea framework would more accurately reflect the
archaeological past of the island and her inhabitants. The following briefly outlines those lines of
evidence and sites that could promote and support the integration of maritime and terrestrial contexts
into a cohesive framework.
Historical contextualization
Extensive local collections of historical records are held in the Mauritius Archives in Coromandel,
housing over 2 million documents, e.g., Renseignements commerciaux sur l’île Maurice (Commercial
information on Mauritius), Series: 1803/1863, the Carnegie Library in Curepipe, and the National
Library of Mauritius. These are supplemented by other local government archival repositories, held by
the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Lands and Housing, and the Ministry of the Environment. In
addition, overseas bodies such as the British Library, London, and National Archives, Kew, in Britain,
and Le Centre de Archive d’Outre Mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, all retain archival resources that
amount to a rich and accessible repository of historical evidence. Numerous of these have already been
extensively mined to develop databases on the wrecks located around the island (See, for example,
Toussaint, 1967 for an early case).
Fortification and defense
One of the more obvious and direct connections between maritime and terrestrial contexts are the
structural remnants of forts, which form a network across the island linking coastal and inland defense
emplacements. The systems of fortification and mechanisms for strategic defense pay testament to the
multifaceted historical context that underscores Mauritius’s past. They are a specific form of material
legacy providing insight into the complex geopolitical landscape of the colonial period. The sites and
material vestiges of the forts also serve as a link across oceanic spaces, offering not only a way to
record the changing strategies and priorities of fortification interregional, but to compare and contrast
how these strategies varied across the Indian Ocean World and beyond, and between imperial groups.
The three colonial powers that settled the island used it in part to survey and protect regional interests.
Unsurprisingly, the rivalry between imperial forces made monitoring of the region ever more
important. Particularly for Britain, maintaining a free route to India was paramount; moreover, the
British were conscious of the costs associated with losing the island and having to recapture it (la
Hausse de Lalouvière 1998, 12). Coastal defenses served two ideological functions: not only were they
used to strengthen one’s own position, but also to weaken the authority and presence of rivals. This
was undoubtedly well recognized from early in the colonial history of the island and reflected in the
strategy for defense, which changed little from the first permanent settlement in 1638 to 1945 ce at the
end of the Second World War (la Hausse de Lalouvière 1998, 12-13). Philippe la Hausse de
Lalouvière’s extensive work on coastal fortifications offers a comprehensive inventory of some 60
major sites (la Hausse de Lalouvière 1998, 12-35); however, this work – as the author observes –
signals the extensive gaps we have in research, and therefore knowledge, of the fortifications of the
island (la Hausse de Lalouvière 1998, 32).
Technology of mobility
There are more than 1200 shipwrecks recorded from historical research, representing a huge resource
for this field of enquiry. With such an impressive collection of wrecks and a dearth of other underwater
heritage such as submerged settlements, it is little wonder that local maritime archaeology has been
overwhelmingly focused on this specific form of maritime cultural heritage (von Armin &amp; la Hausse in
press). Similarly, von Armin and la Hausse signal to the overemphasis on the island of Mauritius itself,
4

�to the relative exclusion of research on those vessels now lying around the many islets that constitute
the Republic of Mauritius, such as Rodrigues, and the Chagos Archipelago. Exhaustive work by the
colleagues mentioned above is now harnessing this important archaeology for the local community,
both as a cultural legacy worthy of protection and as a sustainable economic resource. Much research
is still necessary and given the admonitions regarding an overemphasis on the wrecks themselves, the
time is ripe to integrate this valuable and extensive resource into the broader conceptual framework of
maritime cultural landscapes. One particular lacuna exists in that we have little if any material
evidence on local shipbuilding. We are certain that shipwrights did operate locally, as we know the
Coureur, for example, was built in Mahébourg based on a French vessel by the same name.
Routes of labor diaspora
Mauritius’s role in the region’s labor migrations was a prominent one. The definitive work of
historians such as Richard Allen (1999; 2008; 2012; 2015), situate the island’s position as a major
thoroughfare through which laboring peoples were conveyed to locations in the Indian Ocean, and
further afield. Mauritius absorbed large numbers of enslaved and indentured peoples to fulfill the
needs of the local plantation economy. The island’s two WHS commemorate this significant role; they
also both represent ideal case studies that fit within the concept of maritime cultural landscapes. While
the Aapravasi Ghat is a well-constructed formal depot within a network of mobility moving laborers
from India, China, and East Africa, Le Morne represents the fate of enslaved peoples once free, who
migrated to the coast and adopted a lifestyle dependent on coastal resources. Behind this
oversimplification is a vast and as yet unconnected, largely overlooked, program of research that could
knit together formal and informal locations for disembarking enslaved people around the island,
during and after enslavement. The transition to a designated formal location, Aapravasi Ghat, for
indentured laborers, well managed and controlled on a scale previously unseen on the island, allows
for the deep integration of maritime and terrestrial contexts drawing in factors such as legality, trade,
technology, and communication, all of which shaped each laboring context.

FRAMEWORK: CONCEPTUALIZING A MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE FOR
MAURITIUS
The concept of a ‘maritime cultural landscape’ offers an ideal epistemological framework within
which the relationships between land and sea, viewed through cultural heritage, can be aligned.
Christer Westerdhal championed the concept in a series of publications with the aim of understanding
and communicating the utility of maritime heritage (Westerdhal 1992; 1994); the idea has been
adopted widely (e.g., see Freire 2014 for Portugal). Within the broader framework, the concept of a
maritime cultural landscape draws together the infrastructures that exist in coastal and terrestrial
contexts, with the sailing routes that form their own distinct network, as well as the vestiges of human
activity from both land and sea (Westherdahl 2008, 212). These distinct but interrelated parameters can
be situated within two viewpoints, topographical or cultural (Westerdhal 2006, 334). Other authors
developed the concept further; Tuddenham put forward the idea of ‘maritimity’, noting that a division
between land and seas was at times artificial (Tuddenham 2010, 8-14). Thus, these ideas lead us to
view maritime heritage resources within their global context, and perhaps implicitly, move away from
characterizing the entirety of ‘maritime and marine archaeology’ (Blue &amp; Breen 2019) based primarily
on the evidence from shipwrecks and their associated artefacts (Freire 2014; Tuddenham 2010, 6).

RESULTS
Through dedicated workshops facilitated by the CSMZAE, we are closer to building capacity within a
range of stakeholder groups. In the future, we anticipate applicability to other AIMS SIDS, and
perhaps SIDS more broadly, illustrating ways to use maritime heritage as a route for building
resilience at the local level for communities heavily dependent on coastal lagoon waters.
5

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https://web.archive.org/web/20070310222657/http://pages.intnet.mu/mmcs/archeo/sirius.htm

7

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heritage has been undertaken in this specific context, and how this important resource is being&#13;
integrated into the Marine Spatial Plan of the island.&#13;
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Ocean, with a rich maritime heritage and associated repository of wrecks.&#13;
The resources available to conduct the work include human capacity both locally and&#13;
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been sourced locally and internationally, all of which is outlined in the presentation.&#13;
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                <text>Seetah, Krish, Stefania Manfio, Yann von Armin, Hemanaden Runghen, Rezah Bada. 2023.  “Integrating Marine Cultural Heritage into Marine Spatial Planning for SIDS: an Indian Ocean case focused on Mauritius.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1990 </text>
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                    <text>Mauritius Maritime Heritage through GIS Mapping of Wrecks for Environmental Impact
Assessment.
Stefania Manfio (Department of Anthropology, Stanford University)
ABSTRACT
Due to frequent naval battles and inclement weather conditions, Mauritius has been the site of an extensive number
of shipwrecks. Research-based on historical and archival sources carried out over more than thirty years seeks to
record this extraordinary heritage resource, the number of shipwrecks is estimated at over 1200, demonstrating the
great potential of the island’s maritime context. Starting from this impressive database, a new GIS project,
“Mauritius_shipwrecks_GIS”, is mapping all these shipwrecks. The aim is to create varied mechanisms to visualize
the potential of maritime heritage for Mauritius, serving as a concrete example for future development in this region,
and the wider​​Indian Ocean.
This endeavour is particularly relevant and timely, given that the Mauritian government has started
promoting the development of an oceanic economy to make this sector one of the pillars of its economy. This
initiative is replicated regionally. Therefore, the mapping of all wrecks in Mauritian waters, as a collaborative
endeavour with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration and Exploration, had the
potential to serve as a significant impetus for the formulation of a systematic approach that can guide the
decision-making process not only for the protection of these wrecks but also to mitigate potential impacts on the
environment as might occur through unsympathetic development.
Keywords: Geographic Information Systems (GIS), Maritime Archaeology, Historic Shipwrecks, Seascapes,
Mauritius

INTRODUCTION
This paper presents a possible way to integrate the environmental impact assessment of fishing, tourism
(especially the diving industry), and coastal use into Mauritius’s GIS platform for the Underwater Cultural
Heritage (UCH).
The study of maritime heritage involves knowing the interactions between man and water, whether in a
river, lake, or sea (Westerdahl 2013, 754). The need to manage this immense heritage finds a powerful
ally in the Geographic Information System (GIS) (Mather and Watts 1998). Although GIS has taken
longer to enter the field of maritime archaeology than in land archaeology, its application nowadays is
more than essential for the following four approaches: survey, site specific surveys, management of
cultural resources, and predictive models and exploration data analysis (Mather and Watts 2002, 681).
The number of shipwrecks discovered each year grows so rapidly that it requires a systematic way of
storing and managing all this information. As Ford (2011, 5) recalls, the study of shipwrecks is only a
component, and to understand better the maritime cultural landscape, we must take into account not only
the sites but also includes a “wide range of interrelated and often ephemeral phenomena.” In light of this
statement, a noteworthy case study is the use of GIS in interpreting maritime cultural space in the coastal
waters of South Australia, where this tool demonstrated a spatial correlation between shipwrecks,
navigational lights, and shallow waters (Kimura 2006, 148).
Thus, this paper not only presents the usefulness of the GIS application in mapping wrecks to understand
the maritime cultural landscape but also its benefit in environmental impact assessment. It will especially
1

�present the importance of the macro scale in interpreting the seascape and the environmental impact of the
activity around and on the wrecks. It is essential to highlight that maritime archaeology requires more
careful management and conservation strategies because the underwater environment is potentially at risk
due to the impact of natural and anthropogenic changes resulting from increasingly accelerated coastal
development and recreational activities. Just to name a few, these human activities include fishing,
commercial salvage operations, looting by treasure hunters, dredging operations, harbor developments,
and oil spills from large bulk carriers. The latter case will be considered in this paper.
CASE STUDY
The case study under consideration is Mauritius and its islands. Mauritius was a pristine island before the
arrival of the Europeans (Seetah et al. 2022), and it was only with the arrival of the Dutch that permanent
settlements were established in 1638 ce (for the history of Mauritius, see: Allen 1999; Teelock 2009;
Vaughan 2005). Since then, the island has been coveted by Dutch, French, and British to prevent other
colonial powers from taking advantage of this strategic military and mercantile position (Carter 2006,
808).
For an island like Mauritius, historical maritime archaeology constituted a rich resource. Since the day it
was placed on Western nautical maps, Mauritius has represented a nodal and vital stop-over for European
navigation. Thus, Mauritian history and its maritime cultural heritage are intertwined with colonialism
and European influence. Everything needed to constitute a colony, including the population, must be
brought through the sea. In light of all these voyages, Mauritius waters and its islands conceal a wealth of
maritime heritage of significant historical importance. Naval battles, adverse weather conditions, and
navigation errors were the determining factors for the sinking of numerous vessels.
Maritime archaeology formally began in Mauritius in 1933 CE with an investigative exploration of the
shipwreck HMS Magicienne (1781 CE) (von Arnim 2003). Following the introduction of scuba diving in
the 1960s, archaeological studies were carried out intermittently over the ensuing six decades. Major
archaeological investigations and excavations of shipwrecks include two Dutch East Indiamen, Banda
(1606 CE) (Dumas 1981) and Geunieerde Provincien (1603 CE); two British frigates, HMS Magicienne
(1781 CE) and HMS Sirius (1797 CE) (von Arnim 1998); two French flutes Diligente (1809 CE) and
Ambulante (1762 CE) (von Arnim 1998) and the French East Indiaman Saint Geran (1736 CE) (Blot
1979); the pirate ship Speaker (1699 CE) (Lizé 1984); the British bark Maria (1869 CE); and the illegal
slave trader the Coureur (1818 CE) and the French slave trader the Victoire (1804 CE). Furthermore,
many other underwater heritage sites have recently been identified and studied by local and international
teams of divers mandated by the Mauritius Museums Council, the National Heritage Fund, the Mauritius
Marine Conservation Society, the Mauritius Underwater Group, and the Mauritian Scuba Diving
Association (von Arnim 2013).
FRAMEWORK AND RESOURCES
The GIS mapping project was initiated as part of a National Geographic Grant to render visible the
valuable maritime heritage of Mauritius (Manfio and von Arnim 2020, 505). The project further
developed a collaboration with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration &amp;
Exploration (CSMZAE), creating a working jointly under the MUCH project to map all information
regarding the shipwrecks around the Republic of Mauritius and developing an E-platform for the
inventory and dissemination of UCH (Mamode et al. 2022). The MUCH project emerged to respond to
the mandate of the Mauritian government to promote the development of an Ocean Economy, which aims
to make this sector one of the future pillars of its economy. With the increasing demand for marine space
2

�for different purposes, particularly fishing, aquaculture, tourism, and leisure, it has become necessary to
plan its use. In this context, using the GIS project, CSMZAE is developing a Marine Spatial Plan to
ensure respect for international commitments as well as national policies and legislation, considering the
preservation, protection, and improvement of the marine environment.
The information introduced into this mapping was gathered from over 30 years of archival research by
local expert Dr. Yann von Arnim, who collected data on wrecks that have sunk around the coast of the
Republic of Mauritius and beyond. This collection’s considerable potential leads to a GIS project
intending to map the shipwrecks and draft a plan for Managing Cultural Resources (MCR). This endeavor
resulted in a systematic database containing valuable information - to name a few: location, name, date of
construction, date of sinking, type of vessel, purpose, and primary and secondary source. The resources
consulted were coming from numerous archives located in Mauritius and internationally from Dutch,
British, and France libraries, but also historic newspapers and gazettes. The database consisted of over
800 wrecks recorded in archival resources, a number that increases to 1200 shipwrecks if we include its
Exclusive Economic Zone (Manfio and von Arnim 2020, 497) (Figure 1).

Figure 1 - Mauritius shipwrecks GIS project

To create the inter-site project entitled ‘Mauritius_shipwrecks’ GIS project used the QGIS platform, an
official program of the Open-Source Geospatial Foundation (OSGeo).
The most complex phase of the project was the positioning of the shipwreck point. Of the 800 wrecks
recovered from archives, only 50 have been identified today. Hence, how to indicate these uncertain data
in the GIS? From the archive research, it is possible to assume the navigation path that the ship was
following and/or the indicative place of the shipwreck. Furthermore, numerous rocks and reefs in
Mauritius have been named after the ship that crashed on them. Therefore, it was agreed to position the
point indicatively in the area which is presumed where lie remnants of the ship. In the attribute table,
under the wording ‘site’ and ‘feature’ is indicated how approximate the point is.
The location of any historical wreck is of fundamental importance in the evaluation phase of the
archaeological potential of a specific maritime area.
3

�The development of the coasts for tourist purposes or industrial use, for example, the expansion of docks
and warehouses, leads to an irreversible modification. Without an archaeological assessment, this heritage
could be lost. During the compilation of the GIS, it was noted that several wrecks sunk in Port Louis may
now be lost or buried. In future developments, the buried wrecks could emerge during digging works; as a
result, the GIS is turning out to be fundamental for the government to assess potential heritage
underground.
The historical images collected from the archives showing the presence of wrecks do not contain spatial
coordinates. Hence, using the well-known Georeferencing tool QGIS, it was possible to manually assign
the coordinates (Kimura 2006, 88–92; Rumsey and Williams 2002). The superposition of these maps in
the GIS allows us to study different aspects, including the modification of the coasts, the understanding of
how the various ports of the island have developed, and the analysis of commercial routes. A particular
case is the capital’s port. Port Louis, where more than a hundred shipwrecks are registered’. For many
shipwrecks, the causes of the sinking are unknown. Thanks to the overlapping of historical maps, the
hypothesis that seems more plausible is that ships were sunk intentionally to create a solid basis for the
expansion of the port.
Additionally, particularly prominent is the study of the lagoon and port mouths by combining satellite and
historical nautical charts. The coral reef that makes this island attractive has certainly been a challenge for
the sailors of the time. After the Dutch occupation, the French moved the main port on the west coast,
where the entrance to the port was much easier. Navigating the waters inside the coral reef was certainly a
challenging task. This is confirmed by the discovery of the wreck of the Coureur sunk because of a wrong
maneuver while trying to escape from English ships commissioned to capture it. Thus, we have reason to
believe this may not be an isolated case, thanks to the interpretation of the GIS, we can identify other
archaeologically interesting areas.
In addition to the ‘Shipwrecks’ groups, two other groups have been created: ‘Dive site’ and ‘Business
activity.’ In the former, we have created two other layers containing: 1) GPS points of the naturalist dive
sites, and 2) GPS points of the artificial shipwrecks that were sunk by scuttling (Devault, Beilvert, and
Winterton 2017). In the latter group, we entered information about the hotels, resorts, and the locations of
the diving centers. Implementing the GIS with other information not strictly related to historical wrecks.
This will also allow us to understand the environment and tourism impact. An analysis that can be carried
out is: What is the level of pressure that the historical wreck faces due to its proximity to frequented
tourist sites?
RESULTS AND APPLICATIONS
Wakashio disaster and the HMS Sirius (1797) shipwreck
On the 25th of September 2020, while Mauritius and the world were already suffering from the pandemic
outbreak, a large bulk carrier ran aground on a coral reef. In the following week, the Wakashio started to
spill oil, and almost a month later, it broke up into two parts (Rajendran et al. 2022). Finally, during the
cleaning operation, these two parts were pulled out and scuttled in the middle of the Indian Ocean.
This accident led to an estimated 1,000 tonnes of oil spilling into the ocean in what was called by some
scientists the worst environmental disaster ever in Mauritius. Day after day, the Wakashio oil spill began
to enter the Mauritian lagoon. The grounding happened in an area listed under the Ramsar Convention on
wetlands of international importance and near the marine park of Blue Bay. Tourism plays a significant
role in the economy of Mauritius and is centered around marine scenery and animals likely to be
endangered by the oil spill.
4

�A compelling study has demonstrated how GIS software made it possible to understand the magnitude of
the oil spill, and it can be an essential tool to support management and decision-making regarding oil spill
(Sunkur and Bokhoree 2021). The creation of these shapefiles then came in handy for our project as well
to understand the impact on the UCH. Indeed, in that lagoon also resides one of the most famous and
emblematic wrecks in Mauritian history, i.e HMS Sirius (1797 CE) shipwreck.
HMS Sirius is also a shipwreck of international importance. She was launched in April 1797 CE at
Dudman’s yard on the River Thames at Deptford (UK) and rated as a 5th-class frigate of the Royal Navy.
In 1805 CE HMS Sirius was part of the British fleet commanded by Admiral Lord Nelson fighting against
the Napoleonic Navy at Trafalgar. In the following years, the HMS Sirius was deployed in the Indian
Ocean to keep the French operations under control. Indeed, France had launched several attacks on British
India from Mauritius and used the island to supply their ships; the British capture of Indian Ocean bases
would have been a severe blow to the French forces (Carter 2006, 808). Consequently, in 1810 CE, the
British navy decided to attack the Île Bourbon (Réunion), capturing it in July and then advancing in
August to the Isle de France (Mauritius). The Battle of Grand Port, which took place in Mauritius between
27 and 28 August 1810 CE, saw the complete defeat of the English fleet where two ships were scuttled
(HMS Sirius and HMS Magicienne), two captured (HMS Nereide and HMS Iphigenia), and numerous
prisoners and deaths (Taylor 2007). This battle was the only Napoleonic naval victory and was
consequently commemorated in the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. Despite this victory, in December, the Isle
de France passed under the British administration that renamed it Mauritius and ruled until 1968 CE, the
year of independence.
The HMS Sirius shipwreck lies on a muddy bottom at a depth ranging from 20 to 79 feet (6 to 24m) near
a small coral bank in the middle of a deep channel within the reef. Its discovery and excavation
consecrated the interest in maritime archaeology in Mauritius. Although the early archaeology campaigns
of 1965-68 CE were not methodologically accurate due to the use of explosives, valuable information was
collected in subsequent campaigns (von Arnim 1998). To date, most of the remains and artifacts are on
display at the National History Museum of Mahebourg, where an entire room is dedicated to the Battle of
Grand Port and the HMS Magicienne, the other shipwreck scuttled during the conflict. Parts of the hull,
numerous artifacts, and artillery pieces such as cannons still lie at the bottom of the sea today.
Once the more recent archaeological campaigns (2003-2005) were completed, guidelines were placed
around the main part, and between the main part and the deeper aft section to pilot the diver throughout
the wreck. Numbered floating labels have been placed on each cannon or other artifacts, some of which
also provide information. Initially, a plate with text on the ship and site protection was placed in the center
of the wreck. Given the importance of this battle and to commemorate the fallen sailors and the
bicentenary of the Battle of Grand Port, the small plate was replaced by a large and heavy plaque in 2010.
A guest book was placed in a basket next to a cannon for ten years, encouraging visitors to leave
messages and their names. Furthermore, the diving centers were provided with brochures containing not
only information on the ship, the wreck, and the underwater path but especially with rules to be respected
in order to visit the site. The wreck of the HMS Sirius automatically became an unofficial maritime
museum, where today, numerous diving centers bring tourists and locals to dive, offering a unique
experience. The challenge was to balance the preservation and protection while simultaneously allowing
the usability and development of tourism around the underwater site. The continuous monitoring carried
out by volunteers and Yann von Arnim, who directed the latest excavation campaigns, showed no
vandalism or looting.
The HMS Sirius site has been used as a training site in the past few years under the MUCH project to
achieve capacity building directly on UCH in Mauritius, involving numerous local stakeholders (Mamode
et al. 2022).
5

�Therefore, this oil spill disaster had not only seriously impacted the environmental heritage of the lagoon
“Grand Port” but also the UCH. Hence, studies and research have been launched to understand the
post-oil spill effects on the UCH. For example, the government immediately implemented the “ATBA Recommended Areas To Be Avoided (ATBAs) around Mauritius - Merchant Shipping Notice Ref: 21 of
2020”1. A GIS shapefile has been created to outline the area merchant vessels should avoid when
approaching Mauritius.
Understanding the environment and its potential risks to maritime cultural heritage is an important aspect
that needs to be addressed. This assessment helps to make appropriate management and conservation
decisions.
CONCLUSION
GIS has become one of archaeology’s most important technological innovations in the last twenty years
(Ebert 2004, 320). Like all technologies, it constantly improves, promising features that could solve
current constraints.
Accordingly, GIS is beneficial for Managing Cultural Resources (MCR). On the one hand, we can
manage the massive amount of data obtained from collaboration with local experts, archival sources, and
archaeological excavations. On the other hand, we can work on interpretations and create a plan to
safeguard the underwater heritage of this island.
Another key component for further development of this project is the ethnographic aspect. The
involvement of the local population, in particular fishermen and dive operators, who are repositories of
important information, is helping to build and improve the database of maritime cultural heritage. Thus,
not only is the aim of the GIS project to systematize and organize data for the analysis and study of the
maritime heritage of the island but also to create a collaboration with local authorities and raise awareness
of the population and tourists.
Although the ‘Mauritius_shipwrecks’ GIS is still under development, the expectations of this project are
high. Once we have all data, the goal is to create an action plan that allows multidisciplinary
collaborations, as follows.
a. Managing Cultural Resources (MCR) through collaborations with:
Government to build a Marine Spatial Planning with the main purpose of preserving and
protecting the archaeological areas.
- Diver operators to build the Blueprint project based on sustainable tourism.
- Fishermen and fishing industry to develop models for ecosystem-based approaches to
ocean exploitation.
b. How heritage could fit into the Blue Economy mandate and contribute to resilience in Small
Island Developing States (Small Island Developing States – UNESCO’s Action Plan).
c. Heritage management designed by GIS programs that provide people with access to cultural
heritage resources on the Internet.
d. Collaborations with the Museums through the creation of interactive stations for learning
maritime heritage.
This is a substantial, but certainly not exhaustive, list of activities that can be achieved in Mauritius thanks
to a Maritime Cultural Landscape GIS.

1

https://gococeanobservatory.govmu.org/layers/ocean_observatory_datastore:geonode:ATBA_LINE_20200929
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no. 2 (1984):121–32.
Mamode, Shameelah A. H., Hemanaden Runghen, Sivanee Munnaroo, Dass Bissessur, Priscilla Coopen, Yann von Arnim,
Stefania Manfio, Krish Seetah, Beenesh A. Motah, and Rezah Badal. ‘Mapping of Underwater Cultural Heritage: The
Geophysical Survey and Data Management of HMS Sirius Shipwreck’. In OCEANS 2022 - Chennai, (2022): 1–7.
https://doi.org/10.1109/OCEANSChennai45887.2022.9775266.
Manfio, Stefania, and Yann von Arnim. ‘Maritime Archaeology of Slave Ships: Reviews and Future Directions for Mauritius
and the Indian Ocean’. Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 55, no. 4 (2020): 492–508.
https://doi.org/10.1080/0067270X.2020.1841967.
Mather, I. R., and Gordon P. Watts Jr. ‘Geographic Information Systems for Submerged Cultural Resource Management and Site
Specific Investigation’. Underwater Archaeology, The Society for Historical Archaeology, Tuscon, (1998): 3–13.
Mather, Ian Roderick, and Gordon P. Watts. ‘Geographic Information Systems’. In International Handbook of Underwater
Archaeology, (2002):679–96.
Rajendran, Sankaran, V. M. Aboobacker, Vashist O. Seegobin, Jassim A. Al Khayat, Nelson Rangel-Buitrago, Hamad Al-Saad
Al-Kuwari, Fadhil N. Sadooni, and Ponnumony Vethamony. ‘History of a Disaster: A Baseline Assessment of the
Wakashio Oil Spill on the Coast of Mauritius, Indian Ocean’. Marine Pollution Bulletin 175 (2022). (February):
113330. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpolbul.2022.113330.
Rumsey, David, and Meredith Williams. ‘Historical Maps in GIS’. In Past Time, Past Place: GIS for History. ESRI Press. 2002.
Seetah, Krish, Stefania Manfio, Andrea Balbo, R. Helen Farr, and F. B. Vincent Florens. ‘Colonization During Colonialism:
Developing a Framework to Assess the Rapid Ecological Transformation of Mauritius’s Pristine Ecosystem’. Frontiers
in Ecology and Evolution 10. 2022. https://doi.org/10.3389/fevo.2022.791539.
Sunkur, Reshma, and Chandradeo Bokhoree. ‘APPLICATION OF A GIS BASED APPROACH TO ASSESS THE
ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF THE MV WAKASHIO OIL SPILL IN THE SOUTHEAST OF MAURITIUS’.
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https://www.academia.edu/63317704/Application_of_a_Gis_Based_Approach_to_Assess_the_Environmental_Impacts
_of_the_MV_Wakashio_Oil_Spill_in_the_Southeast_of_Mauritius.
Taylor, Stephen. Storm and Conquest: The Battle for the Indian Ocean, 1809. London: Faber and Faber.2007.
Teelock, Vijaya. ‘Mauritian History’. Moka: Mahatma Gandhi Institute.2009.
Vaughan, Megan. Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. Duke University Press.2005.
Westerdahl, Christer. ‘The Maritime Cultural Landscape’. The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, December.
2013.https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199336005.013.0032.

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record this extraordinary heritage resource, the number of shipwrecks is estimated at over 1200, demonstrating the&#13;
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and the wider Indian Ocean.&#13;
This endeavour is particularly relevant and timely, given that the Mauritian government has started&#13;
promoting the development of an oceanic economy to make this sector one of the pillars of its economy. This&#13;
initiative is replicated regionally. Therefore, the mapping of all wrecks in Mauritian waters, as a collaborative&#13;
endeavour with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration and Exploration, had the&#13;
potential to serve as a significant impetus for the formulation of a systematic approach that can guide the&#13;
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                    <text>Ships sunk on the east coast of Sri Lanka during the British era
Author – Jinali Ekanayake (jinaliekanayake88@gmail.com) Maritime Archaeology Officer,
Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Sri Lanka
Co-Authors – Indika U. Hevage (hewageindika@gmail.com), Rasika Muthucumarana
(muthurasika@gmail.com)

ABSTRACT
The eastern coast of Sri Lanka is considered to be the coastal region from the Kokilai lagoon in the north to Panama
in the south. The coastal region has been used for various activities with various marine relations since the BC
period.  The activities of the Portuguese, Dutch and English in this coastal region during the period of colonial rule
were continued. This can be confirmed by reference to archaeological and literary sources.
Due to the uniqueness of Trincomalee natural harbor in the world, this area can be recognized as an area
that has been controlled as a colony by various foreign nationalities since the past. This Paper outlines the
information about the sunken ships in the naval activities of the British rule in the east coast region of Sri Lanka.
There are many ships that sank due to natural disasters, industrial errors and human activities. and the most notable
are the ships sunk due to attacks during the Second World War. The number of ships found in that area are about
twenty-one. Of these, about eight of these ships sank during the Second World War.
In addition to discussing information about the ships SS Ava, HMS Diamode, SS British Sergeant, another
unique quality of this research paper is the graveyard of the Pasikuda area, which has been introduced by Mr.
Darshana Jayawardena, who is engaged in diving research in the sea Coast around Sri Lanka, in the book called
Ghost of the Deep.  Discussing the identification of the four sunken ships at the place called shipwrecks with the
intervention of the Maritime Archeology Unit.  Accordingly, it is hoped to identify the cultural heritage related to the
water created by sunken ships in the eastern sea region, which is a special sea region, and to discuss related
activities.
KeyWords: East Coast in Sri Lanka, Shipwrecks, Cultural Heritage, British Era

INTRODUCTION
The Eastern Sea region of Sri Lanka can be identified as an area where archaeological factors
representing all periods from the prehistoric era to the colonial period are found. The eastern sea region
extends from Pulmude to Pothuvil, facing the Bay of Bengal and has a unique position in the Indian Saga.
The current Trincomalee Port, which was known as Gokanna Port in the past, has attracted world
attention historically and geographically, is also located in this area. This region is also home to many
important cultural and religious places including Buddhist Hindu Muslim temples and churches, as well
as forts like the historical Batticaloa Dutch Fort, Trincomalee Fort, etc. In addition to its natural beauty
and cultural significance, the Eastern Coast has also played an important role in Sri Lanka's history. The
region has been the site of many battles and conflicts throughout history, including during the colonial
period when it was a strategic location for naval powers.
Sri Lanka became a colonial state of different countries at different times due to various reasons such as
spreading religion and establishing colonies with the main purpose of trade.Sri Lanka became a British
colony for the last time. When the British expanded their power in Sri Lanka, more attention was given to
the eastern region.
For several reasons, the British chose the eastern part of Sri Lanka to expand their power. Sri Lanka's east
coast is strategically located in the Indian Ocean, which made it an ideal location for the British to
establish a naval base to control trade routes and protect their interests in the region.
1

�In expanding its power through trade, the eastern region of Sri Lanka was rich in resources such as wood,
spices and gems, thus the ability of the British to gain economic advantages in the region was a factor.
The main exports of the East Coast during this period were coffee, tea, rubber and spices, which were
grown on plantations located inland. These goods were transported by rail to the coast and then shipped to
Britain and other parts of the British Empire. The British began large-scale fishing operations in the seas
off the east coast, and exported dried fish and fish oil to markets in Europe and Asia. In addition to
exports, the east coast of Sri Lanka functioned as an important center for the import of goods such as
textiles, machinery and buildings.
Sri Lanka's east coast has a long history of trade with countries in the Indian Ocean and beyond. Another
reason for the British to increase their wealth and establish themselves as a leading trading power was that
the east coast was an easier way to access this trade network.
In addition to this matter, it was unique that the British were able to use the natural harbor of Trincomalee
to expand their power in order to gain an advantage over their rivals and other colonial powers when
establishing control over the east coast.
There are various reasons why ships usually sink on Coastal areas. As the most common reasons are,
Hurricanes, big waves, weather changes are one of the reasons for being affected by natural disasters.
Various accidents like collision with other vessels, collision with rocks or rocks, technical faults in
vessels, mistakes made by sailors is another reason.
Naval battles that occur when naval powers compete for control of their regions are another reason.
Deliberate sinking of vessels to create artificial reefs and disrupts enemy shipping lanes, to prevent
surrender to enemies, as a decommissioning method, for various operations, etc. is also a reason. The
same is true for the east coast of Sri Lanka as a whole.
The unique facts identified in the study about these ships were that the majority of the sunken ships were
ships that were destroyed during naval battles during the Second World War. Also, upon further study, it
was possible to identify that the ships were named by the shipping companies with abbreviations.
−
−
−

SS - Steamship
RMS - Royal Mail Ship
HMS - Her Majestic Service

The identified ships were found in the areas of Trincomalee, Wakare, Pasikuda, Batticaloa, Kalmunai,
Pothuvil in the East Coast region and such ships it was possible to discover that about twenty ships had
sunk in those areas. Through this research paper, some unique ships will be discussed among the sunken
ships during the British period.
SS British Sergeant Wreck
The SS British Sergeant was a British fuel tanker that was broken in two and sunk off the coast of Sri
Lanka during World War II by a Japanese air attack. The accident happened on April 9, 1942. The attack
killed 36 of the crew and another 65 were rescued by nearby ships. The middle part of the ship is divided
into two parts: the front part which is laid upside down and the rear part which is tilted to the side and
buried in the sea. It can be identified as the safe ship from sunken ships. Its width is 16 meters and the
length of one part is 75 meters and the other part is 52.80 meters. (Exploration report 2012, 33)
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_British_Sergeant - 2023.04.03)
The wreckage of the SS British Sergeant was discovered in 2012 by a team of divers off the coast of
Batticaloa in Sri Lanka's Eastern Province. The wreck lies at a depth of 25 meters and is now a popular
2

�dive site for experienced divers. The site is also considered an important historical artifact as a reminder
of Sri Lanka's role in World War II and its long history of maritime trade.
SS Lady McCullum
This ship has been engaged in duties around the Sri Lankan sea limits since the year 1908. Information
has been revealed that this ship was also involved in the rescue operations related to the sinking of the Sir
John Jackson ship that sank in the Batticaloa area in 1908. (The Times of Ceylon 28, September 1908))
While sailing from Trincomalee to Kalkuda hit a reef and sank on January 01, 1926 CE. At that time it
was working under the Ceylon Steamship Company. The parts are broken and scattered all over the place.
But it is possible to identify the bow part and the stern part of the ship. The poplar and the poplar shaft are
well preserved. Two boilers and three iron anchors can be seen, one anchor is located in the front part and
the other two anchors are located in the center and rear parts of the ship. According to the information
from a diver in the area of ​13.10 meters length and width from the front section to today according to the
remains of the remaining parts of the ship, according to the information from a diver, he sold some parts
of Sri Lankan iron for money and one of them was called "Ally &amp; Macleelan" and "CLA" or "CIA
Company" was recorded. (Exploration report 2012, 32-33)
HMS Hollyhock
HMS Hollyhock was a Flower-class corvette of the British Royal Navy that sank off the coast of Sri
Lanka. A vessel that saw great service in the British Royal Navy during World War II. The speed of this
940 ton ship is 16 nautical miles. Forty-nine people have lost their lives due to the attack on this ship. It is
60 meters long. At present, it is submerged at a depth of 42 meters in the sea limits of Kalmunai.
(Jayawardene 2016,175) ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_HMS_Hollyhock- 2023.04.03)
HMS Hermes
HMS Hermes was a British aircraft carrier that served in the Royal Navy during World War II. It was one
of the first purpose-built aircraft carriers launched and the first to be sunk by enemy action. The 20
number of aircraft that could be carried on this enormous ship, which was 182.9 meters long .During the
war, HMS Hermes served in the Mediterranean, Indian Ocean and Pacific theaters. It was involved in the
Battle of Calabria and the Battle of Crete and provided air support during the Allied landings in North
Africa and Italy.
Due to the threat of Japanese attack, the ship left for the Maldives but was hit by several bombs and
torpedoes on April 9, 1942 and finally sank with 307 crew members on board.
Today, the wreck of HMS Hermes is considered a war grave and protected site under the Antiquities
Ordinance of Sri Lanka. The wreck is located about 10 nautical miles off the coast of Batticaloa in eastern
Sri Lanka at a depth of 53 meters and is a popular dive site for experienced divers. (Jayewardene 2016,
175) (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_HMS_Hermes_(95) - 2023.04.01)
HMS Diomede
In the 1960s, Arthur C. Clarke and Mike Wilson's group, including diving activities, have taken
underwater photographs near Pegeon Island in Trincomalee. During those activities, efforts were made to
locate the alleged location of the HMS Diomede, but their efforts were unsuccessful. It is said that in the
year 1795 AD, the English Navy came to Trincomalee port in Sri Lanka with three ships: HMS Diomede,
Suffolk, Centurion, Heroine and received a positive response to the request to surrender to the Dutch
governor who ruled Trincomalee. But it is said that during this journey, the ship unfortunately hit an
unidentified ship and its crew threw cannons into the sea to save the ship.(Clerk &amp; Wilson 1964, 200)
3

�James Martin Hill House Company can be identified as the manufacturer of the HMS Diomede ship
among the things that were discovered in the search of information on the Internet. It has also been
reported that this ship was involved in the capture of South Carolina in 1782 CE and the capture of the
Indian Ocean in 1794 CE. About eighteen cannons were identified here by the Marine Archeology Unit
during the research conducted in 2011 CE, and a large number of small-sized gun bullets, a large number
of broken bottles, wood and metal parts were identified. According to the facts mentioned above, the ship
that was found in the Uppuveli beach which was wrecked by the British on the second day of August
1795 CE can be called HMS Diomede because no other wooden ship has been found in the eastern region
of Trincomalee. It was possible to further confirm this based on the amount of artillery and the size of the
cannons found. (Exploration Report 2012, 23-25)
Four sunken ships were found in a small area of ​about one square kilometer in the Pasikuda area. Due to
this, identifying each ship separately has become a difficult task. Mr. Darshan Jayawardene, who has
published a book called "Ghosts of the deep" related to drowning, has introduced this place as "the
graveyard of ship wrecks" in his book. Three of the four ships were identified separately after comparing
the data obtained during the discoveries and research carried out by the Maritime Archeology Unit.
Accordingly, the new nomenclature could be given to the ship instead of the existing nomenclature.
Through this research paper the facts related to those identified vessels are unique. (Jayawardene 2016,
198)
SS Gladys Moller
It has now been confirmed that the ‘Pasikuda steamship 01’ identified during research by the Galle
Marine Archeology Unit is the SS Gladys Mula Nauka. The reason for this is that in the research activities
of the Galle Maritime Archeology Unit, measurements have been taken that these ships are 125 meters
long and 17 meters wide. It is closest to the SS Gladys Moller, which are 129.5 meters long and 15 meters
wide. It can be said so because the remaining three ships lost at this point are less than 108 meters in
length. Also taking into account the fact that the information found on the ship includes three
steam-powered boilers with a single aft rod and an aft blade. This ship, located at a depth of about 8
meters, was used as a cargo ship during the British rule. (Jayawardene 2016 ; 198) (Exploration report
2012: 39-40)
SS Clan Lamont
After engaging in research through the information about the ship SS Clan Lamont that sank on May 3,
1891 mentioned in the book of Mr. Darshan Jayawardena, it was identified that this ship is the ship
introduced by the Galle Sea Archeology Unit as steamship number two. The ship was measured to be 94
meters long and 11 meters wide. The length is similar to the length of the SS Clan Lamont and the facts
found in the information found about the ship were also similar to this ship in having three boilers with a
single stern and on the other side. The most important facts were that the ship known as Pasikuda steamer
number two also had the double mast used for sails found on the SS Clan Lamont. This ship also sank at a
maximum depth of eight meters. This ship is the most decayed of the sunken ships at this location.
(Jayawardene 2016, 198)
SS Amarillys
This can be introduced as a ship found by chance. In the year 2014, while taking photographs of Pasikuda
steamship number two, this ship was found and it was identified that this ship was operated by steam
power and had three boilers. The maximum depth of the ship was about 11.5 meters. The information
that it was not sunk in the Kalkuda area was found in a book written by the hand of a contemporary
British officer in this country. "In February 1908, the Amarillys steamer of the Stagalin Company was

4

�wrecked at Venludis Point near Calcutta," it says. Researching the information revealed that the ship was
carrying coal from Calcutta to Bombay in India and was wrecked in the Kalkuda area.
Although the information about the ship was found in this way, it was quite a difficult task to identify
these ships from the ships sunk at that place. After engaging in a comparative value with the information
received, it was possible to identify what the ship was. The information received there is that the Anva
ship is 106.68 meters long and 14.63 meters wide. During the records taken by the Galle Maritime
Archeology Unit, a ship with a length of 108 m and a beam of 15 m was found and it was named Pasikuda
steamer No. 03. It was confirmed that steamer number three was none other than the SS Amaryllis, as all
three ships, which were difficult to confirm, were less than 100 meters in length, and had three boilers and
a stern and a stern.(Exploration report 2014, 40-41) (gunawardane 2008, 48).
In addition to these vessels, there are many sunken ships of the British rule, now identified by various
names such as SS Ava, SS Sir Jhon Jackson, Pasikuda Iron wreck 01, SS Brenus, Batticloa boiler wreck,
Umari, Komari etc., which are now part of the historical story and have functioned as bio-systems and
helped to create the beautiful diving site. Accordingly, we can recognize that because of these ships sunk
during the British period, they give great value to the history of the region and have also helped to
strengthen the economy of the region.

Bibliography
Clerk, A. C. The Reefs of Taprobane. Hapor and Brothers.(1956).
Clerk, A. C., &amp; Wilson, M. The Treasure of the Great Reef. New York: Harper and Row.(1964).
Deraniyagala, S. The Prehistory of Sri Lanka: An Ecological Perspective (Vol. 1). Department of Archaeological Survey.(1992).
Deraniyagala, S. U. Prehistory of Sri Lanka. Department of Archaeological Survey.(1992).
Exploration Report 2012 – East Exploration, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central cultural fund
Exploration Report 2014 – East Exploration, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central cultural fund
Green, J. Maritime Archaeology: A Technical Handbook. Elsevier Academic Press.(2004).
Gunawardene V.D. Madakalapuwa Distrikkaye wruthanthaya, Nugegoda, visadunu Publication. 2008.
Jayawardhana, Darshana,(2015). Ghosts Of The Deep, Vijitha Yapa Publication. Colombo.
Panabokke, C. R. (1996). Soils and Agro-Ecological Environment of Sri Lanka. Colombo 7, Sri Lanka: Natural Resources,
Energy @ Science Authority.
The Ceylon Observer. (1908, September 28).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_British_Sergeant
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_HMS_Hollyhock
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki_HMS_Hermes_(95)

5

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                <text>The eastern coast of Sri Lanka is considered to be the coastal region from the Kokilai lagoon in the north to Panama&#13;
in the south. The coastal region has been used for various activities with various marine relations since the BC&#13;
period. The activities of the Portuguese, Dutch and English in this coastal region during the period of colonial rule&#13;
were continued. This can be confirmed by reference to archaeological and literary sources.&#13;
Due to the uniqueness of Trincomalee natural harbor in the world, this area can be recognized as an area&#13;
that has been controlled as a colony by various foreign nationalities since the past. This Paper outlines the&#13;
information about the sunken ships in the naval activities of the British rule in the east coast region of Sri Lanka.&#13;
There are many ships that sank due to natural disasters, industrial errors and human activities. and the most notable&#13;
are the ships sunk due to attacks during the Second World War. The number of ships found in that area are about&#13;
twenty-one. Of these, about eight of these ships sank during the Second World War.&#13;
In addition to discussing information about the ships SS Ava, HMS Diamode, SS British Sergeant, another&#13;
unique quality of this research paper is the graveyard of the Pasikuda area, which has been introduced by Mr.&#13;
Darshana Jayawardena, who is engaged in diving research in the sea Coast around Sri Lanka, in the book called&#13;
Ghost of the Deep. Discussing the identification of the four sunken ships at the place called shipwrecks with the&#13;
intervention of the Maritime Archeology Unit. Accordingly, it is hoped to identify the cultural heritage related to the&#13;
water created by sunken ships in the eastern sea region, which is a special sea region, and to discuss related&#13;
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                    <text>Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard.
Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.
Caesar Bita
Underwater Archaeologist, National Museums of Kenya (mcbita@gmail.com)
ABSTRACT
Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean
Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the
Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly
referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and
reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown
existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international
commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient
global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a
major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological
studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in
the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity
between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East.
Key Words: Mafia, Transoceanic, Maritime, Indian Ocean

INTRODUCTION
Tanzania is one of the east African coastal countries bordering the Western Indian Ocean (WIO). The
country has one of the longest coastlines on mainland east Africa after Somali and Mozambique. Tanzania
has three of the five largest islands of this region including Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mafia. Archaeological
studies have shown that the country’s coast has the earliest evidence of ancient links with the
Mediterranean region, Red Sea, Persia, India and south east Asia going back to the first century CE.
Initially, much of this evidence however came from terrestrial archaeology since underwater archaeology
is not developed in the country. Similarly, evidence of these earliest links has been reported in Mafia
archipelago and Rufiji areas of central Tanzanian coast.
Mafia archipelago is located in the central coast of Tanzania at S 7⁰ 37´ 8⁰ 10´, E 39⁰ 30´ 39⁰ 55´about 120
km south of Dar es Salaam city and 21 km offshore of Rufiji Delta (Fig. 1). It is the fifth largest island on
the coast of east Africa after Madagascar to the south, Zanzibar, Pemba and Lamu all to the north (Chami,
1994; Shikoni et al. 2019). It is also an archipelago composed of a number of islands including Miewe,
Chole, Juani, Jibondo, Bwejuu to the south of the main one by the same name Mafia Island. There are also
several smaller islets of Mbarakuni, Shungimbili and Nyongoro found to the north. The main Mafia Island
is elliptically shaped, lying in a NE-SW orientation; narrowing to the North east (Fig. 4). At its longest,
the island measures approximately 47 km from the Southwest end to the Northeast tip and its widest point
is 17 km (Fig. 4; Bita et al. 2023).
Mafia has always been perceived as having evidential remains associated with the ancient Western Indian
Ocean trade connections. This has largely resulted from land based archaeological findings recovered
from the archipelago and its immediate hinterland. Although the archipelago has received progressive
terrestrial archaeological research, no underwater archaeological studies were done to corroborate findings
from land archaeology. It is only recently, after locals reported of offshore submerged features in the
north-eastern side of the archipelago that subsea surveys begun.

1

�Figure 1: Tanzanian coast showing location of Mafia Islands (H. Pazza)

Tanzania and Ancient transoceanic connections
That the ancient east African coast was internationally known very early in time is no longer in doubt.
Roman records including Strabo’s Geography, Pliny’s Natural History, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
/ Periplus Maris Erythraei, Claudio Ptolemy’s Geography and Accounts of Cosmas Indicopleustes
mentioned and documented this coast (Casson 1989; McLaughlin 2018; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980;
Freeman-Grenville 1975; Berggren and Jones 2001). Graeco-Roman sailors and traders of the Roman era
from 64 BCE to 170 CE have described the geography, names of places, people, trade and other economic
activities that took place on this coast (Miller 1969; Casson 1989; Chami 2006; 2009; McLaughlin 2018).
Some of the places and people described are in the Coast of Tanzania. For instance, Periplus mentioned an
2

�island in the Azanian coast as Mafiaco, which is similar to the modern-day Mafia Island (Freeman
Grenville 1962). Periplus also described the people living in Mafiaco being recognized as Rafiji, which is
very similar to the modern-day Rufiji people who occupy the modern Rufiji area of Tanzania (Oldfather
1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962; 1975; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980; Casson 1989; Lacroix 1998;
McLaughlin 2018).
Archaeological studies in Mafia and Rufiji areas have recovered ancient trade items that corroborate these
Graeco-Roman records. Studies have unearthed beads some identified as having been manufactured at
Rhodes Island in the Roman Mediterranean Sea (Fig. 2 a-b). Other findings include Roman tera sigillata
ceramics (Fig. c-d; Chami 1999b; 2001; 2021; Mandela et al. 2022).

Figure 2: Ancient artifacts of foreign origin (a) Indian beads from Rufiji delta; (b) Phoenician Beads; (c and d) and Red
Roman terra Sigillata ceramics recovered in Mafia archipelago (Chami, 1999a; 2021; Mandela et al. 2020)

Underwater Archaeology of Tanzanian coast
The coastal parts of east Africa from Somali to Mozambique were part of the ancient vibrant international
trade networks across the Indian Ocean Seaboard linking India, Europe, Persian Gulf Red Sea and the Far
East. Remains recovered in this region and associated with these ancient networks include shipwrecks,
beads, ceramics and cultural traditions that continue to occur in many parts of this coast. Since the
beginning of the twentieth century, this region has witnessed increased terrestrial archaeological research
that has revealed these global transoceanic connections. However, despite the vibrancy of terrestrial
research and the huge potential in underwater archaeology, underwater archaeological research in the
region is still in its infancy.
In Tanzania, there have been very few underwater archaeological surveys. Although there are many
shipwrecks recorded in the waters of the country, except for Patience (2006) who did many commercial
salvage operations on the east African coast and documented numerous wrecks, not much surveys have
been undertaken of Tanzanian coastal waters. The few cases involved documentation of maritime practices
including folklore associated with fishing communities (Ichumbaki 2015; Lubao and Ichumbaki 2023) and
nautical infrastructure including boat landing places, jetties, lighthouses, navigational guides (Pollard
2008a; 2008b). Other studies have involved documentation of marine crafts (boats), exploitation of marine
resources and social and religious manifestations of maritime cultural traditions (Pollard and Ichumbaki
2017; Ichumbaki et al. 2022).
Although archaeological research in Mafia began at the advent of colonization (Revington 1936; Piggott
1941; Wheeler 1955; Baumann 1957; Chittick 1957; 1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962), no maritime studies
of the archipelago have been undertaken prior to this study (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). The only study that
had a maritime component was involved in maritime history and looked at long-term history and
long-distance trade in Mafia archipelago yet no attempts were made at underwater archaeological surveys
(Wynne-Jones 2006; Crowther et al. 2014). Others looked at fishing practices to demonstrate differences
in access to maritime resources between members of different categories of the community in Juani island
(Christie 2011). As argued by Lane (2012), although these studies were not of an underwater
archaeological approach, they contributed a great deal to the understanding of maritime infrastructure and
landscape development, traditions, resource exploitation and history of long-distance trade during the first
half of the second millennium CE.
3

�The only detailed underwater archaeological survey in Tanzania prior to this, was done of the ancient port
of Kilwa, one of the most important ancient ports in South East Tanzania. The study recovered Persian and
Midde Eastern artefacts including glass jars and a stone anchor (Fig. 3; Pollard et al. 2016). Stone anchors
are known to have been in use for a long time extending to about 3,000 BC (Vosmer 1999). Their
discovery in association with imported ceramics is an indication of long international maritime
connections (Bita 2015; Tripati and Bita 2015).

Figure 3: Kilwa Kisiwani Port showing (a) scatter of artefacts underwater and (b) stone anchor (Pollard et al. 2016)

The earliest record of submerged archaeological finds in Mafia was in 1977 when locals reported brass
cannons, anchors, fragments of cannon balls and a bronze bell off Juani Island (Lane 2005; 2012).
However, there were no underwater archaeological survey efforts until 2016 when fishermen reported of
submerged wall-like features, locally referred as Makutani or Mwamba Ukuta, north of the archipelago
(Fig. 4; Bita 2019; Chami 2021). Ukuta is the local people’s Swahili word for a wall. Mwamba Ukuta
means a sturdy wall. It is after this, that sustained underwater archaeological studies in this part of
Tanzania began (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023).

4

�Figure. 4: Mafia archipelago showing Chole, Makutani and other areas mentioned in the text (Bita et al. 2023)

Methodology and findings
Underwater archaeology surveys and interviews were the main methodology used in this research.
Following interviews with local fishermen, divers surveyed the area observing, and recording archaeology
finds. Other methods employed included sub-sea probing with specially designed metal probes to
determine and record cultural heritage buried beneath the sea floor. Foreshore and intertidal
reconnaissance were conducted that entailed systematically walking over the foreshore and intertidal
zones to locate areas with higher concentration of cultural heritage. These were carried out at the reported
submerged site of Makutani to the north and Chole Bay to the south of the archipelago respectively (Fig.
4).
Submerged wall features
Underwater surveys north of Mafia were done with a purpose to confirm the reported submerged wall
features in Makutani, and whether these are ancient settlements and whether these are in sync with
findings from terrestrial surveys (Shikoni et al. 2019; Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023; Mandela and Chami
2021). Investigations noted that the feature is located about three km from the northern shore of Mafia
Island and is a spherical enclosure made of four sections which remain fully submerged with only small
sections visible during low ocean tides (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). Some sections have been broken and
eroded creating imaginary separations. It is this phenomenon that has informed locals to give them
different names. The inner circumference is 8.17 km and has an inside area of 2.42 km². It has two
openings located west and north commonly referred to by local fishermen as gates, because these are the
only access ways at high tides through the feature (Fig. 5).

Figure 5: The submerged Makutani wall feature with the four sections (C. Bita)

Underwater surveys around the submerged feature observed linear boulders collapsed in a line indicative
of a perimeter surrounding wall. The blocks were found to be of flat surface, compact and ranged between
three m long, 2.5 m wide and 0.3 m thick (Fig. 6 a). Petrological analysis showed these are concrete, made
of cement and lime. Their composition includes lime and different grog fragments to temper the block and
as cementing material, which was a Roman technology (Delatte 2001). The analysis also confirmed that
these are made of materials not locally found in Mafia Island but brought from outside (Fig. 7). On the
base of the standing sections, feature were observed concentrations of concreted objects (Fig. 6 b) from
where some of the imported ceramics were recovered (Fig. 6 c-d).
5

�Figure 6: (a) Linear block underwater in Makutani, (b) standing Makutani wall section with concretions of pottery in the
foreground (c) Base shard of a Roman amphorae (d) Middle Eastern pottery (Bita et al. 2023)

Figure 7: Composition of analysed concrete from Makutani (Bita et al. 2023)

Local pottery of Early Iron Working (EIW) tradition and Triangular Incised Ware (TIW) were also found
in association with the imported ceramics. EIW is the local cultural tradition that spanned the dates
between fourth century B.C. to fifth century CE (Chami 1994; 1998; Mapunda 1995). Its pottery is
characterized by thick fluted / beveled rims in combination with comb-stamping or incisions and were of
upturned or open bowls (Fig. 8c-d; Chami 1994; Soper 1967, Waltz and Kwekason 2022). TIW is the
6

�cultural tradition that succeeded the EIW tradition along the eastern Africa coast and dates 100 to 500 CE
(Chami 1994-5). Triangular Incised Ware decorative elements seem to have been derived from the EIW
tradition hence showing some cultural continuity (Chami 1994; 1998). Typical decoration in TIW pottery
includes incised triangles, double lines of punctates / stamps, zigzagging double incisions, appliqués and
oblique incisions (See Fig. 8 a-b). Recovery of these local pottery traditions in associated contexts with
foreign ceramics is an indication of early external trade contacts with ancient communities of east Africa
(Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023).

Figure 8: a-b TIW and c-d EIW pottery from the Makutani submerged site (Bita et al. 2023)

Surveys at Chole Bay
Underwater archaeology survey at Chole Bay recorded five sites with high concentrations of ceramics of
both local and foreign origin (Fig. 9). These occurred in contexts ranging from five and 12 m in depth and
included Middle Eastern, Mediterranean, Persian and Indian wares. While some were recovered under
sand, others were heavily concreted onto coral (Fig. 9 e). Other studies around Bwejuu Island and
Kisimani Mafia to the west, all closer to the Rufiji delta, have yielded ceramics from the Middle East and
Mediterranean world dating to the period of BC / CE changeover (Mandela and Chami 2021). These
recoveries corroborate the terrestrial archaeological findings that indicate very early international trade
contacts with the wider east African coast.

7

�Figure 9: (a) Chole Bay showing underwater sites; (b) far Eastern jar; (c) Middle Eastern yellow glazed rim; (d)
Mediterranean bowl with black fabric; (e) Indian pot in-situ underwater (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023)

DISCUSSION
According to Chami (2006), the EIW communities were the same people reported in ancient Roman
records (Casson 1989; 1974; Huntingford 1980; Mclaughlin 2018) and who in the ancient time occupied
the Rufiji Delta region that is adjacent to Mafia archipelago and largely the central coast of Tanzania. The
people reportedly traded with the Roman Empire during the early centuries CE with the lost city of Rhapta
reported as their capital (see Casson 1989:61; Lacroix 1998; Chami 2021; Mandela and Chami 2021; Bita
et al. 2023). Recent studies have discovered materials found to originate from various parts including
Asia, India, the Red Sea and Mediterranean regions. For instance, recovery of Roman wares confirms
ancient Roman classical records of the first century CE that mention and describe this coast. Similarly,
these records also mention transoceanic connections between the east African coast and the Indo-Pacific
region (Miller 1969; Casson 1974; Sedov 2007; McLaughlin 2018) as they did with the Red Sea region
and Persian Gulf.
Contacts between the east African coast and Persia are known to exist in antiquity (Gupta 2016; 2021;
Bita 2013a; 2013b). The Arabs are said to have dominated the East African coastal strip long before the
advent of the Roman and after the collapse of the Roman empire before the arrival of Portuguese (Hourani
1963; Mathew 1963). Recovery of Middle Eastern wares underwater in Mafia suggest contacts in the early
centuries of the CE to the fifth century CE, a period within which the EIW cultural tradition of the east
African coast is dated. These findings also lend credence to ancient Chinese records of third century CE
that allude to the existence of contacts between the east African coast and the Arabian Peninsula (Hill
2004). This is a manifestation that local communities of this coast were not passive participants but were
8

�actively connected and involved in ancient international maritime trade across the Western Indian Ocean
Seaboard (Fig. 10).

Figure 10: Regions and routes involved in ancient maritime networks with east African Coast (C. Bita)

CONCLUSION
This paper has shown that ancient communities of Mafia archipelago had regular contact with other parts
of the globe. Evidence of this contact had previously been recovered on the mainland especially along the
Rufiji River delta. However, recent research has identified an abundance of this evidence submerged
underwater in the archipelago. Previously, it was only from terrestrial studies in the archipelago that
revealed evidence of the region’s involvement in ancient global maritime trading (Chami 1999c; 2021;
Shikoni et al. 2019; Mandela and Chami 2021). Trading meant traders had to access the archipelago
through the sea (Figs. 4; 9 a). However, there had not been archaeology data from underwater in the region
to substantially link the archipelago with the vibrant ancient Indian Ocean trading of the Greco-Roman
period as described in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and Ptolemy’s Geographia. Recent studies have
recovered a substantial amount of local and imported pottery that show existence of ancient trade
connection between the archipelago, the hinterland and the wider Indian Ocean Seaboard to as far as India,
South East Asia, Red Sea and the Mediterranean world.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author is thankful to the Recentring Afro-Asia Project for providing funds for this research. Special thanks to Prof. Chami
and Dr. Pastory Bushozi of University of Dar es Salaam for identification of the local ceramics. Thanks to Prof. Sunil Gupta at
Allhamadad Museum in India; Prof. Hakan Oniz and colleagues at Alkdeniz University, Turkey; Dr. Alexandra Ratzlaff from the
Department of Classical Studies Mendel Center for the Humanities at University of Israel; Prof. Bridget Buxton of History
Department at University of Rhode Island USA for identification of imported ceramics. Thanks to Mr. Hitson Pazza for the
cartographic work and Brian Nyambu of National Museums of Kenya for the conservation treatment of artifacts.

9

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Vosmer, T. Indo-Arabian stone anchors in the western Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 10
(1999): 248–263.
Walz J R. and Kwekason, A. Ceramics, copal, and coconuts. Results of archaeological investigations at Mlongo, Mafia Island,
Tanzania, AD 250-1000. South African Archaeological Bulletin, 2022.
Wheeler, M. “Archaeology in East Africa” Tanganyika Notes and Records 40 (1955): 43–47.
Wynne-Jones, S. Reconstructing the long-term history of the Mafia Archipelago. Unpublished Report. Tanzania Antiquities
Department, Dar es Salaam.(2006).

12

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                <text>Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard.&#13;
Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.</text>
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                <text>Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean&#13;
Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the&#13;
Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly&#13;
referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and&#13;
reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown&#13;
existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international&#13;
commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient&#13;
global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a&#13;
major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological&#13;
studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in&#13;
the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity&#13;
between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East.&#13;
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                <text>Bita, Caesar . 2023. “Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard. Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1986. </text>
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                    <text>The Archaeobotanical Analysis of Flora Samples from the Phanom Surin Shipwreck,
Central Thailand
Preeyanuch Jumprom
ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 7 Trade goods in shipwrecks – sources, routes and markets,
including glass on the Maritime Silk Road because this paper is about the analysis of the archaeological evidenc
es, especially the flora remains from the Phanom Surin shipwreck site, Lower Central of Thailand. The 2013-20
15 and 2021 excavations at Phanom Surin Shipwreck at Phanthainorasing Sub-district in Samut Sakhon Provinc
e revealed a number of archaeological finds in the Arab-style ship dating back to 9th century CE. The organic m
atters were dominantly counted. This paper aims to give an interpretation on flora found in the ship by archaeob
otanical classification and identification methods. Some specimens of flora artefacts, woods, ropes, and seeds we
re sent to a laboratory for doing scientific tests. The plant seeds were found in the stern. The analysis suggests th
at most commons are betel nuts and lucky bean seeds which were trade items. Rare items include rice grains, cor
iander, calabash (bottle gourd) and jujube. Some seeds are not clear to be identified. The macrobotanical remain
s were likely consumed by ship’s crews; i.e. nourishment, medicine, ship repairing and sailing. Some species ha
ve been known to the Arab manuscripts dating back to 9th century CE. The analyses provide further information
of tools made of domestic plants that were applied for ship building, sailing, and using on board that facilitate se
afarers’ way of life during their journey across the ocean. The significant finds show the relationship between th
e locals and the overseas seafarers.
List of Figure:
Figure 1. Location of the shipwreck site in Samut Sakhon Province, Thailand.

INTRODUCTION
In 2013, the discovery of a shipwreck site in the muddy shrimp pond at Phanthai Norasing sub-district
in Samut Sakhon Province, Lower Central Thailand revealed the buried ship and associated finds in si
tu. The 2013 - 2015 and 2021 excavations at Phanom Surin Shipwreck at Phanthainorasing Sub-distric
t in Samut Sakhon Province revealed a lot of archaeological finds in the Arab-style ship dating back to
9th century CE. The organic matters were dominantly counted. This paper discusses the result of the s
tudy of botanical artefacts from excavation of the wetland shipwreck site, which includes scientific an
alysis of the following topics: (i) location and excavation projects of the shipwreck site, (ii) classificati
on and identification of flora objects found from the site and (iii) interpretation of the origin and usabil
ity of flora samples.
Background
In September 2013, the 1st Regional Office of Fine Arts Department at Ratchaburi was informed abou
t the discovery of an ancient shipwreck. Officials in charge were sent for site investigation. After the i
nitial investigation, the shipwreck was found to be lying in the shrimp pond of Mr. Surin and Mrs. Pha
nom Sri Ngamdee where it had been discovered during rehabilitation of the pond. A huge square timb
er was discovered sitting in N-S orientation, having one end under the thick ground. Seams of fibre ro
pe lashings on the fragments of recovered planks were still visible. There was also an assemblage of c
eramic sherds that were recovered.
The definition of “Archaeobotany”
Archaeobotany is the study of ancient plant remains. By studying archaeobotanical remains we can fin
d out how people used plants in the past: for food, fuel, medicine, symbolic or ritual purposes, or for b
uilding and crafts. We can also use plant remains to reconstruct past vegetation and the ways humans i
nteracted with their environment.

1

�Location and excavation projects
The location of the shipwreck site is in Phanthai Norasing sub-district in Samut Sakhon Province, Low
er Central Thailand. The geographical feature of this area is the coastal plain, with the site located onl
y 8 kilometres from the Gulf of Thailand to the south. The discovery of a shipwreck site in the muddy
shrimp pond revealed the buried ship and associated finds in situ. Archaeologists of Fine Arts Departm
ent conducted excavation and conservation at the wetland site between 2013 - 2015 and 2021.The exc
avation was conducted in 2 periods: First period was between December 2013 - June 2014 and Februa
ry – July 2015 to mark the scope of site and study of ship construction and associated artefacts. The se
cond period was excavated in January – September 2021 that uncovered the entire ship structure and n
umerous archaeological finds.

Figure 1. Location of the shipwreck site in Samut Sakhon Province, Thailand.

The ship structures have an approximate length of 25 metres and width of 8 metres. Upon closer inspe
ction, the south end is presumably the bow of the ship. The hull on the west side was still standing upr
ight. Some planks have fallen down as the sewn fastenings were too decayed to support the structures.
On the port side, the ship hull obviously collapsed and flat down to the east. The planks are made fro
m hardwood with holes drilled along the edges and assembled with black fibre ropes. ‘Wadding’ was l
ashed along the ship length to seal space between planks. This shipwreck appears to have double wadd
ing.
The keelson is one of the main structures of the shipwreck. It was found in the middle of the ship, havi
ng features of a square timber measured length of 17.65 metres. On the larger end, the cross section is
70 cm wide and 60 cm thick. The other end of the shipwreck is not visible. The assumption can be tha
t it was severely damaged causing the artefacts to spread far out from where the ship end should be fo
und. There were two poles found at the site so far. One was found outside of the western side of the sh
ipwreck. Its total length was 17.37 metres with a circumference of 53 cm on the small end and 101 cm
on the other. On the small end, there is a groove. It is possible for a sheave fitting. The second spar w
as found perpendicular to the shipwreck on the eastern side. At the large end, it was cut off semicircul
ar making one side flat with the other side still round. Rattan ropes were found associated with this spa
r as well. Considering the size, the second one is a bit bigger than the first spar and has a length of 17.
40 metres. The end of the second spar was also found with a square tenon of 17 x 53 centimeters. It mi
ght be a joining part with another spar. From a comparative study, the ship assembled in such was com
monly known among ancient Arab shipbuilding techniques.
2

�According to Area 1, the work was extended from where the ship structure was first exposed. The exc
avation of the shipwreck unearths the skeleton of an ancient shipwreck that will slowly and subsequen
tly reveal its characteristics and construction techniques of sewn-plank methods used for shipbuilding.
Area 2, this area was extended to the north of Area 1, separated by the earthen dike of approximately
two metres width in the middle. The result of excavation shows fragments of ship structure such as fra
mes, planks, and artefacts such as ceramic sherds, fibre ropes, rattan ropes, betel nuts, and plenty of cu
t wood and set forth, were spread out all over the area.
The excavation in 2021 was undertaken by using the non-intrusive archaeological excavation techniqu
e in both areas. Most importantly, this non-intrusive method was adopted to prevent stepping on the o
bjects and a number of small artefacts were found using this technique. Moreover, the new technologi
es were also applied for more efficient and effective results such as Geo-Information System (GIS), 3
D scanning, total station and photos by drone.

CLASSIFICATION AND IDENTIFICATION OF FLORA OBJECTS
There are diverse kinds of organic materials discovered at the Phnom-Surin Shipwreck that are classifi
ed based on their physical characteristics. These categorizations include coconut shells with holes, bas
ketry, black ropes, rattan-braided ropes, and various sizes of brown ropes. Some specimens, such as w
oods, ropes, and seeds, were sent to a laboratory for further scientific tests. The scientific study was op
erated at Synchrotron Research Institute, Nakhon Ratchasima Province by Dr. Paul Joseph Grote and
Dr.Wipanu Rakmai, researchers from Northeastern Research Institute of Petrified Wood and Mineral
Resources. To avoid destroying some samples, the macro and micro organic remains were identified b
y Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) and X-ray microtomography technique.
1. Timbers
Northeast of Area 2 was found with a distribution of timbers, crudely worked, with average length of
133-150 cm and diameter of 1-5 cm. It was found that some timbers were assembled together with rop
es. During excavation, the timbers were intact but rapidly decayed after being exposed. Area 1 also ha
s rounded timbers but all are damaged.
Moreover, many wood samples were found. Some wood utensils were modified from coconut shell, a
nd bamboo. For example, the bamboo pole that is used for carrying heavy things on both sides. A ladl
e that was made from a half coconut shell was attached to a bamboo handle.
2. Basketry
There are many baskets found from the site, most of them seem to be made from bamboo strips.
3. Cordages
There are three kinds of rope found in this site as follows.
● The first is Black rope, it was being used for ship’s structure assemblage, and for hand
ling pottery. The diameter ranges from 0.1-0.2 cm. SEM technique demonstrated the r
esult of the black rope that it was made from the Arenga Pinnata fiber (sugar palm tre
e). Arenga pinnata is an economically important feather palm native to tropical Asia, f
rom eastern India east to Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines in the east. Commo
n names include sugar palm, black sugar palm, and kaong palm, among other names.
The dark fibrous bark is manufactured into cordage, brushes, brooms, thatch roofing,
or filters.
● Besides, brown ropes were also found, they have larger diameter. The construction of
the rope indicated a Z twist, consisting of small strands. These brown ropes can be use
3

�●

d for rigging as it was found coiled. The scientific analysis indicated that the Brown r
ope was made from palm or coconut fiber.
Rattan braided ropes were set on board perhaps for navigational function. There are 2
0 – 26 rattan strands twined together to make a circular pattern that increases the dura
bility. Rattan strands were made from Rattan or calamus rotang, also known as comm
on rattan, is a plant species native to India, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar. The important fe
ature of calamus is it being cohesive and waterproof.

4. Seeds
From the number of seeds or fruits. There are more than 20 types of seed found from the excavation a
nd floatation technique – as to whether they were loaded as cargo or for other purposes.
The most common seed found in this shipwreck is Betel nuts, Areca catechu. Measuring from the com
plete pieces shows an average size of 2-3 cm diameter in circular or oval shape. They can be found all
over the shipwreck. Interestingly, a number of them were found in one of the Chinese jars in its origin
al place at the time the ship was wrecked. Betel nuts contain a large quantity of tannin and are used for
dying fabric like fishing nets. Tannin extracted from betel nuts makes fabric softer and stronger, helpi
ng to extend the lifetime of the fibre and used as an adhesive in woodwork. The areca nut is also popul
ar for chewing throughout some Asian countries. Areca palms are grown in Bangladesh, India, Indone
sia, Malaysia, Taiwan and many other Asian countries for their seeds.
Another seed that is also found a lot is Lucky Bean seed or Putranjiva roxburghii Wall. The seeds are
oval in shape pointed on both ends, their size is 1-1.5 cm diameter in common. The hard shell colours
range from dark yellow to dark brown. Lucky Bean is commonly found in tropical regions. It is a most
popular medicinal plant which is referred in Ayurvedic texts as an antirheumatic, this plant contains
many active phytochemicals in seeds which shows its protectant capacity against various diseases.
The non-intrusive archaeological excavation technique in 2021 has revealed the large amounts of smal
l grains that found from the floatation technique. Coriander fruits (Coriandrum sativum) is the dry see
ds that used as a spice and herb. Most of them are in globular form, have a diameter of 3-5 mm. Coria
nder also called cilantro or Chinese parsley. Native to the Mediterranean and Middle East regions, the 
plant is widely cultivated in many places worldwide for its culinary uses. All parts of this plant are edi
ble, the fresh leaves and the dried seeds are the parts most traditionally used in cooking.
Seeds of Wild jujube (Ziziphus oenoplia Rhamnaceae) were also found. Wild jujube is a flowering pla
nt with a broad distribution through tropical and subtropical Asia and Australia. The plant produces zi
ziphines and has a long history of use as an herbal medicine. In India the root is used in Ayurvedic me
dicine.
A few seeds was considered to be the Bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), also called white-flowered g
ourd or calabash gourd, running or climbing vine of the gourd family (Cucurbitaceae), native to tropica
l Africa but cultivated in warm climates around the world for its ornamental and useful hard-shelled fr
uits. It was one of the world's first cultivated plants grown not primarily for food, but for use as contai
ners.
Rice grains were found resembling the stains on the interior walls of torpedo jars. The analysis from th
eir appearance was assumed to be Oryza sativa. Rice is the main food of Asian people, the archaeologi
cal evidence shows that the early rice cultivation came from China dating to 5000 BCE. Rice is also th
e main food of the crew of Phanom-Surin shipwreck.

4

�5. Bitumen
The interior of the torpedo jar is coated with a black substance. Presumably, this can be evidence of a
coating technique for waterproof function or of the substance that was once contained in the jar. Besid
es a black stain, also found is a dark brown substance. The scientific analysis determined that black su
bstance is bitumen from the Middle East (Irag or Iran).

INTERPRETATION
Archaeological finds discovered in this shipwreck are varied. There are countless archaeobotanical re
mains found in the shipwreck. Some specimens of flora artefacts, woods, ropes, and seeds were sent to
a laboratory for doing scientific tests. The plant seeds were mainly found in the stern. The analysis su
ggests that most common archaeobotanical remains are betel nuts and lucky bean seeds which were co
nsidered trade items. Rare items include rice grains, coriander, calabash (bottle gourd) and wild jujube
are found as well. Some seeds are not clearly identified. The macrobotanical remains were likely cons
umed by ship’s crews; for example, self-nourishment, medicine, ship repairing and sailing. Some spec
ies have been known to the Arab manuscripts dating back to 9th century CE. The analyses provide furt
her information of tools made of domestic plants that were applied for ship building, sailing, and using
on board that facilitate seafarers’ way of life during their journey across the ocean. These finds signifi
es the relationship between the locals and the overseas seafarers through their uses of cross-regional pl
ants on the ship.

CONCLUSION
Dating of the Phanom-Surin sunken ship had been known by means of Relative and scientific dating m
ethods. The carbon-14 dating (AMS) of the shipwreck site by using the three samples of organic matte
r, that is to say, betel nut, rattan, and rope, suggests that the site dates back to 1,200 – 1,300 years ago
which is consistent with the Chinese Tang wares and torpedo jar found in the ship. Judging from objec
ts in its cargo, especially the torpedo jar, container of bitumen, the ship sailed from the Persian Gulf to
the Southeast Asia and embarked to some seaports in Southern Peninsula and/or Indian archipelagos (
Kota kapur, Muang Thong, Laem Pho, for examples) for collecting local products such as betel nuts, r
attan, ivory and antler as well as Chinese jars used as containers of some local products. Afterwards, t
he ship sailed to the Gulf of Thailand and used a waterway connecting to encounters with local comm
unities seeking local products and/or selling goods. It is likely that goods from the ship that was sold t
o the local here were torpedo jars containing bitumen and Chinese jars containing betel nuts, for two p
roducts were rare to find in this area. Local goods that the dhow’s merchants and sailors needed were r
ice grains, basketry, meats as food that contained in the local carinated-potteries. Most of them were u
sed as cooking vessels which had smoke residue on their bottom. This ship and the objects whether lo
ading on board for voyage’s supplying or being commodities give a new insight into the sailing trade r
outes between the Middle-East and the Far East (China) via the Southeast Asia and the trading interact
ion between the Arabian merchants and/or the Persian merchants and the local communities of the Dv
aravati culture in central Thailand.
To conclude, the paper first discussed the background information of the shipwreck. The paper then ex
plained the types of archaeobotanical finds discovered in the shipwreck and how they were being anal
yzed. The results of the analysis were then systematically listed here and supplement our understandin
g of the lives and trading network of the crews. (Insert your synthesized discovery here – e.g. it is beli
eved that this shipwreck is X because we have found many Y, etc)

5

�Bibliography
Chaimanee, Nirand. The Academic Report volume no. 15/2014. The Geological survey of the Location of Phanom-Surin
Shipwreck, Samut Sakhon Province. Bangkok, Mineral resources division, Department of Mineral Resources,
2014.

Fine Arts Department, Minister of Culture. Ancient Maritime Cross-cultural Exchanges: Archaeological Research in Tha
iland. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2019. Jumprom Preeyanuch. Recovery of a Lost Arab-style Ship at Phano
m-Surin, the Wetland Excavation Site in Central Thailand. Pp 226 – 247.

Fuller, D.Q., Lucas, L.. Archaeobotany. In: Smith, C. (eds) Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology. Springer, New York, 2014
Grote, P. J., Rugmai, W., Ploymukda, S. et al. Use of in situ silica bodies in identification of rope fibers from the Phanom-Sur
in shipwreck, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 13, 183 (2021).
Connan Jacques, Priestman Seth, Vosmer Tom, Komoot Abhirada, Tofighian Hossein, Ghorbani Buyuk, Engel Michael H., Z
umberge Alex, Van De Velde Thomas. “Geochemical analysis of bitumen from West Asian torpedo jars from the
c. 8th century Phanom-Surin shipwreck in Thailand”, Journal of Archaeological Science 117, 2020, p. 1-18.

Srisuchat, Amara. Srivijaya in Suvarnadvipa. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2014.
Srisuchat, Tharapong. “Thailand and Maritime Silk Routes: The Role of the Ancient Ports and Harbour Cities in Thailand” in
The Silpakorn Journal Vol. 33 No. 6 January-February 1990. Pp. 4-12. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1990
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The 1st Regional Office of Fine Arts. Study of Phanom Surin Shipwreck, Phanthai Norasing Sub-district, Meuang Distri
ct, Samut Sakhon Province (2013-2015). Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2016.

6

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                <text>The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 7 Trade goods in shipwrecks – sources, routes and markets,&#13;
including glass on the Maritime Silk Road because this paper is about the analysis of the archaeological evidenc&#13;
es, especially the flora remains from the Phanom Surin shipwreck site, Lower Central of Thailand. The 2013-20&#13;
15 and 2021 excavations at Phanom Surin Shipwreck at Phanthainorasing Sub-district in Samut Sakhon Provinc&#13;
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                    <text>The ceramic and porcelain collections on shipwreck in Vietnam Sea at History Museum
in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam): History, Preservation and Promotion.
MA. Nguyen Thi Huynh Nhu – History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City - Vietnam

ABSTRACT
In Vietnam, underwater cultural heritage is a new field developed in the late twenty century until now. Interest in
this field began with the discovery of shipwrecks in Vietnamese waters in the 1990s. Through international
cooperation as well as the support of modern equipment, Vietnam has approached and explored ancient
shipwrecks in Hòn Dầm (Phu Quoc), Hòn Cau (Con Dao), Cà Mau, Cù lao Chàm (Quang Nam), and in recent
years, the ancient shipwrecks Chau Thuan Bien in Quang Ngai. From 1993 to 2000, The History Museum in Ho
Chi Minh City received more than 7000 artifacts from these shipwrecks assigned from the Ministry of Culture
and Sports of Vietnam. Most of these archaeological materials are Chinese ceramics dating from the Ming to Qing
Dynasties, some Thai ceramics such as Sawankhalok ceramics, Sukhothai ceramics, and Vietnamese Chu Dau
ceramics dating from the 15th century. In this paper, we would like to give a brief introduction to these collections,
preservation and promotion agenda alongside the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city. Accordingly, the article
will include three parts: the first is an overview of the historical museum and underwater heritage collections
which include the number and types of artifacts. In the second part, we will present about our museum’s actual
preservation and exhibition covering the difficulties and limitations that we are facing. In the discussion part, we
will present possible ideas about cooperation on exhibition, communication and conservation of the UCH
collection in our museum case.
Keywords: Cu Lao Cham ceramic, Chu Dau ceramics, History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnamese
shipwrecks
Table of Figures and Tables
Figure 1. Cu Lao Cham collection in The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city
Figure 2. Some objects of Ca Mau shipwreck collection in the Museum
Figure 3. Some of objects of Hòn Cau shipwreck collection in the Museum
Figure 4. Hòn Dầm shipwreck ceramics found in in the Museum: Sawankhalok (left), Sukhothai (right)
Figure 5. Cu Lao Cham storage view; Checking and detecting the damaged objects by salt intrusion; Treatment
Figure 6. Market exhibiting thematic "Trading ceramics on the East Sea trade route" at History Museum in 2022
Table 1. Distribution chart of UCH collection kept at History Museum.
Table 2. Cu Lao Cham collection detail

Part 1: MUSEUM BACKGROUND WITH UNDERWATER CULTUAL HERITAGE
The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City is a large museum and has a long history of development in
South Vietnam. Located in the heart of the city, the Museum is a popular destination for both domestic
and international visitors. The exhibition content includes two main parts: Part one introduces
Vietnamese culture and history from the Primitive period to 1945 CE. Part two introduces some typical
ancient cultures in Southeast Asia such as Oc Eo culture and Champa culture. In addition, there are a
number of galleries on Asian arts such as Buddhist statues,ceramics, and stone sculpture.
The first milestone was that the museum had access to the UCH artifacts in 1993. The museum received
a group of 97 excavated artifacts at Hon Cau. In 1994, the museum continued to receive 49 artifacts
which had been excavated at Hon Dam. In 1995, the Museum received 229 artifacts from Hon Cau.
Those were the early milestones of the museum's work on accessing the UCH from shipwrecks. In 2000,
the museum received 4366 artifacts which were excavated in Cu Lao Cham shipwrecks. This was the
biggest UCH collection that the museum had before. Since then, the History Museum has had a colorful
UCH collection with the number of about 7000 artifacts; mainly were Vietnamese, Chinese and Thai
ceramics.
1

�About UCH collections
The history of underwater archeology in Vietnam began in the late twentieth century. Up to now, after
30 years, there were six shipwrecks that have been officially discovered and excavated in Vietnam: Hon
Cau, Hon Dam, Cu Lao Cham, Ca Mau, Binh Thuan and Binh Chau. In addition, as there are more
newly discovered underwater archaeological sites, agencies and organizations also conduct small-scale
salvage excavation.
The History Museum in HCM city is one of the major museums in Vietnam, the museum was honored
to receive nearly 7000 artifacts which were of good quality, some of them also were rare objects from
shipwrecks. They were displayed and exhibited in various museums in the country and abroad. The
most typical collection is Chu Dau export ceramics that was found in Cu Lao Cham shipwrecks.
Table 1. Distribution chart of UCH collection at History Museum.
Display number of objects in collection and percentage of total.

Cu Lao Cham shipwreck collection
Kien Giang
217 / 3%

Binh Thuan
116 / 2%

Vung Tau
418 / 6%

Ca Mau
1414 / 20%
Cu Lao Cham
4757 / 69%

Cu Lao Cham

Ca Mau

Kien Giang

Binh Thuan

Vung Tau

The shipwreck was found at a depth of 70 metres below the sea surface, coordinates at N16o16'08"
latitude and E108o27'00" longitude, in Cu Lao Cham area. The excavation was conducted under the
cooperation of the archaeologists from the Vietnam History Museum-Hanoi, Vietnam Salvage Joint
Stock Company (Visal), and Saga Horizon Company (Malaysia); the project has also brought together
archaeologists from the United Kingdom, Malaysia and Slovakia. The project was carried out in three
years, from 1997-2000. 240,0001 ceramic items were recovered from the wreck. Those items came from
Vietnam, Thailand, and Chinese. The date of the shipwreck has been debated. Vietnamese researcher
believe the vessel dated from the mid-to late-fifteenth century during the Le dynasty while some other
researcher suggested of late fifteenth to early sixteenth century date (Butterfields 2000, 107; Guy 2000,
125-128)
There were five museums designated by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism to receive, manage
and display: The Hanoi National Museum, The History Museum in HCM city, Vietnam Fine Arts
Museum, Hai Duong Museum and Quang Nam Museum was assigned 4366 artifacts on 24 March 2000.
In addition, from 2000 up to now, the museum has added 385 objects from various sources, bringing

1

Organization of excavations of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham (2000), Excavating the Cu Lao Cham
shipwreck (1997 – 1999), New discoveries in archeology in 2000 in Vietnam, page 549
2

�the total number to 4751 objects. Collection content mainly daily ceramics such as dishes, bowl, ewer,
cup; some of them are religious objects.

Figure 1. Cu Lao Cham collection in The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city
Table 2. Cu Lao Cham collection detail

Name

Amount

Brief introduction

Dishes

368

They have many different sizes, from 25 to 48cm in diameter. Mostly blue drawing of
flowers, animals and landscapes. A few were drawn colorfully, combined gold inlaid
on the decoration.

Bowl

1731

This was a large number, different sizes from 7cm to 15cm in diameter. Decorative
patterns are mainly painted in blue on the outer wall and bottom with floral and animal
themes, a few are smooth.

Container

1501

The containers include kettles, vases, jars which used in daily life; some used in religion
such as vial of vial, kendi. In the group, jars in spherical shaped painted with flowers
or plain decorating accounted for a large number of 1376 artifacts. Especially, there
were some vases shaped like animals such as birds, fish, turtles, monkeys, toads.

Small
boxes

1146

They have spherical shaped, an average diameter of 5cm to 8cm and were shaped like
a mangosteen fruit, or petal-shaped, flattened sphere. Decorative patterns are mainly
blue drawings of flowers, animals, and human landscapes.

Others

05

There are some blocks of dent and chip plates and cups that were stuck together due to
fire in shipwreck.

These ceramic artifacts reflect the development of export ceramics with rich glaze colors, designs and
patterns; creating a distinct tradition of Vietnamese ceramics. This was a spectacularly demonstration
that Vietnamese ceramics was participation in asian international trade in the fifteen and early sixteen
century (John Guy 2005, 107).
Cà Mau shipwreck collection
A shipwreck was found in the sea of Cà Mau province, coordinates at N7o41'12'' latitude and
E105o29'18'' longitude. The excavation were carried out from August 1998 to October 1999. Nearly
1130,000 items recovered were ceramics, including blue-and-white or multi-colored glaze, possibly
from Chinese pottery such as Jingdezhen (Jiangxi) and Guangzhou (Nguyen Dinh Chien 2005, 359).
Notably, there were some European-style porcelains such as milk bottles, wine jugs with handles, plates

3

�decorated with flowers and a Dutch landscape. Inscriptions on some objects suggest that they were
probably made under the Yongzheng reign (Chinese character: ‘雍正’), Qing Dynasty (1723-1735).
On 25 June 2002, the Museum received 1051 artifacts from the Ba Ria - Vung Tau Museum. From
2002 up to now, this collection has added 363 artifacts from the following sources: the customs police
transferred and the museum collected, bringing the total number of collections to 1,414 objects.

Figure 2. Some objects of Ca Mau shipwreck collection in the Museum

These objects were used in daily life: 1333 artifacts including cups, bowls, plates, kettles, dishes, ewers.
Decorative patterns are mainly Chinese traditional arts such as flower, landscapes. Group of flat round
chalk boxes painted with stylized flowers and leaves: 54 artifacts. Sevaral statues: human shaped, horseriding mandarins shaped, toad shaped: 25 artifacts.
Hòn Cau shipwreck collection
The Hon Cau shipwreck was located under 40 meters of water, and was submerged in the sand layer
from 0.6m to 1m, about 15km from Hon Cau island. The shipwreck was excavated in 1990 - 1991,
obtained 63,856 artifacts including: 28,556 ceramics, 34,710 porcelains, 70 stonewares, 448 bronzes,
18 wooden objects, 25 other material artifacts and 39 specimens (Nguyen Quoc Hung 2005, 293).
On 23 January 1995, the Museum received 229 artifacts which were delivered by Ba Ria - Vung Tau.
Before that, in 1993, the Museum had received 97 objects of this collection from the Fine Arts Museum.
In addition, the Museum also collects more objects from different sources, so far this collection now
has 418 artifacts.
The main of collection are traditional Chinese ceramics and Chinese ceramics according to European
orders. The dating were in Kangxi Emperor (Chinese character: ‘康熙’), Qing Dynasty (1654-1722).
Traditional Chinese motifs such as chrysanthemums, orchids, peonies, and landscapes are arranged in
diagonal, vertical or subdivision strips. European-style themes are the way of drawing flowers and
leaves with criss-cross lines, checkered, a type of decoration on 18th century European fabric and silk
(Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2008, 25-27).

4

�Figure 3. Some of objects of Hòn Cau shipwreck collection in the Museum.

Most of the artifacts were chipped because the ceramic was thin and light, so they are easy to be
damaged and impacted by external forces. A few were in fairly intact condition with little intrusion of
sea salt.
Hòn Dầm (Kien Giang) shipwreck collection
The shipwreck was found at a depth of ten metres below the sea surface, five kilometres far from the
shore of Dầm Island (Hòn Dầm in Vietnamese) in Kiên Giang province; coordinates at N9o59'00'
latitude and E104o02'00' longitude. More than 16,000 ceramics have been found, mostly celadon and
brown glaze, such as Sawankhalok ceramics and Sukhothai ceramics dating back to the fifteen century.

Figure 4. Hòn Dầm shipwreck ceramics: Sawankhalok (left), Sukhothai (right).

Some reflect the Vietnamese blue-and-white styles such as boxes, kendi, lidded jars painted blue
flowers on white enamel. Some other large celadon bowls reflect the style of the Southern Song dynasty
(南宋 1127–1279) in South China.
This collection is not as large and rich as the above collections, with only 217 artifacts, but it is also
possible to review a full representation of the types which were excavated in Hòn Dầm shipwreck.

5

�Part 2: PRESERVATION AND PROMOTION
Preservation: Since 1993, when the first excavated artifacts from the shipwreck was carried out, the
museum has made efforts in classifying, inventorying and building storage areas for these special
collections. In particular, the Cu Lao Cham collection is the largest collection: we have built a
distinguished storage which separates the excavated artifacts from other collections. The artifacts are
classified by period and type for better management.

Figure 5. Cu Lao Cham storage view (top), Checking and detecting the damaged objects by salt intrusion (middle),
Treatment method (bottom)

However, due to the limited staff of experts in underwater archeology, lack of knowledge in
preservation about UCH objects, the museum preservation work faces certain difficulties. Currently,
we have only one person for the management of this collection which also makes us haven’t done well
in taking care of the collection, some damaged artifacts haven’t been detected and treated in time.
In training: Every year in Vietnam, museum staff are allowed to participate in many training courses
on preserving objects which are organized by the Department of Heritage as well as international
organizations such as ICCROM. They gave us the knowledge of basic preservation on various materials
such as wooden, bronze, stone, textile, ceramic. But the limitation of foreign languages was a barrier
that prevented us from accessing cooperation and training projects of foreign experts/organizations.
6

�Technically equipment condition: Artifacts are managed and kept by a wooden cabinets and shelves
system and don’t have specialized equipment for preservation attached. The management and care of
artifacts is done mainly by manual methods.
Preservation treatment: Because this is a specific type of excavated artifacts, of which they were soaked
in sea for a long time, so a huge amount of salt has been accumulated in the ceramic core. The
management by manual methods couldn’t control the damaged artifacts. Every year, the museum’s
preservation team regularly treats this problem by soaking these damaged objects in fresh water and
exchanging water many times until the salt inside object amounts gets low. Each batch, we perform an
average immersion of about 100 artifacts for a period of about three months with many water changes.
The preservation team has treated heavy damaged artifacts by desalination methods in fresh water. For
the remaining ones, we managed by regular checking without technical equipment supporting. We
realized that we still didn't have a good way to preserve and developed a roadmap for the sustainable
preservation of this UCH collection.
Promotion
From 1993 to 2000, the Museums were assigned to manage the collections and built a plan to display
this collection to people. The museum also has carried out many exhibitions and displayed at the
Museum. In addition, the Museum also performs well in coordinating exhibitions at many other
museums in the country and abroad.
Exhibition in Vietnam: At beginning, the Museum mainly carried out thematic introduction of artifacts
from shipwrecks in Vietnam Sea. The exhibition attracted the attention of the people in the city. In the
following years, the Museum collaborated with other museums such as Hue Royal Museum, Khanh
Hoa Museum to display on the sea festivals occasion. This was a good occasion for UCH artifacts to be
widely introduced to the public and international visitors.
In recent years, with strong development of various digital initiatives, access to information on
underwater archeology has helped the Museum update its display methods and build the story in
exhibition. The display content have not only introduced objects in UCH collection, but has more
scientific research to outline the itinerary, location of the ship, and the role of Vietnamese sea in
international trade.

Figure 6. Market exhibiting thematic "Trading ceramics on the East Sea trade route" at History Museum in 2022

Abroad exhibition: Cu Lao Cham shipwreck ceramics collection is not only a large underwater heritage
collection of the Museum, it’s also a Vietnamese particularly famous export ceramic in the fifteen
century. In 2009, its ceramics were displayed at the Houston Fine Arts Museum - USA with the theme
"Arts of Ancient Vietnam" (Nancy Tingley 2009, 292-298). In 2010, some of them were displayed in
Busan - Korea with the theme "Vietnam from the Hong River to the Mekong" on the occasion of the
7

�fifteen anniversary of the twinning between the two cities of Busan and Ho Chi Minh. (Busan Museum
2010).
Part 3: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Since the Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage was established in 2001 by
UNESCO. Many coastal countries that owned UCH have developed the Protection of Underwater
Cultural and education programs. Some countries in Asia have been doing well, they are Korea,
Thailand, Philippines, Singapore. In Vietnam, with 30 years history, the field of underwater archeology
was still in the formative stage and had a lot of difficulties. Currently, there is only an underwater
archeology institution with some staff and has difficulties in operating funding which compared to the
rich marine resources and the underwater cultural heritage. Research articles on underwater archeology
are still modest compared to other research contents on culture and history. Every year, the Vietnam
Archeology Institute publishes new archaeological discoveries, the number of articles about UCH
accounts is small. Statistics are as follows: in 2018 there were 11/322 articles, in 2019 there were 11/360
articles, in 2020 there were 15/339 articles, in 2021 there were 18/349 articles2.
In our museum case, as presented in part two, we realize that our efforts have not been able to preserve
and promote the UCH collection well. In preservation, our difficulties are lack of knowledge,
experience, facilities, and funding for management UCH collection. In the exhibition and promotion,
the total number of UCH artifacts displayed on the museum's exhibition system is small, about 250
artifacts, accounting for 3.6 percent of the Museum UCH collection. Although we have made great
efforts to communicate about UCH, we have found that public awareness of underwater heritage is still
limited. For changing, there should be synchronous policies and programs from the government,
education system and research agencies.
Underwater cultural heritage is not only the property of the countries that own it, but has become a
world heritage. Measures, policies, and the very implementation of maritime cultural heritage policies
need to align with the overall global developments and not just Vietnamese, but scholars from any AsiaPacific regions, must work together with regional partners who might share similar challenges.
Therefore, we realized that positive value from international programs to protect underwater heritage
and these activities need to be continued on a more national scale. It's necessary in building awareness
of underwater heritage for countries. In our museum case, we think that we were late to access
international programs on UCH, we have missed several opportunities to absorb knowledge and
experience from many countries around the world. We also found that the collaborations abroad
exhibiting underwater heritage was a good and meaningful activity in disseminating heritage outside
the country which we have previously collaborated with Busan Museum and Houston Fine Arts
Museum. Our collection is quite large and we are ready for exhibitions not only abroad but also in the
country.

2

Institute of Archaeology, Conference to Announce New Findings on Archeology (2018 – 2021), Ha Nọi
8

�Bibliography
Organization of excavations of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham (2000), Excavating the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck (1997
– 1999), New discoveries in archeology in 2000 in Vietnam.
Busan Museum, Vietnam from the Hong River to the Mekong, Special Exhibition celebrating the 15th anniversary of sister-city
affiliation between Busan &amp; Ho Chi Minh City, Busan, 2010.
Butterfields, Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard. Important Vietnamese ceramics from a Late 15th early 16th century cargo,
Auction Catalogue, Vol 1 &amp; 2, 2000.
Guy, John. The Hoi an (Cu Lao Cham) Shipwreck cargo and Asian ceramics trade, in Proceedings of the International
Conference: Chinese Export Ceramics and Maritime Trade, 12 th-15th centuries, Chief Editor: Pei-kai Cheng, Editors Guo LiChui Ki Wan, Zhonghua Shu Ju, Xianggang, 2005.
Guy, John, Vietnamese ceramics from the Hoi an Excavation: The Cu Lao Cham ship cargo”, Orientation, 2000.
Tingley, Nancy. Arts of Ancient Viet Nam from River plain to open sea, Asia Society the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 2009.
Nguyễn Đình Chiến, “Archaeological excavation of the Ca Mau shipwreck”, in A century of Vietnamese archeology, part 2,
Ha Noi, 2005.
Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc, Ceramics in five shipwreck, The National museum in Ha Noi, Ha Noi, 2008
Nguyễn Quốc Hùng, “More than a decade of underwater archeology excavations in Vietnam”, in A century of Vietnamese
archeology, part 2, Ha Noi, 2005.

9

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                <text>In Vietnam, underwater cultural heritage is a new field developed in the late twenty century until now. Interest in&#13;
this field began with the discovery of shipwrecks in Vietnamese waters in the 1990s. Through international&#13;
cooperation as well as the support of modern equipment, Vietnam has approached and explored ancient&#13;
shipwrecks in Hòn Dầm (Phu Quoc), Hòn Cau (Con Dao), Cà Mau, Cù lao Chàm (Quang Nam), and in recent&#13;
years, the ancient shipwrecks Chau Thuan Bien in Quang Ngai. From 1993 to 2000, The History Museum in Ho&#13;
Chi Minh City received more than 7000 artifacts from these shipwrecks assigned from the Ministry of Culture&#13;
and Sports of Vietnam. Most of these archaeological materials are Chinese ceramics dating from the Ming to Qing&#13;
Dynasties, some Thai ceramics such as Sawankhalok ceramics, Sukhothai ceramics, and Vietnamese Chu Dau&#13;
ceramics dating from the 15th century. In this paper, we would like to give a brief introduction to these collections,&#13;
preservation and promotion agenda alongside the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city. Accordingly, the article&#13;
will include three parts: the first is an overview of the historical museum and underwater heritage collections&#13;
which include the number and types of artifacts. In the second part, we will present about our museum’s actual&#13;
preservation and exhibition covering the difficulties and limitations that we are facing. In the discussion part, we&#13;
will present possible ideas about cooperation on exhibition, communication and conservation of the UCH&#13;
collection in our museum case. </text>
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                <text>Thi Huynh Nhu, Nguyen . 2023. “The ceramic and porcelain collections on shipwreck in Vietnam sea at History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam): History, Preservation and Promotion.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1984 </text>
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                    <text>Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan
ship
JINWOOK JO
Curator, Cultural Heritage Administration
ABSTRACT
In this paper, the archaeological materials salvaged from the Shinan shipwreck, a fourteenth century Chinese
mercantile ship that sank near Shinan islands of South Korea, will be analyzed through correlating the materials
found on the Shinan ship to the ancient export routes and manufacturing place of origins. In particular, the
locations of which the ship was found, as well as the potential trade routes it undertook, will be studied alongside
the items related to the export practices on the Shinan ship. The paper will start by referencing present recordings
related to the export location of Shinan archaeological relics recorded in various ways over the past 10 years,
such as the Shinan ship excavation report and the site drawings and catalogues of excavated archaeological
items. After aligning the reports, excavated items with relevant historical facts, the paper will proceed to the
analysis of the structure of the ship, of which the hull will be studied through three divided areas, spanning
through the structure of the hull and to the wooden log. Based on these standards, the paper argues that the
export points (i.e. locations of exporting of which the Sinan ship had passed by) can be studied by correlating the
quantity of various excavated materials found that are manufactured in those regions. The paper will also explore
the correlation between the results of such alignment and focus specifically on the export status and shipping
practices by analyzing the status of the wooden logs.
In terms of the overview of the Shinan ship area and its salvaged items, it is noted that many ceramic
relics were lifted from the site area in large quantities in all areas of the Sinan islands. Most salvaged artifacts
were mainly found in the center and stern of the hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were
being stored within brown glazed ware and earthenware. Meanwhile, many coins (A.D. 1~A.D. 14) and metal
tablets were found in the stern.
The paper recognized the above artifacts and is going to match these finds with the condition of the
wooden logs. For instance, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa (강사)' and 'Dongboksa (동복사)'
wooden logs were found in the stern. In the center of the hull, only the shipper's wooden log, which is generally
believed to have shipped small cargo, was found. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly
shipped coins and medicinal materials that were often stored at the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly
shipped ceramics and coins, of which the items were found at the center of the hull.
The paper will also mention that the trading export practice involved on the Shinan ship cargo would
have consisted of a person (captain and agent for shippers) on board at the Shinan ship, and a number of
investors who requested the purchase spaces offered in the cargo. The passengers would have been in charge of
purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In addition, unlike Japan, which
consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have
been in charge of the purchase and transportation of products by a single subject called Gangsa. Therefore, it
seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take charge of navigation, but actively
participated in international trade with Kamakura.
Keywords: Agent trade, Shinan ship, Underwater archaeology, Gangsa, trade
List of Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Excavation areas by hull section of Shinan ship
Table 2. The status of the lifting of ceramics in each area
Table 3. Comparison of the current status of the lifting of ceramics in each area and the lifting of ceramics in
cargo compartment V
Table 4. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Table 5. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Table 6. Names and quantities of wooden logs found in the stern
Table 7. Contents and quantity of wooden logs found in the front.
Figure 1. Shinan ship hull sectional map
Figure 2. Major type of brown glazed pottery – large arcs
Figure 3. Major type of earthenware - four-eared arcs
Figure 4. Drawing of water tank of Shinan ship

1

�Ⅰ. INTRODUCTION
After the excavation of the Shinan ship, research conducted on the excavated materials has enabled us
to understand more about the shipping information of the ship. These information include departure
sites, shippers, shipping destinations and related trade points. However, the archaeological review of
the excavation itself remains incomplete. The main factor is that the excavation took place over a
decade and the results were not organized in a single form.
To continue with a more holistic approach to the infrastructure which supports trading activities via the
Shinan ship, the excavation location and quantity of Shinan ship's artifacts by location were
archaeologically reviewed. First, the excavated location of artifacts recorded in various ways over the
past 10 years. The records and drawings were integrated. After that, the hull was divided into three
areas through the structure of the hull and the wooden log. By area, the export points and quantity of
various relics were reviewed. Finally, the correlation between the results and the export status of
wooden logs was analyzed.
Ⅱ. REVIEW OF LOCATION OF THE SHINAN SHIP RELICS AND THE SECTION OF THE
EXCAVATION
1. Marking the location of Shinan ship 's artifacts and reviewing the remains drawings
The Shinan ship was excavated 12 times (including two confirmation surveys). A total of 22,040
artifacts were lifted, excluding coins, jagdan wood, and hull pieces that were difficult to accurately
identify1. The quantity of artifacts raised varies from report to report depending on the criteria. The
excavation was carried out by installing grids and lifting relics by grid. After some excavation, the grid
was demolished, and the hull under the grid was lifted.
Due to differences in the environment, the excavation of the Shinan ship used a method close to the Pit
method instead of horizontally and almost uniformly removing the entire remains little by little like
land excavation. The soil layer in a specific grid is removed until the hull is confirmed, and then the
next section is excavated. Afterwards, if the hull is confirmed, the soil layer is removed to the floor for
each cargo compartment, and then the exposed hull is lifted. Finally, the area under and around the hull
was searched.
Through this process, two problems occurred as the excavation progressed. The location of the relics
was not recorded with one unified standard. In addition, no drawings have been made that combine all
excavation areas into one.
So the problem of the legend was organized by taking only what can be confirmed and discarding the
rest, and based on this, the location of the export of relics was organized.
Excavation drawings also need to be supplemented. Until now, excavation drawings of Shinan ships
have been drawn without the port side (left side). In addition, as 12 excavations were carried out over
the past 10 years, not only the inside of the remaining hull and grid but also various external areas
were excavated. However, there are no drawings that incorporate them. Therefore, it is necessary to
integrate these external excavation areas into one drawing.
Considering these points, an integrated excavation drawing was prepared, including the restoration of
the hull of the Shinan ship.

1

The quantity of artifacts raised varies within the report according to the criteria.

2

�2. Hull structure and compartment through wooden table
There are various variables in the excavation of the Shinan ship, such as overlapping sections between
survey areas for each excavation or changing the reference point as the grid was removed during the
excavation. Therefore, it was virtually impossible to organize artifacts from all excavations based on
small areas such as grids and cargo bay numbers. Therefore, it is necessary to group the area where
relics are raised in the following drawings into several large areas. In general, the same criteria were
applied because the ship was divided into the front, stern, and midship of the ship.
The front can be easily partitioned. At the beginning of the excavation of the Shinan ship, it was
known that a total of nine bulkheads were inserted into the hull, and there were 10 cargo
compartments. However, during the excavation and restoration process, the two bulkheads on the
player's side were found to be meandering ribs. Therefore, all cargo compartments, including two
meandering ribs, can be divided into one cargo compartment.
The most suitable criterion for dividing the rest of the area is the wooden log, the waybill of the cargo.
In particular, almost all of the wooden logs found are found in the lower cargo compartment of the
hull, so the location of the lifting can be accurately checked.
There is a distinct tendency of wooden logs with the names of major cargo owners, such as as Gangsa
(강사) and Dongboksa (동복사) temple, were found concentrated in cargo compartments II to IV. In
addition to the two names, a considerable number of wooden tablets with various shippers' names were
also found. No wooden logs were identified in the I and V districts. In addition, wooden logs with
various shippers were found little by little in the section from Ⅵ to Ⅶ. Few wooden logs were found
in the Ⅹ~Ⅷ area. According to this trend, the areas I to IV and the area behind it correspond to the
stern.  The V-Ⅶ area is the center, and the Ⅷ-Ⅹ area and the area in front of it correspond to the front.
The quantity of artifacts lifted was collected for each divided area.
The problem is that even if divided by these criteria, there are grids and excavation areas that span
between each zone. However, the hull of the Shinan ship is tilted toward the front. The grid with more
areas overlapping the front side cargo compartment was included as the front area. Conversely, the
grid where more areas overlap in the cargo compartment on the stern side was included as the rear
area. The results are shown in Table 1 below.
Table 1. Excavation areas by hull section of Shinan ship
Front

Midship

Grid

D2, D3, E1, E2, E3, E5, E6,
F·G·H, F6S

D1, D4, D5, D6, E4, N, N1, N2,
N3, N6, A·B·C전부

N4, 5, M·O·P·Q·R

Cargo
compartmen
t

Ⅷ~Ⅹ, SⅧ外, SⅧ-Ⅸ 左外,
SⅨ, SⅩ, SⅨ-Ⅹ 左外, SⅩ外, A/L Ⅷ, A/L Ⅸ, A/L Ⅹ

Ⅴ~Ⅶ, SⅥ, A/LⅤ, A/L Ⅵ,
A/L Ⅶ

Ⅰ~Ⅳ

5D, 6-1H, 7G, 8E, F外, FX

4B, PNS, 9A, A外, B外, D外,
N外

MS, M6S, 10.0, 10, 1Q, 1-1Q,
2R, 3P, RZ, RZ外, O外, P外, Q
外, R3外, R6外, R外, M外

the outside
of the hull

Stern

According to these criteria, Table 2 above summarizes the overlapping sections on the drawing. Figure 1 summarizes the
results classified so far.

3

�Figure 1. Shinan ship hull sectional map

4

�III. REVIEW OF THE QUANTITY OF ARTIFACTS TO BE LIFTED IN EACH AREA
1.

Ceramics

The quantity raised by front/midship/stern was organized by type of relics. The amount of ceramic
produced among the relics is shown in Table 2 below. A total of 13,484 ceramics could be classified,
except that they were treated as unknown and that the location of the export could not be clarified.
Kind

Table 2. The status of the lifting of ceramics in each area
Front
Midship

Stern

Celadon

4052

1343

2663

Bluewhite porcelain

354

751

637

White porcelain

463

724

971

Black glazed pottery

198

21

42

Brown glazed
pottery

695

180

104

4

9

6

Homogeneous
glazed pottery

23

65

25

White glazed
pottery

-

-

4

Chen-mok

Earthenware

105

36

7

Setonai Plum Bottle

-

-

2

Total

5,894

3,129

4,461

The fact that many brown glazed pottery ware and earthenware, not other types, are exported from the
front is thought to suggest other possibilities, not loss. This can also be confirmed through the types of
brown glazed pottery and earthenware shipped on Shinan ships. Most of the brown glazed pottery
found are small arcs and large arcs. Most of the earthenware is large and medium-sized big four-eared
arcs. Generally, this type is used as a storage container for food. Therefore, it can be said that the upper
part of the front cargo compartment of the Shinan ship is a container that stores food on board or food
to be used for trade, and it can be said that brown glazed pottery and earthenware were mainly
shipped.

Figure 2. Brown glazed pottery – large arcs (left, center); Earthenware - four-eared arcs (right)

However, brown glazed pottery and earthenware were also found in the stern or the midship of the
hull. Therefore, I tried to distinguish where the food to be used in the voyage and the food for sale
were loaded on the hull, respectively. A large water tank was identified in Shinan ship cargo

5

�compartment V. Water is essential to cook food. Therefore, there must have been a cooking facility in
or near the cargo compartment V where the water tank was identified.
To confirm this, the quantity of relics exported from cargo compartment V was separately organized.
The sections that clearly correspond to cargo compartment V are as follows. A4, 5, 6, B4, M1, N2, 3,
6, N外, V, SV, A/L V. Table 3 below summarizes the quantity of ceramics raised in the above area and
those in other areas.
Table 3. Comparison of the current status of the lifting of ceramics in each area and
the lifting of ceramics in cargo compartment V
Kind

Front

Midship

Stern

Cargo compartment
V

Celadon

4052

1343

2663

571

Blue- white
porcelain

354

751

637

53

White porcelain

463

724

971

397

Black glazed
pottery

198

21

42

15

Brown glazed
pottery

695

180

104

105

Chen-mok

4

9

6

9

Homogeneous
glazed system

23

65

25

45

White glazed
pottery

-

-

4

-

Earthenware

105

36

7

13

Setonai Plum
Bottle

-

-

2

-

Total

5,894

3,129

4,461

1,208

In cargo compartment V, brown glazed pottery, homogeneous glazed system, and white porcelain were
found about half of the total amount of water discharged in the midship, and about 1/3 of the
earthenware was found. Therefore, it is believed that cargo compartment V contained some cargo and
food storage containers, and water tanks were installed on the left and right sides.
Water tank was installed left and right in the center of cargo compartment V.2 In fact, only the pedestal,
bottom plate, and part of the lower wall were lifted.

2

In fact, it was found only on the starboard side, but it is presumed that it was installed on both the left and the starboard side
because it was not balanced when installed on only one side, causing problems with resilience.

6

�Figure 4. Drawing of water tank of Shinan ship.

Since no trace of attaching a device such as a faucet to the bottom of the lifted water tank has been
identified, it seems that water was taken from the deck by drawing water from the well for now. If so,
it is highly likely that the cooking facility was also cooked in a structure separately installed on the
central deck above cargo compartment V. Therefore, some of the groceries would have been stored in
cooking facilities.
However, it is unlikely that all the groceries were stored on board. Given the size of the Shinan ship,
the amount and volume must have been significant because at least 50 people3 need food for about a
month4. Therefore, a considerable amount of groceries would have been stored in the cargo
compartment below the deck.
However, it is difficult to move between cargo compartments on the Shinan ship because the cargo
compartment is divided into partition walls. Therefore, sailors must open the deck above the bulkhead
and enter the cargo hold. Therefore, if the cooking facility was installed directly above the water tank,
food would also be stored in cargo compartment V.
3

Although the number of people on board varies from literature to scholar, it generally appears to be between 50 and 200,
and the minimum number of 50 people was selected to increase reliability.
4

When Seo Geung sailed to Goryeo, it took more than two weeks, departing on May 26 and arriving on June 12 by a
tailwind, and it took more than 40 days to return home. Therefore, it is believed that the Shinan ship prepared at least a
month's worth of food.

7

�Therefore, it is estimated that the fact that much more brown glazed pottery and earthenware are found
in the front than in the cargo compartment V where cooking facilities would have been installed means
that the items shipped to the front are likely to have been shipped as containers storing groceries for
trade.
2. Quantity of lifting of wooden logs by area
A large number of wooden logs were found on the Shinan ship, and the main records were the
shipper's name, date, type of cargo, and quantity. First, the lifting volume of wooden logs by hull area
was organized according to the shipper's name, and the types and quantities of cargo recorded in
wooden logs were compared with the situation of lifting relics by area.
As shown in &lt;Table 4&gt; below, the wooden logs of the lifting volume for each shipper's name was
divided into four stages: extra large, large, medium, and small. This is because the amount of lifting of
wooden logs varies significantly by shipper, 綱司(Gangsa), 東福寺(Dongboksa), 一田早米(Icida
Sayame), 八郞(Hachiro), 菊一(Kikuichi), and other shippers.
Volume

Table 4. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Classification criteria (quantities)
Names in wooden logs

extra large

More than 100

綱司私

large

More than 30

東福寺

medium

More than 10

一田早米, 八郞, 菊一

small

Less than 10

others

Table 5 below summarizes the quantity of wooden logs exported from the front/midship/stern by the
size of the shipper.
Volume

Table 5. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Stern
Midship

extra large

1

-

Front
1

large

1

-

-

medium

3

1

1

small

23

5

-

Among them, only the 綱司 and 菊一 wooden logs were found in two regions, stern and front.
However, the amount of lifting varies greatly by area. 綱司 wooden logs were found 106 in the stern
and only 4 in the front. 10 菊一 wooden logs were found in the stern and only one in the front. In the
center of the hull, only wooden logs, which correspond to five small shippers and one medium shipper,
were found.
This seems to mean the fact that the front, stern, and midship of the hull are separate loading spaces. In
particular, the stern and the center are clearly distinguished by the structure of the hull. The cargo
compartment on the stern side is connected to the cabin, and there are relatively few crew members
entering and leaving during the voyage. On the other hand, the central cargo compartment of the hull
is frequently accessed by sailors while sailing, and access is easy. Therefore, the cargo of the shipper
with relatively low status or low capital would have been shipped in the center of the hull.
Second, Table 6 summarizes the types of cargo among wooden logs lifted from the stern.5 Most of the
remaining wooden books not listed in the table had only the date recorded, and some of the others
were damaged or could not be checked.

5

What was found between Ⅷ and Ⅶ was incorporated into the stern because the Shinan ship sank while tilted to front

8

�Name on wooden log

Table 6. Names and quantities of wooden logs found in the stern
contents
volume

綱司私

七十三包六百內

45

綱司私

七十三包內

1

綱司私

二包內(行妙?)

1

綱司私

藥五種八十

1

東福寺

十貫公用

32

東福寺

大錢六貫

1

東福寺公物

大錢五貫

6

釣寂庵

十二文

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

陳皮五十五斤

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

大錢捌貫文(釣寂庵??)

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

~貫文??

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

十二貫子

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

大捌貫文

1

一田早米

十貫

6

一田早米

大錢

2

一田早米

大錢五貫文

1

一田早米

大錢六貫文

4

一本

八貫五百?

1

八郞

大錢

2

とう二郞

大錢

2

松 菊得

十二貫

4

松 菊得

五貫十二貫文大錢

1

十貫文道阿於分

九十貫內

4

正悟

陳皮二十七斤

1

敎仙

十貫文

1

敎仙

十二貫文

1

敎仙

筥岐奉加십貫

1

(불명)勸進聖

筥岐奉加십貫

1

菊一(이하불명)

自分九百

2

妙行

十貫??

1

子哲

十一貫

1

得法

十貫文

1

福

四斗

11

(敎正??)

北米七斗

2

秀忍

十二貫文

1

敎仙

十貫文筥岐奉加錢

1

戒心

三斗

1

The names and quantity of wooden logs found in the front are shown in Table 7 below.
Table 7. Contents and quantity of wooden logs found in the front.
name
content

volume

綱司私

五月十一日

4

十貫菊一

?月?日

1

Except for one wooden log found in the front, all wooden logs that could identify the cargo were found
in the stern. In particular, no wooden log was found in the midship to identify cargo.

9

�It is quite meaningful that no coin-related wooden log was found in the center of the hull, where 6,783
kg, about 40% of the total coin volume, was found. In particular, considering that the coin is loaded
under the hull, which is not severely lost, not all wooden logs representing the shipper of the coin
would have been lost only in the center of the hull.
It is worth noting that none of the Gangsa's wooden logs indicates the possession of coins. The
contents of the cargo can be checked among the Gangsa's wooden logs, except for one ‘藥五種八十’
wooden log, all of which contain the letter "po (包)." In addition, only the date is recorded in the list of
Gangsa’s names. Therefore, the Gangsa would not have shipped any coins at all, or the entire coins
shipped in a particular cargo hold would have belonged to the Gangsa.
Of course, the coin loaded in the center of the hull may not belong to the Gangsa. It may be a public
cargo in the sense of corresponding to the Gangsa or Gangsa 'sa(means private)' However, most of the
wooden books with Dongboksa, which appear to be public cargo corresponding to the Gangsa6,
recorded the possession of coins. Therefore, the coin shipped in the center is thought to belong to the
Gangsa.
Of course, only the date recorded in the Gangsa's wooden logs may indicate the possession of the coin.
However, most of the wooden logs that are not those of the "Gangsa'' are written to imply that cargoes
such as "gwan (貫)" and "jeon (錢)" are coins. Therefore, it seems that the "Gangsa '' wooden log, in
which only the date is recorded, is intended to indicate that it is the shipper of separately packed cargo
such as wooden boxes, not coins. This is because if the "Gangsa '' wooden logs, which records only the
date, records the possession of the coin, there should be a word related to the coin as seen in other
wooden logs. Therefore, the coin in the center of the hull seems to belong to the "Gangsa''.
This also shows how the cargo shipped by the "Gangsa" was packaged and shipped. The list of
"Gangsa" can be divided into two categories: recording only the date and recording the contents such
as medicine and po (包). Among them, "medicine (藥)" appears to have been packaged in cloth,
boxes, or ceramics, "po (包)" is wrapped in cloth, and only the date recorded seems to have been
attached to the packaging in boxes or ceramics.
IV. CONCLUSION
As a result of classifying the status of the lifting of relics by the Shinan ship area, ceramic relics were
lifted in large quantities in all areas. Living artifacts were mainly found in the center and stern of the
hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were shipped to the front while being
stored in brown glazed ware and earthenware. On the other hand, many coins and metal tablets were
found in the stern.
In addition, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa' and 'Dongboksa' wooden logs were found
in the stern. Most of the wooden logs found in small quantities for each shipper were found in the
center of the hull. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly shipped coins and medicinal
materials to the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly shipped ceramics and coins to the center of the
hull.
It is unclear how many wooden logs have been lost, but it is possible to guess that at least thousands of
wooden logs have been lost. However, there are about 30 shippers who can be confirmed by letters or
symbols recorded on 320 wooden logs and several wooden boxes. However, it is estimated that more
than 40 times the number of wooden logs have been lost, even considering only the coins loaded on
the stern. Therefore, even considering the number of shippers of coins shipped to the stern, it is
6

All but one wooden book have a common character

10

�estimated that the number of shippers who shipped cargo to the Shinan ship far exceeds the maximum
number of people on board7, which is estimated to be about 200. It is therefore certain that the number
of shippers was much larger than the boarding capacity.
Therefore, the shipper of the Shinan ship cargo would have consisted of a person on board the Shinan
ship and a number of investors who requested the purchase of the cargo. The passengers would have
been in charge of purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In
addition, unlike Japan, which consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of
investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have been in charge of the purchase and transportation of
products by a single subject called Gangsa. It seems that the Gangsa 's economic power was that
strong, or that a nearly complete form of joint venture-agent trade was conducted, in which a large
number of investors invested only capital and allocated capital and profits if trade succeeded.
Alternatively, it may be in the form of receiving dividends in kind purchased from Japan after
investing capital.
Among the wooden logs of the Shinan ship, the most frequently found of the Gangsa 's wooden log
was probably due to the largest number of cargoes, but also to the fact that many of the Gangsa 's
cargo, including coins, were shipped at the bottom of the stern cargo compartment.
Therefore, it is certain that the Gangsa's cargo was shipped first and the cargo of another shipper was
shipped. This means that the Gangsa led the trade from the first stage carried out by the Shinan ship.
This is especially true because the amount of cargo shipped by the instructor is about 40% of the total
based on coins. Therefore, it seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take
charge of navigation, but actively participated in international trade with Kamakura.

BIBIOGRAPHY
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinanunder water relics”, Information Papers I, 1983
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinan under water relics”, Information Papers Ⅱ, 1984
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shina nunder water relics”, Information Papers Ⅲ, 1985
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinan under water relics”, a comprehensive article, 1988
National Institute of Marine Cultural Heritage , “Shinan ship”, 2006
Kim Byung-geun, “Study of East Asian Trade Relations by Underwater Archaeology”, Ph.D. thesis, Konkuk University
Graduate School, 2004.
Jo Jinwook, “The Model and Meaning of Trade of the Sinan Shipwreck: Through the Sinan Shipwreck’s Call in Goryeo and
Its Purpose”, Journal of Northeast Asian History 55, Northeast Asian History Foundation, 2017
Jo Jinwook, “Archeological study of antiquity from Shianan shipwreck”, Journal of Central Institute of Cultural Heritage 24,
Central Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2017
Qin da Shu, ‘Yuan Dynasty maritime trade and issues related to the Shinan ship’, “the 40th anniversary of the excavation of
-the Shinan ship wreck”, the National Museum of Korea and the National Museum of Korea, 2016.
Keith Muckelroy, 『Maritime Archaeology』, Cambridge University Press, 1979.

7

It varies from researcher to researcher, but scholars estimate that more than 200 people were on board.

11

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                <text>Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan ship</text>
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                <text>In this paper, the archaeological materials salvaged from the Shinan shipwreck, a fourteenth century Chinese&#13;
mercantile ship that sank near Shinan islands of South Korea, will be analyzed through correlating the materials&#13;
found on the Shinan ship to the ancient export routes and manufacturing place of origins. In particular, the&#13;
locations of which the ship was found, as well as the potential trade routes it undertook, will be studied alongside&#13;
the items related to the export practices on the Shinan ship. The paper will start by referencing present recordings&#13;
related to the export location of Shinan archaeological relics recorded in various ways over the past 10 years,&#13;
such as the Shinan ship excavation report and the site drawings and catalogues of excavated archaeological&#13;
items. After aligning the reports, excavated items with relevant historical facts, the paper will proceed to the&#13;
analysis of the structure of the ship, of which the hull will be studied through three divided areas, spanning&#13;
through the structure of the hull and to the wooden log. Based on these standards, the paper argues that the&#13;
export points (i.e. locations of exporting of which the Sinan ship had passed by) can be studied by correlating the&#13;
quantity of various excavated materials found that are manufactured in those regions. The paper will also explore&#13;
the correlation between the results of such alignment and focus specifically on the export status and shipping&#13;
practices by analyzing the status of the wooden logs.&#13;
In terms of the overview of the Shinan ship area and its salvaged items, it is noted that many ceramic&#13;
relics were lifted from the site area in large quantities in all areas of the Sinan islands. Most salvaged artifacts&#13;
were mainly found in the center and stern of the hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were&#13;
being stored within brown glazed ware and earthenware. Meanwhile, many coins (A.D. 1~A.D. 14) and metal&#13;
tablets were found in the stern.&#13;
The paper recognized the above artifacts and is going to match these finds with the condition of the&#13;
wooden logs. For instance, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa (강사)' and 'Dongboksa (동복사)'&#13;
wooden logs were found in the stern. In the center of the hull, only the shipper's wooden log, which is generally&#13;
believed to have shipped small cargo, was found. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly&#13;
shipped coins and medicinal materials that were often stored at the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly&#13;
shipped ceramics and coins, of which the items were found at the center of the hull.&#13;
The paper will also mention that the trading export practice involved on the Shinan ship cargo would&#13;
have consisted of a person (captain and agent for shippers) on board at the Shinan ship, and a number of&#13;
investors who requested the purchase spaces offered in the cargo. The passengers would have been in charge of&#13;
purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In addition, unlike Japan, which&#13;
consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have&#13;
been in charge of the purchase and transportation of products by a single subject called Gangsa. Therefore, it&#13;
seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take charge of navigation, but actively&#13;
participated in international trade with Kamakura.&#13;
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                <text>Jinwook Jo</text>
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                <text>Jo, Jinwook . 2023. “Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan ship.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1983 </text>
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                    <text>Iron materials from Shipwrecks―the iron as traded goods of Song-Yuan period in China
ISHIGURO Hisako 石黒 ひさ子
Visiting Researcher for Research Institute of Ancient Japanese Studies, Meiji Univ.
(明治大学日本古代学研究所客員研究員)
ABSTRACT
Iron is present in the traded goods of Song-Yuan period in China. In the shipwreck survey in China and Southeast
Asia, iron bars and iron pots have been discovered as cargo on trade vessels. There are also iron bars in the
Middle Ages of Japan, There are also iron bars being used during the Middle Ages of Japan, with some of these
iron bars preserved in some archaeological sites. There is a view that these iron bars found in Japan are locally
produced. But some researchers suggest it may have been imported from other places, such as China. Iron Bars
also were discovered in Nanhai Ⅰ shipwreck (Chinese: 南海Ⅰ号), Huaguang Reef 1 shipwreck (Chinese: 華光
礁一号) and several other ones around the South China Sea. These iron bars found on the aforementioned
shipwrecks are very similar to the Iron Bar found in Japan.
The ironware found on the shipwreck (10th-13th Century) in Southeast Asia, especially in the Java
region, was mainly iron bars as raw material and iron pots. Historical documents include descriptions of iron
products exported from China. According to the description, there are two types of concrete shapes of iron
products: "bar-shaped" and "pot-shaped". In Chunxi Sanshan-zhi (Chinese: 淳熙三山志), the local gazetteer of
Southern Song Fuzhou (Chinese: 福州), there is a decree restricting the export of iron in the third year of Qingli
(Chinese: 慶暦三年, 1043). This decree prohibited the export of ironware other than agricultural tools, pots and
pans. Conversely, it can be interpreted that export is possible as long as it is in the shape of agricultural tools or
pots and pans. Iron Bars are similar in shape to the "harrow teeth" of agricultural tools. This is the reason why the
iron products from shipwrecks have "Iron Bars" and "Iron pots".
In this paper, the iron materials of Nanhai I and the iron material of shipwrecks in Southeast Asia such as
Cirebon Wreck, Intan Wreck, Pulau Buaya Wreck, Java Sea Wreck, are compared and examined. The purpose of
such comparison is to recognize the significance in their similarities and differences, and to propose issues related
to the sourcing and usage of iron materials found from the shipwrecks.
KEYWORDS: Iron bars, Traded goods of Song-Yuan period, Iron, "Harrow teeth"
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
Table 1. The iron artifacts from Nanhai Ⅰ.
Table 2. Iron artifacts of select shipwrecks
Figure 1. The iron bars from Nanhai Ⅰ
Figure 2. Iron bars of Saida Site

1. INTRODUCITION
Iron was traded in the South China Sea during the Song and Yuan dynasties. It was referred to in
literature as "鐵" (iron), "鐵器" (ironware), "鐵塊" (iron ingots), as well as "鐵鼎" (iron cauldrons), "
鐵鍋" (iron pots), "鐵針" (iron needles), "鐵條" (iron bars), and "鐵線" (iron wires) in Chinese. From
these references, it is understood that there were two types of iron traded in the South China Sea:
ironware in the shape of pots, and ironware in the form of bars. In recent years, iron pots and
bar-shaped iron have been found among the cargoes of sunken ships in China and Southeast Asia.
Bar-shaped iron artifacts have also been found in medieval Japan. These are believed to be the form of
iron collected as taxes in Japan during the 10th to 11th centuries（T.Fukuda 1983, 163-189）However,
the similarity between these bar-shaped iron artifacts and those found in sunken ships suggests that
there may have been imports of iron materials from China as well (Y. Momosaki 2008, 1-53).

1

�Details of ironware have been revealed through the report on the sunken ship Nanhai I, which dates
back to the Southern Song Dynasty. The bar-shaped iron artifacts found there are about 20 centimeters
in length and bear a striking resemblance to the "bar shaped ironware" found in Japan.
During the Song Dynasty, there were laws prohibiting the export of iron, and the local gazetteer of
Fuzhou, "Chunxi Sanshan Zhi"(Chinese: 淳熙三山志）, records a law that restricted iron exports in
the third year of Qingli (Chinese: 慶暦三年, in year1043). The existence of such laws suggests that
there were restrictions on the outflow of iron due to the high volume of iron exports. This law
prohibited the export of ironware other than agricultural tools and pots. In other words, it can be
interpreted that exports of iron in the form of agricultural tools or pots were allowed. The bar-shaped
iron products found in sunken ships resemble the shape of the "teeth of a horse plow," which can be
considered as an agricultural tool. This means that they can be considered as "agricultural tools." The
presence of both bar-shaped iron and pots in the cargoes of sunken ships indicates that iron pots and
bar-shaped iron were exported as materials, rather than finished products, which was in compliance
with the law of the time.
In this paper, we will start with analysing the iron artifacts found on Nanhai No.1 shipwreck. Then, we
will proceed to comparing the iron artifacts with those found in other South East Asian shipwrecks
such as Cirebon Wreck, Intan Wreck, Pulau Buaya Wreck and Java Sea Wreck. Several arguments will
be proposed as the paper compare the similarities and differences of these iron materials. The paper
will arrive at some tentative conclusion which deems further studies.

2. NANHAI Ⅰ AND ITS IRON ARTIFACTS
Nanhai Ⅰ is a sunken ship from the Southern Song Dynasty that was discovered in the waters near the
border of Taishan City（台山市）and Yangjiang City（陽江市） in Guangdong Province, China, in
1987. This ship was a trading vessel from the late 12th century. The remaining length of the ship's hull
is 22.1 meters, with a width of 9.35 meters. It is categorized as a junk ship with 15 cargo holds
confirmed vertically, and is deemed typical of Chinese trade ships (National Center of Underwater
Cultural Heritage 2018, 110-159).
Nanhai Ⅰ was loaded with a large amount of iron artifacts. It has been reported that as of December
2017, 80 tons of iron artifacts have been confirmed through excavations, and it is estimated that there
may have been over 100 tons of iron artifacts on board, including the previously excavated concretions
(T.Li 2018, 66-71). This is consistent with historical records of iron being an export commodity from
China during the Song and Yuan dynasties. However, the quantity of iron artifacts, exceeding 100 tons
per trading ship, requires a re-evaluation of the influence of Chinese iron trade on foreign trade, as it is
even greater than previously imagined. Several data have already been reported on the iron artifacts
from Nanhai Ⅰ. According to reports from 2014 to 2015, iron artifacts were found throughout the
entire ship, and it has been confirmed that the iron artifacts were placed on top of ceramic artifacts
(National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2018, 496-502). The quantities of iron artifacts
reported are as follows (Table 1).

2

�Table 1. The iron artifacts (iron bar and iron pot) from Nanhai Ⅰ.
*Created with reference to (National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2018, 157- 420).
Iron Bar

NO.

weight (g/kg)

length

Thick (max)

Thick(min)

Sample 1

N28

402.87 g

30.6 cm

1.4 cm

1.1 cm

Sample 2

N15－43

281.1 g

20 cm

1.9 cm

1.5 cm

Iron bar-A

Iron bar-B
type-B-a

\

Sample 1

N28

309.91 g

33.2 cm

2.5㎝ (top)

Sample 2

N28

153.071 g

22.87cm

1.7 cm

Sample 1

N15ｰ35

306.86 g

25.9 cm

3.8 cm (upper middle)

Sample 2

N15-35

453.15 g

26.5 cm

3.3 cm (upper middle)

Sample 1

N44

456.81 g

24.8 cm

Sample 2

N44

660.76 g

23 cm

Iron pot

NO.

weight

caliber

height

thick

Iron pot-A

N28

3.56 kg (Total of
2 pots)

22 cm

7.3 cm

0.2 cm

Iron pot-C

N39

13.36 kg (Total
of 14 pots)

28.5 cm

7.7 cm

0.2 cm

Iron pot-B

N58-29

71.86 kg (Total
of 20 pots)

40 cm

14.3 cm

0.4 cm

type-B-b

Iron Bar-C

Figure 1. The iron bars from Nanhai Ⅰ shipwreck.
*image source: plate7-55 (p.498), plate7-58 (p.499), plate7-62 (p.500)
from (National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2018).

The iron artifacts include "iron bars" and "iron pots". The iron bars from Nanhai Ⅰ is generally bundled
with ropes made of bamboo or rattan, with 35 to 45 bars being the basic configuration, and some of
them are wrapped in mat-like materials. The forms are classified into three categories: A-shaped bars,
B-shaped curved bards, and C-shaped wedge-shaped bars (Figure 1). In addition, knife-shaped iron
3

�artifacts have also been confirmed. The iron pots are classified into three categories: A-handled pots, B
handleless flat pots, and C-handleless deep pots.
Data from chemical analysis of the iron indicate that the iron bars is wrought iron based on its carbon
content, while the iron pots are cast iron based on their sulfur content, which indicates the possibility of
iron smelting using coal (W.Liu 2011, 145- 146; J.Wan 2016, 46-51; T.Li 2018, 66-71). Some of the
iron pots from Nanhai Ⅰ have sulfur contents exceeding 0.4%, indicating iron smelting using coal. On
the other hand, some pots have sulfur contents of around 0.2% or less, and some have sulfur contents of
less than 0.1%. The sulfur content of the iron bars is less than 0.1%. From this, it can be inferred that the
iron artifacts on board Nanhai Ⅰ consist of both cast iron produced using coal and cast iron produced
using wood charcoal. As for the ceramic artifacts, it is clear that the ceramic artifacts on board Nanhai
Ⅰ were collected from multiple production sites of kilns such as Jingdezhen (Chinese:景徳鎮),
Longquan (Chinese:龍泉), Dehua (Chinese: 徳化), Cizao (Chinese: 磁竈), Minqing-yiyao (Chinese: 閩清義
窯), etc, (National Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage 2018, 157-420). It is also likely that the iron
artifacts were collected from multiple sources, similar to the ceramic artifacts.
In addition to Nanhai I, ironware has also been unearthed from South East Asian wrecks such as the
Cirebon Wreck, Intan Wreck, Pulau Buaya Wreck, and Java Sea Wreck. We will consider these next.

3. SHIPWRECKS AND THEIR IRON ARTIFACTS
There is no evidence of iron as a commodity from shipwrecks such as the Takashima (Japanese: 鷹島)
Underwater Site in Japan or the Sinan (in Chinese Characters: 新安）Shipwreck in Korea (M.Osawa
1996, 97-103; J. Kimura 2010, 50-55). However, there are several instances of ships carrying large
quantities of iron as cargo in the Southeast Asian region, particularly in the Java Sea area. According to
Derek Heng's list, shipwrecks such as the Cirebon Wreck (late 10th century), Intan Wreck (late 10th
century), Pulau Buaya Wreck (12-13th century), Java Sea Wreck (early 13th century), Brunei Wreck
(15th-16th century), Vung Tau Wreck (1690s), and Ca Mau Wreck (1730s) are known to have
contained iron items (Table.2, D.Heng 2018, 1-29). Although Derek Heng's list does not mention iron
items as cargo, iron pots have been identified on the Tanjong Simpang Mangayau Wreck, a shipwreck
dating to the Northern Song period (960-1127) (Y.Meng 2018, 11-26).

Table 2. Iron Artifacts found on selected shipwrecks. Information retrieved from D. Heng, 2018.
*Created with reference to (D.Heng 2018.1-29)
Name of shipwreck

Time

Type of vessel

Iron artifacts in freight

Cirebon Wreck

Late 10th century

Southeast Asian (dowel and peg fasteners)

Iron bars and iron pots

Intan Wreck

Late 11th century

Southeast Asian (lashed-lug hull)

Chinese iron rods and blades

Pulau Buaya Wreck

12th-13th century

Unknown

iron bars and woks

Java Sea Wreck

early 13th century

Southeast Asian

200 tons of Chinese iron

(Bornean ironwood dowels; lashed-lug hull)
Brunei Wreck
Vung Tau Wreck

15th-early 16th
century
1690s

Southeast Asian Hybrid

iron bars

Chinese Lorcha

cast iron pans and cauldrons

(Chinese-European hybrid; built in China)
Ca Mau Wreck

1730s

possibly Southeast Asian Hybrid (hull constructed
of Dipterocarpus timber)

4

iron pans

�The age of the ships from the Cirebon Wreck, Intan Wreck, Pulau Buaya Wreck, and Java Sea Wreck is
from the Song-Yuan period in China. Iron bars and iron pots were found in the Cirebon Wreck. The
Cirebon Wreck contained iron bars that were packaged in a manner similar to the iron bars found on the
South China Sea Shipwreck, with about 50 bars bundled together with plant fibers. The iron items were
mostly located in the lower part of the ship, with Chinese ceramics placed on top of them (H.H.
Liebner 2014, 203-206). The iron items from the Intan Wreck were believed to be of Chinese origin,
and they included conical-shaped iron bars (about 30 cm long) that were packaged, as well as
cylindrical-shaped iron bars and cast iron items such as a 21 cm diameter iron pot (F. Michael 2002,
85-86).The shape and packaging method of these iron items were similar to those found on the Nanhai
I.
The Pulau Buaya Wreck also contains iron objects believed to be of Indian origin, such as iron lamps,
as well as cast iron pots with a diameter of 29 cm and iron bars packaged in bundles, which are also
similar to the iron bars from the Nanhai I (R.Abu 1998, 84-87)．
In the Java Sea Wreck, iron bars and iron pots were also found, believed to be of Chinese origin. The
iron objects were mostly located in the lower part of the ship. The iron bars were packaged in woven
materials such as rattan strings and hemp cloth, as well as in cone-shaped bundles about 40 centimeters
long, which have the characteristic of being coated with white lime compound. The iron pots from the
Java Sea Wreck come in three sizes with diameters of about 32 centimeters, 51 centimeters, and 70
centimeters.
The iron pot is made of cast iron, and since China excels in the production of cast iron, these iron pots
are considered to be Chinese products. In the cargo arrangement of the Java Sea Wreck, it was
confirmed that the iron pots and iron bars were located below the ceramics (M.W.Matters 1997, 77-80,
95-102).
Iron bars packaged in a conical shape have been found in common at both the Intan Wreck and Java
Sea Wreck. Additionally, iron bars packaged in the same conical shape have also been found in the
waters of the Paracel Islands at the Huaguang Reef 1 shipwreck. The Huaguang Reef 1 shipwreck is
estimated to be from the early Southern Song Dynasty (first half of the 12th century) and is considered
to be the earliest Chinese trade ship in the South China Sea (Y.Meng 2018, 11-26).
What would have been the mounting position of the iron artifacts found on the sunken ship? In the case
of the Nanhai I, the iron artifacts were located in the middle layer of the ship's cargo. Beneath the iron
artifacts were ceramics. On the other hand, in the Cirebon Wreck and Java Sea Wreck, the iron artifacts
were located in the lowest part of the ship. Chinese ceramics were placed above the iron artifacts. The
Nanhai I was a type of Chinese junk ship, while the Cirebon Wreck and Java Sea Wreck were of
Southeast Asian style. The positions of iron artifacts and ceramics differed between the Nanhai I and
the Cirebon Wreck and Java Sea Wreck. This suggests the possibility that Chinese trade goods
originating from China were transferred from Chinese ships to Southeast Asian-style ships in the Java
Sea region.
Nanhai I iron artifacts are exports from China. Chinese ironware has also been found in shipwrecks in
Southeast Asia. Their form is iron bar or iron pot. Of these, rod-shaped iron will be examined next.

4. APPROACHES TO THE PROBLEM OF "IRON BARS"
It can be confirmed in historical documents that iron products were included in exports from China
during the Song and Yuan dynasties. Using the descriptions from "Zhufan zhi" (Chinese : 諸蕃志)
5

�written around 1225, "Zhenla-fengtuji" (Chinese: 真臘風土記) written around 1296,
and
"Daoyi-zhilüe"（Chinese: 島夷誌略）written during the Yuan Dynasty (1341-1370), Shigemi Sasamoto
（Japanese: 笹本重己）confirms that China during the Song-Yuan period was exporting
ironware(S.Shigemoto1952,131- 144). Based on records by the Arabian scholar Edrisi from the 12th
century and Dimashki from the 14th century, which stated that Chinese iron was being imported to the
Arabian Peninsula, Ichisada Miyazaki (Japanese: 宮崎市定) inferred that iron had become an
important export product in China. Using "Daoyi zhilüe," Miyazaki compiled a list of country and
place names that imported iron products (I.Miyazaki 1957, 441-454).
The list compiled by Miyazaki shows that the specific shapes of iron products for export mentioned in
the literature were iron bars and iron pots. Iron objects found in sunken ships such as Nanhai I and
those in Southeast Asia were produced in China and were in the form of iron bars and iron pots, which
supports the descriptions in the literature. These physical objects serve as evidence supporting the
written records.
Iron products excavated from medieval Japanese ruins have a shape similar to "Iron bars," and Yoshiro
Momozaki (Japanese: 桃﨑祐輔) suggests that these items were imported from China or Korea
(Y.Momosaki 2008, 1-53). For example, at the Saida (Japanese: 才田site in Asakura (Japanese: 朝倉)
City, Fukuoka (Japanese: 福岡) Prefecture, a total of 12 iron products were discovered, including a
well-preserved 20cm iron bar (Figure 2), which is similar to the iron bars found in the Nanhai I and
Huaguang Reef 1 (Y.Momosaki 2023, 1-24).

Figure 2. Iron bars of Saida Site *image source: plates from (Y.Momosaki 2023,1-24).

However, there is debate over how these "Iron bars" were used in Japan. Kazuyuki Matsui (Japanese:松
井和幸) argues that these iron bars could be the teeth of a "harrow" and that some harrow had iron
teeth attached to wooden frames. In this discussion, viewing the iron bars as teeth of a horse plow is a
very suggestive perspective (K.Matsui 2004, 76-93).
There is information in the "Chunxi Sanshan-zhi," which is a local gazetteer of Southern Song Fuzhou
(Chinese:福州), about the specific iron production situation in the Southern Song Dynasty. Sanshan is
another name for Fuzhou, and "Chunxi Sanshan Zhi" is compiled during the Chunxi (Chinese: 淳熙)
years of the Southern Song Dynasty (1174- 1189). The following description can be found in Volume
41, "Local Products and Iron":
「慶暦三年、発運使楊告乞下福建厳行禁法。除民間打造農器、鍋釜等外、不許私 販下海。」
In the third year of Qingli, the envoy Yang Gao proposed strict enforcement of iron prohibition in
Fujian, prohibiting private sales and exportation of iron goods, except for agricultural implements,
6

�pots, and kettles made by the common people.
This Qingli Third Year (1043) decree prohibits the circulation of iron goods, except for agricultural
implements and cooking pots, which are daily necessities. The large number of "iron pots" confirmed
in the iron products found in shipwrecks is consistent with this decree.
Regarding "iron bars," as mentioned above, there is a debate that the iron bars excavated from Japan
during the medieval period are the "teeth of a harrow." Iron bars found in Japan have a similar shape to
those found in Nanhai I and Huaguang Reef 1. The decree of Qingli Third Year stated that ironware,
including agricultural tools, could be traded. "The teeth of a harrow" refers to agricultural tools,
meaning that iron bars were iron intended for circulation and export using the shape of harrow teeth.
However, it is highly likely that they were actually made from raw materials of iron. In the decree of
Qingli Third Year, the exclusion of agricultural tools and cooking utensils was actually important. The
shape of the iron artifacts found in shipwrecks from the Song and Yuan dynasties, such as iron bars or
iron pots, can be attributed to this decree. The large quantities of iron bars or iron pots found in sunken
ships were in the shape intended to circumvent regulations that restricted the circulation and export of
iron. These iron bars or iron pots were export products and were likely made from iron as raw material.

5. CONCLUSION
Artifacts from shipwrecks related to the South China Sea trade, including Nanhai I, contain a large
quantity of iron products. This indicates that iron production in China during the Song and Yuan
dynasties had a wide export market through maritime trade. The forms of iron artifacts in wrecks are
iron bars or iron pots. Its form is related to Chinese law. This was because the iron that could be
exported from China was limited by law to pots and farm tools. Iron bars have the potential to be raw
iron for export using the shape of agricultural tools. Similarities can also be observed between the iron
artifacts found in Japan from the same period, such as iron bars, and those discovered in shipwrecks in
the Java Sea region. These shipwrecks in the Java Sea are geographically linked to trade involving Java
Island, which, like Japan, had limited iron ore resources but was known for its abundant sulfur
production. It is believed that the Nanhai I alone contains around 100 tons of iron artifacts, although
only a small portion of the findings has been publicly released. The data on iron bars in Japan and
shipwrecks in Southeast Asia is still not sufficient. However, they make it possible to demonstrate that a
large amount of iron was being produced in China for export purposes. To achieve this, more
information will be added in the future and comparisons between regions will be conducted.

7

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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Iron materials from Shipwrecks―the iron as traded goods of Song-Yuan period in China</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Iron is present in the traded goods of Song-Yuan period in China. In the shipwreck survey in China and Southeast&#13;
Asia, iron bars and iron pots have been discovered as cargo on trade vessels. There are also iron bars in the&#13;
Middle Ages of Japan, There are also iron bars being used during the Middle Ages of Japan, with some of these&#13;
iron bars preserved in some archaeological sites. There is a view that these iron bars found in Japan are locally&#13;
produced. But some researchers suggest it may have been imported from other places, such as China. Iron Bars&#13;
also were discovered in Nanhai Ⅰ shipwreck (Chinese: 南海Ⅰ号), Huaguang Reef 1 shipwreck (Chinese: 華光&#13;
礁一号) and several other ones around the South China Sea. These iron bars found on the aforementioned&#13;
shipwrecks are very similar to the Iron Bar found in Japan.&#13;
The ironware found on the shipwreck (10th-13th Century) in Southeast Asia, especially in the Java&#13;
region, was mainly iron bars as raw material and iron pots. Historical documents include descriptions of iron&#13;
products exported from China. According to the description, there are two types of concrete shapes of iron&#13;
products: "bar-shaped" and "pot-shaped". In Chunxi Sanshan-zhi (Chinese: 淳熙三山志), the local gazetteer of&#13;
Southern Song Fuzhou (Chinese: 福州), there is a decree restricting the export of iron in the third year of Qingli&#13;
(Chinese: 慶暦三年, 1043). This decree prohibited the export of ironware other than agricultural tools, pots and&#13;
pans. Conversely, it can be interpreted that export is possible as long as it is in the shape of agricultural tools or&#13;
pots and pans. Iron Bars are similar in shape to the "harrow teeth" of agricultural tools. This is the reason why the&#13;
iron products from shipwrecks have "Iron Bars" and "Iron pots".&#13;
In this paper, the iron materials of Nanhai I and the iron material of shipwrecks in Southeast Asia such as&#13;
Cirebon Wreck, Intan Wreck, Pulau Buaya Wreck, Java Sea Wreck, are compared and examined. The purpose of&#13;
such comparison is to recognize the significance in their similarities and differences, and to propose issues related&#13;
to the sourcing and usage of iron materials found from the shipwrecks.&#13;
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            <name>Creator</name>
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                <text>Ishiguro Hisako</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6664">
                <text>2023</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
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                <text>English</text>
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            <name>Bibliographic Citation</name>
            <description>A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="6666">
                <text>Hisako, Ishiguro. 2023. “Iron materials from Shipwrecks ― the iron as traded goods of Song-Yuan period in China.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1982 </text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 7 2023</name>
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