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                    <text>Can tourism exploitation of Underwater Cultural
Heritage (UCH) be incompatible with the UNESCO
2001 Convention?
Abhirada Komoot1

Abstract
Tourism is a major factor of economic growth in many countries especially in developing
countries. In 2010, tourism accounted for about 6% of Thailand’s GDP. In a way tourism is
commercial exploitation. But is it against Annex Rule 2 of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention)? In the Annex, only active
commercial exploitation –trading, selling, buying and bartering– of cultural material is
obviously forbidden. Yet, there might be other passive commercial exploitations like tourism
which are not stated.
Can tourism be an alternative source of funds that can be utilised for UCH site
protection and management? Because of the country’s commercial benefits gained from
promoting tourism, it can be argued that tourism exploitation is one of the commercial
exploitations implied in Annex Rule 2. Additionally, for tourism, the sites have to be opened
for public which may cause the tension to in situ preservation and physical protection of sites.
Also, it could create direct effects, such as damage to the sites by divers souvenir hunting
and treasure hunting, etc.
On the other hand, tourism can be a successful tool to get people involved and raise
awareness which is essential in safeguarding UCH. Furthermore, under Rule 7 of the Annex,
it allows knowledge sharing with the public but only when it is not incompatible with the proper
protection and management of the sites. In other words, public approach could possibly be
applicable only in appropriate ways. However, it does not expressly mention exploitation
through tourism.
Tourism can bring good fortune to countries as well as many advantages for UCH.
Therefore, the prohibition may lead to absurd and even contradictory results. Countries may
find it difficult to find financial subsidy and raise pubic awareness for sustainable protection of
UCH. Simultaneously, the public is unable to enjoy leisure activities and gain knowledge from
the conserved sites.

The commercial exploitation of underwater cultural heritage for trade or speculation or its
irretrievable dispersal is fundamentally incompatible with the protection and proper
management of underwater cultural heritage. Underwater cultural heritage shall not be
traded, sold, bought or bartered as commercial goods—Annex Rule 2, UNESCO 2001
Convention.

1

Ms. Abhirada Komoot is an undergraduate student. She has obtained two bachelor degrees
one from the Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University and another one from the Faculty
of Law, Thammasat University. She aims to combine her two specialties as a cultural heritage
manager with legal background in order to perform her management task more effectively in
legal scheme and make legal issues more understandable among other stakeholders. And
she has a strong passion for UCH. She has gained her experience on UCH by working as
administrative assistant to the UNESCO foundation courses on UCH in Thailand. Now she is
accepted by the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University in the Netherlands for the course
starting in February 2012.

�UCH in Concern
Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) was, a long time ago, a cargo or
passenger vessel, village, primitive fish trap, dike or any other human trace.
Many of them were faced tragic moments like sinking, inundation, and
ultimately destruction. Until, they were swallowed by water and lying
undisturbed in some cases for centuries. All of them contain some cultural,
historical or archaeological values of human existences. In the case of the
ship, it was sailing between continents on a sea route. Then, it was hit by an
unavoidable disaster like heavy storms, or sometimes overweight cargo made
the ship lose its balance so that it was capsized. After the chaotic moment of
trying to survive, no one could ever see it again. It had been sleeping on the
sea-floor calmly and undisturbed since then. A century later2, it becomes a
significant evidence of human history. It is full of the story of the past. For
example, what was the purpose of the finds? How was it built? Why did
people have to make the journey? What was the cause of the wreck?
Generally, there are some precious objects left behind. These sites
attract those who are hunting for treasure among the remains. Classically, the
salvage companies encourage individuals from all over the world to invest in
the venture promising high financial returns. Although the careless salvage
activity can be dangerous and expensive, it is still often worthwhile to do so.
The treasure hunters traditionally only expose the site for its pricey items and
lack of concern for human history. Their actions result in an irretrievable loss
of knowledge. This is not what we, as heritage protectors use to define the
value of cultural objects by the price. They are priceless! This legacy reflects
the traces of human link with on-land heritage. Therefore, these priceless
inheritances should be preserved as and for the benefits of mankind and the
completion of human history.
Besides, an unavoidable natural disaster, there is also, undeniably
human impacts on UCH. Even though the heritage, located under water, is
more difficult to access than a land site; it does not mean it is impossible to do
so. By the wisdom of mankind, more sophisticated diving equipment has been
developed, so that, they can widen the possibility of accessibility to the UCH.
In other words, it is easier to get to the site and be able to stay longer under
water with modern diving gear. Therefore, it is no longer possible for the site
to remain undisturbed but it is now easier to be interfered with. More people
are able to reach the sites, not only the treasure hunters, but also recreational
divers, researchers, archaeologists, scientists and so on. So the intrusive
activities are slightly growing.
Among recreational divers, they can create two kinds of impacts on
UCH sites; those who care for and are respectful to where and what they are
visiting and understand the value of the heritage and those who pay less
attention to how fragile and important the site is, only taking a snapshot and
collecting some meaningful items from the site as souvenirs to prove they
once visited there (Stanley 2006:2-4).

2

Based on the UNESCO 2001 convention, the historical objects is at least 100 years (See
Article 1 of the convention). In some countries it cane be determined differently.

�Additionally, some accidental damage occurs because of the lack of
diver’s ability to control buoyancy, usually novice and newly qualified divers.
Indirectly, another human threat is air pockets, especially on the metal
materials. In the case of a penetration dive, it can cause two kinds of
corrosion to the sites: loss of concretion through mechanical damage and the
build up of oxygen concentration inside a shipwreck’s confined spaces
(Viduka 2006:61-63). With the carelessness and lack of awareness of
numerous dive tourists and operators, our UCH is suffering from these human
habits. Even experienced and skilful underwater archaeologists, can also
disturb the site by careless excavation, lack of documentation and leaving the
site behind without taking any measures to protect it.
Due to the increase of the common threats to UCH and the raising of
awareness of this heritage within the international community, the UNESCO
2001 Convention was elaborately constituted to mainly protect this heritage
from those stresses. One of the core principles of the UNESCO 2001
Convention is the prohibition of commercial exploitation of UCH that is in
Article 2 paragraph 7, Article 4 and the Annex. In particular, Rule 2 of the
Annex, the integral part of the Convention, states clearly about the kinds of
the active commercial exploitation of the finds which are trading, selling,
buying and bartering. These activities are obviously banned by the
Convention and its Annex.
However, in my view the UCH nowadays is in the spotlight, it is
becoming more interesting among people, not only to the scientists or
archaeologists, but also the public. In some countries they have gained a
great deal of benefits not only from the forbidden activities but also from
passive ways. The passive commercial exploitation can also be received from
other activities like ‘tourism’. Nevertheless, it is not included in the
Convention. We still have to put more concern on this issue as tourism is a
double-edge sword. It can be tools of potential awareness raising or greedy
exploitation. The mitigation between the dirt safeguarding and the dollar
earning should be brought to the international stage in order to develop the
best methods of managing tourism related to our heritage.

Terminology and Tourism
The term ‘tourism’, in general, has various meaning. According to the World
Tourism Organization (UNWTO), the definition of tourism can be indicated as
follows: (1) Tourism is about displacement from usual environment. (2) The
purpose of the tourism can be anything, like leisure or business or both, other
than being remunerated from the visited place. (3) The maximum of duration
is not more than a consecutive year. So, tourist is a person who does such
activity.
Since the beginning of the human history, people had travelled around
to neighbouring places for many purposes, for instance, food, shelter, war,
etc. They started to make a journey mostly for basic needs. Then, as the
improvement of the technology, the transportation had been developed. It was
easier for them to make a distant trip. And the purpose of the travel had also
been changed according to the endless curiosity and needs of recreational
activities.
At the time of the Roman Republic, the Romans were ecstatic persons.
We can see through works of art. They thought they should, once in a lifetime,

�visit the great wonder place of the history and myths like the ruin of Troy,
Acropolis, Alexandria and some places in Asia Minor. Heritage is still the
reason for people to travel today. They want to see the exotic ruins of empires
and the glory of the past. Then, in the seventeenth and eighteenth century the
‘Grand Tour’ had been developed. It was more or less like the journey in
Roman period. The wealthy European would traditionally travel to the ruins of
the ancient Roman Empire to appreciate the cultural legacy of the Classic
antiquity and Renaissance, including the great structures and works of art
such as delicate marble sculptures and masterpiece paintings. It served as an
rite of passage (Wokloer 2007:205-222).
After the Industrial Revolution, transportation had immensely and
rapidly improved. Then, the traditional journey extended to the middleclass
since they became concerned about the importance of holiday. This allowed
bourgeoisies to travel for leisure purpose on their free time.
Thus far, people are still keen to see new things. They need to enjoy
the benefits of the relaxing time and gain knowledge. There have been
numerous emergences of niche or specialty tourism including cultural tourism,
nautical tourism, medical tourism, etc. Therefore, tourism had become the
popular activity for most people since then. And as the population rapidly
grew, the need for relaxation has also increased dramatically. Tourism has
had a huge impact on the world’s economic sector.

Dirt or Dollars
The traces of human existence, lying under water for a long time, acts like a
time machine. It is often well preserved by nature as if time stood still from
when it was swallowed by the water. It can keep people close to the past. But
WHY do we have to get close to the past? What is the value in caring for the
dirt? If it can make a cent of dollar to feed the starving lives, maybe this is the
reason.
Tourism is an attractive activity to most countries in the world as it can
generate a great deal of money to improve the standard of living. In the world
economy, tourism has played a vital role in economic growth. It became one
of the rapidest growing sectors over decades. According to UNWTO’s
information, in 2010, international tourism generated US$ 919 billion (€ 693
billion) in export earnings. Similarly, Thailand has also gained a valuable
benefit from tourism. The overall economic growth of the country is 8% of
GDP or THB 905 trillion (US$ 584 billion) in 2010. Tourism is one of the main
industries making Thailand’s economy in progress, growing by 6% of GDP,
after automobiles and automotive parts (11%), financial services (9%) and
electric appliances and components (8%).
To exploit in the form of tourism can bring many benefits to the
economic sector. On the website of Coastlearn organization it explained that
tourism can be used as a nation’s economic improvement tool including
foreign exchange earnings, contribution to government revenues, employment
generation, stimulation of infrastructure investment and contribution to local
economies. Likewise, it happens the same way to Thailand.
As informed by Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT), Thailand
welcomes over 550,000 dive tourists and is home to over 80,000 certified
divers of its own. And the number of recreational divers is growing since 1985
according to the report from Department of Marine and Coastal Resources.

�Under the Thai sea, it can provide tourists not only the natural resources but
also cultural heritage. Consequently, UCH can be a good source of tourism as
well. From the figure, it shows that if the promotion of tourism is applied to
UCH sites, the possibility to widen the divers’ interest on the heritage
resources will be bigger. Precisely, UCH is a kind of product sold for
foreigners who are seeking unusual experiences. More tourists is a money
generator.
In a way, tourism can make a lot of money to the host countries and
has human’s effects; it can create both direct and indirect damage to this
heritage as well. It can cause harmful impacts to the site such as village
expansion, constructions, anchoring, looting, treasure hunting, salvaging, etc.
So, is tourism exploitation included in the term of ‘commercial exploitation’ in
Annex Rule 2 of the UNESCO 2001 Convention?
However, tourism, the way to exploit it for wealth and prosperity for the
countries and their people is not the bad thing to do. Unromantically, who can
live without financial support? “No profit, end of dreams! Even non-profitable
organizations survive on donations from other people’s earning and revenues,
which are generated by the profit” (Stanley 2006:2-4).
In addition to an alternative source of funds, tourism can make a great
amount of money from diving enterprises, tourists, shops and other business
sectors, involving the UCH. This financial benefit can effectively contribute to
heritage management projects and local sector. For example, when locals
learn that they can maximize benefits by providing a boat trip to visitors who
wish to experience the shipwreck, then, they will care more about the site as it
now becomes their tools of earning and improving their quality of life. They will
be more concerned about the site. And all the benefits gained can encourage
local people and governments to care more about the legacy. The awareness
and good policy for sustainable UCH will be raised. Without dirt, there will be
no more dollars.
So, dirt and dollars on UCH’s aspect is something that relies on each
other. It cannot survive alone. And it is difficult to choose only one of them.
But the possible way is to find a middle point. Only be careful of overexploitation and unawareness of mass tourism.

Education Not Prohibition
Indeed, in the term of the sustainable and successful management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage, what we need is an education, not prohibition.
The site will become more interesting for the public only when they know
something about it like how important the site is. Nevertheless, no legal
scheme mentions about how tourism will work on UCH. In Rule 7 of the
Annex in UNESCO 2001 Convention states about the public access. It can be
implied that the promotion of knowledge sharing of the heritage shall be
promoted in the parallel way with the proper site management. Moreover, in
Article 20, it is a state’s obligation to raise public awareness by any practical
ways. However, it is still not clear enough to apply that tourism is permitted by
this Convention. Only case studies will be able to bring it to light.
In many waterfront countries, tourism is also a possible tool to raise
public awareness and provide education about UCH to extent public interests.
To educate and encourage people about the importance of UCH is the greater
positive benefits for all mankind. Because when we can build the inner

�passion of people, they will eager to learn how to protect and safeguard this
precious patrimony by themselves. Importantly, it is the right way to build a
good cooperation between stakeholders; government, local community,
archaeologist, tour operator and so on.
In Thailand the popularity of wreck diving is becoming famous among
recreational divers but most of sites are decommissioned warships,
intentionally sunk for growing marine life, or new sunken ships. SW, Bangkok,
5 August 2011, he is the professional dive instructor, operating in Pattaya.3
He said, according to his experience, most of divers who visiting the wreck
around Pattaya waters only enjoy their diving with corals and marine
creatures. Their knowledge on wreck sites is very limited or none. The similar
result is received from a professional underwater archaeologist, EV, Bangkok,
20 august 2011. He said that there is a small group of wreck divers who are
enthusiastically interested in UCH diving. They are also researchers. They
visit the sites not only for leisure activities but they are also keen to learn.
They are monitoring the deterioration of the sites and do some publication.
Even they are in the private sector, they can be watchdogs of UCH.
Still, the visitation to UCH sites is limited compared to the number of
amateur divers coming to Thailand each year and the number of UCH
publications. The group of interested divers is still small but qualified. They
have a strong interest and conduct on-going research on the wreck. After they
distribute their publication, then, here is becoming well-known among
advanced divers. The example is ‘Hardeep’ or ‘Suthathip’, the most famous
Thailand’s shipwreck, and it is UCH. It is put in the diving route. The gradually
increasing of tourism and educated divers on the sample site is a positive sign
for an appropriate growing of tourism on UCH in Thailand. Unfortunately,
there is no official record.
In other cases, the application of tourism has given a good result in
knowledge distribution to many other countries in the form of tourism. For
example, the SS Maori in South Africa, Florida’s Maritime Heritage Trail in
USA, and Maritime Heritage Trail in Cayman Islands.

Freedom of Movement
Freedom of movement is the fundamental right of humanity which is
respected in the constitution of many countries. For example, it is stated in the
section 34 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand. It includes the
liberty to travel. A person shall enjoy the liberty of travelling. However, a
person shall enjoy their freedom and liberty within the respect of the rights of
others.
In the term of tourism, it is also a way to promote respect of human
rights. To be able to move freely does not encompass the rights to enter
another country. But in the UCH perspective, it so means the rights to access
the site. Tourists, in order to appreciate the heritage and gain knowledge,
shall not be prohibited to approach the site. At the same time, they have
obligations to venerate the rights of others as well. They shall not do any harm
to the site and keep in their mind that the UCH is the heritage of mankind not

3

Pattaya is the well-known diving spot and tourist attraction in Thailand and located in
Chonburi province.

�the personal belongings. They shall do no harm to the site including but not
limit to looting, souvenir collecting, or even treasure hunting.
Rights always come with obligations. This legacy is a shared heritage,
so it is our duty to safeguard it in every way we move. Therefore, a person
who enthusiastically admires the UCH shall enjoy his/her freedom and liberty
of movement and travelling to the UCH site under the limitation of other’s
rights and liberty.

World without Tourism
Most of the UCH sites are lying in the open area, under the sea or river. It is
impossible to lock up all the sites and apply strict rules. If we choose to keep
the site secret and forbid public access, there will be the secret access as
well. This can be more problematic because the intention might go wrong.
In general, people travel for many purposes including leisure and
learning. Without tourism there will be no real knowledge of the ancient
wisdom gained at first hand. Only an unreal source of education such as
books, television and Internet can be accessible but no physical appreciation.
In other words, Tourism is a joyful way to develop public understanding and
raise their attention, which are the key part to promote the sustainability of the
UCH safeguarding.

Conclusion
In many ways, tourism is a potential tool to help increasing the public
awareness and financial source, the core instruments of sustainable
development of UCH. Restrictive accessibility to the UCH is the way to keep
the site intact but it cannot educate people particularly locals. Without
awareness, the blanket legislative protection cannot be enforced effectively.
And without profit, all the dream projects become useless. Additionally, it
becomes a human rights’ violation instead of respect. Even tourism can
create some negative impacts, pros and cons are needed to be weighed. As
the idea of the traces of humanity, the issue needs to be brought to the
international phase in order to find a chance of hope for sustainable and
effective management of tourism on UCH.

Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the help of people who contribute to this work. I am grateful to Dr.
Mr. R. Rujaya Abhakorn, the Director of SPAFA, for giving me a great opportunity and
support. And this would not have been possible without the assistance of my friends, Mr.
Erbprem Vatcharangkul, Mr. Chris Underwood, Mr. Martijn Manders, Mr. Andrew Viduka, Mr.
Takahiko Makino, Mr. Saiklang Jindasu, Mr. Siwat Worachananan, and Ms. Pimolpan Wong
A-ram.

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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia</text>
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                <text>Tourism is a major factor of economic growth in many countries especially in developing countries. In 2010, tourism accounted for about 6% of Thailandâ€™s GDP. In a way tourism is commercial exploitation. But is it against Annex Rule 2 of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention)? In the Annex, only active commercial exploitation â€“trading, selling, buying and barteringâ€“ of cultural material is obviously forbidden. Yet, there might be other passive commercial exploitations like tourism which are not stated.&#13;
&#13;
Can tourism be an alternative source of funds that can be utilised for UCH site protection and management? Because of the countryâ€™s commercial benefits gained from promoting tourism, it can be argued that tourism exploitation is one of the commercial exploitations implied in Annex Rule 2. Additionally, for tourism, the sites have to be opened for public which may cause the tension to in situ preservation and physical protection of sites. Also, it could create direct effects, such as damage to the sites by divers souvenir hunting and treasure hunting, etc.&#13;
&#13;
On the other hand, tourism can be a successful tool to get people involved and raise awareness which is essential in safeguarding UCH. Furthermore, under Rule 7 of the Annex, it allows knowledge sharing with the public but only when it is not incompatible with the proper protection and management of the sites. In other words, public approach could possibly be applicable only in appropriate ways. However, it does not expressly mention   exploitation through tourism.&#13;
&#13;
Tourism can bring good fortune to countries as well as many advantages for UCH. Therefore, the prohibition may lead to absurd and even contradictory results. Countries may find it difficult to find financial subsidy and raise pubic awareness for sustainable protection of UCH. Simultaneously, the public is unable to enjoy leisure activities and gain knowledge from the conserved sites.</text>
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                    <text>Ship’s Cargo beyond the sea:
New Evidence from Dong Mae Nang Muang,
Nakorn Sawan Province, Central Thailand
Pimchanok Pongkasetkan1

Abstract
This paper mainly focuses on Trade Ceramics and other cargo found from the Dvaravati
settlement in Upper Chao Phraya basin, Central Thailand. Specifically, this paper focuses on
the case study of the site of Dong Mae Nang Muang, Nakorn Sawan province.
In 2008 an archaeological project was done to gain better knowledge of the site. Four
test pits, one test trench and an earthen mound were excavated. These activities expanded
the current understanding of the site's characteristics. The excavation revealed imported
goods from all over the world such as; ceramics, glass and semi-precious stone beads and
glass vessels. This important phenomenon was a strong impact on current knowledge of the
inter-relationship between Dvaravati, an ancient settlement in the Upper Chao Phraya basin,
2
and the sea port town via China and Western Asia , this has reconsidered the role of
economics in the area especially the details of trade-routes and the merchandise during the
th
th
Dvaravati period (5 -12 centuries AD).

Characteristic of Dong Mae Nang Muang
Dong Mae Nang Muang is located in present day Banpotpisai district, Nakorn
Sawan province. From an inscription (K966) discovered at the site we know
that its name in antiquity was Thanya Pura (Coedès 1961; Vallibhotama
1978). Located in the upper reaches of the Chao Phraya Basin, this site
represents one of the northernmost settlements of Dvaravati culture in central
Thailand. Strategically placed on the tributaries of major river systems; the
PingRiver and Nan River, the settlement flourished for a period of
approximately 400 years between the 8 th and 12th centuries Common Era
(CE)3. Despite being located over 300 kilometres north of the modern-day
coastline, Dong Mae Nang Muang was not an isolated site on the periphery,
but participated in and contributed to the vibrant cultural, religious, artistic and
economic exchanges that took place within the Dvaravati culture of central
Thailand (Murphy and Pongkasetkan 2010).
Dong Mae Nang Muang is a moated site with a surrounding rampart. At
some stage during the Dvaravati period it was extended to the west by the
addition of an extra moat resulting in the ground plan changing from squareshaped to more oblong in character. The site measures 630 by 650 metres
and covers an area of approximately 40 hectares. To date, the research
conducted extends from the first surveys and excavations by the Fine Arts
Department in 1956 and 1967, to recent projects of Master’s degree students
of the Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University and most recently

1

Curator of Southeast Asian Ceramics museum, Bangkok University
Can not be specific because the analysis results indicate that some evidence made in
Western Asia, but not clearly specific where.
3
A Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, based on the year of the birth of
Jesus Christ of Nazareth, with one added to every year after.
2

�excavations by the Fine Arts Department, Lopburi, 2008–20094. The initial
surveys by the Fine Arts Department recorded up to thirteen earthen mounds
at the site and excavations revealed that they were Buddhist monuments, the
majority being stupas. There have also been numerous reports of votive
tablets and Buddha image discoveries at the site over the past 60 or so years
however, none have been excavated in situ (Murphy and Pongkasetkan
2010).
On the basis of relative dating techniques the current proposed dates
of occupation arising from the 2009 excavations cover the 8 th to 12th centuries
CE. For example, the earthenware Dvaravati pottery discovered suggests a
date from the 8th century onwards; the stoneware and Sassanid ceramics
point towards the 9th and 10th centuries; stucco found during excavations at
monument MS1 is late Dvaravati in style, so falls between the 10th and 11th
centuries; while Inscription K966 gives a 12 th-century date. The excavations
also revealed no evidence whatsoever for prehistoric occupation of the site
nor did it show any indication that Dong Mae Nang Muang was inhabited after
the 12th century.

Excavations at Dong Mae Nang Muang, 2008–2009
Since the Fine Arts Department archaeological excavations in 1967, no
further archaeological research has been conducted at Dong Mae Nang
Muang. Since those excavations focused entirely on the monuments, no
evidence for the length or nature of human occupation was obtained. Hence,
the project “Cultural development of the ancient town of Dong Mae Nang
Muang,” was initiated by the author in order to explore the cultural and
chronological development of the site. Field activity entailed survey work,
interviewing of local villagers and excavation from January 2008 to July 2009.

4

For a summary of all research carried out to date on the site of Dong Mae Nang Muang see
Murphy and Pongkasetkan (2010). For a detailed discussion of the excavations that took
place in 2009 see Pongkasetkan (2010) and The Fine Arts Department (2010).

�Figure 1. Aerial Picture of Dong Mae Nang Muang and the test pits location
(Adopt from Google Earth).

Excavation of test pits TP1-TP4 and RTP1 Excavations took place
between April and July 2009 and consist of four 3 by 3 metre test pits (TP1-4),
one test trench through the rampart (RTP1) and the excavation of an earthen
mound designated MS1 (Figure 2). Two test pits, TP3 and TP4, were located
within the interior of the moat. TP1 was located in the area enclosed by the
western moat extension while TP2 was situated outside the moat. All four test
pits were excavated in order to clarify the stratigraphy and archaeological
record and to provide information on the material culture, dating and past
activities that were carried out at the site. The rampart test trench was
excavated in the interior moat while MS1 lies just outside the southern moat.
The test pit data yielded new information about population density,
habitation and economic activity at the site. The main inhabited and economic
areas were located within the moat. The western extension and the area
directly outside the moat appear to be much less densely occupied; further
survey and excavation work are need to give a complete picture. As would be
expected, the moat and rampart are contemporaneous with the rest of the
site. Their construction took place within the Dvaravati period.

Excavation of the earthen mound MS1 Dong Mae Nang Muang has
numerous earthen mounds inside and outside the moat. They are presumed

�5

to be religious structures of some kind, perhaps Stupas , Viharns

6

or

7

Ubosots , but it is impossible to say for certain without detailed investigation
of each individual structure. The test excavation revealed evidence of
Dvaravati pottery, finger-marked bricks consistent with those found at other
Dvaravati period sites, Dvaravati-style stucco and a possible terracotta stupa
finial. Some of the most surprising discoveries during the course of both
excavations, however, were the human burials at the foundation level of the
monument. Over 50 inhumations were discovered in total throughout the
entire area of the monument; however, they do not appear to extend outside
of the site's boundary. Stratigraphically, the burials were found directly under
the layer containing the remains of the monument proper. The layer itself is
about 1 metre in depth; the burials were placed at different levels within it. The
question therefore arises whether the burials predate the construction of the
monument. Not only are the burials located in a separate stratigraphic layer,
but also no Dvaravati material was found within the layer of the burials
themselves. However, since there is no evidence of prehistoric occupation at
the site, the working hypothesis continues to be that the burials date to the
Dvaravati period.

Imported Good: Ceramics sherds consideration
The evidence from the excavation of TP3 and TP4 yielded some fascinating
points-of-view of the relationship within the outer communities especially from
the ceramics sherds and glass vessel.
8
9
Chinese, Khmer and Sassanids ceramics were found together in the
same context, as well as glass vessel. The dating of Chinese ceramics are
during the 11th – 12th centuries AD, or during Northern Song Dynasty. Around
the 11th century the Chinese court had intensely turned the market from the
Silk Route into Maritime Silk Route (Qingxin 2009:83) The Song Dynasty
(960-1279 AD) was a great empire, with great economic development the

Stupas is the word from Sanskrit: m., स्तूप, stūpa, and Pāli: थुप "thūpa", literally meaning
"heap"(from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stupa). It is the monument that establish for both of
Buddhism and Jain. It is usually made in half-round or bell shape with the pointed finial.
6
Viharn or Vihara is the Sanskrit and Pali term for a Buddhist monastery. It originally meant
"a secluded place in which to walk", and referred to "dwellings" or "refuges" used by
wandering monks during the rainy season.(from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vihara) It are
formed in square or rectangular shape, and placed with the Buddha image.
7
Ubosot is derived from the Pali term uposathagara, which refers to a hall used for rituals on
the upostha days -- the Buddhist Sabbath, which falls four times a month on the full moon,
new moon, and eighth day after each. (from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ubosot). The form of
ubosot is usually similar to the Viharn, rectangular or square in shape, but there’s no need to
have the Buddha image inside.
8
th
th
Khmer is word that called Ancient Cambodia culture during 5 -12 centuries AD. In which, it
th th
th
th
is also called sometimes that Pre-Angkorian (5 -8 centuries AD) and Angkorian (8 -12
centuries AD).
9
Sassanids ceramics is the word that author use for describe the ceramics that was produce
during the Sassanian Empire. The Sassanid Empire, which succeeded the Parthian Empire,
was recognized as one of the two main powers in Western Asia and Europe, alongside the
Roman Empire and its successor, the Byzantine Empire, for a period of more than 400
years(from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sassanid)
5

�cities flourished and its science and technology advanced (Qingxin 2009: 81) .
It was one of the world’s most advanced and wealthy states. Regardless of
the outcome, the Song Dynasty was still an era worthy of special attention. It
was during this time that the Maritime Silk Road was at the height of its
splendor (Qingxin 2009:82) The Song Dynasty was especially focused on
10
Sino - foreign relations and foreign trade. The politico-economics caused for
China’s north and west over-land passage to basically shut off (Qingxin 2009:
83). This created a natural inclination towards developing ties with nations of
Southeast Asia across the sea.
From above, the main factor of economics between Southeast Asia
and China were caused from the inclination of the Silk Road. A number of
Chinese ceramics sherds found from Dong Mae Nang Maung are good
samples to confirm this theory.
The analysis of Chinese ceramics sherds from Dong Mae Nang Muang
are identified as follows:
1) Qing Bai, Ding Kiln, Northern Song Dynasty, 10th-11th centuries AD
Qing Bai from Ding kiln. Dating of this type is around 10th
century
AD, bowl shape, grayish white color in fabric and glazed. This type is hardly
found in Thailand except some sites in the Malay Peninsula such as Klong Ta
Rua, Nakorn Srithamarat province (Chantawit 1993:184).
2) Jar, green glaze, Xicun Kiln, Northern Song Dynasty, 10th century
AD
Sherds of Jar with thick mouth rim, gray color in fabric, yellowish green
to brownish green glaze. This type was found all over Thailand during this
time in sites such as Koh Ko Khao, Punga, Klong
Tha
Rua,
Nakorn
Srithamarat (Chantawit 1993: 182), Sting Pra, Songkhla (Chantawit 1993:16),
Umphang, Tak, Vichayen House, Lopburi, Sra Morakot, Prachinburi and etc.
(Thammapreechakorn 2010:37) Bowl, cup, ewer and jar were commonly
found
3) Bowl, Qing Bai, Jingdezhen kiln, Northern Song Dynasty 10 th – 11th
centuries AD
A group of Qing Bai from Jingdezhen kiln were commonly found in
some Khmer settlements in the northeast and central Thailand. Some types
found at Dong Mae Nang Muang include: bowl decorated with lotus petal
motif, whitish gray color in fabrique, white clear glaze. The most interesting
context of this sherd, when compared with the other similar wares found in
other Khmer monuments in Thailand, is it is usually accompanied with the
other Qing Bai from other kilns and Khmer ware from kiln sites in Cambodia
and Thailand11. For example
Ban Klor, Chaiyapum(Chantawit 1993:
323 ), Orapim Mound, Prasat Phnom Wan, Nakorn Ratchasima, Prasat Nang
Rum, Nakorn Ratchasima and etc. (Chantawit 1993: 322 ),
4) Covered Box, Qing Bai, Nan’an kiln, Quanzhou, Fujian region,
late Northern Song Dynasty, 11th century AD

10

a prefix used to refer to China (from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sino)
Commented by Louise Allison Cort, Curator of Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M.Sackler
Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, USA, and she gave additional note that this groups are also
found at port town and In-Land port town.
11

�Covered Box in the form of melon shape is regularly found from
Dvaravati, Khmer, and Lanna ancient settlements (Thammapreechakorn
2010:35)

Figure 2. TOP FOUR - Chinese Ceramics, Northern Song Dynasty, 10th-11th
centuries AD. found at Dong Mae Nang Muang, from above left-right: Ding
Kiln(CCHD1-7), Xicun kiln(CCHX 1-2) and lower left-right: Jingdezhen
kiln(CCHJ 1), Nan’an kiln(CCHN 2) (Now under examination by author).
BOTTOM TWO - Sassanid Ceramics from Dong Mae Nang Muang (From
Left: SF309, SF313, SF322, SF323, Right: SF329)
Apart from Chinese ceramics, there are also around forty percent of
Khmer ceramics accompanied too. The green glaze Angkorian ware, or
Phnom Kulen ware, were also found together with the Northern Song
ceramics in the same context. The association of green glaze Angkorian or
Phnom Kulen ware is very interesting. It has not been recognized as a
maritime-merchant commodity but its appearance exists all over Khmer
monuments in both Cambodia and Thailand (Pongkasetkan 2010:135).

�12

The most known waster , the Phnom kulen, corresponds to types of
green glaze ceramics found in Bernard Groslier archaeologically excavated
sites, which date prior to 1050 AD. Green glazed covered urns also found
there, however, do not appear in excavation until after 1050 AD. The
characteristics of the Phnom Kulen ware are generally yellowish to brownish
13
green glaze and also show a broad range of mottled shade between brown,
black and olive, obtained by heavier concentrations of iron oxides in their
glazes (Brown 1988:43).
The production sites of Phnom Kulen ware were located in the area of
Phnom Kulen plateau. Several kiln sites were discovered along the way from
Angkor region in Siem Reap province, which is situated between the Plateau
of Kulen and city of Rolous (Rooney, et al. 2010:172). From several
archaeological projects that were done during the last 20 years, some have
14
unearthed charcoal samples dated by the AMS technique and provide a
date of 970(±30) – 905 (±30) BP (Miksic, et al. 2010) or the beginning of the
11th century AD. Generally forms of Phnom Kulen ware are covered box in the
form of flat or tall shape, fruit-shaped, plain zoomorphic, plain cylindrical jar,
covered cylindrical jar, bottle, and architectural ornaments (Rooney, et al.
2010:172). The Phnom Kulen ware were commonly found in Khmer
monuments such as Prasat Ban Phluang in Surin province, Chau Say
Tevoda, Srah Srang, Bantay Kdei and etc.(Rooney, et al. 2010:12).
A number of Phnom Kulen ware were also discovered at the site of
Dong Mae Nang Muang. Covered jars, jars and covered boxes were found in
large numbers both in the habitation and in monument contexts.

Figure 3. Covered boxes, Phnom Kulen ware, Dong Mae Nang Muang (From
left above CKMP10, left lower CKMP11, covered box in the right side is now
kept at the site)

12

Wasted product from the kiln
Dark brown spot from Iron Oxide that appear on the pottery fabric
14
Accelerator Mass Spectrometry
13

�Sassanid ceramics are yet another kind of ceramic found at Dong Mae
Nang Muang. Blue turquoise glaze on earthenware is their main
characteristic. It was commonly found in the Dvaravati settlement in Thailand.,
for example, U-thong in Supanburi province(FAD 2002: 65) or Dong Lakorn in
Nakorn Nayok province (FAD 1997: 23) It is usually dated to the 3rd – 7th
centuries AD but it was thought that technical production was still carried on
until the Early Islamic Period(Pongkasetkan 2010: 134). During the time of the
Sassanian Empire, the Iranian highlands had an important role in the history
of East-West contact, both on the Overland Silk Road and Maritime Silk Road.
Some Sassanian treasure were left all over Asia and Europe (Fukai 1981:35).
It is extremely difficult at this time to distinguish ceramics from Late
Parthian (249 B.C. – 226 AD) and Early Sassanian periods(226-642 AD); just
as in other fields it is difficult to define the works of the late Sassanid Period
and the Early Islamic Period (Harper 1978:160). The basic typology that was
defined by Shinji Fukai (1981:36-46) composed of two glaze colours of green
and blue-turquoise and in the forms of jar and cup.
The excavation at Dong Mae Nang Muang revealed some pieces of
Sassanids ceramics, both of green and blue glaze, probably jar, associated
with Chinese Northern Song and Khmer ceramics. The stratigraphy dates
these finds to the 10th-11th centuries AD, according from the Northern Song
and Phnom Kulen ware, therefore, it could be implied about that there’re the
usage of imported ceramics from Western Asia, Chinese and Khmer in the
Dvaravati settlement in the upper Chao Phraya basin during 10 th-11th
centuries AD.

Glass Vessel

Glass vessels were also found. From the analysis of glass vessel sherds 15,
with LA-ICP-MS technique16 (Lankton and Gratuze 2010:4). James Lankton
suggested that they might be made in Western Asia rather than locally made.

Figure 5. Glass sherds from Dong Mae Nang Muang (SF336).

15

These glass sherds were analyzed by James W Lankton, Honorary Senior Research
Fellow, UCL Institute of Archaeology, London, UK and Bernard Gratuze, IRAMAT, Institut de
Recherches sur les Archéomatériaux, Centre Ernest-Babelon, C.N.R.S, Orleans, France in
2010.
16
Laser Ablation-Inductively Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry

�Dong Mae Nang Muang as a Regional Centre
The evidence presented here shows clearly that Dong Mae Nang Muang was
an important regional centre in the Upper Chao Phraya Basin. Its location on
the Ping and Nan tributaries opened it to communication with other sites in the
area such as Khaogralone, Chansen, Thap Chumpon, U-Trapao and Kok Mai
Den(Pongkasetkan 2010: 200). Khaogralone, for instance, was also located
on a tributary of the Ping River thus facilitating access with Dong Mae Nang
Muang. The Ping and Nan rivers join to create the Chao Phraya River with the
confluence located at Pak Nam Po, Muang district, Nakorn Sawan. Dong Mae
Nang Muang, with its direct access to those major waterways should therefore
be considered a regional centre within the Upper Chao Phraya Basin.
From an economic and commercial point-of-view this site can be
considered a trade centre. Excavations have revealed Chinese Northern Song
17
ceramics, green-glazed Angkor-period ceramics , Sassanid Ceramics, glass
and semiprecious stone beads. None of those products were manufactured
locally. All were obtained through trade connections with sites along the coast
or directly through the maritime network. The excavations in 2009 unearthed
Sassanid Ceramics in the Upper Chao Phraya Basin for the first time. Before
then, Sassanid Ceramics had only ever been discovered at Dvaravati
settlements in the Lower Chao Phraya Basin close to the coast. The discovery
of Sassanid Ceramics along with the other imported goods further
emphasises the active role Dong Mae Nang Muang played in trade and
commerce during the Dvaravati period. The earthenware pottery record also
shows close connections with sites in the Chi and Mun river systems of
northeast Thailand.
Even though Phnom Kulen ware can not be considered ship’s cargo
since it has never been found in context on a sunken ship site it is regardless
a very interesting artefact to consider in the overall economic system of the
Upper Chao Phraya Basin. The trade items from both the sea and inland ports
were unearthed associated with each other at this one site, this fact infers that
the goods distribution from both sea ports and inland-ports are similar. It
appears therefore that Dong Mae Nang Muang was interacting with both the
northeast and Lower Chao Phraya Basin.

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17

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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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&#13;
In 2008 an archaeological project was done to gain better knowledge of the site. Four test pits, one test trench and an earthen mound were excavated. These activities expanded the current understanding of the site's characteristics. The excavation revealed imported goods from all over the world such as; ceramics, glass and semi-precious stone beads and glass vessels. This important phenomenon was a strong impact on current knowledge of the inter-relationship between Dvaravati, an ancient settlement in the Upper Chao Phraya basin, and the sea port town via China and Western Asia2, this has reconsidered the role of economics in the area especially the details of trade-routes and the merchandise during the Dvaravati period (5th-12th centuries AD).</text>
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                    <text>Protecting an Underwater Cultural Heritage through
Visual Communication Skill
Cipto Aji Gunawan

Abstract
The famous quotation, ―A picture speaks a thousand words‖ illustrates how effective visual
communication is in delivering messages. If properly managed, visual communication tools may
persuade public perception and inform audience opinion. In Indonesia, underwater heritage sites
have limited range of visualization, so it is not a surprise that these sites are enjoyed by limited
communities. In managing heritage, the involvement of the community and multiple stakeholders
from different backgrounds are needed to enhance better management. This paper presents how
to design a concept of visual communication such as video and still photography which can
bridge the limited access between community and their heritage in order to build an
understanding of the underwater cultural heritage protection and its historical value.

Introduction
Current forms of visual communication are scattered throughout our lives, from
waking to sleeping, we are bombarded with a storm of visual communication
through various media. Various forms of images, symbols, graphics are creating
a billboard jungle that is slowly manipulating our subconscious to feel a
"closeness" with the message conveyed by the billboard. Traffic signs, icons on
the computer and compani‘s logos are a simple form of visual communication
that is constantly affecting our awareness of the meaning of a symbol. "Seeing is
believing" and "a picture speaks a thousand words", combine to create the first
rank of visual communication that needs attention if we want to instill an
awareness of an idea. Visual communication is done correctly and directed to the
appropriate dose can be used to manipulate the masses.
The development of audio visual media technology in particular is directly
influencing the form of visual communication, graphic and other forms of moving
images that can be combined with sound thus improving the model of visual
communication into an audio visual communication that delivers far more intense
impact, especially for the people of Indonesia. The most popular audio visual
communication is video. Indonesian people are familiar with the concept of story
telling, as it is used in delivering messages from generation to generation. This
oral culture has very strong affects in Indonesia, however, development of audio
technology immediately replaced oral culture.
In 1960 Professor George Gerbner, a former Dean of the Annenberg
School of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania, United States (U.S.),
conducted a study of the impact of television on humans live and culturral
change in society and pointed out "Cultivation Theory". This theory stated that a
regular repetition on television show has influence on the mindset of an
audience; the more often people exposed to a message, the more acceptable
that message as a reality and truth. Believe on the television show could be

�positive and also could be negative depending on the message that was
delivered.
One's initial interest in watching a show will determine how often people
will continue watching the show and be re-exposed to the message that was
delivered by the media. Here the role of design will determine the success of a
show that will be implemented to influence the target audience. It has the
potential to influence attitudes and change certain values, especially in the group
‗heavy viewers‘ (defined as people who watch television more or equal than four
hours per day)1. A good design will certainly give a positive effect in accordance
with the expectations of the institution that produces the message, but designing
a bad audio-visual communication can have a negative effect on the messages
delivered.
Cultivation Theory is highly relevant in the endeavour to photograph the
conditions of Indonesian society because it is very dependent on television as an
entertainment center and a vast information network. Attainable television has an
active role in the dissemination of entertainment and information with a relatively
low cost.
Although people have been exploring space, i.e. set foot on the moon and
photographing the surface of mars, the underwater world is still somewhat of a
mystery. Until now, many parts of the ocean floor have not been touched by
human technology. The exploration of the ocean has lasted for centuries, but the
seabed is still included as ‗the last frontier‘ (personal experience of over 5000
dives). For a small contingent of the community stories and underwater heritage
can be easily seen but for most Indonesian people these stories and heritage will
remain mysterious and unattainable.
Indonesian society in particular often considers cultural remains as
nothing more than a pile of junk expected to be sold as treasures. For most
people the function of the underwater heritage is directly economic within a
maximum extraction model (based on 10 years of personal experience). Historic
function, aesthetics and science have not yet reached an understanding on the
role of historical relics under water. Underwater heritage is very rarely seen by
the public; even the majority of Indonesian people had never seen these sites, so
that almost no attention and appreciation arises in the media.
For years underwater heritage in Indonesia has been looted both legally
and illegally. For some relics, it was indeed proper to lift and rescue on land, but
retain greater value if left beneath the sea. For example, World War Two (WWII)
relics scattered throughout the archipelago, including the remains of warships,
aircraft and vehicles that were piled under the sea, have a historical, aesthetic,
and sentimental value much larger than the value per kilogram of iron. It is more
feasible to leave relics under the water where they can be used as historical and
cultural sites that can bring economic value through the development of
sustainable marine tourism. Study of the conditions and opportunities for
restoration and conservation of underwater heritage is very important to support
long-term planning of the visual utilization of sites and relics.
1

http://www.lombokpost.co.id/index.php?option=com_k2&amp;view=item&amp;id=1708:hindari-efeknegatif-nonton-tv-pada-anak&amp;Itemid=543

�Solutions
In Indonesia where poverty rates are still very high; Sustainability concept in
managing natural resources and cultural heritage is ―expensive‖ and often not
affordable for local community. Instant benefits are more considerable for the
locals than thinking about the future. The mindset is "there will be no next day if
today cant be succeeded well". With these conditions there is a pattern of instant
understanding of an economic object (relics underwater can be classified as one
of economic objects). Changing the pattern of instant view of the outlook process
is something that is not easy. The solution to this problem can be approached
through three approaches namely Regulatory, Economic and Combined
Regulatory and Economic.,

Regulatory approaches
Regulations made by the government to restrict and regulate the use, including
allowing or not allowing an activity that affected on utilization. The concept can
apply on a heritage object under air. Included therein is the extraction and/or
non-regulatory approaches. In this kind of rule approaches need strong control
and strict law enforcement so that this rule can be run properly.

Case study: Biak
Establishment of Maritime Conservation Area (MCA) aims to restrict the activities
at sites where there is a archaeological remain within. One of the suitable places
for the application of MCA is Biak - Papua. WWII Catalina aircraft is situated near
the beach. This site is tourist attaraction. The formation of the MCA has a
relatively low conflict of interest, and could potentially provide economic benefits
through the development of the site.
This approach can be successful if:
 There is strong government interest and regulatory action and limited public
resistance.
 If the location does not already entail (or little) activity contrary to the values
of conservation.
 Requires proper socialization, meaning the target-oriented rules that apply
specifically to all stake holders have an interest, either directly or indirectly
also to the wider community in general.
Economic Approach
Creating economic benefits of a heritage object which can be enjoyed directly by
the public will voluntarily enact community conservation of underwater heritage.

Case study: Tulamben - Bali
Tulamben is a small village in Karangasem regency - Bali. This village is one of
the poorest villages in Bali. On Tulamben beach there is a WWII shipwreck., In
1963 when Mount Agung erupted, the ship was dragged into the water about 50
metres from the beach and sunk under 18-30m water depth (based on personal

�experience since 1991). Since the mid-1980s, small groups of recreational divers
began diving at the wreck site (based on personal experience with the
community since 1990). Slowly the name Liberty Ship Wreck Tulamben became
increasingly popular. The local community then switched their professions from
fisherman to the tourism service. The village of Tulamben is no longer poor,
communities benefit directly from the existence of heritage. Several times outside
forces have attempted to disturb the site but the people of Tulamben have
defended the site, including violence when it needed (based on personal
observation).
The Liberty Ship Wreck Tulamben has become part of local people's
livelihood, their economy depends on the presence of the ship; its condition,
restoration and conservation efforts are very important,when Liberty Ship Wreck
Tulamben became the most famous dive site in Indonesia and natural heritage
conservation process has occurred in Tulamben.
This approach can be successful if:
 The locals have not made an extraction of these remains, or in the other
words salvage does not occur as a result of the economic advantages which
is opposed to the conservation values.
 The community has minimal resistance especially if it is related to the
existence of alternative livelihoods.
 Educating the local community is intended to provide understanding the
economic benefit of sustainable development of the underwater heritage
objects.

Regulatory approaches and economic
In the location of underwater heritage that has been massively exploited, a
combination of regulatory and economic approaches is the most sensible choice
for rehabilitation and conservation. In this case the government must enact
legislation on the protection and utilization of heritage objects and at the same
time approach the public, especially related to ongoing negative utilization
(salvage) by providing alternative income solutions that can replace the income
earned from salvage of underwater heritage (see Ridwan this volume). Here, the
role of socialization is continuous, consistent and needs to be designed and
carefully follow the developmental stages of the application of the rules as well as
offering alternative livelihood opportunities. Using audio-visual communication
methods can accelerate this change in mindsets towards the desired concept.

Case study: Morotai
Morotai was an important part of the history during WW II. As a result, this island
enriched WWII underwater cultural heritage such as aircraft, tanks, Armour
Personnel Carrier (APCs) which have found on land and underwater.
Unfortunately, from the 1980s until now there has been massive looting on the
site. The remainder-war has a lot of cut and sold in kilograms by both local
people and also immigrants who load the iron from the remaining-war to the
wrought-smelting. Government awareness of these sites arose after Morotai
became part of the new district of North Halmahera, Morotai, and later, an

�independent district separated from the North Halmahera. This awareness is
quite late, and very few cultural heritage sites remain intact. Remaining sites
include WWII aircraft wreckage Bristol Beuford &amp; B, an Australian-made fighter
sitting at a depth of approximately 45m South of the island of Morotai. Wreckage
was accompanied by several other scattered aircraft and also some vehicles that
still leave the steering wheel. If economic regulatory approaches appropriately
ran strictly, then rapid economic alternatives can be offered to the public. Those
witness to this history of exploitation and use of heritage as part of a limited
maritime tourist attraction can raise awareness of the wider community with
conservation plans that have been targeted over a longer period of time.
This approach can be successful if:
 Local community needs a strong government to enforce the law in line with
the education on an alternative livelihoods for the people affected from the
consequences of these rules.
 Options are almost immediately utilization, so if this could be idealized as
principally conservation it will invite the attention of the wider society to help
support.
 Need a way of communication and socialization that are objective and
oriented on the rules that apply specifically to all stake holders. This must be
of interest, either directly or indirectly, to the wider community in general.

An Example of a Case in utilization of audio-visual communication
methods that have an impact on changing attitudes and values of the
villagers in Les-Bali


Messages that need to be delivered is the use of non environmentally friendly
equipment in catching fish.
 Target audience: males, aged 15-40 years, public education, indigenous
people bali
 Language of delivery: low context
 Involving stakeholders: the central character of local community
 Communications media: posters, photos and movies
 Range of communications: local - international
 Frequency of submission: each occasion (a variety of media: posters, photos,
movies)
 Social value of culture: the culture of Bali
Les is a village on the north coast of Bali. At first sight there is nothing
special compared to other fishing villages along the north side of Bali. Only when
you approach the coastal area, you will find the fish ponds and aquariums
containing sea water ornamental fish. The livelihood in this village is fisherman
for ornamental fish. Originally, they were using traditional fishing tools but later
due to the increase of the demand of ornamental fish and also the trading
pressure pushed them to switch by using potassium cyanide, which they usually
called "potash" or "pushers". The use of significant potash has increased their
ability to find fish and bring home a bucket of ornamental fish.

�Gradually the use of potash has damaged the marine environment.
Potash sprays can be potentially fatal to coral reefs covering an area of 1-2 m
within two to three months. We can imagine if there were an average of 30
people working every day for years using cyanide what sort of impact this may
cause. It is therefore no wonder in the early 2000s, the condition of coral reefs in
Les are severely devastated. Nearly 70% of coral reefs around the village are
dead and destroyed. In early 2000, several people from the archipelago's Ark
Foundation and the Society palm visit the village. By experiencing handling
"destructive fishing" in the Philippines, they offered an alternative way of catching
ornamental fish, using barrier nets and small nets. The method used to educate
and introduce the community is an audio visual communication through films and
photographs.
The first step was - every time the Non-Government Organization (NGO)
Yayasan Bahtera Nusantara and Telapak visits Les they followed the fishermen
to catch fish using potassium cyanide and documented all the activities. After that
they published a video and invited all the fishermen to watch it. It aimed to show
the fishermen the damage that they had done to the natural environment due to
their use of potash.
In 2002 the fishing village of Les consciously abandoned the potash
method and switched to the net method. In that year the group that established
an ornamental fish village in Les, a group of fishermen Mina Bhakti Soansari,
warned others that if they continued using potash they would be punished by
new village regulatory reforms (based on personal experience since 2000).

Conclusion
Three approaches above, we can draw a thread of thought and process that
every stage of these steps need to be communicated with the community, both
specific (narrow scope) and in the general (broader scope).
From the description on the effectiveness of audio-visual communication
as well as the condition of underwater remains that are often still mysterious it
can be concluded that audio-visual communication is a vital bridge that is able to
reach people in the delivery of messages of conservation-oriented utilization of
long-term of underwater objects in Indonesia.
Things that need to be considered in designing the pattern of effective
audio-visual communication are:
 Messages to be delivered (regulatory approaches, economic or regulatory
and economic)
 Target audience (gender, economic level, educational level, social conditions
of culture, age)
 Language of delivery (high or low context language, a high context language
is the language conveyed not directly, often 'winged' and in a form of
communicating that requires interpretation from the listener. Low context
language is a language communicated directly and "to the point" without
much swapped stale. The selection is tailored to the context of language
habits, and social culture of the target communication)

�






Involvement and role of stake holders (and surrounding communities), as a
crew, talent, models) in the production process of communication media
(photos, pictures, movies, etc.) is.
The selection of communication media (media photos / images or movies
(audio visual communication))
Distribution range communications (local, regional, national or international)
Frequency of delivery (more often delivered more easily influence on the
change of mindset, a note: avoid boredom by providing a variety of delivery
methods, visual communication can also be interspersed in the forms of
communication other)
Note the values of social culture that can support the effective delivery of
messages (eg. use of traditional dress in the visualization of people on guard
to protect the conservation area, on Bali's people are called Pecalang).

Bibliography
Bell-Jordan, K.E.,
2008
Gerbner, G., Gross,
L., Morgan, M., and
Signorielli, N.,
1980
Squires, C.,
2008

"Black, white, and a survivor of The Real World:
Constructions of race on reality TV", in Critical Studies in
Media Communication, 25, pp.353–372.
"The mainstreaming of America: Violence profile no. 11", in
Journal of Communication, pp.10-25.

"Tryin' to make it real—but real compared to what?", Critical
Studies in Media Communication, 25, pp.434–440.
http://www.lombokpost.co.id/index.php?option=com_k2&amp;vie
w=item&amp;id=1708:hindari-efek-negatif-nonton-tv-padaanak&amp;Itemid=543, retrieved at 17 August 2011.

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                    <text>Archaeological, Literary and Ethnographic Evidence for
Traditional Boat-building in Kerala, South India
Veerasamy Selvakumar1

Abstract
Kerala possesses rich maritime traditions dating back to the Early Historic period. A few types of
traditional watercrafts developed indigenously and some are influenced by external contacts.
Archaeological excavations revealed a medieval sailboat at Kadakkarappally in 2003 and an
Early Historic canoe at Pattanam in 2007. The Early Historic Sangam Tamil texts refer to the
watercrafts of Kerala. Traditional boat-building still survives in Kerala. This paper presents the
evidence for traditional boats in Kerala, their historical context and the possible external
2
influences, until the 15th century Common Era (CE).

I. Introduction
Kerala's strategic location connects the eastern and western worlds in the Indian
Ocean region Kerala‟s internal processes and external influences have caused
the development of a vibrant maritime culture, including interesting watercraft
types, than any other region in India. This paper presents a survey of traditional
boat-building in Kerala, its historical context and the possible external influences,
until the 15th century CE.
With the Western Ghats on the east and the Arabian Sea on the west,
Kerala (Lat. 8◦ 15' and 12◦ 50' E; Long. 74◦ 50' and 77◦ 30' N, Figure 1A) is
enriched by the monsoons, 44 perennial rivers, 15 backwaters and a 600 km
coast. The average temperature is between 20◦ and 32◦ C, and the annual rainfall
varies from 1800 to 3600 millimeters (mm). Kerala has rich wood sources
suitable for boat-building.

Previous Research
Experiments undertaken in methods of navigation to survive in the water-filled
landscape led to the development of indigenous watercrafts, some of which still
survive. The Classical texts3, medieval travelers4 and the European adventurers5
and administrators6 discuss the traditional watercrafts of Kerala.
Systematic research on the traditional watercrafts was initiated by the
Europeans. James Hornell (1920:21-24) offers an account of the traditional
watercrafts. A.P. Greeshmalatha and Victor Rajamanickam (1993;
Greeshmalatha and Rajamanickam 1995; Rajamanickam 2004) documented the
nature, distribution and construction techniques of the watercrafts.

1

Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, INDIA, selvakumarodi@gmail.com
Designation for the Georgian „Calendar Era‟.
3
Specifically the Sangam Tamil (Zevelebil 1974) and Greco-Roman texts, e.g. The Periplus
(Casson 1989; Schoff 1912).
4
For instance, Ibn Batuta (Lee 1829) and Marco Polo (Benedetto 1931; Yule 1993).
5
Cabral 1995; Barbosa, Stanley 1866; Varthema 2004.
6
For example, Francis Buchanan 1806: 419-420; and William Logan 1884: 39.
2

1

�Rajamanickam and V.S. Arulraj (1994:9-24) present the watercrafts from Tamil
and Malayalam literature. Other important studies include Lucy Blue's
Kattamaram Project 2005-2007, Jesse Ransley's The Backwater Boats of Kerala
(2008, 2010), and Ralph Pedersen's study on the clench-fastened boat (2010).
Archaeological excavations exposed an Early Historic canoe at Pattanam
(Cherian, et al. 2007a; Cherian, et al. 2007b; Cherian, et al. 2009) and a
medieval sailboat at Thaikkal-Kadakkarappally (Nair, et al. 2003; Pedersen 2004;
Selvakumar 2006a; Tomalin, et al. 2004). An Indo-Arabian type stone anchor has
been identified near Kannur (Tripathi, et al. 2005).
Several publications exist on Late Medieval boat-building (Appadorai
1936; Arunachalam 2008; Joseph 2003; Malekandathil 2001; Mathew 1997).
Despite these studies further investigations are essential for a holistic
understanding of boat-building in Kerala.

Figure 1. Map of Kerala (Drawing by Tangadurai, 2011) and Canoe from
Pattanam (Photo by Mohammed 2007).

2

�II. History of Boat-building
Prehistoric Age
Boat-building in Kerala, perhaps, extends to the prehistoric period. Kerala has
evidence for prehistoric cultures; especially traces of the early Holocene
microlithic food-gatherers who existed along the littoral of coastal/riverine
contexts (Rajendran 1989; Selvakumar 2006b). Kerala was perhaps first
occupied by the Homo sapiens, who might have migrated along the coast from
Africa in the Late Pleistocene (Petraglia, et al. 2009). Movement and fishing in
riverine/coastal regions were essential for their subsistence, and hence, there is
a possibility that rafts like kattumaram and teppam, which involve securing the
logs of wood/bamboo with creepers, emerged as an adaptation to the
environment.7 It is probable that dugout canoes were crafted using fire and/or
lithic tools.
In the later prehistoric context, i.e. post-3000 Before Common Era (BCE)8,
it is probable that the Harappa civilization (Ratnagar 2006) and its West Asian
counterparts interacted/traded with the microlithic communities of Kerala which
perhaps brought in new boat-building techniques.

Iron Age
Little research exists on the trade, navigation and boat-building of the Iron Age
communities (ca. 1000 to 500 BCE), which built megalithic burials with gravegoods for the dead (Gurukkal and Varier 1999). The iron implements suggest
advanced metallurgy, and the carnelian beads and bronze artifacts indicate longdistance trade. The factors such as political conflicts, internal exchange and longdistance trade would have required the plank-built boats, extended dugouts and
sails.
External contacts would have influenced the boat-building traditions of
Kerala. Colonization of Sri Lanka by Vijaya from North India in 543 BCE,
depicted in the Ajanta paintings, means that large vessels were used in India in
the Early Historic period (Panikkar 1947:32). In addition, the ships of the Indian
Ocean Rim9 would have visited the Iron Age Kerala greatly. Teak wood and
perfume of Kerala origin are reported to have been used during the time of King
Solomon of the Old Testament (Narayanan 2004:41) and the reference to the
land of Ophir in the Bible, identified with Kerala, if authentic, point to longdistance trade (Rawlinson 2005:102).

7

Such rafts are built by securing banana, bamboo and other light wood with creepers or plant
fibres. They are made even today.
8
BCE=Before Common Era, a designation indicating years before the beginning of the Georgian
Calendar.
9
By Indian Ocean rim, I mean the countries along the rim of the Indian Ocean from North Africa to
Southeast Asia, and also the islands of this Ocean.

3

�Early Historic (300 BCE to 500 CE)
The Early Historic period has comparatively better evidence. Pan-Indian
interactions, "rudimentary" urbanization, political conflicts, craft-specialization and
the Indian Ocean trade (Champakalakshmi 1996; Gurukkal 2010; Ray 2003;
Selvakumar and Darsana 2008) induced by the internal and external factors (e.g.
spice trade and Roman Empire) impacted Kerala. The Classical texts and
archaeological record attest to the vibrant trade and the multi-functional towns
with markets, ports and manufacturing and boat-building centres (e.g. Tondi,
Muciri and Nelkynda as discussed in R. Champakalakshmi 1996: 105-141.

Pattanam Canoe
Excavations at the Early Historic site of Pattanam (25 km north of Kochi),
proposed to be Muciri, produced the lower portion of a dugout (extended?) canoe
(6 m+) (Figure 1B), near a wharf with bollards of teak. Accelerated Mass
Spectrometry (AMS) Carbon14 (C-14) dates place the canoe in first century
BCE/CE (Cherian, et al. 2009; see Cherian this volume). The canoe, similar to
modern vanji, is made of Artocarpus hirsutus (anjiliy/aini) wood famous for
contemporary dugouts. With a carved frame in one end the canoe shows
evidence for caulking and repair with a piece of wood. The canoe perhaps was
used for the transportation of goods/people along the rivers and backwaters. The
Sangam texts refer to kazhittoni (canoe of backwater) that brought gold from the
Yavanar's kalam10 (PuranaanooRu, 343, Selvakumar 2008) to Muciri. Similarly
Pliny11 says that the Roman ships could not enter Muciri and, the goods were
transported in smaller crafts (Sastri 1939:53). Therefore, the archaeological
context perfectly matches with the texts. Was the smaller craft a kazhittoni or
some other type?

Texts
The Sangam texts mention several watercrafts including kalam, naavaay,
vangkam, timil, ambi and puNai (Subrahmanian 1966). The description and
context help identify their purpose, but not their design and structure. For nautical
terms in literature (Rajamanickam and Arulraj 1994; see Athiyaman this volume).
The last three crafts meant for coastal-riverine navigation were indigenous; while
the first two--sail-driven, sea-going vessels--in some contexts were non-local.
Periplus12 mentions about colandia and sangara (Schoff 1912:46) plying in the
Bay of Bengal and Southeast Asia which are considered to be outriggers of
Southeast Asian origin (Sakhuja 2009).

10

The texts often mention about nankalam. Nan means 'good' in Tamil and kalam refers to ships,
ornaments, weapons and pottery. Here is refers to ships. Yavanar means people of GrecoRoman and West Asian origin.
11
Pliny the Elder, who lived in the first century CE, was a Roman writer and naval commander.
His account gives details on the Indo-Roman trade.
12
The Periplus Marei Erithrei is a Greek navigational guide dateable to the mid first century CE
(Casson 1989). The name of the author of this work is not known.

4

�Evidence from South India
Moving east of Kerala, the Early Historic port of Azhakankulam in southern Tamil
Nadu, has two graffitio motifs of boat on pottery (Sridhar, et al. 2005). According
to Lionel Casson (1996) one specimen (Figure 2A) is similar to the Roman ships.
The sherd is broken and the double ropes of the second mast are very clear and
hence it matches with the Ajanta/Satavahana motifs and not with the mosaic of
the Ostia specimen (Figure 2C).
The coins of Satavahana (Sharma 1980) ruler Vashistaputra Sri Pulumavi
II have a double-ended ship having two masts secured with a single rope on
either side; the stern has a rudder (Figure 2B).13 The coins of Satavahana
Gautamiputra Yajna Sri Satakarni (Bajpai 1981:145; Mookerji 1999:51) have a
vessel with twin ropes on the exterior sides of the masts and single rope on the
interior, for better compactness to the ship. It appears to have a raised foreside,
and both types seem to be sea-going vessels.
In Deccan, the Ajanta paintings have several ship depictions (Figure 2D);
one type, carrying pots, has three masts and some carry animals (Mookerji
1999:39; Schlingloff 1976), which prove that large ships were used in India.
Pieces of teak, perhaps used in ships, were recovered at Berenike
(Abraham 2007:290), which might have come from Kerala. The volume of ship
traffic suggests possible repairing facilities in Kerala. The abundance of corroded
copper and a few tin pieces from Pattanam (Cherian, et al. 2007a; Cherian, et al.
2007b) indicates their probable use in ship building/repair, and it is not clear if
Roman ships were built in Kerala.

Figure 2. Watercrafts of Early Historic Indian Ocean Region- A Graffito,
Azhakankulam; B Motif on Satavahana Coin; C Motif from Ostia; D Pleasure
Boat motif, Ajanta

13

Wilfred Harvey Schoff (1912: 244) has different versions of the boats on the Satavahana and
Pallava coins; their accuracy is uncertain.

5

�Nature of Watercrafts
The evidence suggests four categories of watercrafts:
1. The raft types for fishing on the sea and backwater. While kattumaram
does not occur in the Tamil texts, maram does, and it means
ship/boat/raft (Subrahmanian 1966: 645)
2. Dugout canoe for transport of people and goods, and fishing.
3. Ambi of the Tamil texts which exchanged fish for paddy (PuranaanooRu
343) might be a plank-built or an extended plank-built type. It is
spoken of as including faces of horse and elephant. Did ambi have
a keel and the extension of which had animal figureheads?
4. The large sea-going ships, e.g. vangkam, naavaay and kalam with sails
and also colandia and sangara (Schoff 1912: 46). Interestingly, as
in English, kalam refers to both utensil and ship in Tamil. Yavanar
tanta vinai maaN nankalam in Akanaanooru 149 suggests the
Roman origin of certain kalams. The poets, not familiar with the
specific names of the Roman ships, used the generic label kalam.
The native crafts are precisely named with their functions; e.g.
kazhitthoni and ambi in PuranaanooRu 343. Naavaay could be a
ship of North Indian origin, as its root word naav is Indo-European,
not Dravidian, and vangkam, perhaps belonged to the Bay of
Bengal region.

Early Medieval (500 to 1000 CE)
Data on the watercrafts and the navigation of this period is scanty. However, the
ship motifs from the Pallava coins (Tripathi and Raut 2006) and Ajanta
(Schlingloff 1976) prove the importance of maritime activities. Vangkam occurs in
the Medieval Tamil texts (Appar Devaaram 1.84.7). Obviously state formation
and commercial interests in South India boosted navigation and boat-building.
Kerala witnessed the ships of West Asia, Coramandal coast, Southeast
Asia and China. Perhaps Islam and Christianity too reached Kerala during this
period. Increased evidence for trade occurs from the ninth century. The merchant
guilds of Anjuvannam and the Christian presence at southern Kollam in 849 CE
evidenced by the Terisappalli copper grants are noteworthy (Abraham 1988;
Subbarayalu 2001; Varier 2003:160). The Jamat mosque inscription (late tenth
century) at Patalayinikollam mentions about the guilds of Manigramattar and
Valanjiyar (Varier 2003:155; SII, 8, 162:69). The maritime empire of the Cholas
controlled southern Kerala and northern Sri Lanka, which further proves the
importance of boat-building so the empire could be connected. By the end of this
period Muslims were very active on the South India coast due to their interest in
the Indian Ocean trade.14 The West Asian navigation technologies might have
been introduced to Kerala. Beypore, north of Kozhikode, and other settlements
perhaps emerged as major boat-building centres.

14

Ghosh 1992: 362 suggests that Muslims were pushed out of Mediterranean trade by the
Christian states from the 10th century CE.

6

�Late Medieval (1000 CE to 1500 CE)
Evidence for boat-building of this period is available in Arab, Chinese (Karashima
2004a; Sen 2006), European and native (Payyanur Paattu, Antony 1994)
sources. The polities of Kerala which were in frequent skirmishes needed
watercrafts for political and administrative purposes. Reference to the
Kudiraichettis (horse traders) of Kerala occurs in Tamil inscriptions (Rangacharya
1919:1641). Merchants of Kerala were active on the east coast of India
(Karashima 2004b:7), Sri Lanka (Pathamanathan 2004) and Southeast Asia
(Selvakumar 2010).
South India witnessed the merchants from the Indian Ocean Rim. Idrisi
mentions about Fandarina (Pantalayinikollam) where ships of Sindh anchor
(Varier 2003:162). The Genizah letters of Ben Yiju mention about a nakkudha
named Nambiyar, perhaps a ship captain (Goitein 2001:430). The Cholas
dominated the eastern Indian Ocean in the 11th century and they took
expeditions to Sri Lanka, and to Southeast Asia to protect their maritime interests
(Kulke, et al. 2009). The Chola inscription at Krishnapatnam of Andhra (1256 CE)
mentions about the vessels named marakkalam15, thoni, vedi, padavu, kalavam,
kamarasavalli and turi (Karashima 2004b: 7). Three types of Chinese ships that
visited Kerala are mentioned by Ibn Battuta. Pantalayinikollam, north of
Kozhikkode, was a wintering port for Chinese ships and Chinese sources
mention southern Kollam as a major port (Varier 2003). Clearly West Asian
dominance and Chinese interest grew in this phase (Sen 2006).

Kadakkarappally Sailboat
At Kadakkarappally (N Lat. 9 95. 470'; E Long. 76 18. 41' ca. 35 km south of
Kochi, Chertala Taluk, Alappuzha dt), a damaged sailboat was excavated in
2002-2003 (Nair, et al. 2004; Pedersen 2004; Selvakumar 2006a; Selvakumar
2011; Selvakumar, et al. 2004; Tomalin, et al. 2004). This is the first significant
example of a large boat to be excavated in India (Figure 3).

15

Marikar, surname of certain South Indian Muslims is considered to have derived from
Marakkalarayar which means ship master/captain/owner (cf. Marakkalanaayakan in Barus
inscription, Subbarayalu 1994), the Tamil equivalent (?) of nakhuda/naquid (Goiten 2001).

7

�Figure 3. A General view (from south) of the excavated boat at Kadakkarapally
(Photo by Ralph Pedersen 2003).
It is a flat-bottomed, nailed and plank-built boat; intact length ca. 18.67 m,
width, ca. 4.05 m. The boat had a transom stern, partly disturbed, and a
curvilinear-pointed bow, which resembles kettuvallam. It had double masts, one
in the bow and the other amidships. It is made of Anjily wood (Artocarpus
hirsutus) and for the bulkhead Cassia fistula wood is used. Two C-14 dates of
Cal ad16 920–1160, average 990±70 years (Birbal Shani Institute of
Palaeobotany (BSIP, Lucknow) and Cal ad 1020–1270 (Beta Analytic), place the
boat between twelfth and fifteenth centuries CE. The boat displays a mixture of
technologies some of which do not survive in contemporary Kerala. The "lashedlug" technology has interesting parallels to methods used in Southeast Asia and
its compartments resemble the Chinese tradition.

16

'Cal' refers to calibrated age of the dated sample. It is the calendar age of the sample.

8

�Modern Period (from 1500 CE)
The boat-building scenario changed drastically during this period because of the
colonial presence (the Portuguese, Dutch and British)17 and the emergence of
maritime empires (Mathew 1997), and the lack of powerful local polities. A
dugout canoe of late historic period (Figure 4) was found at Uzhavur near
Koothattukulam in 2006, but many such finds in Kerala either go undocumented
or end up as firewood.

Figure 4. A Dugout canoe excavated at Uzhavur-Puthuvely, Kottyam District, and
Kerala (V.Selvakumar 2006)
The water-filled southern and central Kerala produce several varieties of
watercrafts. From the boat song of vanjipaattu to the Khalasi workers of Baypore
yard the boat-building tradition is very dynamic (Joseph 2003). Malayalam has
about 38 names for watercrafts (Rajamanickam 2004). Vanji is a canoe for
river/backwater transport; kettuvallam is a stitched plank-built boat used for largescale transport, and its modified version functions as houseboats; changnadam
(sangara) is used for ferries and palliOdam for ritual purpose; chundan vaLLam
for the boat race in Alappuzha is an important type. Iruttukutthi vaLLam was used
for piracy earlier. Caalattadi or kattumaram is used by the fisher-folk of Kerala.
churulan vaLLam, Odi vaLLam, veppu vaLLam and kochchu vaLLam are other

17

Modern and contemporary ship-building are not discussed in this paper.

9

�traditional craft varieties. Craftsmen of Beypore produce large vessels, uru18,
which are now manufactured mainly for West Asian customers.

III. Discussion
The internal and external dynamics have conditioned the traditional boat-building
in Kerala, especially in Southern and Central Kerala which have numerous rivers
and backwaters. The dugouts and rafts, which perhaps developed in prehistoric
Kerala as an adaptation to environmental conditions, have been in constant use;
however, their specific design has probably changed. Plank-built vessels,
extended dugouts and use of masts and sails might have been introduced in the
Iron Age when internal social complexities and external interactions intensified.
The find of the Pattanam canoe is no surprise as similar canoes are used
even today. Naavaay and vangkam were large seagoing vessels perhaps
manufactured by the major traders in the Early Historic. While the smaller crafts
were the products of day-to-day demands, the larger ships were the result of
long-distance trade and the capitalist enterprise of major traders and guilds or
political enterprise of the states. The chiefs did control the trade and used ships
for political and economic benefits.19 The Indian Ocean trade brought merchants
and watercrafts from different parts of the world to Kerala which might have led to
hybridization of boat-building technologies. Reference to "the well-crafted vessels
given by the Yavanar" in Tamil Akanaanooru poem 149 suggests that particular
ships were Greco-Roman in origin. The indigenous ships were also used in longdistance trade. The questions of joining planks through stitching and nailing in
the Early Historic period and their origin need more research.
Very little is known about the early medieval watercrafts but continuity of
early crafts is possible. From the 9th century the Indian Ocean witnessed
increased commerce, and West Asian communities dominated the Indian Ocean
trade (Arunachalam 2008). These communities with interest in Southeast Asia,
traded on a variety of goods, including horses which were in great demand in late
Medieval South India. Kerala along with the east coast of India was an ideal
ground for these communities due to its location in the sea route connecting
West Asia and Southeast Asia and the spice wealth. Therefore, the West Asian
boat design dominated in certain contexts. Perhaps the native trading groups
faced competition from the West Asian traders and it is probable that some of the
traditional Indian designs (e.g. Vangkam, Kalam) lost their importance. The
Beypore uru design is considered to be influenced by West Asian traditions
(Hornell 1920). According to Hornell (1920: 7), "the Malayali adheres to the
indigenous dugout design, the Arab type is largely built at those Mappilla centers

18

In the Mottupalli (1358 CE, SII XXVI, 635). and Krishnapatnam inscriptions (Karashima 2004b:
7), uru is the generic name for ships.
19
The Chera king Senguttuvan defeated his enemies/pirates on the sea and a Chera king was
'operating gold-yielding naavaay and other kalams would not pass his way (PuranaanooRu 126)
in the Early Historic period. PathiRRuppattu (II, Canto, 8-10) mentions about a Chera king, who
punished the Yavanar and took away their ship (?) with valuables.

10

�where the strain of Arab blood is appreciable, as for example at Calicut, Beypore
and Ponnani". However, this categorization cannot be extended to the past. It
needs to be researched carefully to understand if the Beypore design is entirely
non-local or any of the early Indian elements were incorporated in it. Craftsmen
of Beypore perhaps built boats of different types for various markets; and hence
they could have copied and experimented with a combination of technologies.
The Kadakkarappally sailboat, with Southeast Asian (cf. Manguin's 1996)
and local features, suggests that certain types were abandoned in the past. It
also proves that iron nails were used in medieval Indian boat-building, contrary to
the widely held notion (Selvakumar, et al. 2004: 79). The competition over the
Indian Ocean trade increased from the 15th century with the arrival of colonial
powers and large watercrafts were built in Kerala to fulfill their ambitions.
Several traditional watercrafts are used in Kerala and some of their names
occur in ancient texts. The absence of kattumaram in the Sangam texts is
puzzling; does maram in the texts refer to kattumaram? Or did it become popular
later? While the contemporary watercrafts can help us to understand ancient
navigation they are not static representations of the past navigation system.
Modification, abandonment and introduction of boat designs have been a
constant process due to social-economic and political demands. For example,
traditional watercrafts have disappeared in many traditional river crossings
("Kadavu') due to the new concrete bridges. The kettuvallams have been
modified into houseboats for promoting backwater tourism (Zacharias, et al.
2008).
Kerala has been the meeting ground for boat-building traditions of the
eastern and western Indian Ocean regions; so detailed research, documentation
and preservation of traditional boat-building methods are required for the growth
of nautical archaeology in Kerala and the preservation of traditional nautical
knowledge.

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2001

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Tomalin, V.,
Selvakumar, V.
Nair, M.V. and
Gopi, P.K.,
2004

“The Thaikkal-Kadakkarapally Boat: An Archaeological
Example of Medieval Shipbuilding in the Western Indian
Ocean”, in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 33,
2, pp.253-263.

Tripati, S., and
Raut L. N.,
2006

“Monsoon Wind and Maritime Trade: a Case Study of
Historical Evidence from Orissa, India”, in Current Science,
90, 6, pp. 864-871.

Tripathi, S. A,
Manikfan and
Mohamed, M.,
2005

“An Indo-Arabian Type of Stone Anchor from Kannur, Kerala,
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2003

“Pantalayinikollam”, in (eds.) Kesavan Veluthat and P.P.
Sudhakaran, Advances in History Essays in Memory of M.P.
Sridharan, pp. 154-179, Professor M.P. Sridharan Memorial
Trust, Calicut.

17

�Varthema, L. D.,
2004

“The Itinerary Of Ludovico Di Varthema Of Bologna From
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1993

The Travels of Marco Polo, Dover Publications Inc., New
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Zacharias, S.,
Manalel, J., Jose,
M.C., and Salam,
A.,
2008

“Back Water Tourism in Kerala: Challenges and
Opportunities”, paper presented in conference on Tourism in
India-Challenges, Indian Institute of Management, Kozhikode.
http://hdl.handle.net/2259/597.

Zevelebil, K.,
1974

Tamil Literature, Harrassowitz, Weisbaden.

18

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                <text>Archaeological, Literary and Ethnographic Evidence for Traditional Boat-building in Kerala, South India</text>
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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>Kerala possesses rich maritime traditions dating back to the Early Historic period. A few types of traditional watercrafts developed indigenously and some are influenced by external contacts. Archaeological excavations revealed a medieval sailboat at Kadakkarappally in 2003 and an Early Historic canoe at Pattanam in 2007. The Early Historic Sangam Tamil texts refer to the watercrafts of Kerala. Traditional boat-building still survives in Kerala. This paper presents the evidence for traditional boats in Kerala, their historical context and the possible external influences, until the 15th century Common Era  (CE).</text>
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                <text>Veerasamy Selvakumar</text>
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                    <text>A National Cultural Treasure Revisited – Re-assessing
the ‘Balangay’ Boat Discoveries
Roderick Stead1 and Dr. E Dizon2

Abstract
The discovery of the balangay boats in the Butuan area of Northern Mindanao was arguably the
most important find in pre-colonial maritime archaeology throughout island South East Asia. This
class of vessel was well known from the accounts of early Spanish visitors to the Philippines,
such as the Pigafetta journal of Magellan‟s voyage, but no extent examples had been located
until the 1970s. As a by-product of an organised excavation of a settlement at the mouth of the
Agusan River, a wave of illegal pot-hunting began in the Butuan area. As these ships had no
commercial value they were reported to the National Museum. A total of 11 vessels were reported
as discovered between 1976 and 1998, under some 2 metres of silt. In recent years a replica of a
balangay boat has been built in the Philippines and it carried out a number of trial voyages in
South East Asia. This replica is due to be put on show for the public in Manila.
The first vessel discovered was conserved and is exhibited on site. A second ship was
excavated and is on display in Manila in a partially reconstructed form. A third vessel and portions
of a fourth have been excavated and are stored in pieces on site. The National Museum is
planning to reopen the site in order to record in detail the remaining ships, to trace the stylistic
developments of these vessels, and to test the dating evidence. The earlier excavations indicated
a range of dates covering the millennium before the Spanish colonisation. This paper is a
description of the plans for the re-excavation of this prominent site. The location is very sensitive
as vessels were declared „National Cultural Treasures‟ by Presidential Decree in 1986.

1.

Introduction

The discovery of a collection of the hulks of balangay boats in Mindanao has
been the most important archaeological contribution to our understanding of the
maritime heritage of the Philippines in the last forty years. Many of the boats
discovered were not fully excavated, dated nor recorded. This paper describes a
current review being carried out to assess whether this site should be reexcavated to allow further investigation of the remaining vessels.

2.

Historical References to Balangay Boats

Early European visitors to the Philippines reported and described a number of
indigenous vessels and boats, constructed in accordance with a local ship
building tradition. The first detailed reports were from the voyage of Ferdinand
Magellan. The account of Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of this voyage, was
translated and published by Lord Stanley of Alderley in the nineteenth century.
Soon after the arrival of the expedition in the Philippines in1521 Pigafetta
records, “we came upon two long boats, which they called ballanghai, full of men.
In the largest of them was the king sitting under an awning of mats” (Stanley
1

Phd student at Southampton University
Head of Maritime Archaeology at the National Museum, Manila

2

�2
1874:76). He also records a conference near Samar, “the king… led us under a
place covered with canes, where there was a ballanghai, that is to say, a boat,
eighty feet long or thereabouts, resembling a fusta. We sat with the king upon its
poop” (Stanley 1874:78).
The fusta was a kind of light galley from this period, used mainly in the
Mediterranean, with a single mast, a lateen sail and up to 18 oars. Ruy López de
Villalobos certified the receipt of a fusta, the San Martin, as one of six vessels
provided for his voyage to the Philippines in 1542 (Blair and Robertson 1903:2,
60).
The spelling of balangay took various forms in the early accounts, perhaps
due to Pigafetta preparing his original account in Italian, with subsequent
translations into French and Spanish. Most of the modern versions of his
chronicle are based on French texts, such as the 1525 Paris imprint (which has
been reproduced in facsimile by the University of Michigan). The word appears
as barangay, barangai, ballanghai or balangay in various sources. There is no
doubt that the etymological source of this word is linked to the expression in
Tagalog and other local languages for the smallest political unit of Philippine
society, which is consciously modelled on a boat crew (Scott 1994:4-6).
There is an extensive description of the balangay and the ship building
techniques used to construct them in Francisco Ignacio Alcina‟s unpublished text,
Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas (1668:197-213). He recorded that he
had actually built and sailed a number of these craft himself. He described the
vessel as follows;
barangay, llaman a la que va creciendo ya en tamaño y talle; y estas
embarcaciones, llamadas así, son las mas ligeras que se usaban, y usan, por
acá entre estos naturales. Lábrense sobre quilla cuadrada, añadiéndole sus
tablas por banda, con que quedan bajas de bordo y a propósito para remar
3
(Alcina 1668:200-203).

Apart from Alcina there were frequent descriptions of these vessels in
other early accounts, notably in the Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas of Antonio de
Morga (1609:190). In the translation by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall and
James Alexander Robertson he describes the barangays as, “certain quick and
light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. These
are as slender at the stern as at the bow and they can hold a number of rowers
on both sides”. These early accounts indicate that they were general purpose
cargo-carrying vessels and widely used in inter-island trade. They were propelled
by rowers or paddlers and by sail. They can be contrasted with the caracoa, a
swifter, lighter naval vessel used for raiding and as a people carrier (Scott
1981:5-10).
The barangay has not survived to the present day, but a number of more
modern types of plank-built wooden craft show some influence from this tradition.
3

“Barangay is what they call the next larger in size and proportion. The vessels bearing this
name are the lightest that were used and are still being used by these natives here. They are built
upon a square keel, adding boards for the side. They are completed with low sides suitable for
rowing…” translated by C.J. Kobak and L. Gutiérrez 2005:201-202.

�3
Many of the boats used as houseboats by the sea gypsies in the Sulu Sea
(between Mindanao and Borneo) have similar features to the balangay (Peralta
1980:42).

Luzon

Butuan Site

Cebu
Palawan

Sulu Sea

Mindanao

Figure 1. Map of the Philippines to illustrate site location

3.

Discovery of the Balangay Boats in Butuan

No original examples of the balangay were known until a fortuitous discovery in
Butuan City in Northern Mindanao (See Figure 1). Archaeological materials were
found near the estuary of the Agusan River in 1974 by the Butuan City engineers
who were draining seasonal flood water from the low-lying land near the Masao
creek. Excavation of fish ponds in the local area also produced evidence of
ancient burials.

�4
These accidental discoveries were reported to Xavier University in
Cagayan de Oro and a series of archaeological excavations were carried out
from 1975 to 1977 by staff and students from Xavier University and Mindanao
State University. A report on the earlier finds and these excavations was
prepared by Linda Burton (1977:95-112). The sites revealed a number of burials
with extensive grave goods, including porcelain items from the Yuan period
(thirteenth to fourteenth centuries) and the Ming period (fourteenth to
seventeenth centuries). A settlement area with middens was also located. The
material culture excavated here included sherds, iron slag, ornaments and
animal and marine remains.
The discovery of undisturbed burials, with valuable imported ceramics,
caused a surge in illegal excavations to loot cemeteries in the area. The activities
of the pot hunters, using sounding rods and test pits, destroyed much of the
archaeological potential of the area, but turned up a number of timber boats
preserved in the estuary mud and silt . As these had no commercial value they
were reported to the National Museum (Cembrano 1998: 2-4).
It is not surprising that these vessels were discovered at Butuan as this
was a well-known trading port in the pre-Hispanic era, and this area, called the
Caraga, was an important source of gold (Scott 1994:164-165; Hontiveros 2006).
The first recorded trade mission to China from the Philippines was dispatched in
1001 Common Era (CE) from Butuan (Pu-duan in the Chinese sources). The
Song Shi (Sung History) describes it as a small country with regular contact with
Champa. The King is named as Kiling (Qi-Ling) (Scott 1989:3 and Appendix 1).

4.

The Geophysical Environment

The Agusan River delta is an area of extensive deposition of sand and silt. The
evolution of the estuary has been traced in detail by a recent geophysical report
(Javelosa, et al. 2002).
The site where the boats were found is a waterlogged, marshy forest,
mixed with coconut, banana and nipa palm. In some areas it has been cleared
for fishponds, which will have destroyed the subsurface deposits. All the boats
were found buried in one to two metres of silt, within a two kilometre radius
around a paleochannel which survives as the narrow Masao creek. The sites are
some distance from the present channel which indicates that it was considerably
wider at the date of hulking4, or that it has subsequently changed its course. The
high water table means that this is a difficult area to excavate, but this is, of
course, the key to the preservation of the timber structures.
None of the sites was marked on the ground and it is difficult to correlate
the excavation sketch maps in the National Museum files to modern
topographical maps. Even the memories of those who participated in the
excavations are unclear given the lack of land marks in the marsh (as discussed
on site with the original excavation team members).

4

Hulking, meaning the deliberate abandonment of the vessel

�5
It is not clear the extent to which illegal pot hunting has disturbed and
contaminated the sites as a large number of test pits have been dug.

5.

The Boat Discoveries

A total of eleven hulks or wreck fragments have been reported in total. The first
nine vessels were identified by serial numbers 1 to 9, and subsequently two
further boats were reported. All these discoveries were accidental or due to the
activities of illegal pot hunters.

Figure 2. Boat No 1 on display at „Balangay Shrine‟ (Photo M R Stead 2011)
The first vessel was excavated in 1976 and following conservation
treatment with polyethylene glycol, has been displayed in a glass case at the
„Balangay Shrine‟, just next to the original discovery site (see Figure 2). The
plank hull has a length of approximately 15 metres and beam of approximately 4
metres (Peralta 1980: 43). The carbon dating of this hulk indicated a surprisingly
early date of 320 CE, +/- 110 years (Ronquillo 1987:71-78). There is a detailed
plan drawing of the surviving timbers in Joseph Peralta (1980:44-45). The
ceramics associated with the excavation seem to suggest a much later date but
the depredations of the pot hunters may have disrupted the stratigraphy (Peralta
1980:44).

�6
The second vessel was discovered in 1977 (see Figure 3). This vessel is
of a similar size, about 14 metres long with a comparable design. This vessel has
a C14 date of 1250 CE +/- 90 years reported by Wilfredo Ronquillo (Ronquillo
1987:71-78). The vessel has been comprehensively recorded by an Australian
team, including a photo mosaic and a plan drawing of the timbers derived from
the photos (Clark, et al. 1993:143-159). The boat is now exhibited in the National
Museum in Manila in a partially reconstructed state.

Figure 3. The Balangay No 2 under Excavation (Courtesy of National Museum).
The third vessel was represented by only three planks and these
suggested a rather smaller boat. This vessel was reburied.
Boat no. 4 was discovered after damage from pot hunters. A few remnants
of this vessel are retained on site at the „Balangay Shrine‟ whilst the rest was
reburied.
The 5th vessel was excavated and is retained at the „Balangay Shrine‟ in
pieces. It is currently the subject of further conservation efforts. This vessel was
dated to 990 CE +/- 70 years (Ronquillo 1987:71-78). A plan drawing of the
timbers of this vessel from the National Museum archives is reproduced by Paul
Clark, Jeremy Green, Tom Vosmer and Ray Santiago (1993:145).
Vessels number 6, 7, 8 and 9 have not been excavated. Subsequently two
further vessels are reported to have been discovered, but have not been formally
numbered (Cembrano 1998:4).
The excavations mostly took place a generation ago and no site
identification marks or landscape features are available to fix the sites exactly.
Memories of the precise locations are not clear or consistent. The sites lie in
three groups in three separate properties. The site maps from the original

�7
excavations are essentially sketch maps, which are difficult to tie in to modern
topographic maps. Therefore it is not always possible to identify exactly where
the boats were excavated and where the unexcavated vessels lie (see Figure 4,
which is a comparison of the original site map with a Google Earth image of the
area today). The area is extensively scarred by pot hunter pits.

Figure 1. Google Earth image (left) and old site map (Bautista 1988). Note highway bend and forks in river for reference (indicated
by red arrows). Approximate site locations retrieved from this field visit are shown on the Google Earth image, and are compared
with locations marked in the old map (indicated by orange arrows and encircled).

Figure 4. Modern satellite map comparing site location to historic site map
(Courtesy of Ms Ligaya Lacsina of the National Museum).

6.

Vessel Construction

The balangay boats found at Butuan seem to have followed similar designs.
They correspond closely to the descriptions contained in Alcina‟s manuscript
(1668:167-195). He indicates that all the larger craft in this indigenous tradition
had common construction methods. He uses a number of technical terms in
Spanish and the local language, Visayan, to describe the components and
construction methods. The construction began with carving a keel and stem and
stern posts, “la quilla y las dos rodas de proa y popa”. The strakes, “tablas”, were

�8
carved two from each tree trunk using axes and adzes. This avoided using the
outer sap wood and the core of the log, neither of which gives strong, resistant
timber. These strakes were carved with curved ends, “lubag”, to create the
appropriate hull curvature. The strakes were always cut to the full length of the
hull. The size and shape of the strakes determined the beam of the vessel and
the shape of the hull. On the inside of the planks were left rounded protrusions or
lugs, “tambuko”, with holes for the hull fastenings. Inner ribs called “agar” were
lashed to the hull using the “tambukos” to hold the vessel together. The strakes
were joined and attached to keel by wooden battens or dowels which fitted into
holes carved by an auger5. The number of strakes determined the height of the
freeboard. Oars of appropriate lengths were selected based on the height of the
freeboard.
According to Alcina the ship was usually left to season for one or two
months and then the dowels were checked by dismantling the hull. The strakes
were caulked with a palm extract, “baruk”. The hull was then stressed by lashing,
a process called “usus”. The dowels were locked in position with wooden plugs,
to “cegar las junteras” called in Visayan “pamuta”. The vessel was then fitted with
outrigger poles and connecting timbers, “katig”. The outriggers could support
platforms especially for fighting or carrying passengers. A central hull platform,
the “burutlan”, was used for working the sails or carrying passengers or freight. A
temporary awning of palm leaves was often rigged to protect the passengers
from the sun or rain. The ships carried either a single mast or a tripod mast,
which could be raised or lowered quickly. The sails themselves were usually
wider than they were high, and strung on two bamboo yards.
However, there is very little evidence from the excavations as to whether
these vessels had outriggers and masts. This probably reflects the theory that
they were hulks and such equipment would have been stripped. The lack of finds
of shipboard equipment in the excavations would seem to support this
interpretation.
Most of the vessels have not been published in detail although there is
much information in the excavation reports in the files of the National Museum.
The most comprehensive published account is the survey of the timbers of boat
number 2 carried out in 1988 (Clark, et al. 1993:143-149). This vessel is about 14
metres long and the remains consist of a keel with two strakes on one side and
five on the other. The dowels were not locked in this vessel, but locked dowels
had been noted in the first Butuan discovery. A series of hooked scarf joints6
were observed on these strakes. It would clearly be very valuable to have all the
vessels published to this level of detail, in order to easily compare and contrast
the vessels and seek to develop a typological evolution linked to comprehensive
dating evidence.

5

Auger, a tool for carving circular holes in wood
Hooked scarf joints are a way of fitting together strakes in a potential area of hull weakness,
discussed at length (Clark, et al. 1993: 150).
6

�9

7.

The Reception of the Discoveries

This discovery is without doubt one of the most important maritime
archaeological sites in Southeast Asia from the pre-colonial era. The importance
of these discoveries was recognised immediately and the early moves by the
National Museum to excavate and conserve the first two vessels were
commendable. There are extensive displays on these vessels in the National
Museum in Manila and in the Regional Museum in Butuan City. The first vessel is
now, of course, the central focus of the „Balangay Shrine‟.
The importance of the discoveries was confirmed in 1986 when they were
declared as „National Cultural Treasures‟ by President Corazon C. Aquino under
Presidential Proclamation No 86.
Since 2009 there have been three separate replicas of balangay boats
built in the Philippines. A series of voyages were undertaken in Philippine and
South East Asian waters with the first replica to demonstrate the seaworthiness
of the design (discussed with Daniel Calo, a crew member). This vessel is to be
preserved in Manila and put on permanent display. The third vessel, the Masawa
Hong Butuan, was built in Mindanao and is currently moored in the Agusan
River, close to Butuan (visited by the site visit team in 2011).

8.

Proposal to Conduct Further Work on Site

In February 2011 a visit to the site was organised by Roderick Stead, one of the
authors, accompanied by Ligaya Lacsina of the Archaeology Division from the
National Museum in Manila. The purpose of this visit was to evaluate if further
work should be undertaken on the site. The staff of the Regional Museum in
Butuan were particularly helpful in seeking to identify the original sites of the boat
discoveries.
To reopen the site would be feasible, but is complicated as the exact
location of the boats is not always clear. The first challenge would be to locate
the hulls again, which ironically would probably require the use of similar
sounding rods as in the pot hunters‟ tool kits. The use of more sophisticated
electronic devices would be complicated by the waterlogged nature of the site.
The wet site is also a complication for re-excavation as the trenches would need
to be shored up and kept clear of water by continuous pumping. Great care
would be needed to avoid deterioration of the fragile wood of the vessels, even if
the exposure was only temporary.
However such is the importance of this site that further excavations on the
remaining craft is certainly justified. This would include testing the date range of
all the vessels. A fairly limited number of C14 tests were undertaken on the three
excavated boats and the reported results ranges over a millennium, which would
seem suspiciously broad considering the very consistent range of designs.
The surviving timbers would need to be recorded accurately using
photography and scanning technology. The wood species used in construction
would need to be analysed. The surviving tool marks may give clues to the
construction process. Computer modelling could be used to reconstitute an
electronic model of each vessel. A range of environmental samples would be

�10
needed to analyse the stratigraphic layers in which the vessels sit. Finally there
could be an attempt to construct a typological evolution of the design if the time
elapse period is as long as reported.
There are two precautionary considerations. We do not know how much
the trial pits of the pot hunters have damaged the archaeological layers and
contaminated the site. It is also important to note that these appear to be
abandoned hulks, discarded at the end of their useful lives. Therefore it is likely
that all reusable equipment was stripped from the hulls at the time of
abandonment.

9.

Conclusion

The „balangay‟ boats continue to be an important symbol of the pre-colonial
maritime culture of the Philippines. This project could significantly extend our
knowledge of these vessels, their use and their construction. A controlled
process of reburial would protect the hulls for future re-examination.

Abbreviations
IJNA

International Journal of Nautical Archaeology

Bibliography
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�11
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                <text>A National Cultural Treasure Revisited  - Re-assessing the "Balangay" Boat Discoveries</text>
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                <text>Session 4&#13;
The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>The discovery of the balangay boats in the Butuan area of Northern Mindanao was arguably the most important find in pre-colonial maritime archaeology throughout island South East Asia. This class of vessel was well known from the accounts of early Spanish visitors to the Philippines, such as the Pigafetta journal of Magellanâ€™s voyage, but no extent examples had been located until the 1970s. As a by-product of an organised excavation of a settlement at the mouth of the Agusan River, a wave of illegal pot-hunting began in the Butuan area. As these ships had no commercial value they were reported to the National Museum. A total of 11 vessels were reported as discovered between 1976 and 1998, under some 2 metres of silt. In recent years a replica of a balangay boat has been built in the Philippines and it carried out a number of trial voyages in South East Asia. This replica is due to be put on show for the public in Manila.&#13;
&#13;
The first vessel discovered was conserved and is exhibited on site. A second ship was excavated and is on display in Manila in a partially reconstructed form. A third vessel and portions of a fourth have been excavated and are stored in pieces on site. The National Museum is planning to reopen the site in order to record in detail the remaining ships, to trace the stylistic developments of these vessels, and to test the dating evidence. The earlier excavations indicated a range of dates covering the millennium before the Spanish colonisation. This paper is a description of the plans for the re-excavation of this prominent site. The location is very sensitive as vessels were declared â€˜National Cultural Treasuresâ€™ by Presidential Decree in 1986.&#13;
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              <elementText elementTextId="2869">
                <text>Roderick Stead</text>
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                <text>E Dizon</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 4</name>
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                    <text>Tanzania's Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Assets: Strategies Towards Sustainable
Conservation and Management
Ichumbaki, E.B1

Abstract
Tanzania has a long and unique maritime history. This shared history left various signatures
which are needed by present and future generations for their cultural, scientific and
economic significance. However, despite such maritime potentiality, very miniature has been
done by scholars to research, identify, document and assess the cultural significance of the
Tanzanian maritime and underwater cultural heritages. It was until rescently that the country
has started some initiatives to identify and manage her maritime and underwater heritage
assets. This is done by the established Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH)
program which officially started in february 2009. Among others, the program initiatives has
resulted to documenting some of the country‟s maritime and underwater cultural heritage
assets as well as establishing a strong team from various Government‟s departments and
institutions.

Introduction
Tanzania possesses cultural heritage assets that span from the 2.5 million
years ago to the present. These assets include but not limited to
Palaeoanthropological, Paleontological, Rock shelters with arts, Urban and
Architectural complex sites, Ethnological and Historic sites. The assets do
assist in understanding the origin and development of humanity both
culturally and biologically. Also, the country is surrounded by water bodies at
which human activities have had been taking place throughout history. These
activities have left signatures that make Tanzania have important maritime
and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) assets. They include historic towns
such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Kilwa, Pangani and Mikindani all of which rose
as a result of commercial contact between the Tanzanian and others traders
of the Indian Ocean.
Noting the assets‟ significance, the Government of Tanzania and other
heritage stakeholders have taken some initiatives to protect them. These
measures include the establishment of various legislations and institutions.
Such legislations are the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 (amended in 1979)
and the National Museums Act of 1963 (amended and 1980). The institutions
are such as the Antiquity Division (1954) and Archaeology section of the
University of Dar es Salaam (1985) responsible for cultural heritage
preservation, monitoring and research and training respectively. This paper
therefore shall explore the potentiality of Tanzania in maritime and UCH and
provide the current strategies towards sustainable conservation and
management.

1

(ichumbaki@udsm.ac.tz), Unversity of Dar es Salaam

1

�Tanzania: Geographical Considerations
Tanzania covers the previous British protectorate and a Germany Colony
which united together to become a republic in April 1964 (Chami 2009). It
roughly stretches between 5˚ and 11˚ with approximated total population of
about 40 million people (Census 2003). The country is bordered by Kenya
and Uganda in the north; Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia in the south and
Rwanda, Burundi and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the west. In
the eastern part, Tanzania is demacated by the Indian Ocean which has
been connecting it to the external world since probably the 6th century
(Wheatley 1975; Chami 2002; Chami 2009; Christie 2011). The country is the
custodianship of fresh water resources found in the form of lakes and rivers.
Moreover, the coastal part has numerous bays, inlets, offshore islands and
the associated archipelagos (Lane 2005; Christie 2011; Ichumbaki 2011).

Tanzania’s Maritime and Underwater Potentialities
Maritime and underwater archaeology are two concepts which have been
discussed and distinguished from each other, along with the related concepts
such as nautical and shipwreck archaeology (Bass 1966; Gould 2000; Parker
2001; Lane 2005). Although maritime and UCH assets might be different, in
this paper the concepts refer to material traces and physical remains of
people who at one time engaged in maritime activities. These activities may
range from cultural, technology, economic to other related practices. They
include but are not limited to diverse features as habour installations, tidal
mills, fish traps, coastal settlements, submerged landscapes, naval defences
and inundated sites (Lane 2005). This paper therefore, shall use either
maritime or UCH assets to mean the same. That is, to refer to material
traces, manifestations and physical remains that signify the interactions
between past humans and water bodies such as ocean, sea, lakes and rivers
(see Westerdahl 1992; Christie 2011).
Having a long coast from the north to the south and varieties of lakes
and rivers, Tanzania has much to offer as a means to understand past
maritime cultures. Although there has not been a maritime based study along
the Tanzania‟s lakes and rivers, I believe there are important traces that tell a
lot about past societies. For instance, there should be interaction among the
communities surrounding lakes such as Victoria, Tanganyika, Nyasa, Natron,
Rukwa and many others. A study by Nancy Alexander (2010) at Kanazi
village near Lake Victoria in Kagera region for instance, shows how
communities used water resources to sustain their livelihoods. In this study
which aimed at explicitly establishing the subsistance strategies of the
lucustrine society during the Iron Age period, Alexander found that fishing
outweighs domestication as distinguished from many areas where
domestication were preferred by Iron Age people. This is one of the evidence
which shows that implementing maritime studies to the Tanzanian marine
environments (lakes and rivers) may contribute much towards understanding
the marine cultures. Thus, for a better understanding of the cultures of people

2

�living near fresh water such as rivers and lakes, for that purpose Tanzania
should be considered.
Apart from lakes and rivers, the coastal area has much and robust
evidence of social and economic interactions among the communities of the
Indian Ocean. However, very little has been done to reconstruct the maritime
culture. Also, the majority of works done (Chittick 1965; Chittick 1975; Chami
1994; Chami 2002; Kwekason 2010) be it in the form of historical,
ethnographical or archaeological are according to Paul Lane (2005:97), “are
themselves not „maritime‟ in nature”. In a nutshell, here are some of the
maritime potentialities which should be considered for studying and finally
reconstructing past human maritime cultures. These potentialities are found
but unlimited to sites with robust maritime evidence such as Mbwamaji,
Kunduchi, Bagamoyo, Mafia, Zanzibar, Pangani, Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo
Mnara, Ngurumahamba, Mingoyo, Sudi and Mikindani, to mention just a few.
All these sites have unique and strong histories that have not been studied in
a maritime perspective. Some of these sites have been discussed elsewhere
(see Chami 2003; Masele 2007; Ichumbaki 2009; Ichumbaki 2011;
Biginagwa forthcoming) but neither exhaustively nor with a maritime focus.
Therefore, I shall briefly explain a few sites and show their potential for study
to reconstruct past maritime cultures. In this case sites of Kilwa Kisiwani and
Songo Mnara, Sudi, Mikindani, Mingoyo, Ngurumahamba, Kitunda, Msanga,
Mtandi and Mwitingi shall be considered.

Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara
These are two islands with complexes of ruins. The islands were visited by
the great traveller Ibn Batutta in 1331 – 1332 and described them as the
most beautiful cities of the world (Chami 1994; Karoma 1996; Sasi 2006;
Kimaro 2006). Due to their unique and outstanding history, the islands were
declared World Heritage Sites (WHS) in 1981 (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/).
However, due to both physical and human induced problems (Karoma 1996),
the sites have been deteriorating year after year. To be able to solicit support
from various partners to provide financial support and technical skills, the
Department of Antiquities made a deliberate move to add Kilwa to the WHS
„in danger‟ list (Kimaro 2006; DBSA and AWHF 2009). The most significant
ruins include numerous mosques, the prison, palaces, cemetery and tombs
of the sultans. The ruins (mosques, palaces and residences) tell of the rise
and fall of the islands under various colonial authorities‟ influences.
The time at which settlement began in the islands have been
controversial among scholars. For instance, Neville Chittick (1965, 1975) and
Karen Moon (2005) argue that these islands were inhabited since at least the
ninth century A.D. Moon (2005) explains that the islands, and especially
Kilwa, were at one point ruled by an independent African Sultanate.
According to her, Kilwa was at its most prosperous during the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries and the present ruins are what remains of a great Swahili
city-state. Other scholars (Sasi 2006; Chami 2009; Kwekasoni 2010) argue
that communities lived within the islands as early as Stone Age periods
(40K). These scholars use the recovered cultural materials running from

3

�Later Stone Age (LSA) 40K – 1K, Early Iron Working (EIW 4th – 7th C) to
days of active trading. Also, wattle and daub style2 settlement has been
dated to the beginning of the ninth century (Moon 2005; Kimaro 2006a). The
islands became major trading centers and developed major trading routes
linked to Persia and Southern Arabia in the north, as well as Mozambique in
the south, and the interior. Gold, ivory, rhino‟s horns and slaves were
amongst the traded products (DBSA and AWHF 1999:7). Materials such as
earthernware, cowrie shells, carnelian and pearls of glass (Kimaro 2006b:1–
3) are indicators of commercial and cultural exchanges between Kilwa and
other inhabitants of the Indian Ocean. These are some of the evidence which
show involvement of the Kilwa society in maritime business. However,
nothing has been done in a „maritime‟ perspective. It is a call by this paper to
investigate this site and provide education for the local communities to better
appreciate its rich maritime culture both in its proximity and to the wider
Indian Ocean and global context.

Sudi
This is an important maritime site located at about 14 km north east of
Madangwa junction on the Dar es Salaam – Mtwara road (Ichumbaki 2011).
This site has important maritime cultural remains which include but are not
limited to inscribed tombs of the 12th/13th century, old mosque of the 17th/18th
centuries and old port of the 18th centuries. The site has irrefutable evidence
that it was at one time (somewhere between 7th and 12th centuries AD)
trading with China, India and many Arabic countries. Moreover, Sudi has
signatures of a fight between Germans and other European nations which
happened during the 1st and 2nd World Wars. Also, at this site there are
courts used during both Germanic and British colonial period between 19th
and 20th centuries. In addition, Sudi is one site amongst the area where wars
of resistance (Maji Maji war of 1905 – 1907) took place (Ichumbaki 2011).
This is a good and unique history which needs to be reconstructed in a
maritime perspective.

Mikindani
A town situated along the protected bay in Mtwara region, southeastern
Tanzania (figure 1). It is one of the Swahili historic towns that flourished
between 15th and 19th centuries (Pawlowcz 2009). Mikindani‟s advantage
was its location, whereby boats move fast along the coast due to strong
monsoon winds. It was a trade centre with internal links whereby traders
were coming from as far as Zambia, Malawi, Angola and DRC (Ichumbaki
2011). These internal links were destroyed due to interference from the
Portuguese. However, once again the town became famous whilst the Sultan
of Zanzibar (Seyyid Said) was ruling East Africa starting from 1840s. The
major trade goods involved were ivory, skins, tortoise shells, copper, hides
and slaves exchanged with clothes, household utensils and weaponry metals
(Pawlowicz 2009:41–51). The town also experienced the influence of
2

. Traditional houses built of wood and stones bonded together by using mud or clay

4

�Europeans via the works of both missionaries and explorers. All these events
resulted in growth and glorification of the town, for which the results are
different architectural buildings. The buildings include Old Boma, the
Agakhan House, the Gavonor‟s house, the bank house, Livingstone‟s house,
old prison and the slave market.

Figure 1. Map Showing Location of Mikindani and its Heritage Assets
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Ngurumahamba and Mingoyo (Figure 2)
Ngurumahamba has tombs and a mosque. One of the tombs is famously
known in Lindi and Mtwara regions. It is called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu loosely
meaning a grave of the tallest person. The so called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu is a
rectangular pile of stones measuring 16 m long and 4 m wide (Ichumbaki
2011). Meters from this tomb is a ruined mosque attacked by vegetations.
Around the area there are scatters of potsherds of Triangular Incised Wares
(TIW) traditions, European wares and LSA artifacts made from chert.
Presences of imported ceramics such as European wares indicate the
presence of interactions via the Indian Ocean.
Mingoyo is found at about 25 km from Lindi urban following the Lindi –
Mtwara road. It is located at the landward end of the Lindi estuary and has
been hypothesized to have small fortified trading stations built by French
traders (Akinola 1969; Gray 1964; Lane 2005). Documentary sources (Lane
2005; Akinola 1969; Gray 1964) explain the area to have various trading

5

�posts, warehouse and gun-boat of four cannons. A survey made by Elgidius
Ichumbaki (2011) to this area identified heritage assets including the court
built during the German colonial times (still in use), Swahili tombs mixed with
Indian tombs and an abandoned jetty. The abandoned jetty is collapsing as
only few pillars and walls remain. At about 100 m from the jetty towards
inland there is a foundation. This foundation is orally explained as a
collapsed sisal bundle warehouse (MA Athman). Sisal bundles from
Mangawanga, Narunyu, Lua and other places of south eastern Tanzania
were stored in this warehouse before being exported.

Figure 2. Map Showing Location of Mingoyo and Ngurumahamba Sites
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Kitunda
This is another site which is rich in maritime heritage assets with
technological, scientific and economic value especially within the area
formally known as Kitunda Sisal Estate. These assets include an old port and
ruins at various locations (see figure 3). The port which is now collapsing is
the one used by the Germans to import necessary sisal production
requirements and export sisal bundles. Apart from the visible historic port, the
area has buildings of 19th and 20th century built of stones, lime, mud and

6

�wattle. According to oral information it was at this site where charcoal run
engine was firstly installed in the 1890s (YM Mpanjilu).

Msanga
An important site with maritime heritage potentials found to the east, about 8
km, of Lindi Municipality. The area has few tombs and many potsherds
scattered over the landscape. One of the tombs is roofed and has
triangulated decorations as well as Chinese porcelains. The pillared tombs
found at this area are similar to those found at Kunduchi ruins site (Masele
2007) and may date to between 15th and 19th centuries. The majority of
potsherds are of TIW tradition and few have incisions and ffing ted
decorations. According to oral information, this area attracts many people
who come to request good luck in their normal undertakings (YM Mbaraku).
This means that, the area and its built heritage assets has both spiritual and
cultural significance. Moreover, these tombs are located near the beach with
white sands and coral caves. Thus, the area has tourism potential if well
developed and promoted.

Mwitingi and Mtandi
Two maritime sites located close to one another. At this area there are big
baobab trees (Adansonia digitata). The area is orally explained to be the port
where slaves were brought before they were taken to other areas, probably
Zanzibar, Mauritius and Reunion Islands (Ichumbaki 2011). How valid this
information is has not been reconstructed. This marks a call for the need to
undertake a maritime study to better reconstruct this unknown maritime
history. The assets found at these two close areas are two ruined mosques
and various tombs. However, about 75-90% of the mosques have collapsed
and the area is currently used as a burial. Also, the mosques are in ruined
state although sewage outlets of the Mtandi mosque are clearly seen. The
local people do not know the age of the Mtandi mosque and have Thus come
up with a myth that the mosque was built by an unknown architect (YM
Mbaraku). It is probably due to this myth the mosque is used for spiritual
purpose.

7

�Figure 3. Map of Lindi Municipality Showing location of some Heritage Assets
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Available Strategies towards Sustainable Management and
Conservation
Despite all the evidence of Maritime/UCH assets, until very recently,
Tanzania had not been able to either intensively research on or even
document those which are known. Strategies and plans to establish a
maritime program started in early 2000 and its real implementation began in
2008. Thanks to the Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) for
initiating the program. In November, 2008 CIE representative, Robert
Parthesius came to Tanzania and made initial informal communication with
three bodies. These are Antiquities department – Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism (MNRT), Archaeology Unit of the University of Dar
es Salaa and National Museum of Tanzania. Also, Parthesius wrote the
proposal to the MNRT to request for the establishment of the Maritime
Archaeological Unit of Tanzania (MAUT). In early 2009 the proposal was
accepted and strategies to establish the MAUT started. Important program
stakeholders and „appropriate‟ staff were identified and signed the
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU).
The identified stakeholders and the relevant staff were: MNRT – 2,
National Museums – 2, Marine Parks – Dar es Salaam – 2, Marine Parks –
Mafia – 1, Archaeology Unit University of Dar es Salaam – 2 and Archives,
Museums and Antiquities, Zanzibar – 5. After finalization of all bureaucracies
among the stakeholders, the implementation of the program began in
February 2009. The program started with public lectures at the University of

8

�Dar es Salaam between February and March 2009. Identified staff from the
stakeholders attended Nautical Archaeology society (NAS) Part I training in
Dar es Salaam and went for dive training in Zanzibar. The training was
important as it provided trainees with dive qualifications. Also the trainees
learned how to implement a site survey and compile a database and fill the
site inspection form. Moreover, the trainees were also introduced to the
UNESCO 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural
Heritage (2001 Convention). This training also provided a forum for the
stakeholders‟ to meet and discuss the program‟s future prospects.
In December 2009, the team members were also brought together for
one week. They met at the Dar es Salaam National Museum and House of
Culture. The aims of the meeting were two: 1) to conducted NAS Part II
training: and 2) complete the preparation of the Great Northern Shipwreck
report (see Mahudi this volume). The meeting also initiated strategies to
establish a database for the UCH of Tanzania. During this meeting, the
trainees were equipped with more knowledge on maritime studies and each
made a presentation on various aspects of Tanzania‟s maritime story.
Moreover, the team members continued to undertake various training both
within and outside the country. For instance, in April 2010, four members of
the team went to South Africa. They were equipped with relevant knowledge
for both diving, conservation and management of UCH assets. In November
2010 the team and other archaeologists from South Africa and Namibia,
conducted a project at Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara World Heritage
Sites. This project at Kilwa identified some potential sites for future research
and raised public awareness. The report for this work is underway to be
published. After the Kilwa project, the team met in Dar es Salaam and set up
work plans for 2011. Among the planned works is to develop a database and
do more surveys in Mafia, Kilwa and other sites.
In April 2011, the team met in Zanzibar for two days to initiate the
development of a database. The meeting was conducted at the House of
Wonders on 4th and 5th April 2011. It was purposely organized to familiarize
team members on the establishment of databases for TMUCH. The team
spent considerable time discussing the relevance of and developing the
database. The samples from other countries like South Africa was also used
as models for developing the database and the strategies for this still
continue. Among other things, the workshop participants planned the survey
in Mafia and agreed that some participants should be facilitated to attend the
Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila.
Generally, the team members in collaboration with other heritage
stakeholders still have the duty to accomplish the following tasks: 1. Develop
a comprehensive database for Tanzanian Maritime assets; 2. Request and
convince the Government to ratify the 2001 Convention; 3. Do survey of
other sites e.g Mafia, Kilwa, Pangani, Rufiji and others surrounding lakes of
Tanzania; 4. Attend more training and conferences on maritime heritage; and
5. Introduce maritime related courses at undergraduate and master‟s degree
levels. Other requirements and research avenues for the development of

9

�maritime history of East Africa, and Tanzania in particular, are outlined by
others scholars elsewhere (see Lane 2005; Christie 2011).

Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the following: Conference organizers for accepting and approving my
participation in this conference, Prins Claus Fund for granting me a return air ticket and my
employer (the University of Dar es Salaam) for permitting and facilitating me attend the
conference. Also, I thank CIE for initiating the maritime program in Tanzania and TMUCH
team members and stakeholders for their endless support.

Oral Sources
Yusph Mbaraku Mbaraku, Mwiting Village – Lindi Urban, 13 November 2010,
cited as YM Mbaraku
Yusuph Mbaruku Mpanjilu, Kitunda Village – Lindi Urban, 12 November
2010, cited as YM Mpanjilu
Mohammed Ali Athman, Mingoyo – Lindi Rural, 15th November 2010, cited
as MA Athman

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Wheatley, P.,
1975

“Archaeological Exploration of the Mikindani Region of
the Southern Tanzanian Coast”, in Nyame Akuma,
Bulletin of the Society of Africanist Archaeologist, No. 72.
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage, UNESCO, Paris.
Antiquity Act No. 10 of 1964, “An Act to to Provide for the
Preservation and Protection of Sites and Articles of
Palaentological, Archaelogical, Historical or Natural
Interest and for matters connected therewith and
Incidental thereto”. United Republic of Tanzania.
Antiquities (Ammendiment) Act No. 22 of 1979, United
Republic of Tanzania.
The National Museum of Tanzania Act 1980, United
Republic of Tanzania.
2002 Population and Housing Census General Report.
National Beaural of Statistics. Government Printer, Dar
es Salaam
"The Maritime Cultural Landscape", in The International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 21, pp. 5-14.
"Analecta Sono – Africana Recensa", in (eds) Neville
Chittick, and Robert Rotberg, East Africa and the Orient,
pp. 76 – 114, Africana Publishing House, New York.

12

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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>Tanzania has a long and unique maritime history. This shared history left various signatures which are needed by present and future generations for their cultural, scientific and economic significance. However, despite such maritime potentiality, very miniature has been done by scholars to research, identify, document and assess the cultural significance of the Tanzanian maritime and underwater cultural heritages. It was until rescently that the country has started some initiatives to identify and manage her maritime and underwater heritage assets. This is done by the established Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) program which officially started in february 2009. Among others, the program initiatives has resulted to documenting some of the countryâ€Ÿs maritime and underwater cultural heritage assets as well as establishing a strong team from various Governmentâ€Ÿs departments and institutions.</text>
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                    <text>The Flinders University Intensive Program in
Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (FUIP-UCHM)
Dr Mark Staniforth

Abstract
This paper examines the impact of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage
(2001 Convention) on leadership in maritime archaeology in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper
describes one model for the implementation of Article 21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of
the Convention 2001, which involves teaching and training of maritime archaeologists in the AsiaPacific region. The model involves the AusAID funded Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) –
Fellowships Flinders University Intensive Program in Underwater Cultural Heritage Management
(UCHM).
The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University was awarded funding from
AusAID, the Australian federal government’s overseas aid organization, to bring 11 mid-career
professionals involved in maritime archaeology from the Asia-Pacific region to Australia for a 6
week training program in early 2009. Mid-career professional training fits squarely into the
philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at Flinders University,
as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and equity aspirations. It is hoped that this
model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and organizations in the Asia-Pacific
region as the basis for effective collaboration and co-operation in the training and teaching of
underwater archaeologists.

Introduction
According to the UNESCO Bangkok website, “As of today, there are only a few
trained professionals from the entire region actively involved in protecting and
managing the underwater archaeological heritage. Without a concerted and
sustained effort to build the region’s professional capacity, it is not possible to
expect that the concerned underwater heritage will be protected” (UNESCO
2011). The 2001 Convention is expected to result in a substantially increased
demand for well trained and qualified maritime archaeologists and underwater
cultural heritage managers, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. Training in
underwater archaeology is clearly a very important issue, particularly in countries
which lack trained and experienced maritime archaeologists. This is recognised
in Article 21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001 Convention, which
states:
Parties shall cooperate in the provision of training in underwater archaeology, in
techniques for the conservation of underwater cultural heritage and, on agreed
terms, in the transfer of technology relating to underwater cultural heritage.

The recently developed UNESCO Tutorial on the Rules concerning
activities directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage provides an explanation of the
Annex of the 2001 Convention and illustrates the 36 Rules in the Annex. Rules
22 and 23 address competence and qualifications, both very central concepts in
archaeology, conservation and the heritage discipline in general. Interventions
and activities directed at the underwater heritage should be carried out

�professionally as the continued well-being of the heritage is at stake. The Tutorial
makes the point that, “those involved must possess the necessary knowledge,
skills, training and understanding to ensure that their actions do not endanger
this precious record. They must be appropriately qualified and competent to
undertake the work planned” (UNESCO 2011). Further, it suggests that, “The key
requirement of Rule 22 is that interventions on underwater heritage should be
directed, controlled and overseen by a qualified and competent underwater
archaeologist“ (UNESCO 2011).
There are, of course, a variety of levels of “training” in underwater
archaeology starting with training like the Heritage Awareness Diving Seminars
(HADS), which are partly aimed at raising awareness of the importance of
underwater cultural heritage in the Self-Contained Underwater Breathing
Aparatus (SCUBA) diving industry (Pacific Marine Resources Institute 2011;
Florida Public Archaeology Network 2011). Another important training scheme is
Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training, which is an internationally
recognized, modular training program open to anyone who is interested in
learning more about maritime archaeology (Nautical Archaeology Society
Training 2011). The NAS training program was introduced into Australia in the
1990s and adapted to meet Australian conditions and situations (Moran and
Staniforth 1998). The Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology (AIMA)/NAS
training is now taught regularly in most Australian states (Australasian Institute
for Maritime Archaeology 2011).
The UNESCO Tutorial also suggests that the minimum qualification for an
archaeologist is, “A degree in archaeology or similar qualification recognised by
the country in which the archaeologist is working” (UNESCO 2011). Throughout
the world tertiary qualifications at some level from undergraduate degrees
through to Doctoral level degrees from a fully accredited university are usually
seen as the basic qualifications required for professional underwater or maritime
archaeologists and underwater cultural heritage managers. More than twenty
universities around the world now have specialised awards in maritime or
underwater archaeology and many more provide Research Higher Degree (RHD)
supervision for Masters and doctoral candidates who are conducting maritime
archaeology-related research.
This paper discusses the AusAID funded Flinders University Intensive
Program in Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (FUIP-UCHM) that was
developed by the Maritime Archaeology Program (MAP) at Flinders University.
FUIP-UCHM is seen as one model for the implementation of Article 21 (Training
in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001Convention in terms of the teaching and
training of maritime archaeologists in the Asia-Pacific region. FUIP-UCHM was
designed for people already working in the field and to fit into the gap between
AIMA/NAS training, which was included within the FUIP-UCHM program, and a
tertiary level award. It was not exclusively practical or fieldwork-based training,
although it did include these, and it was not solely theoretical classes, although it
was firmly based on archaeological method and theory. It was taught by a
combination of university lecturers and maritime archaeology practitioners who
work for government agencies or other organisations. It was also designed to

�complement the “Foundation course” training conducted through the UNESCO
Asia-Pacific Regional Capacity-Building Programme on Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Chanthaburi, Thailand (UNESCO Bangkok 2011).

MAP and the Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) Fellowship
Program
The Department of Archaeology at Flinders University has taught maritime
archaeology at undergraduate level since 1996 and at postgraduate level since
2002 as well as providing supervision for Master of Arts (by research and thesis)
and doctoral students (Staniforth 2008a; Staniforth 2008b; Staniforth 2009a;
Staniforth 2009b; Staniforth 2010). The Graduate Program in Maritime
Archaeology was established in 2002 and was designed to meet the needs of
students who already had a four year degree in archaeology or anthropology and
wish to specialize in maritime archaeology, as well as those who came from a
different academic background such as history. The Graduate Program has
drawn students from more than ten different countries - Australia, New Zealand,
United Kingdom, United States of America, Canada, South Africa, Sri Lanka, the
Netherlands, The Philippines and Japan. MAP has been acknowledged as the
largest, most successful and is currently the only active program of its kind in
Australia. MAP currently has two academic staff and a part-time technical officer
as well as doctoral students (on scholarships) who work part-time in the program.
A survey of graduates in 2009 showed that more than 80% of MAP graduates
are now working in archaeology or underwater archaeology including their work
for underwater cultural heritage management agencies, museums, consultancy
companies and universities, both in Australia and overseas (Staniforth 2009c).
The Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) Fellowship Program is primarily
funded by AusAID, which is the Australian Federal Government’s Foreign Aid
Agency (Australian Government – AusAID 2011). ALA Fellowships aim to
develop leadership, address priority regional development issues, and build
partnerships and linkages between Australian organizations, including
universities, and partner organizations in developing countries in the Asia-Pacific
region as well as in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa and the Middle East.
The currently eligible countries from the Asia-Pacific region are Afghanistan,
Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia, China, Cook Islands, East
Timor, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Kiribati, Laos,
Maldives, Marshall Islands, Mongolia, Nauru, Nepal, Niue, Pakistan, Palau,
Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Thailand,
Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu, Vietnam and Wallis and Futuna.
ALA Fellowships form part of a regional program that aims to develop
leadership and build partnerships and linkages with the Asia-Pacific region by
offering professional development opportunities in Australia. The fellowships are
intended for those who are already leaders or have the potential to assume
leadership roles that can influence social and economic policy reform and
development outcomes, both in their own countries and more broadly in the AsiaPacific region. ALA Fellowships do not necessarily lead to academic

�qualifications, although in this case two of the ALA fellows (Gay Lacsina and
Rasika Muthucumarana) did successfully complete three topics (18 units) of
study at Flinders University and were awarded the Graduate Certificate in
Maritime Archaeology (GCMA). Rather than academic qualifications, ALA
Fellowships are generally designed to provide short-term opportunities for study,
research, leadership and professional development and attachment programs in
Australia.

Discussion
Through the FUIP-UCHM, 10 mid-career professionals who were already
working in maritime archaeology or underwater cultural heritage (UCH)
management from the Asia-Pacific region went to Australia for a six-week
intensive training program from 19th January 2009 to 2nd March 2009 (Figure 1).
Originally 11 Fellows were nominated but one withdrew before the program
started.

Figure 1. ALA Fellows in the classroom at Flinders University (photo by Jun
Kimura courtesy of the Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University)
Prospective fellows were identified through the UNESCO Asia-Pacific
office in Bangkok and the Asian Academy for Heritage Management (AAHM), as
well as through existing institutional linkages between Australian organisations
and their counterpart organisations in the region. The counterpart organisations
have been involved in the investigation, documentation and management of UCH
and are usually the national authorities legally charged with safeguarding the

�UCH in their respective countries. Training was to be conducted in English and
so candidates needed a basic understanding of written and spoken English.
Candidates varied from mid-career professionals with leadership potential to
existing leaders in the field. Fellows were then nominated by their organisation to
participate in the program. The five nations represented were Cambodia (2
fellows - Nady Phann and Sophorn Kim), Indonesia (2 fellows - Zainab Tahir and
Imam Fauzi), Sri Lanka (3 fellows – Palitha Weerangasingha, Rasika
Muthucumarana and Chandraratne Wijamunige), Thailand (2 fellows – Erbprem
Vatcharangkul and Worrawit Hassapak) and the Philippines (1 fellow – Gay
Lacsina).
Mid-career professional training, such as this, fits squarely into the
philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at
Flinders University, as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and
equity aspirations. The program was intended to enhance professional capacity
and leadership, which is seen as key to successfully safeguarding and protecting
UCH in the Asia-Pacific region. The stated goals of FUIP-UCHM were to:
 develop professional capacity and leadership in the protection of
underwater cultural heritage through the delivery of high quality training
 foster relationships between Australian organisations and counterpart
agencies within the Asia-Pacific region.
ALA Fellowship funding allowed MAP to employ three part-time, temporary
staff (James Hunter, Emily Jateff and Amer Khan) who were involved in teaching
the fellows while they were in Australia. The ALA Fellows spent four weeks at
Flinders University in South Australia where they undertook a one-week intensive
topic in vessel construction and analysis, a one-week intensive topic in UCH
management and then a two-week intensive field school at Mount Dutton Bay,
South Australia. The highly intensive program also allowed the ALA Fellows to
receive AIMA/NAS Part 1 Training and Divers Alert Network (DAN) Asia-Pacific
First Aid and Oxygen (O2) provider certification. Following the field school, ALA
Fellows undertook a two-week placement (internship) with a museum, UCH
agency or related organisation, which gave them the opportunity to work with
various heritage management agencies throughout Australia. Partner agencies
included Heritage Victoria, Department of Environment and Natural Resources
(DENR) South Australia, Australian National Maritime Museum, New South
Wales Heritage Office, Western Australian Maritime Museum, and the
Department of Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts in Canberra.
ALA Fellows were trained in best practice for the investigation and
protection of UCH through theoretical and practical teaching of underwater
archaeological site survey and mapping, non-invasive techniques of underwater
site identification, inventory and investigation and research methodologies for
analysis of archaeological heritage. In the course of the lectures and practical
field activities, the ALA Fellows were introduced to the legislative and policy
requirements for the management and protection of underwater and coastal
archaeological sites, which will help them to formulate effective policy in the light
of local national and international legislative frameworks. The one-week
Underwater Cultural Heritage short course, for example, comprised a series of

�lectures, seminars and workshops in three areas – Legislation and Guidelines;
Management and Interpretation. It provided the ALA Fellows with knowledge
about the major theoretical and practical approaches to the protection,
preservation and management of UCH. At the field school at Mount Dutton Bay,
for example, all of the ALA Fellows had the opportunity to learn to record short
videos and from this we were able to cut a five-minute documentary about
teaching Maritime Archaeology at Flinders University (Carter 2010).
The stated aim of developing leadership demands some exposition on the
nature of leadership. Leadership, unlike management, refers to building the
capacity of people to work together in groups without, if necessary, formal
authority. A significant part of leadership is the ability to adapt and succeed in
unpredictable situations to unpredictable problems. Leadership is necessarily a
complex interaction between the leader and the social, political and task
environment (Day 2001). To develop leadership among the Fellows, FUIP-UCHM
was planned to encourage the fellows to engage with different environments,
learn and apply new skills, solve unfamiliar problems and interact with a range of
people outside their previous experience.
The ALA Fellows were involved in a wide range of fieldwork and other
activities while in Australia, for example, three ALA Fellows (Zainab Tahir, Nady
Phann and Sophorn Kim) participated in a survey of whaling shipwrecks and
associated shore sites at Sceale and Streaky Bay on Eyre Peninsula in South
Australia (Jateff 2009; Jateff and Staniforth 2009). This work was done in
association with David Nutley, the Senior Maritime Heritage Officer at the
Heritage Branch of the South Australian Department of Environment and
Heritage (Figure 2).
ALA Fellow Gay Lacsina, from the National Museum of the Philippines,
joined Heritage Victoria for her two-week placement where she attended an
Archaeology Advisory Committee meeting and conducted fieldwork on the
wrecks of the SS Casino (lost 1932) and Grange, a wooden barque that sank in
1858 (Lacsina 2009). Gay was involved in every aspect of day-to-day work at
Heritage Victoria, which provided her with valuable experience of the operations
of an organisation other than her own. Imam Fauzi from Indonesia and Palitha
Weerasingha from Sri Lanka did their placement with the South Australian
Department of Environment and Heritage, which helped to raise the profile of
maritime heritage within the Department (Khan 2010).

�Figure 2. ALA Fellows Zainab Tahir, Nady Phann and Sophorn Kim with David
Nutley during the Sceale Bay survey (photo by Mark Staniforth courtesy of the
Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University).

Conclusion
This paper has considered one possible model for the implementation of Article
21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001 Convention which involves
teaching and training of maritime archaeologists in the Asia-Pacific region. The
model is the AusAID funded ALA – Fellowships FUIP-UCHM. It is hoped that the
FUIP-UCHM model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and
organizations in the Asia-Pacific region as a basis for effective collaboration and
co-operation in the training and teaching of underwater archaeologists and UCH
managers.

Acknowledgements
The 2009 Flinders University Intensive Program in UCHM was managed by Flinders Partners, the
MAP in the Department of Archaeology and Flinders University of South Australia, in partnership
with the Australian host organizations and the ALA Fellows overseas counterpart organizations.
The efforts of permanent and temporary (contract) MAP staff including Jennifer McKinnon, James
Hunter, Emily Jateff, Amer Khan, Jennifer Rodrigues and John Naumann were absolutely central
to the success of the program. The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University could
not have co-ordinated and conducted the FUIP-UCHM without the help and support of members
of the maritime archaeological and museum communities in Australia, in particular David Nutley,
Bill Seegar, Andy Viduka, Tim Smith, Ross Anderson and Peter Harvey.
The support of partner organisations including the South Australian Department of
Environment and Heritage, South Australian Maritime Museum, New South Wales Heritage
Office, Heritage Victoria, the Australian National Maritime Museum and the Western Australian

�Maritime Museum is very much appreciated. In addition, overseas partners which included the
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (Indonesia), the Underwater Archaeology Division of the
Fine Arts Department in the Ministry of Culture (Thailand), Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central
Cultural Fund (Sri Lanka), the National Museum of the Philippines (Philippines) the Department of
Antiquities in the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts and the National Museum of Cambodia
(Cambodia) as well as UNESCO and the Asian Academy for Heritage Management (AAHM) are
all gratefully acknowledged.

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&#13;
The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University was awarded funding from AusAID, the Australian federal governmentâ€™s overseas aid organization, to bring 11 mid-career professionals involved in maritime archaeology from the Asia-Pacific region to Australia for a 6 week training program in early 2009. Mid-career professional training fits squarely into the philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at Flinders University, as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and equity aspirations. It is hoped that this model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and organizations in the Asia-Pacific region as the basis for effective collaboration and co-operation in the training and teaching of underwater archaeologists.&#13;
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                    <text>The “Stone Four Legged Quern” (Bench) recovered in
the oldest Maritime Archaeological Site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka
Mr Sanath Karunarathna

Abstract
The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental
in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been
recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in
Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved
out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to
discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site
where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well.
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and
Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area
where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a
place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity
of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.

Stone Bench
An unusual artefact, which has become instrumental in turning the history of
maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka towards a new direction, has been recovered
for the first time in Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District. This
particular object is a stone bench with four legs carved out of a single stone. The
main purpose of this article is to describe this object and to discuss the symbols it
carries. Also an attempt will be made to analyze the site and associated
materials where the object was found.
In October 2008, maritime archaeologists of the Maritime Archaeology
Unit (attached to the Central Cultural Fund and the Department of Archaeology)
under the aegis of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) launched an exploration in the area where this Stone
Bench was found. The location was around 30 m under the sea, 4 km away from
the fishery harbour in the coastal area of Godawaya village.
This exploration did lead to recovery of a number of significant artefacts.
The MUA observation of remains spread over the area of concern pointed to the
possibility that this place could very well be the oldest maritime archaeological
site to date to have been found in Sri Lanka. Accordingly, a number of significant
samples have been collected for further studies and, at present, the research
work is in progress.

�Figure 1. Stone Bench Site. (Photo by R. Muthucumarana - M.A.U)
In fact, the story behind the recovery of this stone bench found in the
Godawaya area is rather interesting. One day in March 2003, I was participating
as the officer in charge of the excavation work carried out on the premises of the
Godawaya (Buddhist) Temple. In the meantime, two people named Peminda and
Sunil who were commercial divers who collect conch shells for their living
brought an object they had over their shoulders and placed on it the ground
before me. They said that they had found it in the sea while diving and discussed
it uniqueness in finding something like this on the seabed around this area. They
went on to say that there was a large number of pottery shards widely scattered
over the same area.
Having listened to them attentively, I examined the Stone Bench very
carefully. Some parts of the object were covered with sea shells and plants. On
the flat surface (top part of the bench) there were three symbols which were very
artistically carved. Those Symbols can be identified as Nandipada, Sri Vatsa and
Mathsya (fish). Interestingly a number of similar stone benches had been
recovered in the excavations performed at the Yatala stupa terrace and the
surrounding area which are now kept in the Yatala museum in Tissamaharamaya
In addition, some stone benches which are similar to those mentioned above,
have been found in the past excavations carried out at Akurugoda and
Sarwodayawatta in Tissamaharamaya (Sanath 2008:9). It was clear to me that
this stone bench possessed a significant historical value in addition to its unusual
recovery from the seabed. Therefore I chose to show this stone bench to Mr.
Oliver Kessler, a German Archaeologist, who had come here to assist in the
excavation work. His opinion was the same as mine. When I explained the
situation to Peminda and Sunil, they agreed to keep it at the Godawaya
(Buddhist) Temple to be preserved as an archaeological object. Subsequently
this stone bench paved the way to the underwater archaeological exploration
around the Godawaya area.

�Figure 2. Profile of bench showing legs / close-up of symbols in bench.
(Photos by Gamini Saman – MAU)
This bench measures 37.5 cm in length, 16cm in width and 17cm in height
and has four legs. There are three symbols finely carved along a border at the
top. However, when those symbols are closely studied with the available
historical evidence it becomes clear that those symbols have their origin from
Hindu religious symbols but were later treated as Buddhist symbols
(Wimalarathana 1991:63), It is also a fact that those symbols have been
simultaneously accepted in both Buddhism and Hinduism during a certain period
(Wimalaratana1991:63), Nandipada and Sri Vathsa can be seen on Amarawathie
Stupa in India while the same symbols are found among Buddhist carvings
available in Sri Lanka (Sanath 1979:167-193), Samuel Beal holds the view that
those symbols are used to depict Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha in Buddhist
iconography (Beal 1884:60), The opinion of Samuel Bell is that the Nandipada
has been employed to depict the Triple Gem (Rathnatra) and Buddhahood
(Beal1884:60), "Sri Vathsa" is considered to be a symbol found on the chest of
the god Vishnu (Basham 1995:385; Senaratna 1992:26).
There are ideas which argue that the Nandipada is only another symbol or
a figure representing the Trishula symbol (Wimalaratana 1991: 64), which can be
found in Hinduism. However as the Trishula is not accepted in Buddhism, a
majority of scholars agree that this symbol is used to denote the Triple Gem
(Rathnatra) (Beal 1884:60). The Sripada Stone (The Buddha‟s Footprint carved
on a stone slab) which was recovered in Anuradhapura and is, at present,
preserved in the museum in Colombo carries all three symbols and is thought to
belong to the second century Anno Domini (A.D.) (Karunaratna1979:167-193).
The widely recognized view is that they tend to symbolize the Chakrawarthi
Status (Holding Universal Sovereignty) or Buddhahood (Karunaratna1979:167193). There is also evidence available to show that the Mathsya or the "fish"
symbol had been used to imply auspiciousness (Subha mangala Sanketha or the
auspicious symbol) (Senaratna1992: 26).
A Sripada Stone (Buddha's Foot Print) bearing the Symbols of Mathsya
(fish) Nandipada and Sri Vathsa has been found at Amarawathie Stupa in India
which is also identified as belonging to the second century A.D. (Senaratna1992:
26). This further supports the hypothesis that during a certain period those
symbols had simultaneously been employed in Buddhist iconography in both Sri

�Lanka and India. In addition to use in contemporary works and creations, those
symbols have been utilized in the gateway structure (Archway for Entrance) of
the Sanchi Stupa in India, Also, a few similar stone benches found in the
excavations carried out at the Yatala site in Tissamaharama have been identified
as artefacts from the first and second centuries B.C.E; (Somadeva 2006:197198). Further, there is one stone bench on which a few Brahmi letters, which are
believed to be of first or second century B.C., have been inscribed (Somadeva
2006:197-198). Karunarathna, in his book Shanthiya, has classified the eight
Auspicious symbols (Asta mangala Lakshanas) by allocation them to different
cardinal directions (Karunaratna1979:167-193); only four of them given here:
 Sri Vatsa
Ravi (Sun)- East
 Mathsya
Rahu (Shadow of the moon) - South
 Nandipada Shani (Saturn) - West
 Conch
Budha (Mercury) - North
Therefore, it has been suggested, that the symbols were used to indicate
direction (Karunaratna1979:167-193). The begging - bowl (Patra) recovered in
Abhayagiri bearing those three symbols along with the eight auspicious symbols
(Asta Mangala Lakshanas) has been judged to belong to the sixth century A.D.
(Senaratna1992: 26).
However there is available evidence to suggest that there have been
instances where stone benches of similar shapes have been utilized as grinding
stones for domestic purposes - perhaps for kitchen work or medicinal
preparations (Karunaratna 2008:9; Somadeva 2006:197-198). A number of such
quern stones as well as a host of grinder stones and upper grinder stones (or
Doogala,) have already been recovered in the excavations performed at
Sarvodaya wattha and Akurugoda in Thissamaharamaya (Karunaratna 2008:9).
Hans Josim Waighsaar (Director KAWA project-Tissamaharama), who inspected
the marks on the quern, said these objects were used for domestic purposes or
medicinal preparation (KAWA Excavation Unpublished Report 2008-2010).
It was allowed to sit on those noble symbols which had highly and widely
been accepted and respected in both Sri Lanka and India altogether? If the
symbols inscribed on the stone bench represent the Lord Buddha, Buddha hood
or the triple gem there is no way that these benches were used for the purpose of
sitting. Some scholars argue that these comparatively shorter stone benches
could possibly have been constructed to go with the Rank / hierarchy of the chief
reverent / Bhikkus (Buddhist Priests) so they may have been prevented from
sitting on comfortable seats in terms of a disciplinary code enacted then
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140).
My idea is that either those structures could very well be the direct
offerings for the Lord Buddha himself or the structures upon which offerings
would be placed before being proffered to the Lord Buddha. Such structures, in
this case the stone benches, in my opinion would be placed in the image House
of the Temple (Aramaya). (It represents the “Great Enlightenment of the Buddha”
Scholars believe it was the first brave step by the Greek Buddhists, who wanted
to create a sculpture of Buddha according to the style of the more familiar Greek
tradition of sculptures. Before the image of the Buddha was created, Buddhists

�believed should never be created or represented as a figure of The Buddha with
His Great Qualities (Wimalaratana 1991:64). Hence Buddhists considered some
of the symbols in Buddha‟s likeness to be the “Representation of the Buddha”
Bodhi tree (Picas Religiosa), which provides shelter, and the Seat (AsanaVajrasana), which provides seating facilities for attaining "The Great Buddha
Hood” under the Bo Tree (Basham 1995:134). These were venerated as a great
honour from the beginning of Buddhism. It is very obvious in early paintings and
sculptures that these represent those objects on behalf of the Buddha
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140). Wherever Artist wants to show the Buddha it
appears as “Asana” or “Bo Tree". And this practice has been continuous for a
long time, even after the introduction of the Buddha sculpture. I believe it is a
very reasonable and widely accepted view that sailors carried “Asana” to areas of
religious practices while they voyaged. It mean, they may have used these
“Asanas” as the representation of their religious leader and as the protector of
their life.

Figure 3. Grinding stones. Photo by Sanath karunarathna
Considering the above information it can be deduced that the symbols that
we have discussed were used during the period of the second century Before
Christ (B.C.) to the second country A.D. So far a number of Sri Vathsa Symbols
carved out of the copper material have been recovered from the Katharagama
area (Somadeva 2006:197-198). It could therefore be said that similar symbols
had been very popular during that period.
The fact that this object has been recovered from the deep seabed, away
from the shore, we also can think they were transported as merchandise on
vessels. At the same time it could be assumed that those objects had acquired a
degree of social recognition and were honoured with a sense of respect and
sacredness. Nandadasa Samaraweera (Nandadasa 2010: 1-5) Has clearly

�expressed his opinion that the glazed ingots found from the same site belong to a
period spanning from the first century BC to the second century AD.
It has been firmly established that the Godawaya harbour, by the second
century AD, (Gamini 2010:32-35) had been a well organized and highly active
centre where even the tariffs and customs charges were duly collected (Kessler
2001:290-300), The stone inscriptions found at the Godawaya Buddhist Temple
actively help to support this view (Kessler 2001:329). However, it is possible that
this harbour was functional long before the specified period. Namely, the
excavations carried out by Somadeva in the area surrounding the Kirinda
Harbour (Somadeva 2006:163-165) can be cited as proof that the Kirinda
Harbour had been operational prior to the Christian era. Considering the
archaeological findings obtained in that area, Somadeva holds the view that the
functional city situated in the Akurugoda area in Tissamaharama was linked to
the Kirinda Harbour while the settlement, situated at Ridiyagama close to
Ambalantota, had been linked to the Godawaya Harbour via the Walave River
(Somadeva 2006:115-120).

Figure 4. Bench like stone object with Brahmi Letter's perod between 250-100
BCE (Somadeva 2006:197-198). Photo by R. Muthucumarana
When the above facts are carefully studied and analyzed we could readily
accept that those archaeological findings and the old Harbours could easily be
traced to the same social era in the 2nd century AD (Paranavithana 1983: 101).
However, the research is still ongoing so a valid conclusion has not been
reached.

Other Findings
After the 2008 exploration another two small scale explorations have been
conducted. The main one took place at the end of 2010 as a collaboration project
of MAU, UNESCO and the Government of Netherlands. The Godawaya
shipwreck discovery generated much interest among the local archaeologists as
well as international historians and archaeologists with interests in Asian

�underwater cultural heritage. It caused for much enthusiasm in the international
layer, which provided allocation of funds towards a UNESCO training programme
in maritime archaeology (post-field activity MAU 2010). The international team
comprised of experts in diving and underwater archaeology from India,
Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines who participated in the assessment with
the MAU team on the shipwreck at Godawaya. According to the previous
exploration the site was identified as spread over an area of 40 X 22 m. Before
initiation of the actual site survey, the team had to explore what had been
previously collected such as jars, cooking vessels, stone benches and
unidentified parts of the main wreckage (possible timber stacks).
 Investigation of the exploration was mainly concern with the following:
 To inspect and survey of the site and identify possible artefacts and
antiques apparently visible on the sea bed.
 To make a surface plan with the finds using measuring equipments.
 To photographically document the site with digital cameras and other
documentary equipment.
 To make an evaluation of the site with available data and resources.
The exploration team was comprised of underwater archaeologists,
selected on the basis of their experience in multi-disciplinary approaches A well
balanced team was thus engaged in the exploration activities for extracting
maximum information and taking firsthand experience through non-disturbance
survey. This survey produced observation of a large number of artefacts on the
seabed, including varieties of pottery and a large area in the north-western
quadrant covered with the remains of shipwreck (including the unidentified
cargoes). During the exploration we found that there were more stone benches
scattered around the site and most of them are different in style and size from
each other and required close inspection to identify any symbols carry on them. I
suppose that early mariners may have carried these stone benches in their
personal belongings for making individual religious rituals and offerings. Keep in
Possession these benches as in personal properties which brings symbolic
message of the “Great Victory” (The Attainment of Buddha hood) of their
religious leader may bring them self-esteem to do the uncertain voyages
The main obstacle in this case is the fact that all the recovered
archaeological objects seem to have relationships to regional countries,
especially to India and Sri Lanka during certain time periods. Nevertheless,
wooden remains of the wreck are in very fragile condition and worn out, so its
origins deduced by construction methods is difficult. This problem could hopefully
be reached by proper documentation of the site and the scientific analysis of the
findings in the near future.

Bibliography
Anandamaitree, B.,
2006
Basham, A. L.,
1995

“Vinaya Pitakaya”, in Senasana Khandaka
Chullawaggapali, Part 11, government of Sri Lanka.
Asirimath Indiyawa , Educational Publication
Department, Reprint, Colombo.

�Beal, S.,
1884
Fouche , A .,
1918
Gamini , P.A.L.,
2010
Karunarathna, T.B.,
1979
Nandadasa,S.M;
2010
Paranavithana, S.,
1983
Roth, W., Kessler,
O., Rocker.,
Wijepala W,.
2001
Sanath, W.K.,
2008
Samuel, B.,
1884
Senarathna, W.,
1992
Senavirathna, A.,
1979

Somadeva, R.,
2001
Weisshar, H.J.,
Wijepala, W., Roth,
H.,
2001
Wimalarathana, B.,
1991

Buddhist Record of the Western World, London.
The Beginning of the Buddhist Art, London.
Godawaya, S &amp; S Printers, Colombo.
“A new Interpretation of The Buddhist Trirathna
Symbol”, Ancient Ceylon, Journal of the Archaeological
Survey, Department of Archaeology, Colombo.
“Sri Lankawe Glaze bhavitaya saha Godawaya
muhuden hamu u Glaze kutti ”, in MAU News Letter,
Volume ιι, Part 1, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
Inscription of Ceylon ,Archaeological Survey of Sri
Lanka, Volume II, Part 1, Colombo.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume Ι,
Germany.
Excavation report, „tissa-3 “, Regional Archaeology
Office, Galle, 2008.
Buddhist record Of the Western World, London.
“Ashtamangala Patraya”, in Sanskrutika Puranaya,
Volume 1, Part II, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
“A Symbol Which Represent the Buddha in early
Singhalese Sculpture, Ancient Ceylon", in Journal of the
Archaeological Survey, Department of Archaeology,
Colombo, 1979.
"Urban origins in Southern Sri Lanka", in Studies in
Global archaeology, 7, Uppsala University
Uppsala.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume 1,
Germany.
Budu Pilimaya asana saha Mudra, Sedevi printers, Dehiwala.

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya (Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well. &#13;
&#13;
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.</text>
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                    <text>The Importance of Empowering Local Community in
Preserving Underwater Cultural Heritage in Indonesia:
Case Study in Tulamben, Bali and in Taka Kappala, SelayarSouth Sulawesi1
Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan2

ABSTRACT
Indonesia has a great potential for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) but the challenge to its
preservation management is also very high. Coordination among stakeholders is very important. The
effort to use UCH must be aligned with the effort to preserve so that it can be sustainable for the next
generations. Some problems that we are facing, namely: no optimal management; lack of awareness of
people; lack of science and technology application; and no proper law enforcement. With the rapid
advancement of marine technology, UCH has become increasingly easy to reach by treasures hunters
such as salvage companies and local community. Many UCH in Indonesia became the victim of massive
looting such as that undertaken by the local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Regency South
Sulawesi Province. Marine archaeological researches in 2008 and 2009 showed the shipwreck was in a
badly damaged condition due to the looting activity that has lasted almost two years. The people did not
realize that the use of UCH if well-managed will improve living standards for people in the vicinity of the
site. Unlike theft cases in Selayar, in Bali the local community gives high appreciation to the existence of
a shipwreck site in their area. They realized that shipwrecks are one of the potential marine resources
which can be exploited for marine tourism. Liberty wreck in Tulamben, Bali has become a world-class
tourist destination for divers. The local people have been protecting it with the customary law they made
and obeyed, i.e. with a restriction on fishing activity around the shipwreck site. So then this site is very
well maintained and became a central area for growth of marine life. Liberty wreck location is an example
of a very beautiful blend and harmony among the remains of ancient human objects, very rich marine life,
and a very high local community appreciation.

Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage, Preservation Management, Looting Activity,
Local Community, Awareness, Marine Archaeological Research

INTRODUCTION
Geographically Indonesia is a maritime country which two-thirds of its territory is sea
areas. Indonesian archipelagic water width is 2.3 million square kilometers (km2), the
territorial sea is 0.8 million km2 and the Exclusive Economic Zone is 2.7 million km2.
Indonesia has 17,480 islands which stretch across 5,100 km along the equator between
Pacific and Indian Ocean with 95,181 km coastline. In addition, 60% of Indonesian
people live in the coastal areas (Nontji 2002; Soesilo 2006:1-2). The Indonesian
archipelago has a strategic position as a very busy shipping and international sea
trading line between the West and East since ancient times because it is located in “The
1

Paper presented in Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November
2011, Manila, The Philippines.
2
Maritime Archaeologist in Research Institute of Marine and Coastal Resources and Vulnerability,
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia, Jl. Padang – Painan Km. 16, Bungus,
Padang, West Sumatera, 25245, Telp/Fax. +62-751751458, e-mail: nia_arkeo@kkp.go.id,
nia_hasanah@yahoo.com

1

�Silk and Spices Routes” (Reid 1993; Ricklefs 1999). Indonesia was a major producer of
trading commodities in the past such as pepper, nutmeg, cloves, sandalwood, incense,
and so on, and since long ago, there were many important ports such as Aceh,
Palembang, Sunda Kelapa (Batavia), Banten, Cirebon, Makassar, Ternate, Tidore,
which later became the great maritime empires. Besides the trade conducted by the
Chinese, Indians, Persians, many foreigners came to Indonesia for the purpose of
colonization, such as Portuguese, Spanish, English, Dutch, and Japanese
(Poesponegoro and Notosusanto 1984). Wide waters, a busy maritime activity, sea
conditions, weather conditions, war, and piracy caused the territorial waters of
Indonesia to be its current rich deposition in UCH.
The number of UCH in Indonesian waters until World War II is expected to reach
thousands3. Those known are based on historical sources, i.e. Vereenigde Oostindische
Compagnie (VOC) Shipwrecks List (Dutch VOC Shipwreck n.d.) English East India
Company (EIC) data (East India Company Ship 1999), Chinese sources, the literature
about the Pacific War, the research results of some agencies such as Ministry of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries and Ministry of Culture and Tourism, and also based on data from
the National Committee for Salvage and Utilization of the Valuable Object of the Sunken
Ship4. Many shipwrecks contain valuable cargo so they are targeted by treasure
hunters. UCH vandalism and looting cases by individuals or companies, local and
foreign have been rife in Indonesia since the 1980's until today, for example, undertaken
by local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Islands Regency South Sulawesi
Province.5 The lack awareness of the people about the importance and strategic value
of UCH for national identity and national economic development is a big problem in
Indonesia. However in Tulamben Bali, there is a local community who are aware of the
presence of UCH.
For that reason, there should be an effort to reduce UCH vandalism and looting
cases and also to expand on the interests of the preservation and management of UCH
sites. They are an opportunity and a potential new alternative to support Indonesian
national development. Draft of Indonesian Ocean Policy states that management of
marine resources including UCH in a sustainable manner based on Agenda 21 of the
United Nations must be carried out by considering the ecological aspects, economic
aspects, and public welfare/prosperity aspects. Some basic principles in the
3

One of the books that discussed about the presence of many shipwrecks in Indonesian waters is the
writings of Tony Wells. See Tony Wells, Shipwrecks &amp; Sunken Treasure in Southeast Asia, (Singapore:
Time Publisher, 1995).
4
Since the number of UCH theft cases, the government established National Committee for Salvage and
Utilization of the Valuable Object of the Sunken Ship, or popularly known as PANNAS BMKT in 1989.
This committee consists of a number of ministries in Indonesia based on Presidential Decree year 1989
regarding PANNAS BMKT. This regulation allows private companies to conduct survey, exploration, and
artifacts removal from shipwrecks. It is a likely target by non-supporters because at the time it was put in
place the government was unable to handle and manage the UCH
5
See details in Technical Report on Marine Archaeological Research in Selayar Regency, (Jakarta:
Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources, 2008); Technical Report on Marine
Archaeological Research in Selayar Regency, (Jakarta: Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non
Living Resources, 2009); Executive Summary of Inventory and Identification the Potency of Shipwrecks
for Supporting Marine Tourism Development, (Jakarta: Directorate General of Marine, Coastal, and Small
Islands, 2008).

2

�management of the Indonesian sea are the principle of Integrated Management,
Scientific Principles, Principles of Local Responsibility, Principles of Sustainable
Development, and Principles of Community Based Development (Research Centre for
Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources 2006; Wirasantosa, et al. 2006).

SELAYAR ISLANDS REGENCY
A. Location
Selayar Islands Regency is part of South Sulawesi Province that consists of 123
islands, which stretches from north to south. 94.68% area of this regency is ocean. It is
located at coordinates 5º42'-7º35' S and 120º15'-122º30' E bordering Bulukumba and
Bone Bay on the north, Flores Sea on the east and south, and Flores Sea and
Makassar Strait on the west (Pemerintah Kabupaten Selayar n.d.). For some time now
Selayar Islands have become an important area in national and international trading
and shipping routes (Said, et al. 2007; Heersink 1999). It is predicted that there are
many shipwrecks in Selayar waters.

Figure 1. Map of Selayar Island Regency and “Taka Kappala” Wreck Location
(Modified from many sources)
3

�B. ‘Taka Kappala’ Wreck
Marine Archaeological Survey conducted in west Selayar waters in 2008 and 2009
found the UCH site located at Taka Kappala, Flores Sea at coordinates 6º39'27,7" S
and 120º21'16,9" E. Administratively it is located in Tambolongan- Appatanah Village, ±
2 miles from Pulassi Island, ± 2 miles from Nambolaki Island, and ± 5 miles from
Bahuluang Island. The team obtained information about this spot from the local people
and then followed up with two diving activities. A shipwreck was located at 8-12 m
depth. Condition of the shipwreck is that it has been severely damaged and is difficult to
identify due to illegal activity that has lasted for ± 2 years by local people. It is made of
iron and wood. Based on local fishermen information, they found fragments of metal
from the hull section that reads "London Srinity” (or “London Trinity"?). Artifacts found in
this site are namely, ceramic fragments (white, blue, red and white), bottle glass
fragments, irons, coal, and wooden parts of the ship. When the survey team came to
the site looters were active in four other unknown ships.6

Figure 2. Site Condition of „Taka Kappala‟ Wreck, Showing Severe Damage due to
Massive Looting by Local Community (Photographed in June 2008, courtesy Ministry of
Marine Affairs)

6

Some of the looters are the local people who live in the nearest island. Recorded images of that looting
activity have been delivered in the local government and the police made efforts to investigate and arrest
the looters.

4

�TULAMBEN BALI
A. USAT Liberty Wreck
USAT Liberty wreck is located in Pekraman Village, Tulamben, Karang Asem Regency,
Bali. It was a United States (US) Army transport ship launched in June 1918. In
November 1940 it was one of ten ships taken up by the US Army for defense service. In
December 1941, it was in the Pacific and in January 1942, it was in route from Australia
to the Philippines with railway parts and rubber cargo. Liberty was torpedoed by
Japanese submarine I-166 on January 1942 about 10 nautical miles (NM) (~19 km)
southwest of the Lombok Strait, near position 08°54′S 115°28′E / 8.9°S 115.467°E. US
destroyer Paul Jones and Dutch destroyer Van Ghent took the damaged ship in tow in
an attempt to reach Singaraja, the Dutch port and administrative centre for the Lesser
Sunda Islands on the north coast of Bali. However it took on too much water and so was
beached on the eastern shore of Bali at Tulamben so that the cargo and fittings could
be salvaged. In 1963, the tremors associated with the eruption of Mount Agung caused
the ship to slip off the beach, and it now lies about 200 m from shoreline at coordinates
position 8°17′3″ S, 115°5′21″ E. Liberty lies on a sandy slope in 30 to 100 feet (9.1 to 30
m) of water and providing one of the most popular dive locations in Bali (Wikipedia n.d).
Liberty wreck site also contains educational aspects for visitors and has always been a
training ground for underwater archaeologists.

Figure 3. Liberty Wreck, Marine Life, and the Diver in Tulamben Site (Photographed in
2008 by Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan)
5

�B. Tulamben Community Involvement in Preserving UCH Site
The sinking of the USAT Liberty has provided enormous benefits to Tulamben
community. Since the late 1980s, underwater tourism in Bali developed. Liberty wreck
has become the main diving object in East Bali and the principal livelihood for the local
community. The community could provide lodging services, dive resorts, restaurants,
parking, dive guide, souvenir shops, dive shops, car rental, grocery store, helper and
porter services, and others. Thus it can also reduce the rate of unemployment in the
village. The local community is fully aware that it can generate foreign exchange and be
favorable for economic development in that region. The Tulamben community therefore
felt the need to help preserve this area. With the awareness of the UCH, the people
themselves feel a positive impact in the fields of social, economic, and cultural. They
realized that special interest tourism, in particularly wreck diving, increased rapidly in
Indonesia. The number of divers on the Liberty wreck is an average of 100–200 people
per day and there are about 25 dive resorts and 8 dive shops in Tulamben (AS,
Jimbaran). It is estimated that the potential and economic value of marine tourism in
Tulamben is about US $3,265,777 per year (Kamaluddin 2002: 146-147).
The participation of local community in protecting and preserving the UCH in
Tulamben is enormous. One of the ways to preserve Liberty wreck and the surrounding
water areas by local community is to make regulations or customary laws called Awigawig which is fully obeyed by villagers. Awig-awig is a set of rules that manages its
citizens in the customary village. It is a part of local wisdom to conserve resources in
their territory (Kusumajaya 2005; Supriyatun 2007). Awig-awig contains prohibitions
evident of UCH public awareness. I Nyoman Karyasa7 said that having an awig-awig in
order to live peacefully is compulsory for the Tulamben society. They consider it as a
rule in human interaction. In Tulamben, moral sanctions carry greater weight than
physical punishments (INK, Tulamben). The rules in Awig-awig in Tulamben are:
1. No fishing allowed within 100 meters of the shipwreck (nowadays it is 1 km)
2. Not allowed taking the remains of the shipwreck
3. Not allowed damaging the coral reefs attached to the shipwreck
4. Not allowed taking the stones around the shipwreck
5. Not allowed cutting plants around the beach
6. People in violation of the above prohibitions will receive moral sanction, be
ostracized from society and not allowed to follow religious rituals.
In Bali it is still relevant, especially associated with the realization of the Law No.
22/1999 regarding Regional Autonomy. One of the essences of this law is to empower
the regional potential, which has existed for hundreds of years in Bali. For Bali society,
Awig-awig is more revered and feared than the official Indonesian law, since it has a
strong root in tradition. Each village in Bali has its own awig-awig and can be totally
different from the neighboring villlages‟. This customary law manifests the uniqueness of
each village and serves as a village identity. Violation of the awig-awig can be punished
dependent on the degree of violation. Punishments for major offences range from the
dreaded boycott from all village activity to permanent exile, total banishment. A man
7

I Nyoman Karyasa is a Kelian Adat (community leader) in Pekraman Village Tulamben, he is 52 years
old.

6

�expelled from his village cannot be admitted in another community, so he becomes a
total out-caste, a punishment greater than physical death (Akhmad 2002; Wirawan
2002).

Raising Awareness Effort for Empowering Local Community
As a huge archipelago, Indonesia does have great and invaluable potential of UCH. The
challenge to management it is also very high. In Indonesia, knowledge and public
awareness about UCH is still very limited. Growing public awareness efforts are needed
to change people's behavior that previously tended to destroy and steal UCH towards a
society that cares and commits to the preservation of UCH. In this connection,
coordination and support cross-sector stakeholders are very important. UCH can only
be beneficial if we can develop its potential as an asset that provides enhanced
community awareness and knowledge of the history, technology, social and cultural
rights through approaches such as education, tourism and preservation; provide
economic impact; and can improve the welfare of the community.
Preservation efforts are very important to save UCH and it can be developed and
utilized for sustainable development that takes into account alignments in the
community. Publication and socialization on the importance of UCH and its value for
local community as a part of preservation efforts must be done to raise awareness of
our national cultural heritage, to give more understanding of our national history, and to
create the motherland integrity that can be passed to the next generations. We should
look for alternatives to the use of UCH in accordance with conservation principles and
based on scientific research results, and not only based on economic interests. The
examples of alternative use are for enjoyment: i.e., marine tourism (wreck diving) and
pilgrimage tours. It can also be used as a center of education i.e. underwater museum
and as objects of research to explore the knowledge contained therein. These options
are closely associated with the development of regional character and in strengthening
national identity. Development of marine tourism will become an important part of
Indonesia in the future. Immediately we need to increase human resources; improve
legislation, commitment and cooperation of stakeholders; and raise public awareness.
UCH is expected to improve and provide positive impacts for local people and positive
effects will encourage public awareness of the importance of UCH so that people will
maintain the existing infrastructure and even support efforts of protection and utilization
with their own capabilities (Ardiwidjaja 2007; Green 2004).
We need to involve local community in the planning and carrying out of activities
that are directly of interest to them. Approaches to community archaeology including
community interpretation, long term commitment, participatory action research, and
identify the stakeholder who shares these concerns and interests can lead to an
integrated preservation (Kettle and Saul 2006:126; Yvonne 2002). The Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries (the Ministry) has been carrying out awareness-raising
programs and capacity-building programs such as workshops; focus group discussion
(FGD); training programs in wreck diving, underwater photography, handling and
managing underwater artifacts, and marine tourism for local community, government
and agencies related to the protection and management of UCH (i.e. Navy, Police
7

�Waters, Ministry of Transportation, Office of Tourism Arts and Culture, Office of
Maritime and Fisheries, and office of Preservation of Cultural Heritage). The Ministry
has also held exhibitions relating to the protection and management of UCH and has
made relevant regulations regarding the establishment of maritime conservation area8.
Our institutions carry out socialization activities towards local communities when
we go to the field to conduct research and survey activities in hopes that these efforts
create public awareness towards the importance of culture and nature preservation.
One example we carried out is an FGD in Selayar in June 2008. We provided the local
people (local government, representative of local community, Non Governmental
Organization, and youth) with knowledge and principles to support government of
Indonesia in preserving and managing UCH in their area. We also raised understanding
that the presence of sustainable UCH can increase local society welfare. The FGD
purpose is to investigate the public problems/issues, causes, effects, and possible
solution. We gathered the feedback of the Selayar community concerning the
importance of safeguarding the natural and cultural resources. We also joined forces
with the local government to support the mechanism to manage local resources and
involved the community in our project, with the objective that these projects will
encourage them to participate in research and preservation.
Public interest in UCH is vitally important. Through a public appreciation of
maritime archaeology and an understanding of its potential, the perceived value and
importance of the resources will grow. This will have a positive long-term impact on the
discipline of archaeology, promoting respect for the finite and non renewable resource
and ensuring its inclusion in future policy and planning frameworks. Public interest in
UCH should therefore be positively encouraged. The awareness of the importance of
preservation and coordination between inter-institution or stakeholder and the
community is the key to success for implementation of the development program which
can accomodate any interest without conflict. The community needs to feel part of the
UCH site, so that they have a stake in the well-being of the UCH site and the
government must be firm to uphold the regulation in prohibiting redundant resources
exploration and illegal activities by looters. The government has to develop and utilize
UCH for community interest purposes and protect it from damage, lost, and extinction
(Kettle and Saul 2006; Bowen 2009; Sedyawati 2006; Helmi 2008).

8

Law No. 27/2007 regarding Coastal Zone and Small Island Management; Regulation of the Minister of
Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia No. 17/2008 regarding Conservation Areas in
Coastal and Small Islands.

8

�Figure 4. FGD on UCH and the Development of Marine Tourism in Selayar Regency
(Photographed in June 2008 by Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan).

CONCLUSION
UCH is important to preserve and manage for various purposes. Efforts can include the
utilization of UCH as a research object and for tourism. The implication is for the
development of sustainable tourism that gives opportunities and management of
sustainable prosperity for society. It is time for the Government of Indonesia to pay
more attention and integrate efforts in empowering people and institutions that have
authority in dealing with UCH. This will no doubt lower UCH vandalism and theft. In
addition the government should continue its efforts to raise public awareness programs
and improve the quality of human resources through education, training, and
dissemination. The government also needs to devise a joint program and integrated
management of UCH which includes: the provision of infrastructure and facilities,
provision of the budget, the implementation of surveys, research, develop an
institutional/committee management team of UCH, prepare a variety of laws and
regulations, guidelines, and implementation guidelines of UCH management, and
coordinate with various agencies. There should be a well-designed human resources
development plan to deal with UCH and to solve the problems in a proper and
responsible way. Raising awareness efforts to local community could assist the efforts
of government in preserving and managing UCH wisely and sustainably. The goal being
9

�to achieve sustainable national development programs in the marine affairs sector and
the field of culture and tourism. UCH management should be able to improve people's
lives and prosperity by engaging them in activities towards the protection, conservation,
and utilization of UCH; and wherever possible to minimize negative impacts.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks to Dr. Sugiarta Wirasantosa (The Former Head of Research Center for Maritime Territories and
Non Living Resources), Drs. Andi Muhammad Said, M. Hum (Head of Office for Preservation of
Archaeological Heritage of Makassar), Drs. Gatot Ghautama, MA (The Former Head of Exploration
Division Directorate of Underwater Heritage), and Drs. Robby Ardiwidjaya, M.BIT (Senior Researcher in
Tourism Research and Development Center) as the expert resource persons. Thanks are also conveyed
to Research Center for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources and Directorate of Coastal and
Marine Affairs, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries which have funded the field survey activities;
Directorate of Underwater Heritage and Tourism Research and Development Center, Ministry of Culture
and Tourism, The Office for Tourism, Arts, and Cultural, and The Office for Fisheries and Marine Affairs of
Selayar Regency.

Oral Sources
I Nyoman Karyasa, Pekraman Village, Tulamben, Karang Asem Bali, 15 August 2011,
cited as INK, Tulamben.
Abilawa Setyadi, Jimbaran, Bali, 26 July 2011, cited as AS, Jimbaran.

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Analisis Awig-awig dalam Pengelolaan Sumberdaya
Perikanan di Kecamatan Gangga, Kabupaten Lombok Barat,
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Peluang Peningkatan Daya Tarik Wisata Selam”.
Dipresentasikan dalam Forum Diskusi Sumberdaya Arkeologi
Laut, Departemen Kelautan dan Perikanan, Jakarta.
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Bowen, A., (ed.),
Practise, Second Edition, The Nautical Archaeology Society,
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Marine, Coastal, and Potency of Shipwrecks for Supporting Marine Tourism
Development, Jakarta.
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&lt;http://www.eicships.info/voyages/lost-t.htm/&gt;.

Maritime Archaeology: A Technical Handbook, Second
Edition, Elsevier Academy Press, London.
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Indonesian Coconut Island Selayar, Koninklijk Instituut voor
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Helmi, S.,
“Kebijakan Pengelolaan Peninggalan Bawah Air di
Indonesia”, Seminar Arkeologi Maritim, Universitas
2008
Indonesia, Jakarta,1-9.
IPTEK: Menguak Laut Indonesia, Sarana Komunikasi Utama,
Indroyono Soesilo,
2006
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Kamaluddin, L. M., “Pariwisata Bahari dan Konservasi”, dalam Pembangunan
Ekonomi Maritim di Indonesia, Gramedia Pustaka Utama,
2002
Jakarta.
Kettle, K. C., and Saul, 2nd Edition Guidelines for Managing the Integration of Culture
into Development Programmes, SEAMEO-SPAFA, Bangkok.
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2006
Konsep Pelestarian dan Pemanfaatan Peninggalan Bawah
Kusumajaya, I Made,
Air oleh Masyarakat Tulamben, Kabupaten Karang Asem,
2005
Propinsi Bali, Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala
Propinsi Bali-NTB-NTT, Denpasar.
Law No. 22/1999 regarding Regional Autonomy

Marshal, Y.,
2002
Nontji, A.,
2002
Pemerintah Kabupaten
Selayar,
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Poesponegoro, M.D.,
and Notosusanto, N.,
(ed.),
1984
Reid, S.,
1993

Research Centre for
Maritime Territories

Law No. 27/2007 regarding Coastal Zone and Small Island
Management.
“What is Community Archaeology”, World Archaeology
Journal Vol. 34 (2), Taylor &amp; Francis Ltd. ISSN 0043-8243,
211-219.
Laut Nusantara, Penerbit Djambatan, Jakarta.
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&lt;http://www.selayar.go.id/&gt;.

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The Silk and Spice Routes Exploration by Sea, UNESCO,
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�and Non Living
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2006
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1995
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Sejarah Indonesia Modern, UGM press, Yogyakarta.
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Heritage of Makassar, Makassar.
Tinggalan Kapal Karam: Harta Karun atau Tinggalan Sejarah
?, Artikel untuk Rubrik OPINI, Jakarta.
“Potensi Objek Wisata Warisan Budaya Bawah Air di
Tulamben, Kabupaten Karang Asem, Propinsi Bali, Varuna,
Jurnal Arkeologi Bawah Air Vol. I/2007, ISSN 1979-0666X.
94-108.
Shipwrecks &amp; Sunken Treasure in Southeast Asia, Times
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Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia, USAT Liberty, viewed 20
August 2011, &lt;http://www.wikipedia.org/wiki/USAT_Liberty&gt;.
“Kebijakan dan Peran Departemen Kelautan &amp; Perikanan
dalam Eksplorasi Peninggalan Bawah Air”, dipresentasikan
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Awig-awig Diciptakan untuk Jaga Keharmonisan, 2 January
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12

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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>Indonesia has a great potential for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) but the challenge to its preservation management is also very high. Coordination among stakeholders is very important. The effort to use UCH must be aligned with the effort to preserve so that it can be sustainable for the next generations. Some problems that we are facing, namely: no optimal management; lack of awareness of people; lack of science and technology application; and no proper law enforcement. With the rapid advancement of marine technology, UCH has become increasingly easy to reach by treasures hunters such as salvage companies and local community. Many UCH in Indonesia became the victim of massive looting such as that undertaken by the local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Regency South Sulawesi Province. Marine archaeological researches in 2008 and 2009 showed the shipwreck was in a badly damaged condition due to the looting activity that has lasted almost two years. The people did not realize that the use of UCH if well-managed will improve living standards for people in the vicinity of the site. Unlike theft cases in Selayar, in Bali the local community gives high appreciation to the existence of a shipwreck site in their area. They realized that shipwrecks are one of the potential marine resources which can be exploited for marine tourism. Liberty wreck in Tulamben, Bali has become a world-class tourist destination for divers. The local people have been protecting it with the customary law they made and obeyed, i.e. with a restriction on fishing activity around the shipwreck site. So then this site is very well maintained and became a central area for growth of marine life. Liberty wreck location is an example of a very beautiful blend and harmony among the remains of ancient human objects, very rich marine life, and a very high local community appreciation.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2845">
                <text>Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan</text>
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                    <text>Maritime archaeology in New Zealand: trials, tribulations
and opportunities
Matthew Carter and Andy Dodd

Abstract
New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by Polynesian voyagers
and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups traded and traversed in and along the
coastline leaving considerable physical evidence of their seafaring ways. Today this maritime past is
reflected in more than 2000 shipwrecks as well as numerous canoe landing sites, fish traps,
inundated villages and sunken canoes.
Despite this wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and a strong legislative base for the
protection of archaeological sites, maritime archaeology in New Zealand is significantly
underdeveloped with no effective program for the management or protection of UCH. As a
consequence the public of New Zealand rarely views shipwrecks and other UCH as sites that need to
be protected. This lack of perceived value results in limited funding being available for the
investigation or management of maritime archaeological sites and as such developmental pressures,
commercial salvage and fossicking continue to damage this non-renewable resource.
Although these are major challenges there are still considerable opportunities for underwater
archaeology in New Zealand. Increased awareness of underwater cultural heritage can be achieved
by engaging the public in various ways such as through Australian Institute of Maritime
Archaeology/Nautical Archaeology Society (AIMA/NAS) training courses. In addition, the global nature
of New Zealand‟s maritime trade means that there is enormous scope for international collaboration
between researchers at a diverse range of organisations around the world. Such actions would help
provide the impetus for capacity building and the eventual establishment of an effective maritime
archaeology program in New Zealand.

Introduction
New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by
Polynesian voyagers and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups
traded and traversed in and along the coastline leaving considerable physical
evidence of their seafaring ways. Notwithstanding this wealth of UCH and a strong
legislative framework for the protection of heritage sites, maritime archaeology is
significantly underdeveloped within New Zealand. As a result no formal positions
exist for the research, protection or management of UCH. Despite this shortcoming,
a number of maritime archaeological projects have been undertaken by volunteer
groups with considerable success. These projects have shown the potential that the
investigation of UCH has to contribute to our understanding of New Zealand's past
and the opportunities that exist for maritime archaeology in the future.

New Zealand’s Underwater Cultural Heritage
New Zealand‟s diverse topography means that UCH is not restricted to the open sea
but also includes sites in estuaries, rivers, streams, lakes and swamps. These
waterways include both those of natural occurrence and those created or maintained
through human intervention. Where they remain in a largely unmodified state, New
Zealand‟s waterways and wetlands have yielded significant archaeological finds.
They have potential to preserve significant archaeological information relating to

�New Zealand‟s maritime heritage. The UCH of New Zealand includes both resources
of Maori and European origin. The underwater resources of European origin cover
the period of the maritime exploration and the colonisation of New Zealand (17691900 A.D.) and include around 1500 documented shipwrecks (of which only around
10% have been relocated), military sites, wharves, navigation markers, ballast
dumps, slipways and debris (Dodd 2003:151; Churchill 1991:7). Equally important
are Maori underwater heritage sites which date from as early as the mid thirteenth
century (Higham and Jones 2004:215). These sites include canoe landings, eel
weirs, fish traps, inundated villages and sunken canoes (McCarthy 2006:9; Gumbley
et al 2005; Campbell 1977:139). All of these resources offer significant opportunities
for maritime and underwater archaeology as well as the potential for advancement of
terrestrial archaeology through the provision of comparative assemblages and
material culture that does not survive in a dry environment.

Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage
As an island nation many New Zealanders feel a strong connection with the ocean
and waterways and as a result an attitude of open availability and equal participation
in relation to marine resources is widespread. Perhaps as result of this outlook many
divers believe sites such as shipwrecks are available to all and that anyone has the
right to take artefacts or items off them (Dodd 2003:151). Unfortunately such
unregulated fossicking leads to a fragmentation of the material culture and a loss of
context, thus essentially limiting the material‟s usefulness in scientific inquiry (Green
2004:10). Furthermore, such looted materials are rarely conserved properly and are
often lost to all through corrosion or decay (Churchill 1991:8). In addition, coastal
and inland underwater sites are also becoming increasingly threatened by the plans
of other users of the coastal marine area who place pressure on these sites through
the construction of infrastructure such as marinas, port expansion, undersea
pipelines and drilling, and carry out activities such as dredging, marine farming and
mineral extraction. These developments often disturb the equilibrium of the
environment which has preserved the underwater site and may accelerate the
processes of site destruction. UCH resources in New Zealand are also threatened by
natural post-depositional processes which include sedimentation, currents,
corrosion, marine growth, and mechanical disturbances due to wave action and
earthquakes (Gould 2000:2). These natural and cultural processes threaten our
underwater heritage and as such have significant implications for the protection,
preservation and management of UCH in New Zealand.

Heritage Legislation in New Zealand
The protection of New Zealand‟s cultural heritage resources (including terrestrial and
underwater archaeological sites) is provided for by three main acts: the Protected
Objects Act (1975), the Resource Management Act (1991) and the Historic Places
Act (1993). These acts combine to create a legislative landscape that is supportive

�to the protection and management of historic heritage (Vossler 2000:68). Despite the
fact that this legislation provides the basis for the control and sponsoring of both
submerged and terrestrial archaeology in New Zealand, its application to underwater
cultural resources has yet to be undertaken in a systematic or significant way (Dodd
2003:151; McKinlay 1977:23).

Protected Objects Act 1975
The Protected Objects Act provides for the protection of certain objects by regulating
the export of protected New Zealand objects and also allows for the ownership of
ngataongatuturu (Maori artefacts) to be awarded through the Maori Land Court. The
Protected Objects Act repealed the Antiquities Act 1975 in 2006 and makes it
unlawful to export Protected Objects without a certificate of permission from the
Ministry for Culture and Heritage who administer the Act.
Protected New Zealand objects are objects:
forming part of the movable cultural heritage of New Zealand that - (a) is of
importance to New Zealand, or to a part of New Zealand, for aesthetic,
archaeological, architectural, artistic, cultural, historical, literary, scientific, social,
spiritual, technological, or traditional reasons; and (b) falls within 1 or more of the
categories of protected objects set out in Schedule 4 (Protected Objects Act 1975:
section 2).

Schedule 4 of the Act includes, “New Zealand archaeological objects. This
category consists of any objects, assemblages, scientific samples, organic remains
derived from a New Zealand archaeological site, as defined by the Historic Places
Act 1993” (Protected Objects Act 1975: schedule 4). In this way the Protected
Objects Act can be used to protect artefacts from underwater cultural heritage sites
from being exported out of New Zealand.

Resource Management Act (1991)
Although the Resource Management Act (RMA) is not primarily concerned with the
protection of heritage resources, it provides considerable scope for the management
of terrestrial and submerged archaeological sites. The purpose of the act is to ensure
the sustainable management of natural and physical resources (RMA section 5).
Under this Act archaeological sites are considered „physical resources‟ and local
authorities are required to recognise and provide for the protection of historic
heritage as a matter of national importance (RMA section 6). Under the RMA the role
of local authorities includes:
The preservation of historic heritage from inappropriate subdivision, use and development. And
recognition of the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their ancestral lands,
waters, sites, waahi tapu and other taonga. (RMA Section 6)

The influence of the RMA on archaeological practice is twofold. Firstly the
RMA requires an assessment of environmental effects when applying for resource

�consent. This assessment process includes both terrestrial and underwater
archaeological sites and the consent may not be given if such a site is threatened by
the intended development (Walton and Keefe 2004:271; Gumbley et al. 2005:19).
The second influence of the RMA is increased responsibility for councils in
identifying and managing historic heritage. Regional councils and local authorities
must now have plans, rules, policies and objectives as to how they will manage the
matters that the RMA puts within their responsibility (Gumbley et al. 2005:18).
Regional and local authority plans are reviewed on a ten yearly cycle, however, with
the exception of the Auckland Regional Council, few plans adopted policies and
schedules specific to the protection of historic heritage in the coastal marine area,
but this is becoming more common in second generation plans.

Historic Places Act (1993)
The Historic Places Act (HPA) provides the primary legislation for heritage
management in New Zealand (Walton and Keefe 2004:273). The purpose of this act
is to “promote the identification, protection, preservation, and conservation of the
historical and cultural heritage of New Zealand” (HPA section 4). This Act defines
archaeological sites as:
…any place in New Zealand that –
Either –
(a) Was associated with human activity that occurred before 1900; or
(b) Is the site of the wreck of any vessel where that wreck occurred
before 1900; and
(c) Is or may be able through investigation by archaeological methods to
provide evidence relating to the history of New Zealand (HPA
schedule 2).

In relation to archaeological practice, the HPA established a system for the
control of works that could adversely affect an archaeological site (Vossler 2000:62;
Barber 2000:25). At the centre of this management system is the New Zealand
Historic Places Trust (NZHPT) whose purpose is to promote and preserve the
historic and cultural heritage of New Zealand. The NZHPT principal statutory
functions are the registration of historic places, advocacy and public education
(http://www.historic.org.nz/). The NZHPT also exercises statutory power to protect
archaeological sites through the HPA which essentially imposes blanket protection
for both terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites making it illegal for any
person to destroy, damage or modify any part of a site without an authority obtained
from the Historic Places Trust (Barber 1998:59). The provisions of the HPA apply to
archaeological sites irrespective of whether they are currently registered or recorded
(Vossler 2000:64).

�History of Underwater Archaeology in New Zealand
Sports diving in New Zealand began in the 1950s, and a number of diving clubs
started up around this time (Gordon 1999). The earliest underwater shipwreck
surveys in New Zealand were undertaken in the 1960‟s by pioneers such as Kelly
Tarlton however, the prevailing philosophy of the time was directed towards salvage
and exploration rather than preservation and conservation (Sale 1988:182; Dodd
2003:155). In recent years the practice of underwater archaeology in New Zealand
has been furthered in three main ways; through the work of volunteer groups, the
teaching of AIMA/NAS training courses and the registration of shipwrecks as historic
places.

Avocational projects
The need to control and direct maritime archaeology in New Zealand led to the
establishment of the Maritime Archaeological Association of New Zealand (MAANZ)
in 1989 (Churchill 1991:7). Through this association a number of underwater and
maritime heritage sites have been subject to archaeological attention.

Mahanga Bay wharf
A series of coastal military defences were built around New Zealand in the 1880s, in
response to a perceived threat from the Russian navy. A small wharf was built in
Mahanga Bay on the Miramar Peninsula in Wellington to service the torpedo boats
that were stationed there. In 1993-1994 and 2000 MAANZ undertook a survey and
investigation of the remnants of the historic wharf. The purpose of this work was to
locate and map the remains of the wharf and associated artefacts. The history of the
construction, use and demise of the wharf was also researched and a report
published (MAANZ 2005).

Surveying &amp; condition report on Hydrabad
The square rigged sailing ship Hydrabad was wrecked on Waitarere Beach (north of
Wellington) in 1878. Successive storms and dynamic beach action have left the
wreck well above high water mark. The wreck is now inundated with sand, and is
periodically uncovered and re-covered through storm and wind action. The Waitarere
Residents Association invited MAANZ to undertake an investigation of the wreck to
help in decision making on the future of the wreck. This investigation was undertaken
in 1997 and involved the mapping and assessment of the wreck site and the taking
of samples to assess the composition of the ship. A report was compiled outlining
the history of the ship and also the results of the survey (MAANZ 1998) and the site
continues to be visited and photographed by MAANZ members. The Horowhenua
District Council has recently installed updated interpretative signage at Waitarere
and the site was nominated for historic place registration by MAANZ in 2010. It was
assessed by NZHPT and awarded category II historic place registration in 2011. This
officially recognised the wreck site as a place “of historical or cultural heritage
significance or value to New Zealanders” (HPA section 23).

�Mapping &amp; park proposal for Evans Bay Patent Slip
A patent slip operated at Evans Bay on the edge of the Wellington Harbour from the
1870s until well into the 20th century. The rails of the slipway remain intact, as does
buried slipway machinery. MAANZ supervised a geophysical survey of the site to
determine the amount of subsurface equipment still extant, and successfully lobbied
the city council to extend the extent of the protected heritage area.

Inconstant project
The Inconstant was wrecked on Wellington‟s coast in 1849, and refloated on the
coastal edge of the city as a floating warehouse and bond store. The ship was
eventually inundated by reclamation and revealed again during refurbishment of the
overlying historic buildings in 1996. Archaeologists revealed and recorded the fabric
of the ship, some of which remain in situ and on public display. MAANZ members
were actively involved in the processing and curating of artefacts from the site
(O‟Keeffe 1993).

On-going conservation of artefacts on the Hikitia
In 1997 MAANZ had opened their dedicated conservation laboratory aboard the
Hikitia, one of the two remaining floating cranes in the world. MAANZ converted one
of the below decks spaces into a laboratory to conserve objects from maritime
archaeological sites. The lab operates on a volunteer basis and is available to
conserve objects for the general public and museums. The lab is also a key resource
for the association's education and information program. The activities of this
avocational body have greatly furthered the development of maritime archaeology in
New Zealand.

AIMA/NAS courses
Six AIMA/NAS courses have been run in New Zealand since 2002. These courses
are targeted towards providing recreational divers with basic information about
underwater archaeology, site recording and conservation. The first AIMA/NAS
Training courses in New Zealand were held in February-March 2002 by Mark
Staniforth and Cosmos Coroneos who conducted two Part 1 Training courses at the
Museum of City and Sea, Wellington.
Three further Part 1 &amp; 2 courses were run in November-December 2008 in
Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin. Peter Ross and James Hunter tutored the
courses which were facilitated by Department of Conservation and also included
input from Otago and Auckland University specialists in underwater photogrammetry
and wet wood conservation. In June 2011 a Part 1 course was run in Tauranga by
Andy Dodd and Robert Brassey for divers involved in the ssTaupo recording project
being coordinated by Shane Wasik. These courses have promoted the field of
underwater archaeology to a diverse range of interest groups.

�NZHPT shipwreck registrations
Shipwreck sites and sites in the coastal marine area have been under represented in
New Zealand‟s Historic Places Trust Register. The first ship wreck to be registered
was the ssVictory (no.5712), wrecked on the Otago Peninsula in 1861 and registered
in 1985. In more recent years new registrations have included the 1881 ssTararua
wreck site, cemetery and Waipapa Lighthouse (no.7785) registered 2009,
ps1Tasmanian Maid wrecked off New Plymouth in 1868 (no. 9521) and ssAlexandra
wrecked off Puke Aruhe in 1865 (no. 9520) both registered in 2010, and the 1878
Hydrabad wreck site at Waitarere Beach (no. 9559) registered 2011. By placing
these ships on the Historic Places Trust Register they are provided with a greater
level of protection and increased public awareness about these unique sites.

Opportunities for the Future
New Zealand has a small but active number of technical divers who regularly dive
shipwrecks at depths of 40-120 metres. Collaboration with these highly skilled and
trained individuals offers the opportunity to investigate shipwrecks that have only
been minimally impacted by the actions of divers. Such cooperation has the potential
to not only gain valuable information from these archaeological sites but also to
establish a principle of custodianship which would help protect these wrecks for
future archaeological investigation.
Further AIMA/NAS courses for recreational divers in New Zealand could
improve diver appreciation of shipwreck conservation and may encourage some
people to seek further education in maritime archaeology. It can also be a positive
means of promoting a responsible attitude towards wreck diving amongst dive clubs
and shops that might see value in promoting the conservation of local shipwreck
sites. To date, courses have only been held in a limited number of locations around
the country. By ensuring that courses are spread more evenly around New Zealand
more divers will be able to attend and become involved in maritime projects.
Encouraging archaeology students from Auckland University and the University of
Otago with an interest in maritime history and archaeology to attend these courses
may also mean more students formally incorporate maritime archaeology into their
studies.
New Zealand‟s rich maritime heritage includes a tradition of Colonial
shipbuilding and repair that is represented in the archaeological record in the form of
shipwrecks and other maritime infrastructure. In Australia the archaeological study of
Colonial shipbuilding has been a major area of research within the field of maritime
archaeology (e.g. see Coroneos 1996; Bullers 2006; O‟Reilly 2007). This research
has provided a great deal of information about the construction of early Australian
built wooden sailing vessels and the role of shipbuilding in Colonial society. Like
Australia the archaeological investigation of shipwrecks and shipbuilding yards
1

paddle steamer

�around New Zealand has the potential to significantly increase our understanding of
this formative industry and could provide an area for Trans-Tasman research.
A notable component of the maritime archaeological record of New Zealand is
the presence of ship‟s graveyards which are found within a number of the country‟s
harbours. The vessels that make up these graveyards have considerable
archaeological value with the potential to offer insights into, not only, propulsion and
shipbuilding technologies from the 19th and 20th centuries but also the diversity of
craft that plied the waterway of New Zealand. Such archaeological investigations
could facilitate the comparison and contrast of abandonment processes in relation to
ship‟s graveyards around New Zealand and also with such work undertaken
internationally.

Conclusions
New Zealand has a rich maritime heritage which is evidenced by a range of UCH
sites of both Maori and European origin. Unfortunately the underdeveloped nature of
maritime archaeology in New Zealand means that this resource suffers from a lack of
active management and protection. As such, much of the maritime archaeological
work that has taken place in New Zealand has been undertaken by volunteers. It is
hoped that by working with such interested parties and collaboration with
international researchers will help to provide the impetus for capacity building and
the eventual establishment of an effective maritime archaeology program in New
Zealand.

Bibliography
Barber, I.,
2000
Bullers, R.,
2006
Churchill, D.,
1991
Coroneos, C.,
1996
Dodd, A.,
2003
Green, J.N.,
2004
Gordon, K.,
1999
Gould, R.A.,
2000

“Archaeological Heritage management Reform in New Zealand:
What Happened?”, in Archaeology in New Zealand, 43(1), pp. 2236.
“Quality Assured: Shipbuilding in Colonial South Australia and
Tasmania” in Flinders University Maritime Archaeology Monograph
Series Number 8, Flinders University, Adelaide.
“The Maritime Archaeological Association of New Zealand MAANZ
(Inc)”, in The Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime
Archaeology, 15(1), pp. 7-10.
“One interpretation for the short working lives of early Australian
wooden sailing vessels in Victorian waters", in The Bulletin of the
Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 15, pp. 7-14.
“Opportunities for Underwater Archaeology in New Zealand”, in
Archaeology in New Zealand, 46(3), pp.151-160.
Maritime Archaeology: A Technical Handbook, Elsevier Academic
Press, London.
"Deep beginnings", in Dive New Zealand Magazine,
Archaeology and the Social History of Ships, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.

�Gumbley, W.
Johns, D., and
Law, G.,
2005
Higham, T.,
and Jones, M.,
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1998
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2006

McKinley, J.R.,
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O‟Keeffe, M.,
1993
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Sale, E.V.,
1988
Walton, T., and
Keefe, M.,
2004
Vossler, M.,
2006

Management of wetland archaeological
sites in New Zealand, Science for Conservation 246.

"Chronology and Settlement", in (eds) L. Furey, and S. Holdaway,
Change through time: 50 years of New Zealand Archaeology,
NZAA, Monograph 26.
Investigation of the wreck of the Hydrabad, The Maritime
Archaeological Association of New Zealand,
Mahanga Bay Wharf Archaeological Survey. The Maritime
Archaeological Association of New Zealand,
"Maritime Archaeology in Australasia; Reviews and Overviews", in
(eds.) Mark Staniforth and Mike Nash, Maritime Archaeology:
Australian Approaches, Springer Science + Business Media Inc,
New York.
“The New Zealand Historic Places Trust and the laws covering
Marine Archaeology in New Zealand:, in (ed.) Jeremy Green,
papers from the First Southern Hemisphere Conference on
Maritime Archaeology, Australian Sports Publications, Melbourne.
"The Inconstant shipwreck Wellington, New Zealand", in Bulletin of
the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 23, pp.121126.
An assessment of Australian built wooden sailing vessels
(constructed between 1850 - 1899) operating the South Australian
intrastate trade: methods and materials, Flinders University
Maritime Archaeology Monograph Series Number 5.
Kelly. The Adventurous Life of Kelly Tarlton, Lee Printing Co,
Auckland.
"Archaeological Heritage Management", in (eds) L. Furey and S.
Holdaway, Change through time: 50 years of New Zealand
Archaeology, NZAA, Monograph 26.
"Sense of Nonsense? Heritage Legislation in Perspective", in (ed)
A. Trapeznik, Common Ground? Heritage and Public Places in
New Zealand, University of Otago Press, Dunedin.

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Pacific Islands region: Building UCH Capacity</text>
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                <text>New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by Polynesian voyagers and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups traded and traversed in and along the coastline leaving considerable physical evidence of their seafaring ways. Today this maritime past is reflected in more than 2000 shipwrecks as well as numerous canoe landing sites, fish traps, inundated villages and sunken canoes.&#13;
&#13;
Despite this wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and a strong legislative base for the protection of archaeological sites, maritime archaeology in New Zealand is significantly underdeveloped with no effective program for the management or protection of UCH. As a consequence the public of New Zealand rarely views shipwrecks and other UCH as sites that need to be protected. This lack of perceived value results in limited funding being available for the investigation or management of maritime archaeological sites and as such developmental pressures, commercial salvage and fossicking continue to damage this non-renewable resource.&#13;
&#13;
Although these are major challenges there are still considerable opportunities for underwater archaeology in New Zealand. Increased awareness of underwater cultural heritage can be achieved by engaging the public in various ways such as through Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology/Nautical Archaeology Society (AIMA/NAS) training courses. In addition, the global nature of New Zealandâ€™s maritime trade means that there is enormous scope for international collaboration between researchers at a diverse range of organisations around the world. Such actions would help provide the impetus for capacity building and the eventual establishment of an effective maritime archaeology program in New Zealand.&#13;
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