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                    <text>A Global Shipwreck: Using the Internet for Research,
Public Outreach, and Catching up with the Past
T. Kurt Knoerl

Abstract
Over the past few decades historians and archaeologists have moved away from examining their
topics from nationalist perspectives but instead have looked for regional connections, such as the
Atlantic world. This approach seeks to understand the relationships and influences between
people in geographically distant locations. Even this regional approach, however, can be limiting
as researchers now trace out global connections which occurred early on in human history. A
global perspective reminds us that if we look deep enough we will see that the past, no matter
where it occurred, relates to everyone. Chinese porcelains excavated in the Great Lakes region
of North America from the eighteenth century, for instance, show us that shipwrecks in Asian
waters can be relevant to First Nations people on the other side of the globe in Canada. It has
always been so; we just didn’t always know it. The Internet, however, can not only help us teach
this fact but can help us find those connections.
Online tools have helped bring underwater cultural heritage into the homes of viewers
from around the world. Public outreach websites like the Museum of Underwater Archaeology,
for example, attract viewers from over 90 countries. This paper will examine how researchers
can not only share their findings with a global audience via the Internet but will also highlight the
online tools available to conduct research to tease out those global connections and tap into the
collaborative nature of social computing. As we utilize the web to forge new cultural connections
around the world, we are reminded that those sailing vessels that crossed the seas transporting
their cargos in centuries past were doing the very same thing. The more we utilize the Internet to
conduct research and share data about underwater cultural heritage the more we will see that
each shipwreck we share with the world is truly a global shipwreck.

Introduction
As a graduate student in underwater archaeology in 1989 I excavated the cove
area of a colonial fort located on the Great Lakes in the middle of North America.
Thousands of vessels, large and small, had utilized the cove during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to unload their cargos of men and
materials traveling either west, deeper into the continent, or east, toward ships
that would bear them across oceans. During the 1989 field season we
discovered the remains of an eighteenth-century shoreline that contained
thousands of artifacts dating primarily from the British occupation period of 1759
to 1796 (Knoerl 1994:123). One of the artifacts we discovered that intrigued me
the most was a piece of Chinese porcelain (Figure 1). I wondered who had made
it. Could that Chinese artisan, as he removed it from the kiln and prepared it for
shipping, have imagined the distance it would travel or picture the cultures
through which it would pass and eventually be used? It became evident to me
that even here, in a relative backwater of the North American colonies in the mid
to late eighteenth-century, there were ties between people half a world apart.
Shipping made that possible as it connected hinterlands to port facilities such as
wharves, shipyards, merchants, shippers, and sailors. At the end of the voyage
the vessels landed at similar maritime landscapes and their goods made their
way to the consumer. In this way even segments of society that never even saw

�a vessel and were separated by great distances were connected by water. The
maritime activities of one region, no matter how seemingly localized, became,
through global trade networks, a part of the maritime history of another.
Shipwrecks are an important part of world history and as unintended time
capsules they illustrate not only the global connections of the past, but through
the Internet, they actively participate in today’s networks as well. This paper will
argue that by using a modern electronic global network (i.e. the Internet), with its
ocean of data and streams of connectivity, we can aid in their preservation
through collaborative research and public education. Such an interconnected
approach shows that every vessel that ended up on the bottom of the sea is
indeed a global shipwreck.

Figure 1. Eighteenth century Chinese porcelain excavated at British colonial Fort
Niagara, Youngstown, New York USA in 1989 (Photo by author).
Imagine a shipwreck. Consider its surroundings, its condition, and its
location. What do you see? For many there is a sense of darkness and isolation
and that despite being surrounded by water it is no longer in its natural
environment on the surface. It would seem that the vessel’s story has come to an
end. I would argue, however, that this is a temporary phase and that its story and
its travels are not over. There are parallels between a ship’s past working life
prior to the wrecking event and its role in the modern world after being
rediscovered.
After the wrecking event and subsequent discovery the same vessel can,
in a sense, travel throughout the world again via the Internet. Its mission has
changed, however, from one that was commercial or naval in nature to an
educational one. Archaeologists that have recovered information about the web
of commercial relationships ships once participated in can use the electronic
“ocean” - one comprised of data, routers, high speed bandwidth, and Internet
protocols to transport a vessel’s new cargo of information around the world. The

�shipwreck no longer seeks safe anchorages in coastal ports but instead searches
for access to computers ports.

Using the Internet
Although underwater archaeologists were not among the early adopters of the
Internet some did recognize its potential in the late 1990s (Hall, et al. 1997). The
time required to construct websites, the costs incurred, or the expertise needed
may have prevented many from moving on to the web. A more fundamental
issue was the poor track record underwater archaeology as a field had with
regard to setting a high priority on public outreach. Treasure hunting companies
were not as reticent and publicized stories about finding gold and riches with a
public ensnared by such tales. By 2004 underwater archaeologists began to post
their research online through websites like the online Museum of Underwater
Archaeology (MUA). Within the last seven years the development of free
websites such as Wordpress and the development of social media sites like
Facebook have made it much easier to post content online.1 The range of
options now available for utilizing the Internet continues to grow as does the
number of individuals who can access it.
As of August 2011 industry experts estimate that there are over 1 billion
websites on the Internet (Netcraft 2011). Many of these websites contain multiple
pages further increasing the number of pages of content available A Google
search on the term “underwater archaeology” returns over 600,000 websites. The
term maritime history returned nearly 4.5 million pages and the term “shipwreck”
returned 12.9 million results. There is a veritable ocean of information available
online. How then can we as archaeologists and maritime historians best use the
Internet to participate and assist in continuing a vessel’s story beyond coming to
rest at the bottom of the sea.
The answer depends to some extent on what our goals are. Whether it is
publishing or conducting research, one has to consider who the intended
audience is. This, to a great degree determines what methods should be used.
Some digital humanities researchers like David Staley argue for the increased
use of visualizations of data and history as a more appropriate means to convey
information over the Internet (Staley 2002:3). Utilizing maps, diagrams, and other
images may indeed be a better digital publishing strategy for underwater
archaeologists considering the visual and spatial nature of the material culture so
central to their work. Conversely, digital history pioneers like Daniel Cohen and
the late Roy Rosenzweig have called for adhering to prose and suggest that
screens will eventually catch up to the human eye (Cohen and Rosenzweig
2005). Indeed since their prediction six years ago several companies have
marketed hand held devices touted to be as comfortable to read as printed text.
1

Wordpress is a website that provides free web pages where individuals can post articles or comments on a
web log, otherwise known as a blog (http://wordpress.org/). Facebook is a social website where users can
post personal information about themselves for view by other selected Facebook members
(http://www.facebook.com).

�One thing that remains clear, regardless of the presentation style chosen, is the
overriding need for researchers to publish something rather than nothing.
This inaugural Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural
Heritage, encompassing as it does countries of the Indian and Pacific oceans,
covers a large and diverse set of cultures. Yet some commonalities exist
including that which impacts all nations regardless of location, namely the
scarcity of resources and funding available to dedicate to educational outreach
and research. In harkening back to the trade networks and connections that
existed prior to the advent of steam navigation in the nineteenth century, we can
see a model that can aid not only underwater archaeologists working in the AsiaPacific Region but across the globe. Ships did not operate in a vacuum but rather
through cooperative agreements and collaborative projects with other members
of the merchant community. Those arrangements allowed vessels to influence
the lives of people across the planet. Marine insurance companies, for instance,
allowed ship owners to pool their risk and make the most of their resources.
While collaborative agreements might sound like an obvious solution to the high
costs of online presentations, it is not an option that necessarily comes to mind
for some archaeologists. Indeed a small survey conducted by the MUA in 2006
showed that when asked what the best use of the Internet might be, only thirteen
percent of underwater archaeologists cited "collaboration" as opposed to the
general public who mentioned it forty percent of the time. Also, somewhat
surprisingly, the general public was almost twice as likely as professional
archaeologists to suggest research as a good use of the Internet. Both groups
cited "publishing" most frequently (Knoerl and Watts 2007). I would suggest that
these potential uses of publishing, collaboration, and research are not mutually
exclusive but that through combining them we can span the distances and
differences throughout the Asia-Pacific Region to the mutual benefit of all. While
any publishing of research online is desirable and to be commended a
collaborative model is particularly useful for making the most of limited resources.

Collaborative Models
When I speak of collaboration there are numerous groups and means by which
to accomplish such projects. First off, by collaboration I mean the sharing of data,
resources, and ideas not just with the immediate partners involved but the
general public as well. Two organizations may work together but through joint
online projects they open their work at nearly all stages to public view and
comment so that taken together there can be an almost emergent quality to the
outcome. Unintended and unlooked for outcomes can take projects in new
directions or result in new research projects previously unimagined. Indeed,
although the MUA was conceived of as a collaborative project from the outset its
development has been driven to a great degree by the suggestions and
happenstance that has come from the three part collaboration of the museum
staff, the participant underwater archaeologists, and the viewers. This occurs
sometimes by brainstorming ideas directly with the MUA staff but also from an
offhand comment, a cited example of some other work, or the unintended end

�result of a particular experiment. While not all projects succeed, each effort that
does encourages other groups to either participate directly with the MUA or to
engage in their own online publishing activity - either way, the amount of ethical
underwater archaeological project information that potentially reaches the publiceye increases and counters the romanticized and destructive message of
treasure hunters. What follows are a few examples of collaborative projects that
sought not only to accomplish that goal but to simultaneously forward underwater
archaeology as a field.
Perhaps the MUA’s simplest form of collaboration is its publication
research by numerous underwater archaeologists. Although this is described in
more detail by Michelle Damian’s paper, I will cite one example of the potential
benefit of one group working with another.2 In August 2011 the MUA invited
Peruvian underwater archaeologist Carlos E. Ausejo to write a guest blog on the
website in order to introduce Mr. Ausejo and the present state of Peruvian
underwater archaeology to the MUA’s audience (Ausejo 2011). Shortly thereafter
a member of the Government Maritime Managers Forum, who had read Mr.
Ausejo’s post invited him to join their group.3 Indeed upon learning of the AsiaPacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage through the guest
blog I was requested to extend a similar invitation to other government managers
in attendance at this conference (Mastone pers. comm. 2011). From one
publication intended to educate the public and professional underwater
archaeologists about Peru, it’s possible that archaeologists from the Indian and
Pacific Oceans may, more frequently, share ideas with their colleagues in North
America.
In most cases collaborative projects hosted by the MUA are directed
primarily at bringing together outside parties with the MUA acting primarily as
facilitator. A recent example is the Gray Literature Bibliography Database (The
MUA 2011). This project seeks to encourage underwater archaeologists working
in local government to share bibliographic information about the numerous site
reports that have been generated over the years in response to mitigation and
research work required by state or federal laws. Site reports like this contain
sensitive location information that is not routinely distributed to the public in order
to protect sites from looting yet can be made available to researchers with
legitimate research projects. By not making the reports easily available online
they become difficult to find, often requiring researchers to travel to the various
state libraries to review offline catalogs for each state they are interested in. The
Gray Literature Bibliography Database contains the titles, dates, and authors of
site reports for several states in one repository along with information on how
researchers can gain access to specific documents they wish to read (The MUA
2011). The site contains hundreds of report titles, is searchable across all
participating states included in the database, and brings to light the vast
resources previously unknown to the public. It will reduce the cost of future work
2

See “Bringing Asia to the World: Public Outreach via the Museum of Underwater Archaeology” by
Michelle Damian this volume.
3
The Government Maritime Managers Forum is a network of government managers of underwater cultural
heritage at the national, provincial and local levels based in the USA.

�by eliminating lost time spent trying to track down what work has already been
conducted in the past. This project in particular highlights the power of joining
data sets previously kept separate. By allowing for queries across several groups
at the same time previously unknown relationships may come to light. Each
query then is an act of creation as it generates new information (Manovich
2002:227).
Joint online projects between institutions such as museums can also
make the most of scarce resources. Birchbark Canoes: A Collaborative Gallery
combines images and information about a specific type of indigenous small craft
housed in different museums and institutions around the Great Lakes.4 The
project apprises both canoe enthusiasts and professional researchers of the
number and variety of craft that can be compared for regional variations in
construction techniques and design. While the project was not instigated by the
various museums involved it has proved to be a cost effective way for them to
publicize an aspect of their collection that might otherwise have remained in
obscurity. Collaborative projects such as this allow institutions to participate in a
larger exhibit of canoes brought together on the Internet that might otherwise be
too costly to gather together in one place. In doing so, they increase awareness
of their institutions and collections at a fraction of the price.
One of the MUA’s most promising collaborative projects involves not only
underwater archaeologists but the very general public we wish to engage. In a
role reversal of sorts underwater archaeologists can use crowd sourcing to
gather data from the general public. Crowd sourcing occurs when large groups of
people participate in quickly accomplishing a task that would take individuals or
small groups a far longer period. Google used a similar concept developed by
computer scientist Dr. Luis von Ahn which used the enormous number of hours
people spend online playing games to help accomplish tasks such as labeling
images for online searches. The MUA’s Shipwrecks Over Time Project is an
experiment in this area by hosting an image gallery of a particular shipwreck and
posting a few images online for the public to view.5 The public is then invited to
contribute their diving photos of that wreck to the collection. Each participant is
credited for their contribution. Images are sorted by the date they are
photographed. In this way as the collection grows it becomes a tool for
researchers to use to evaluate how shipwrecks change over time. The project
taps into a potentially huge volume of images that might otherwise remain
hidden. Should the project prove successful it can be used to gather images for
other wrecks around the world.
Perhaps one of the most unusual collaborative projects facilitated by the
MUA involves coordinating the efforts of researchers from different disciplines. In
2009 members of the research team, Bateaux Below, approached the MUA
about an art – science initiative that combined the efforts of a cellular biologist,
an underwater archaeologist, and a scientific artist. Researchers from the three
4

The Birchbark Canoes: A Collaborative Gallery is under construction as of this writing. Upon completion
viewers may reach the site via a link on the MUA homepage: http://www.themua.org.
5
The Shipwrecks Over Time project is under construction as of this writing. Upon completion viewers
may reach the site via a link on the MUA homepage http://www.themua.org.

�disciplines worked together to study single celled organisms called testate
ameba and eighteenth century bateaux both of which can be found at the bottom
of Lake George in New York State in the United States6. The artist then recorded
her impressions and produced works of art that were displayed in a showing held
simultaneously at the Lake George Arts Project gallery in the town of Lake
George and on easels at the bottom of the lake from August 25th through
September 10th 2009. A permanent digital version of the exhibit was posted
online on the MUA. The online launch was one of the most heavily visited
exhibits ever posted on the website. Many of the viewers went on to examine
other projects on the website as well. In response to the project’s success the
MUA recently invited two professional artists to review the hundreds of images
posted on the MUA over the last seven years. They evaluated the images in
artistic terms to see which ones went beyond pure academic value. They
selected three images each, of which they identified ad having artistic merit and
published their comments along with their selections. Their comments helped the
public see underwater archaeologist’s work in a new light that would not have
been available without this cross disciplinary project.

Conclusion
The projects described above all benefit from the fact they all create and expand
networks of support for their participants. Often there are unexpected results that
branch-out into additional opportunities for learning, which in turn inspire even
more projects. The Internet is an especially powerful tool for doing this because
of its exponential growth and deep penetration into nearly every corner of the
world. As researchers share the stories they recover from shipwreck data it
makes projects seem far less remote. Frequent updates to project journals,
public participation through data contributions, and increased ease of access to
previously unobtainable data have brought sites closer to millions of viewers.
These projects teach the public that the sea connects us all today just as it
connected manufacturers and artisans from one continent with consumers on
another. As we continue to show the public that all maritime history is connected
and is part of the story of human life on this watery planet, hopefully we will
nurture a preservation ethic that recognizes that each shipwreck is not strictly
part of one nation’s story but of all nations. In being of value to people across
cultures and professions they are in fact everyone’s responsibility to protect,
study, and share. If each underwater archaeological site is viewed in this way we
have the potential to encourage research and assist each other whenever we
can regardless of where we live on the planet. The MUA was founded to promote
that idea (Knoerl 2006). The reason behind our success over the past seven
years can best be summed up by a quote from the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century writer on human achievement: Napoleon Hill wrote, “It is
literally true that you can succeed best and quickest by helping others to
succeed” (Hill 2003:65). I hope that everyone who has come together for this
6

The testate amebas live in the lake’s bottom sediments surrounding the bateaux. The bateaux were
purposefully sunk by the British Army during the French and Indian War to avoid capture by the French.

�historic inaugural conference will take that idea with them as they return to their
home waters to continue their work on the global shipwreck.

Bibliography
., Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage in Peru. The
Underwater Blogger. Available at:
http://muablog.wordpress.com/2011/08/16/maritime-andunderwater-cultural-heritage-in-peru-by-carlos-e-ausejo/
[Accessed September 13, 2011].
Digital History: A Guide to Gathering, Preserving, And
Cohen, D.J. and
Presenting the Past on the Web, University of Pennsylvania
Rosenzweig, R.,
2005
Press, Philadelphia.
Hall, A., Hall, R.,
Presenting Archaeology on the Web: The LaSalle Shipwreck
Project. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 26, 3,
and Arnold, J.B. III,
1997
pp. 247-251.
The Law of Success, Vol. 3: The Principles of Self-Creation.
Hill, N.,
2003
Revised and Updated. High Roads Media.
About the MUA. Available at:
Knoerl, T.K.,
2006
http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/about.html [Accessed
September 13, 2011].
Beneath Niagara: A Methodological Approach to an Inundated
Knoerl, T.K.,
Eighteenth-Century Site, MA Thesis, East Carolina University,
1994
Greenville, N.C.
Knoerl, T.K. and
Swimming in the Cyber Oceans: Underwater Archaeology and
the Internet. The 40th Annual Conference on Historical and
Watts, G.P. Jr.,
Underwater Archaeology, Williamsburg, VA.
2007
The Language of New Media. Reprint. The MIT Press,
Manovich L.,
2002
Cambridge, MA.
Gray Literature Bibliography Database. Available at:
The Museum of
Underwater
http://www.themua.org/collections/ [Accessed September 5,
Archaeology
2011].
2011
Web Server Survey .Available at:
Netcraft
2011
http://news.netcraft.com/archives/category/web-server-survey/
[Accessed September 5, 2011].
Computers, Visualization, and History: How New Technology
Staley, D.J.,
Will Transform Our Understanding of the Past. M.E. Sharpe.
2002
Ausejo, Carlos E.
2011

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	Online tools have helped bring underwater cultural heritage into the homes of viewers from around the world.  Public outreach websites like the Museum of Underwater Archaeology, for example, attract viewers from over 90 countries.  This paper will examine how researchers can not only share their findings with a global audience via the Internet but will also highlight the online tools available to conduct research to tease out those global connections and tap into the collaborative nature of social computing.   As we utilize the web to forge new cultural connections around the world, we are reminded that those sailing vessels that crossed the seas transporting their cargos in centuries past were doing the very same thing. The more we utilize the Internet to conduct research and share data about underwater cultural heritage the more we will see that each shipwreck we share with the world is truly a global shipwreck&#13;
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                    <text>Human Resources Development in Indonesia's
Underwater Archaeology
Judi Wahjudin

Abstract
The Indonesian archipelago position is located in a very strategic position at the crossroads of
world maritime trade between the Pacific and Indian Oceans. According to archaeological and
historical research, there is evidence that Indonesia has had a maritime nautical culture since
prehistoric times. Some evidence of Indonesian maritime cultural civilization can still be found
scattered on the ocean floor, including approximately 463 ancient ship location points according
to
data
from
the
Ministry
of
Maritime
Affairs
and
Fisheries.
The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, which is the Indonesian government agency that
handles the field of culture, now has approximately 80 staff divers. Only a fraction of that number
have competence in the field of underwater archaeology, so it is necessary to improve the
knowledge and skills, not only in the field of diving but also the ability to conduct surveys,
mapping, data recording excavation, and conservation. In the last five years, efforts to increase
human resources in underwater archaeology in Indonesia continue to be done through various
education and training, whether conducted in Indonesia or abroad facilitated by the United
Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), such as in Thailand, Sri
Lanka, and the Philippines. The effort is certainly not optimal and systematic, so it is necessary to
develop appropriate strategies both in quantity and quality. Indonesia needs an underwater
archaeological development centre that will prepare a teaching module, instructor, certification
and partnerships (networking), as well as supporting facilities and infrastructure. Through this
institution we can expect human resources of underwater archaeologists to have the following
abilities: (1) diving, (2) various regulations relating to underwater cultural heritage, (3)
development of management plans, and recording and documenting sites, (4) procedures,
methods, principles and ethics of underwater archaeology, (5) artifact conservation and storage,
(6) traditional knowledge, and (7) publications and exhibitions. In the last five years we have
implemented several training programs to further underwater archaeology in Indonesia where
participants have acquired skills in diving, survey and conservation. More skills would greatly
empower Indonesians in managing their underwater cultural heritage, particularly at an advanced
underwater archaeology theory and practice level.

Introduction
Indonesia as an archipelago has a vast territory that stretches from 95 ° to 141 °
East Longitude and between 60 ° N latitude and 110 ° LS. The total area of the
Indonesian Exclusive Economic Zone's marine waters are approximately 7.9
million square kilometers (km2). When calculated, the length of the beach that
surrounds the entire archipelago was recorded at approximately 81,000 km, and
the number of people living in coastal areas are more than 40 million. Based on
existing data on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982
(UNCLOS '82), Indonesia covers an area of waters of the ocean area covering
3.1 million km2, which consists of the archipelagic waters and an area of 2.8
million km2 of sea area covering 0.3 million km2. The position of Indonesia is as a
very strategic island nation, which is located at the crossroads between lanes of
traffic and world trade, between the Pacific and Indian Ocean (Pramono 2005:2).
Based on Djoko Pramono's (2005: 3-6) study of archeology and history,
there is evidence that the nation of Indonesia since prehistoric times has been

�recorded in the nautical culture sailboat paintings found in prehistoric caves in
the rock islands of Muna, Seram, and Arguni which are estimated to have been
made in the year 10 000 BC. On the note of historical development of culture
Nusantara civilization later found various kingdoms in the archipelago that has
the basic maritime cultural values, such as the Kingdom of Sriwijaya and
Majapahit Kingdom. Srivijaya kingdom was based on mastery of the political
kingdom lanes and trade routes and control of strategic areas that are used as a
base power of the sea. Majapahit kingdom established in the region Pull Raden
Wijaya, the Brantas River near Port Canggu Sea (now in the eastern city of
Mojokerto). Majapahit are renowned for their strength and fame as a maritime
empire. Majapahit's political strategy was to unify the archipelago under his rule
and prioritize the construction of a formidable navy. Maritime policy of the strong
Majapahit had been confirmed in Amukti Palapa Oath of Gadjah Mada
Mahapatih that essentially wanted to unite the whole archipelago under the
Majapahit.
At present most evidence of Indonesia's maritime culture peak is still
scattered on the ocean floor, including sunken ships and cargo. According to
data from the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries. There are around 463
points of known ancient ship locations based on information from: Chinese
historians, in the tenth - twentieth centuries around thirty thousand Chinese ships
sailed into the territory of Indonesia but did not return; and archives in the
Netherlands, which hold records of 245 Verenidge Oost Compagnie (VOC) ships
sunk in Indonesian waters (Directorate of Underwater Archaeology 2011). These
data must be verifiable by conducting surveys and field mapping conducted by
staff who are professionals in the field of underwater archeology.
The Indonesian government institution in-charge of culture, namely the
Ministry of Culture and Tourism, currently has approximately eighty divers. Only
a fraction of that number have competences in the field of underwater
archeology, so it needs to improve knowledge and skills, not just in the diving but
also the ability to conduct surveys, mapping, excavation data recording, and
conservation.
The government of Indonesia has made efforts to increase human
resources in the field of underwater archeology through various education and
training programs. Facilitated by UNESCO these programs have occurred within
Indonesia and abroad, such as in Thailand, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines. The
effort is certainly not optimal and systematic, so it needs proper human resources
(HR) development strategies both in quality and quantity. For that Indonesia
needs to development a center in underwater archeology. This institute will
prepare teaching modules, instructors, certification and hierarchy, partnerships
(networking), as well as supporting facilities and infrastructure. Through this
institution it is expected that successful HR will entail the following:
 have knowledge and skills of diving,
 understand the various regulations related to Underwater Cultural
Heritage (locally, nationally, and internationally),
 understand and be able to create a management plan and site plan,

�

understand and be able to implement procedures, methods, basic
principles and ethics of underwater archeology,
 understand and are able to conserve, document. manage and store
 publications and public outreach, such as: exhibitions and mass media
(print and electronic).
In the last five years, the Government of Indonesia has conducted training
programs gradually and continuously to improve HR in the field of underwater
archeology, but this is still limited due to the need to improve skill and abilities in
the field of diving, survey, and conservation.

A rich maritime Archaeological resource
Indonesian waters have become a graveyard of ships from ancient times. Based
on data from the Directorate of Underwater Heritage (2010) estimated there were
1234 ships sunk, and until now only 463 known location. Referring to these data,
the government of Indonesia has conducted surveys in several locations. Tables
1 and 2 provide the details of when and where the survey has occurred, as well
as what was found and at what depth.
Table 1. Survey Data (Directorate of Underwater Archaeology 2010)
NU*

YEAR

1

2006

2

2006

3

2007

4

2008

5

2009

6

2009

7

2009

8

2009

9

2009

10

2010

11

2010

12

2010

13

2010

14

2010

LOCATION
Selayar, South Sulawesi
Barang Lompo, South
Sulawesi
Pesisir Selatan, West
Sumatera
Sagori, Buton, Southeast
Sulawesi
Nangka Islands, Bangka
Belitung
Wayame, Ambon Bay
Lembe straits, Bitung, North
Sulawesi
North Halmahera, North
Molucas
Tidore, North Molucas
Genting Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java
Seruni Islands, Karimunjawa,
Central Java
Kemojan Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java
Parang Islands, Karimunjawa,
Central Java
Kumbang Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java

DEEP

FINDING

21 m

Chinese ship

32 m

Japanese ship

22 – 28 m

Iron ship

7m

VOC ship

28 m

Iron ship

17 – 35 m

Aquila ship

20 – 28 m

War ship (Mawali)

3-7m

Tosimaru ship

50 m

Iron ship

2m

ceramics

10 m

Iron ship

15 m

Indonor ship

34-38 m

Timber ship

2-13 m

Iron ship

�15

2010

16

2010

17

2010

Taka Manyawakan Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java
Geleang Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java
Menjangan Kecil Islands,
Karimunjawa, Central Java

3-9 m

Iron ship

48 m

Timber ship

28-30 m

Timber ship

Table 2. The survey by the National Committee (Directorate of Underwater
Archaeology 2010)
NU

YEAR

LOCATION

1

2004

Tegal Waters, Central Java

2

2004

Cirebon Waters, West Java

3

2005

Sumpat Bay, North Bintan

4

2005

Natuna Waters, Thousand Islands

5

2005

Maspari Waters, South Sumatera

6

2006

Selayar Waters, South Sulawesi

7

2007

Karang Baginda, South Bangka

8

2007

Karimata Waters, West Kalimantan

9

2008

Karang Baginda, South Bangka

10

2008

Tanjung Menjangan, South Sumatera

11

2008

Cermin coast, North Sumatera

12

2008

Belitung Waters, East Belitung

13*

2008

Mandalika Waters, Jepara Central Java

14*

2008

Kerawang Waters, West Java

15

2009

Gelasa strait, Bangka Belitung

16

2009

Subang Waters, West Java

17

2010

Bangka Belitung Waters

Survey activities conducted by the Directorate of Underwater Heritage, the
Ministry of Culture and Tourism, (see Table 1) helped to establish a framework of
cultural resource preservation potential under water. If the survey has significant
value to science, history and culture, then the existence of such sites must be
preserved and protected by the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 11
Year 2010 on Heritage Act, which was published to replace the Law of the
Republic of Indonesia No. 5 of 1992 on Cultural Heritage Objects. Meanwhile,
the survey by the National Committee Appointment and Use of Valuable Cargo
Ships Sink origin (see Table 2) was performed in order to determine the potential
of underwater cultural resources for the sake of exploration. If the survey results
have indicated high economic value, then they were followed up with the
activities of the appointment. National Committee Appointment and Use of
Valuable Cargo Ships Sink origin was established by Presidential Decree. 43 of

�1998. Under this rule, the appointment must first be selected for the collection of
State and deposited at the museum. The rest can be traded and resulting income
partly added to the state treasury. Since the opening of the first appointment until
the last, there have been no sales activity in which the results benefit the
Government of Indonesia. The appointment of activities that have been done are
as follows.
Table 3. Removal of Ceramic Data
(Directorate of Underwater Archaeology 2010)
NU

LOCATION

THE NUMBER
OF TILES

1

Crocodile Islands, Riau

16.031

2

Batu Hitam, Belitung and Tuban

10.757

3

Thousands Islands (Eks Intan Cargo)

664

4

Blanakan Islands, Subang, West Java

13.590

5

Karimata Bay (Karang Cina)

31.029

6

Java Sea, North Cirebon

271.834

7

Karang Heliputan Waters,. Riau

21.521

8

Sumpat Bay, Riau

15.461

9

Java Sea, North Karawang

14.814

10

Java Sea, North Karawang

6.442

11

East Belitung Waters

34.680

12

Ujung Waters , Pamanukan

18.469

13

Gelasa Strait, Bangka Belitung

32.150

14

Jepara, Central Java

328
Total

487.770

The magnitude of the potential of underwater cultural resources in
Indonesia attract many foreign and local businessmen. They assume the
archeological remains under water are a treasure trove of unknown owners.

Underwater Cultural Heritage
Management of underwater cultural heritage in Indonesia has not been done
optimally. This condition is caused by several things, as follows:
 Harmony between some regulations related to the handling of UCH. Law of
the Republic of Indonesia No. 5 of 1992 on Cultural Heritage Objects was
formed to mandate the use of education, science, culture, religion, and
tourism; while the Presidential Decree No 43 of 1998 on the National
Committee for Salving and Exploiting Valuable Objects Retrieved from
Shipwreck gives permission for exploitation activities of UCH for monetary

�reward. Institutionally, there are several government organizations that are
not synergistic in the management of UCH. For example: the government
agency in charge of culture and environmental conservation prioritize aspects
of sustainability, while the government agency in charge of fisheries and
maritime affairs, as well as local governments, prioritize commercial use.
Efforts have been made the rectify these inconsistencies by the Government
of Indonesia in the recently issued Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number
11 Year 2010 on Heritage, in lieu of the Republic of Indonesia Law No. 5 of
1992 on Cultural Heritage Objects. In which law? (Article 1, point 1), "the
cultural heritage that is protected by law is not only the land but also in the
water (including under water)". In addition it is also mentioned in (Article 1,
point 33) that, "its use should still maintain its sustainability". Mandate of this
law in accordance with the UNSCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage, in particular related to the Annex of the general
principles (rule 1) which states, "in situ conservation is a priority", and (rule 2)
that, "the UCH can not be bought and sold as commercial goods, nor be of
other uses that could undermine its sustainability".


Community understanding of the responsibilities and mandate of the
Underwater Heritage Directorate is still limited. The high level of violations on
UCH indicates that the level of understanding about the importance and
variety of regulations have not been socialized with optimal management, so
various efforts need to be done to improve it. The Government of Indonesia
has been working with stakeholders (government agencies, universities,
museums, and community). It has conducted various activities both in the
form of exhibitions and publication.



More synergy in the management programs on UCH among government
agencies, academia, and society. The Government of Indonesia is working to
improve coordination and cooperation with various parties. Our more
successful improvement of HR competencies in the field of underwater
archeology have been through collaboration with universities and professional
divers. 1) Mapping and survey have been done in cooperation with the
Coordinating Agency for Surveys and Mapping, Ministry of Maritime Affairs
and Fisheries, Indonesian University, Hasanuddin University, Gadjah Mada
University, Diponegoro University, and fishing communities. 2) Protection of
UCH has been coordinated through cooperation with the Ministry of Forestry,
the Navy (Indonesian Military), Local Governments, and the fishing
communities. 3) Public awareness involves cooperation amongst museums,
mass media, local government, and society.



Our HR competence in the field of underwater archeology is still limited. Until
recently the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, particularly in institutions that
deal with UCH, has a total diver count at 87 people: consisting of level 1 (42
people), level 2 (37 people), and level 3 (8 people) . 30 persons of the divers

�are trained in underwater archeology. Likewise, the equipment for underwater
archeology is still limited to the diving equipment and some survey tools,
documentation, and conservation.
To enhance human resource capacity in the field of underwater archeology
Government of Indonesia since 2006 has conducted various training
initiatives (see table 4). It also collaborates with several universities in
Indonesia and sent several people to follow the Underwater Cultural Heritage
Training, UNESCO.
Table 4. Training Activities Data (Directorate of Underwater Archaeology 2010)
NU

YEAR

1

2006

2

2007

3

2008

4

2008

5

2009

6

TRAINING

PARTICIPANTS
26

2009

Diving
Underwater Archaeology
Excavation
Underwater Archaeology
Photography
Conservation
Underwater Archaeology
Photography
Ship Identification

7

2010

Diving

16

8

2010

Conservation

25

27
20
25
15
15

In 2012 the Directorate of Underwater Heritage is working on realizing the
concept of establishing a formal training center for underwater archeology in
Indonesia.

Underwater Archaeology Training Center
In 2011 the Government of Indonesia is preparing the establishment of the
Underwater Archaeology Training Center (Training Center) aimed at improving
the ability of archaeologist and conservationist personnel in the handling of UCH.
The Training Center is expected to generate HR who not only have the
capabilities in the protection of UCH, such as data recording, conservation, and
case study management but who are also capable of conducting activities
towards the development and information sharing for the benefit of society.
Specifically, people who can work on development activities through research
programs, publications and exhibitions. Public awareness could be more
engaging through cooperation with educational institutions and tourism. This is
due to the fact that UCH has a value of history, science, and culture. It can be
studied by research and education institutions, as well as having recreational
value and the draw of adventure. All these activities still have to prioritize
conservation so that sustainability is maintained
The framework plan for the establishment of the Training Center include:

�a. Subject Matter and Trainers
Course subject matter being prepared is not only related to diving and
underwater archeology, but includes material about the various regulations
concerning the protection of UCH. The course subjects under consideration
include: management and site plans, nautical-architecture, history, anthropology,
museology,
and
publications.

b. Participants' Criteria
The minimum criteria for people to participate are that they must be able-bodied,
have interest in the development of knowledge and skills in UCH and its
preservation, and are actively working in the field of the protection of UCH. The
criteria should be determined carefully so that the output of the training is in
accordance with the principle of 'the right man on the right place', so it can
improve performance in the field of the preservation of UCH.

c. Equipment and Accommodation
The equipment must be prepared not only to support practical activities (such as
diving, survey, excavation, removal, documentation, and conservation) but also
include data processing equipment, transportation, and communications.
Accommodation for the various needs of the Training Center need to be
prepared including: classrooms, laboratories, equipment rooms, data processing
space, artifacts storage space, teaching rooms, and dormitories.

d. Education Level and Time
Level and time for training is being arranged. Given the output of this training is
focused on the development of skills, the time will be focused largely on practical
field
training
than
on
classroom
learning.

e. Location
Location must be strategic for accessibility and security. The criteria for location
includes access to convenient transportation, close to the various supporting
agencies (such as museums, research institutes, hospitals, navy, and rescue
teams), not far from underwater archaeological sites. Thus the participants can
practice on site.

Conclusions
Territory waters of Indonesia have UCH rich and valuable for science, history,
and culture, so its existence must be protected and utilized for various purposes
that are not in conflict with sustainability.
For that we need regulatory harmonization efforts coordinated under the
Underwater Heritage Directorate management, so there are no rules that overlap
or contradict each other. Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 11 Year 2010
on Heritage expressly states that cultural heritage protected by law includes
UCH. When working with this valuable material we must always consider the

�best method to ensure its sustainability. This is in accordance with the 2001
Convention, in particular, to the Annex which gives priority to conservation in situ
and bans commercial sale of objects.
We aim to improve networking among stakeholders, both domestically and
abroad, in the form of cooperation programs in the field of human resource
capacity building, provision of equipment underwater archeology, dissemination
and publication, as well as monitoring and securing the Underwater Cultural
Heritage.
Regulation and networking will not run properly without the support of
competent HR. For that we have increased efforts towards HR in the field of UCH
management according to the needs and potential of UCH in Indonesia. The
establishment of a training center is our method to increase capacity building in
HR specialized in the field of underwater archeology who have the ability to
protect, develop and utilize the UCH based on principles of conservation and for
the overall benefit of society.

Bibliography
Directorate
of Directorate of Underwater Archaeology Profile, Directorate
Underwater
General of History and Archaeology, Ministry of Cultural
Archaeology
and Tourism, Jakarta (not yet published)
2011
Law of The Republic of Indonesia Number 11 of The Year
Ministry of
2010 Concerning items of Cultural Property
Cultural and
Tourism
2010
Budaya Bahari, PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta.
Pramono, D.,
2005
Convention on The Protection of The Underwater Cultural
UNESCO
Heritage
2001
Presidential Decree No. 43 of 1989 on the National
Presidential
Committee for Salving and Exploiting Valuable Objects
Decree No. 43,
Retrieved from Shipwreck
1989

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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>The Indonesian archipelago position is located in a very strategic position at the crossroads of world maritime trade between the Pacific and Indian Oceans. According to archaeological and historical research, there is evidence that Indonesia has had a maritime nautical culture since prehistoric times. Some evidence of Indonesian maritime cultural civilization can still be found scattered on the ocean floor, including approximately 463 ancient ship location points according to data from the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries.&#13;
&#13;
The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, which is the Indonesian government agency that handles the field of culture, now has approximately 80 staff divers. Only a fraction of that number have competence in the field of underwater archaeology, so it is necessary to improve the knowledge and skills, not only in the field of diving but also the ability to conduct surveys, mapping, data recording excavation, and conservation. In the last five years, efforts to increase human resources in underwater archaeology in Indonesia continue to be done through various education and training, whether conducted in Indonesia or abroad facilitated by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), such as in Thailand, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines. The effort is certainly not optimal and systematic, so it is necessary to develop appropriate strategies both in quantity and quality. Indonesia needs an underwater archaeological development centre that will prepare a teaching module, instructor, certification and partnerships (networking), as well as supporting facilities and infrastructure. Through this institution we can expect human resources of underwater archaeologists to have the following abilities: (1) diving, (2) various regulations relating to underwater cultural heritage, (3) development of management plans, and recording and documenting sites, (4) procedures, methods, principles and ethics of underwater archaeology, (5) artifact conservation and storage, (6) traditional knowledge, and (7) publications and exhibitions. In the last five years we have implemented several training programs to further underwater archaeology in Indonesia where participants have acquired skills in diving, survey and conservation. More skills would greatly empower Indonesians in managing their underwater cultural heritage, particularly at an advanced underwater archaeology theory and practice level.&#13;
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                    <text>An Advocacy Approach on Underwater Heritage in
Indonesia, Case Study:
An auction on underwater heritage from Cirebon waters
in 2010
Jhohannes Marbun1

Abstract
Despite the country’s assertion about its ancient, international history and its diverse culture,
there are many cases in Indonesia where some cultural heritage objects are under the threat of
ignorance of both the people and the government. Various sites and/or artifacts are damaged or
lost due to infrastructure development, or being looted to be sold to some collectors or goes out
to some auction houses abroad. A Bill was issued in 1992 to manage this situation, and recently
(2011) another bill was issued to put a more severe punishment and to put a more relevant
context toward this matter, but so far these seem to be ineffective. No one was ever punished for
any crimes regarding this matter. Based on experience mentioned above, an advocacy for the
law deemed necessary to preserve and protect the nation’s cultural heritage, including its
underwater cultural heritage.
In 2010 treasures were surfaced from a shipwreck on Cirebon waters. The treasure went
to an international auction, committed by the government of Indonesia, and actively monitored by
the media, activists, and the community in general. The government supported looting and
auction could start a through advocacy for preserving and protecting underwater cultural heritage.
Some clues include: prohibition for local fishermen to come near the area, permissions improperly
issued for international divers around the shipwreck, a Presidential Decree issued against a
higher law (Act No. 5 Year 1992 on Cultural Heritage), and the auction itself which disrespects
the artifacts status as a cultural heritage.
This experience can become a precedent for advocating a better policy and enforcement
toward preserving and protecting underwater cultural heritage, particularly in Indonesia.

Keywords: advocacy, Indonesia, preservation and protection of cultural heritage,
policy.

Introduction
Advocacy is a way or a systematic and organized strategy to influence and push
the gradual changes in public policy-forward involving a variety of strategies
including lobbying, campaigns, creating coalitions, creating pressures through
mass action, as well as research (Insist Pers 2002). Various strategies and forms
of advocacy have been conducted as part of efforts to strengthen the bargaining
position of advocate side in their effort to make a deal with regulators so that the
policies resulted have sense of justice. Advocacy is also an effort to defend
parties who are harmed by authorities so that a proper balance and fairness in
society can be reached. Advocacy approach is very useful in order to encourage
a policy that is oriented to the preservation of cultural heritage, as well as a
vehicle for public awareness at the community level. This is an important thing to
1

The Coordinator of Society for Cultural Heritage Advocacy, (MADYA, Masyarakat Advokasi
Warisan Budaya), joe_marbun@yahoo.com

�do as the complexity of preservation of cultural heritage management issues in
Indonesia are either with underwater cultural heritage (UCH) or cultural heritage
in general and involve stakeholders such as government, business/private
sector, and society.
Masyarakat Advokasi Warisan Budaya (MADYA) had started to implement
an advocacy approach by conducting the first public discussion with the theme,
"Pannas BMKT: Solution or Euphoria?" It was conducted at the Centre for Asia
Pacific Studies of Universitas Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta on September 12th,
2009. The discussion and results were published by local newspapers and via
online media (Ulum 2009). Coverage through the online media was very effective
to consolidate the ideas or concepts of the campaign of UCH preservation. This
had become one of the triggers encouraging other communities to conduct
similar advocacy such as the Consortium for Rescuing National Assets (KPAB,
Konsorsium Penyelamat Aset bangsa) has implemented the concepts by trying
to reveal illegal cases that have surfaced on the UCH in Ujung Pamanukan West
Java, as will be described below.

The Potentials of UCH in Indonesia
Geographical location of Indonesia which is located between two continents, Asia
and Australia, and two oceans, the Pacific and Indian oceans, has put this
country into a main traffic of international trade since ancient times until the
present time. As most of its territory are waters, there has been a lot of
shipwrecks containing valuable goods in Indonesian waters; they are valuable
not only for Indonesian history but also for world history as well. They are
important as a clue for reconstructing maritime inter-connection, international
relations, migrations, and globalizations in past time. Besides that, they also have
high economic value due to their nature as trade and diplomatic goods of the
past. According to the Ministry of Ocean and Fisheries, there are roughly 700800 potential shipwrecks located in Indonesia, 463 locations are positively
identified. Below is the list of the number and locations of shipwrecks in
Indonesia:
Table 1. The Location of Shipwreck Treasure in Indonesia (Maritime Affairs and
Fisheries Research Department, Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries of
Republic of Indonesia)
Amount of
ID
Territorial/Location
shipwrecks at
No.
Location
1.
Bangka Strait
7
2.
Belitung
9
3.
Gaspar Strait, South Sumatera
5
4.
Karimata Strait
3
5.
Riau Waters
17
6.
Malaka Strait
37
7.
Seribu Archipelago
18

�8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

Perairan Jawa Tengah Waters
Karimun Jawa, Jepara
Madura Strait
NTB/NTT
Port of Ratu
Makasar Strait
Cilacap Waters, Central Java
Arafuru Waters, Maluku
Ambon Waters, Buru
Halmahera Waters, Tidore
Morotai Waters
Bay of Tomini, North Sulawesi
Irian Jaya
Enggano Archipelago
Total

9
14
5
8
134
8
51
57
13
16
7
3
31
11
463

The origins of shipwrecks in Indonesia waters are varied. These
shipwrecks generally were coming from China, Asian countries and European
countries such as the Dutch Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC),
England, France and Spain. These ships were sunk near the main route of trade
or harbor at that time. Some of them carried valuable goods such as various
types of ceramics, coins, statues and figurines, gold, silver, gems, diamond, and
Other objects such as merchandise or for a gift of special items. They are
artifacts with high economic value which attracts both domestic and foreign
looters. There are some shipwrecks, however, that their economic values are low
or have no economic values but contain great values for science due to the
historical information they encapsulate. For archaeologists such shipwrecks are
important but they are not too important for the treasure hunters.

Treasure Hunt: Indonesian Problems
Based on data from Kompas Information Center cited by Yurnaldi (2010) in his
article Bermitra dengan Media Massa untuk Sosialisasikan Warisan Budaya
Bawah Air it is known that illegal hunting of UCH in Indonesia has existed at least
since 1965. The first article by Kompas about this problem titled Pemburu Harta
Karun was published on August 24th 1965. Five months later Kompas published
again about this problem in an article titled Harta Karun Terpendam di Dasar
Lautan.
The next period of illegalities that surfaced concerning shipwreck treasure
in Indonesia was in 1985. In that year Michael Hatcher, an Australian and
international salvage diver, conducted an illegal removal in Karang Heloputan,
Riau Islands and reaped huge benefit. Hatcher continued his action on early
January 2001 in Ternate-Tidore waters collaborating with PT Tuban Oceanic
Research and Recovery. On October 2004, PT Marindo Alam Internusa (MAI)
requested survey permission for legally surfaced objects to be sent to the
National Committee for the Salvage and Utilization of Valuable Objects from

�Sunken Ships (PANNAS BMKT, Panitia Nasional Pengangkatan dan
Pemanfaatan Barang Asal Muatan Kapal yang Tenggelam). In the letter the
name of Michael Hatcher was written as the leader of the survey, attached with
his working document. However, when PANNAS BMKT rechecked the document
it was full of tricky (Marbun 2009: 2).

Consolidating for Advocacy
On April 20, 2010 the Consortium for Rescuing National Assets (KPAB,
Konsorsium Penyelamat Aset Bangsa), conducted a limited meeting, a Focus
Group Discussion, in Jakarta to analyze the problems and to plan an advocacy
action to the illegal activities involving foreign parties, especially Hatcher cases.
Based on their reports and data KPAB convicted Hatcher and his syndicate to
have committed violations of law in Indonesian waters, especially for their
activities in Java Sea waters.
The legal basis KPAB used was Presidential Decree of Republic of
Indonesia number 19 Year 2007; in conjunction with (Juncto) Presidential Decree
of Republic of Indonesia number 12 Year 2009 about the National Committee for
the Salvage and Utilization of Valuable Objects from Sunken Ships. In article 2
paragraph (1) of the Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia number 12
Year 2009, it is described that, “BMKT is an object owned by Republic of
Indonesia and managed by the government”. It means that all BMKT wealth is
controlled by the state and administered by the government so that all activities
of private/business entities that do not obtain permission from the government
are unlawful (illegal).
The KPAB noted some illegal activities by Hatcher in Indonesian waters,
as follow:
 The surfaced artifacts on 1986 of VOC shipwreck Vec De Geldermalsen
(sunk around 1751), in Bintan Timur waters, Riau Islands Province,. The
value is at United States of America (US) $ 15,000,000 and the historical
values lost because of the illegal removal are invaluable. The artifacts
surfaced were 100 bars of gold and 20,000 ceramics of Ming and Ch’ing
dynasties. It was published in a book titled The Nangking Kargo (1987).
 The surfaced artifacts in Tek Sing shipwreck in Bangka Islands waters, South
Sumatera in 1999 with value at Indonesian Rupiah (Rp) 500,000,000,000 and
cultural value which is invaluable. Hatcher collaborated with PT Pratama
Cakrawala Dirga in doing the illegal activity. The Indonesian government
found out about the looting after 43 containers of artifacts surfaced from Tek
Sing Ship had arrived in Australia. The information delivered from the
customs and excise institution of Australia in 2000 before the valuable things
were brought to the auction in Germany (the interview with Bambang Budi
Utomo: 2009; see also KPAB: 2010).
 From November 2008 to June 2009 it was believed that Hatcher came back
to Indonesia and did illegal activity. On June 2009 he published the Catalog of
Investment Opportunity Document of Ming Dynasty Porcelain and BMKT CD
to international public with sample of porcelain surfaced by him from the
shipwreck in North Cirebon waters, Blanakan, Subang regency, West Java.

�His activities were illegal because he had not obtained a work permit as a
surveyor/researcher recommended by Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI,
Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia). On the other hand, survey
permission of UCH Removal issued by the PANNAS BMKT was just on
August 11, 2009 with No. B.435/MEN-KP/VII/2009, while the surfaced
permission was on November 25, 2009 with No. B.666/MEN-KP/XI/2009. The
permission was given to PT Comexindo Usaha Mandiri.
Hatcher activities had been detected by PANNAS BMKT. The indication
came from a letter of PANNAS BMKT secretary II on February 5 th, 2010, and
letter from main military station of Indonesian navy III in Cirebon on March 22 nd,
2010 delivered to chairman of PANNAS BMKT.

Figure 1. Hatcher dive to do a survey and held UCH
in Bintan Timur Waters, Riau Islands Province on 2002
(resources: MADYA)

The Performance of PANNAS BMKT
The National Committee for the Salvage and Utilization of Valuable Objects from
Sunken Ships (PANNAS BMKT) was established on August 14 th, 1989 based on
Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia No. 43 Year 1989 as a response to
illegal surfaced activities of Underwater Heritage done by Hatcher in 1985 in Riau
waters. The Indonesian government seemed to realize that shipwrecks and the
valuable goods spread in Indonesian waters are valuable state assets needed to
be managed as well so that they can be beneficial to Indonesia.
However, there are some problems faced by PANNAS BMKT in managing
the Indonesian Underwater Heritage. Some of these are:
 In the tender system the third party has an interest to obtain maximum profit
from the sale of UCH objects. On the other hand, the government, especially
the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, also has interests to save the objects of

�high historical, scientific and cultural values. Another stakeholder is Local
Government. With Act No. 32 Year 2004 they have the rights to receive
distribution of profits from the auction of UCH objects from their territory (as is
the case in Cirebon from 2004 to 2005). Conflict can occur between
employers and government because every object containing very high
historical value would be valued very expensive. Expensive prices are
expected by employers but on the other side it should not be sold because of
the high historical value.
 Conflicts of interest in PANNAS BMKT relate to the utilization of UCH. There
are interests of making the UCH objects an economic commodity. On the
other hand there are interests of preserving the historical and cultural values.
These problems affect the decision to ratify the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention). The rise of
illegal treasure hunt in Indonesian waters shows that the government still has
no good intentions in preserving the cultural heritage. One of the examples
was the government planning to auction the UCH objects surfaced from
Cirebon waters on May 2010. Public had opposed the auction and the results
was that no one was ant longer interested to buy the objects. After the failure
of the auction, there has been no official statement from the government
related to the steps to be taken.
 The committee of PANNAS BMKT has become a prosperous arena for
corruption and manipulative activity with the presence of law enforcement
officers such as police, army and prosecutors. The law enforcement agencies
should remain neutral in the management of State assets. They have an
obligation, whether requested or not, to oversee and secure any unlawful
action.
In regards to public demands to arrest Michael Hatcher and bring him to
court, the Police of the Republic of Indonesia did just block him. Communities are
looking forward to decisive action the Government to end the international mafia
adventure treasure hunter. In addition, the government can conduct real steps to
manage the underwater cultural heritage so that it can be useful for science and
public welfare.

Paradigm of UCH Utilization
From problems described above the following can be concluded about the
condition of underwater cultural heritage preservation in Indonesia:
 Government lacks attention on underwater heritage
 Handling of law violations tend to not complete
 Coordination of inter-institutions is not yet solid
 Law enforcement is not optimal and now more complex because it must deal
with the conventions and international laws
 Surfaced UCH objects can not simultaniously benefit financially as well as for
culture.

�In the context of the nation’s wealth, the utilization of underwater heritage
to cultural and economic interests cannot be separated. The utilization merely for
economic interest without concerns towards cultural interests are an action with
narrow paradigms that are focused on short economic benefit and not for the
future generations (Arif Budiman pers. comm. 2010).
One of achievements and great works of archaeological institutions in the
protection and preservation of cultural heritage is the preservation of Borobudur
Temple. It is one of the seven wonders of the world and is still an endless benefit
to science, history, culture and economy for Indonesian people and world
community. Many communities such as hawkers, food stalls, hotel
entrepreneurs, taxi drivers and others benefit from the tourism around the
Temple. This historic site is even one of the big foreign exchange producers. It
also occurs at underwater archaeological sites such as Tulamben site in Bali
where the Liberty ship belonging to the US Navy from World War II sunk. This
site has attracted many tourists. This situation can be perceived by anyone and
can continue to impact future generations.
Decree of President of Republic of Indonesia Number 19 Year 2007 in
conjunction with Decree of President of Republic of Indonesia Number 12 Year
2009 has become a reference for the PANNAS BMKT to perform legal acts of
UCH management, as opposed to Act No. 5 Year 1992 on Heritage objects
which it is hoped can be terminated immediately. The birth of Act No. 11 Year
2010 on Cultural Heritage to replace the Act No. 5 Year 1992 is hoped to
become a bridge in managing the nation’s cultural heritage, including underwater
heritage.

Conclusion
Public policy advocacy in the cultural sector is expected to encourage the
participation of communities to preserve cultural heritage and encourage
governments to be more transparent and able to act as facilitators in the nation’s
cultural heritage preservation. In the future, UCH may be managed properly by a
professional and independent institution. Especially for the management of UCH
there are some things to note:
 Research and disclosure of evidence of the Underwater Heritage/Shipwreck
need to be conducted intensively so that it can be added to efforts in the
development of understanding of history, science, and culture as well as the
development, preservation, and utilization to advance the national culture for
people`s prosperity. The management should not solely be exploited by
economic interest. Economic interests that are too big in the management of
cultural heritage has proven to be highly detrimental to the public. The
motivation to do the treasure theft or illegal cooperation became more and
more increasing. It is not a positive impact for improving the welfare of
society.
 In managing and utilizing cultural heritage, it should be based on legal norms,
socio-cultural conditions, global development and international law. The birth
of Act No. 11 Year 2010 on Cultural Heritage is a hopeful solution and

�

encourages the good will of stakeholders to protect the nation’s wealth.
Economic utilization of cultural heritage should not be narrowly conceived as
it can sacrifice the cultural and historical values. The management of
Borobudur Temple or Underwater Site in Tulamben can be positive lessons in
the nation’s cultural heritage preservation.
It is important to strengthen the capacity of each stakeholder, whether they
are government, private sector, and enthusiasts societies of cultural heritage
preservation.

Bibliography
Insist Pers.,
2002
Kuswardono A.A.,
Edy, C., Indra, D.,
2009

Marbun, J.,
2009

Nn,
2006
Pannas BMKT
Publishing
2008
1992
2010
2007

2009

Ulum, M.,
2009
Yurnaldi.,
2010

Memecah Ketakutan Menjadi Kekuatan: Kisah-kisah
Advokasi di Indonesia, Insist Pers, Yogyakarta.
“Hatcher dan Becking Maut”, in Tempo Magazine No.
43/XXXIII, December 20th 2004, viewed 10 September
2009.
(http://majalah.tempointeraktif.com/id/arsip/2004/12/20/
NAS/mbm.20041220.NAS95244.id.html)
“Pannas BMKT : Solusi Atau Sekedar Euforia?
(Sekelumit catatan tentang BMKT)”, in On Public
Discussion, 22 September, PSAP UGM, Yogyakarta,
Tidak terbit.
“Harta Karun Di Laut Indonesia”, in Inovasi online,
Vol.6, XVIII, Maret.
Laporan Tahunan 2008 Pengelolaan Benda Berharga
Asal Muatan Kapal Yang Tenggelam, Panitia Nasional
BMKT, Jakarta.
Act No. 5 Year 1992 on Cultural Heritage
Act No. 11 Year 2010 on Cultural Heritage
Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia number
19 Year 2007 about the National Committee for the
Salvage and Utilization of Valuable Objects from
Sunken Ships
Presidential Decree of Republic of Indonesia number
12 Year 2009 about change to the Decree of Republic
of Indonesia number 19 Year 2007 about the National
Committee for the Salvage and Utilization of Valuable
Objects from Sunken Ships.
“Benda Cagar Budaya Bawah Laut Tak Terjaga:
Pencurian Harta Karun Marak”, in Harian Jogja, 14
September, Yogyakarta.
Bermitra dengan Media Massa untuk Sosialisasikan
Warisan Budaya Bawah Air, viewed 28 August 2011
(http://sejarah.kompasiana.com/2010/09/20/warisanbudaya-bawah-air/)

�</text>
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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>Despite the countryâ€™s assertion about its ancient, international history and its diverse culture, there are many cases in Indonesia where some cultural heritage objects are under the threat of ignorance of both the people and the government. Various sites and/or artifacts are damaged or lost due to infrastructure development, or being looted to be sold to some collectors or goes out to some auction houses abroad. A Bill was issued in 1992 to manage this situation, and recently (2011) another bill was issued to put a more severe punishment and to put a more relevant context toward this matter, but so far these seem to be ineffective. No one was ever punished for any crimes regarding this matter. Based on experience mentioned above, an advocacy for the law deemed necessary to preserve and protect the nationâ€™s cultural heritage, including its underwater cultural heritage. &#13;
&#13;
In 2010 treasures were surfaced from a shipwreck on Cirebon waters. The treasure went to an international auction, committed by the government of Indonesia, and actively monitored by the media, activists, and the community in general. The government supported looting and auction could start a through advocacy for preserving and protecting underwater cultural heritage. Some clues include: prohibition for local fishermen to come near the area, permissions improperly issued for international divers around the shipwreck, a Presidential Decree issued against a higher law (Act No. 5 Year 1992 on Cultural Heritage), and the auction itself which disrespects the artifacts status as a cultural heritage. &#13;
&#13;
This experience can become a precedent for advocating a better policy and enforcement toward preserving and protecting underwater cultural heritage, particularly in Indonesia.&#13;
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                <text>Ships and Navigation in the Medieval South India</text>
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                <text>Session 2&#13;
Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The maritime activities of Indian sub continent have a hoary past. The inscriptions of medieval South India disclose information about the ports of Coromandel coast, the various kinds of boats and ships and goods that were imported and exported through these ports. The inscriptions of the Cholas, Pandyas and the other major dynasties in the Andhra region give valuable evidence on this aspect. Besides, the inscriptional evidences there are quite a number of sculptures, coins bearing the figure of ships and boats attest to the various kinds of vessels of that period. The Cholas who ruled over the entire Tamil country in the medieval period made sevaral voyages to the South-East Asian countries through big vessels. Rajaraja I, the great Chola king (A.D.985-1014), allowed Srivijaya king Sri Mara Vijayadunga Varman son of Sulamanivarman to build a Buddhist vihara in the name of his father Sulamanivarman at Nagappattinam, which suggests that he had a cordial relatio nship with the kingdoms of far east countries during his regime. His able son Rajendra I (A.D.1012-1044) he crossed the Bay of Bengal and reached many countries which were listed in the lengthy prasasti. His prasasti mentions that he used many kinds of ships on the ocean to reach the Southeast Asian countries such as Kadaram (modern Kedha) Java and Sumatra.&#13;
&#13;
An inscription from Mottuppalli refers to the various kinds of ships which were anchored on the Andhra coast. The port had a yard for ship repair. This port was declared as a tax-free zone for the ships affected during storms. An inscription from Nagalapuram near Chittor in Andhrapradesh refers to a kind of ship knows as tongukappal in Tamil. In all probability it could be a big Chinese vessel, namely the jung. This paper discusses in details the nature of the ships and navigation in medieval south India</text>
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                <text>S.Rajavelu</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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                    <text>From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and
Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock.
Britt Burton1

Abstract
On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an
impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally
constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and
towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the
Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of
timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been
minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been
implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism
Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register.
Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dock’s unique
construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the
seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and
the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River
history.

Introduction
The Murray-Darling Basin river system in Australia began to take shape over
forty million years ago. Encompassing three-quarters of New South Wales, over
half of Victoria, an area of Queensland and the south-east corner of South
Australia; it is approximately one-seventh of the entire Australian continent
(Bennett 2004:8). The Murray River combines environmental beauty, rich cultural
heritage and is the world’s sixteenth longest river at 2,530 kilometres (Griffiths &amp;
Jeffery n.d.). Rising water levels in the Murray are good news for the river’s
health, but for Flinders University archaeologists working to conserve the unique
nineteenth century Randell dry dock in the small riverside town of Mannum,
South Australia, it creates an added sense of urgency. The project was first
brought to the attention of the Flinders University Archaeology Department by the
Mannum Dock Museum, because of their concern regarding the long term
conservation and management of the dock.

1

1/23 Towers Terrace, South Plympton , South Australia, Australia, 5038, Email:
burt0081@flinders.edu.au, Mobile: 61 0427 865 602

1

�Figure 1. Locality map, South Australia. The dock is located approximately 85
kilometres east of Adelaide (Image courtesy of H. &amp; J. Griffiths, 2010
&lt;www.jestercruises.com.au&gt;).
At the time Randell’s dock was built, iron was the prominent material for
dock construction. This research is significant because few timber floating docks
have survived into the modern era, and relatively little is known about their
construction. Over one hundred years and countless physical changes later, it
appears that elements of the dock’s original construction remain. As a result, it
has the potential to yield information about the construction and development of
timber floating docks.

Historical Background
The pattern of settlement and development along the River Murray from the
1850s onwards was determined by distance from large trade centres (like
Adelaide) overland and the methods of transport available. Transport by water
was very cost effective, and the River Murray provided the opportunity to open up
huge areas inland (Swanbury Penglase 2002:9). 1848 saw the arrival of Albert
Henry Landseer to South Australia. He capitalised on the huge expansion in river
trade during the 1860s and 1870s (Swanbury Penglase 2002:11). After relocating
his headquarters to Milang at the mouth of the Murray River, Landseer proposed
a floating dock to provide an alternative to the slip at Goolwa (Southern Argus

2

�22nd August 1873: n.p.). Constructed in 1873, the dock was originally designed
as a floating dock for use on Lake Alexandrina (Swanbury Penglase 2002:14). A
floating dock is a structure that can be submerged to permit the entry and
docking of a vessel, which is then raised to lift the vessel from the water for
repairs (Gaythwaite 2004:446).
Referred to as ‘the largest floating dock ever built in the southern
hemisphere’ (Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.), the Randell dry dock
was the only floating dock active on the Murray-Darling river system. Built of red
gum, an abundant source of reliable timber along the Murray, it contained
framing and two layers of planking very similar to the structure of a wooden
vessel. Historical sources suggest that the original length of the dock was 144
feet long, 40 feet wide, 9 feet deep and was estimated to carry 1000 tons
(Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.). As relatively new technology in
Australia, there were only two similar facilities in the colony at the time the dock
was built: the floating dock at King George Sound in Albany, Western Australia
built in 1866 (Perth Gazette and West Australian Times 4th May 1866: n.p.) and
Maggie, a Tasmanian wooden floating dock constructed in the 1880s (Richards
2003:145).
Not suited to the shallow waters of Lake Alexandrina, the dock was
purchased by Captain William Richard Randell, a prominent river pioneer, for use
as a dry dock at Mannum. Randell arrived at Mannum with the dock after a
harrowing trip up the Murray. He reported that the dock ‘moved like a snake’
because it had no keel, making navigation extremely difficult (Swanbury
Penglase 2002:16). In order to install the 43.89 metre long structure, the river
bank had to be excavated. It was eventually floated into place in February 1876
and officially opened on 5th June (Southern Argus 17th February 1876: n.p.).
Over its forty-seven year commercial life about half of the steamers on the
Murray and Darling Rivers spent some time in the dock (Swanbury Penglase
2002:5). It was officially closed with the introduction of a new slip upstream at
Morgan (Swanbury Penglase 2002:5). The dock gradually silted up until the late
1980s when it was rediscovered and cleaned out by the local community with the
aim of using it to dock and restore the paddle steamer PS Marion. After the
restoration of the Marion, a pump kept the dock free of water so it could become
the centrepiece of the Mannum Dock Museum (Swanbury Penglase 2002:29).

Archaeological Investigations
Four archaeological investigations for this research were carried out over a two
year period beginning in 2009. Initial non-invasive investigations consisted of
visual and GPR surveys as well as the creation of a full site plan. Two field
seasons followed, which led to excavation on a number of areas in and around
the Randell dry dock, photographic documentation, a second GPR survey and
further site and feature drawings.

3

�December, 2009
Excavations in December 2009 yielded some of the dock’s structural secrets.
The largest trench (Trench 1) was opened on the northern side of the dock. This
focused on excavating to the base of the dock (two metres down) to assess the
condition of the timbers and identify any original floating dock features. Trench 1
revealed the beginning of prominent structural features including a walkway and
retaining wall (visible in historic photographs). The vertical posts running along
the northern perimeter have attached joists. The wooden beams uncovered
throughout the trench were in a similar pattern as those found immediately to the
north-west and as such constitute part of the same structure. A cavity at a depth
of 0.70 metres had a joist forming the south-eastern hip of the cavity which was
supported by a large horizontal pile, 0.47 metres in diameter. This pile also
supported the joist in the north-west corner. Excavation also commenced
underneath three of the newer floor planks (Trench 3), which revealed three large
vertical pylons. In between the pylons were a series of flush planks, still in very
good condition due to their muddy and wet environment. They are assumed to be
the final layer of planking or the ‘base’ of the dock.

Figure 2. Looking east along the uncovered walkway in Trench 1. (Photograph by
B. Burton, 2009).

4

�September, 2010
A team of archaeologists returned to the site with the aim of revealing a section
of the outer structure on the northern side of the dock. The project combined
surveys and the excavation of two trenches and two test pits in order to expose
and document the structure underneath the dock. Reopening Trench 1 revealed
a second horizontal pile, similar to the one discovered during the December
excavations. The work on the outer wall of the dock revealed 1.5 planks of a
substantial size (0.25 metres wide). While obviously dried out and deteriorated,
the flushness of the planks indicated that at one time they would have been
watertight.
Trench 4 was not in the original excavation plan for the September dig and
was added at the request of the Museum. Excavation of the trench ceased when
the digger uncovered two timber planks at 1.12 metres. These were horizontal
planks running parallel in a north-south orientation, but confusingly did not sit
flush with the edge of the outer wall of the dock. The planks were 0.25 metres by
0.06 metres and were at least a length of 1.50 metres but the full length could not
be determined as they ran into the southern embankment.
Test pits 1 and 2 contained similar planking to that of Trench 4 but at a
shallower depth of 0.62 to 0.70 metres. Test Pit 1 contained two planks 0.25
metres by 0.06 metres, which ran a length of 0.58 metres from the outer dock
wall south into the embankment. The wood was in poor condition, appearing very
damp and spongy; the result of fluctuating river levels. Test Pit 2 was 2.70
metres long by 0.65 metres wide. Three timber planks were identified at a depth
of 0.62 metres. The planks were not straight and had varying widths and sizes.
As in Trench 4 and Test Pit 1, the planks were running parallel with a north-south
orientation. Similar to the wood in Test Pit 1, the timbers visible in Test Pit 2 were
damp, spongy and badly corroded. There appeared to be some sort of black
stain on the planks. This could have been caused by the dark clay staining the
wood or perhaps evidence of tarring.

Discussion
What remains of the original floating dock structure?
It cannot be said with absolute certainty that there is nothing left of the dock’s
floatation apparatus. Not reaching the base of the dock during the two
excavations means that the remains of a chamber somewhere at the base
cannot be discounted. However, it can be deduced that two things do survive
from the floating dock era: the vertical outer walls and the walkway. During
excavations in Trench 1 and Trench 4, it was found that the vertical walls had a
black substance on the outside. This appears to be evidence of tarring which
would have been used to keep the dock waterproof. Working in Trench 1
determined that towards the base of the dock, the walls must still be waterproof
as river water was leaking into the trench and not out into the dock.
Historical research has found that some wooden floating docks had
overhanging side walkways, such as floating dock Alpha in New Zealand. This
would allow workmen to move about the dock freely and allow another vessel to

5

�berth alongside (Maritime Museum, Port Chalmers, 24 September 2010). The
results of Trench 1 suggest that the walkway appears similar in design to that
attached to Alpha in New Zealand. Randell’s dock has three layers of planking
attached to 0.67 metre vertical support beams. However, unlike Alpha, there are
no diagonal support beams underneath the walkway to ensure its stability. A
more likely scenario is that the walkway was constructed at Mannum. An
attached walkway was a possibility for a floating dock and could have been
potentially detached, modified and reattached later. It is much more plausible
however, that this is a later addition to the site; constructed elsewhere and
moved into place on top of the surrounding clay. There are historical photographs
showing the walkway on the northern side along with a retaining wall. The
vertical piles appear to be the supports for the retaining wall. An additional and
unlikely possibility was that it was purpose built. If so, it was an exuberant piece
of construction. With three layers of planking at 20 metres long, it would have
been quite heavy and therefore have been a nightmare to manoeuvre. What is
puzzling about this walkway is that it does not appear to be attached permanently
or solidly to the dock. This suggests it may have been a temporary structure that
eventually became permanent.

Figure 3. PS Cumberoona in the dock circa 1885 showing a walkway and
retaining wall on the northern side (left) of the dock. (Photograph in Swanbury
Penglase Architects, courtesy of the Mannum Local History Collection No.288,
2006).

6

�The large horizontal piles in Trench 1 were unexpected. With their size
and placement, it appears as if they may have been used for structural support
when the dock was inserted into the bank at Mannum. Due to the difficulty of
manoeuvring the floating dock, Randell would have excavated an area slightly
bigger than the structure in order to ensure the insertion process ran smoothly. It
is then possible that the large piles were rolled into place on the northern side
pushing the dock hard up against the southern side to stop it moving. However,
the piles are not lying flush alongside the outer walls of the dock.

Is there evidence of the dock’s floating apparatus?
While it has been acknowledged above that little evidence of the dock’s floatation
chambers survive, it does not confirm or disallow the possibility of such
structures during its time as a floating dock. A floating dock, by definition, needs
to have pontoons to help it float and they need to be substantial enough to
support whatever vessel it is carrying at the time. Due to the minimal tidal
movement on Lake Alexandrina, the dock probably would have had watertight
chambers on the sides and underneath the floor. The dock has a double floor
with 0.20 metres of space between the two layers of planking. This is not
sufficient enough to float a dock reputed to weigh 350 tonnes. The cavities
created by the sloping walls of the dock are another possibility. However, even if
they were part of the original floating dock, they are different sizes and would
therefore be uneven in weight and air distribution. If they were the same size,
along with the floor; the combined air chambers would still not be substantial
enough to raise and lower the dock as well as accommodate any vessels.

Conservation Issues
While the dock has been maintained by the Mannum Dock Museum and local
community in accordance with the original conservation plan, it became apparent
from the dock’s rapid deterioration that the original conclusions needed to be
reviewed. After it was closed commercially the dock was kept filled so that the
bulk of it was generally below river level and in safe anaerobic conditions. After
the dock was cleaned out, the timber of the inner lining was virtually crack free,
smooth and level. Today the wood of the dock is badly desiccated and undulating
with very obvious corrosion. Less obvious but more worrying is the biological
deterioration (or rotting) in the cells of the structure.
Deterioration is occurring at a much faster rate than envisaged due to
fluctuating river levels. The widespread clearance of native vegetation for
agriculture and irrigation has led to an increase in the infiltration of rainfall to the
groundwater. This has raised the local and regional groundwater table greatly
increasing salinity in the river systems (Harris 1992:2). Over the past few years
the river has fallen about 1.8 metres, even though Mannum is 150 kilometres
from the Murray mouth (Swanbury Penglase 2006:6). It has recently begun to
rise again and once more the dock is completely submersed. Fluctuating river
levels are a constant danger to the dock, as they create cycles which increase

7

�deterioration and change the surrounding soil from an anaerobic to aerobic
environment.

Figure 4. Looking east across the dock (Photograph by M. Fowler, courtesy of
the Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University, 2010).
Conservator Christopher Payne from Art Lab Conservation in Adelaide
voluntarily gave his time regularly throughout the project to assist the Mannum

8

�Dock Museum and the author with an analysis of the condition of the dock’s
timbers. The principal modes of deterioration have been identified as follows:

Increased rates of weathering
Previously with higher water levels, water evaporating from the surface was
being replaced by more water drawn up through the wood. When the underside
of the floor was not in contact with water, the topside was drying out badly with
deepening cell collapse, showing as deep splitting in the wood (C. Payne,
Adelaide, 24 March 2010).

Increased rate of rotting of underside timber
This is due to a change from anaerobic to aerobic conditions in the soil under
and around the dock as the water level falls. This provides optimum levels of
moisture and air for biological activity, encouraging rotting (C. Payne, Adelaide,
24 March 2010).

Increase in soil activity
An increase in acid sulphate has been reported at many river sites with unstable
river levels which rapidly increase weakness in the structure (C. Payne, Adelaide,
24 March 2010).

Increase rate in floor movement
This is due to uneven drying out of soil beneath the dock. Some parts of the dock
appear to be still secured to the piles, but others are not. This gives rise to the
undulating effect in the floor. Observed over the past two years, this movement is
creating greater strains on the structure especially where timber is already
damaged by corroding iron fastenings (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010).

Future Conservation and Management
With the current rate of deterioration there is an urgent need to support and
stabilise the dock’s timbers. Conservationists have reassessed the dock and the
outlook is bleak. There is a window of less than ten years in which to take major
preservative action before the dock becomes too rotten to save due to fluctuating
river levels rotting away its timbers from beneath. The active Save Our Dry Dock
(SODD) group at Mannum has researched options to slow down the increasing
rate of deterioration. These have included treating the dock in situ with boron
based wood preservative chemicals or keeping the dock filled with water and
introducing biocides to keep it clear and therefore visible to museum visitors.
Unfortunately, both of these solutions would cause chemical leakage into the
Murray River, and therefore contamination to flora, fauna and a widely used
water supply. A more expensive option would be to excavate it entirely, lift it from
the area and put it undercover where it can be preserved without risk to the
environment. While the significance of the dock can justify the expense, it will
ultimately remove it from its historical context. In the short term, the construction
of a roof to protect the dock is being considered. With a goal to see the dock on

9

�the National Heritage Register and public awareness increased about this rare
feat of engineering, it is important that a solution is found and implemented to
ensure the longevity of this site. One hundred and thirty seven years on, it is
amazing that this incredible example of colonial maritime engineering still
survives. With relatively little known about wooden floating docks from the
nineteenth century, the Randell dry dock holds vital information about the river
trade industry; it is a significant historical landmark for Mannum and is evidence
of South Australia’s colonial adaptation to the River Murray.

Acknowledgements
When I first started this project I could not have foreseen what an adventure it would be and how
many people were willing to come along for the ride. Thank you to everyone who helped me out
in some way, especially: my supervisor Associate Professor Mark Staniforth; the wonderful
people at the Mannum Dock Museum; the SA Department of Environment and Natural
Resources; the Flinders University Archaeology Department; and the maritime archaeologists
across the world who took the time to respond to my barrage of emails. Finally, a big thank you
and lots of love to my family for their support and a few special people who I couldn’t have done
this without: Kako, Amy, Denise and Brad.

Abbreviations
DENR

South Australian Department of Environmental and
Natural Resources

Bibliography
Bennett, K.,
2004
Gaythwaite, J.,
2004
Griffiths, L. &amp; Jeffery,
B.,
No Date
Harris, C.R.,
1992

Perth Gazette and
West Australian Times
1866
Richards, N.,

Paddle steamers of the Murray River. Lothian Books,
South Melbourne.
Design of marine facilities for the berthing, mooring and
repair of vessels. 2nd Edition, American society of
Engineers, Virginia.
SA river boat trail, South Australia Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (State Heritage
Branch) with the South Australian Tourism Commission,
Adelaide.
‘Issues and management responses in the Murray
Darling Basin’, in (eds.) S. Kenderdine and B. Jeffery
Muddy Waters – proceedings of the first conference on
the submerged and terrestrial archaeology of historic
shipping on the River Murray, , State Heritage, Branch,
Department of Environment and Natural Resources,
Adelaide.
(WA: 1864-1874), No title. 4th May.

Unfit for further use: a guide to the watercraft discard

10

�2003
Southern Argus,
1973
Southern Argus,
1874
Southern Argus,
1876
Swanbury
Penglase
Architects,
2002
Swanbury
Penglase
Architects,
2006

sites of Tasmania (1808-1977), Tasmanian Heritage
Office, Hobart.
No title. 19th September.
No title. 22nd August.
No title. 17th February.
Randell Dry Dock conservation plan, first report for the
PS Marion and Mannum Dock Museum Board,
Swanbury Penglase Architects, Adelaide.
The Mannum Dock Museum Board Randell Dry Dock
conservation plan review, Ref: 02070, Swanbury
Penglase Architects, Adelaide.

11

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                <text>From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock</text>
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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register. Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dockâ€™s unique construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River history.</text>
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                <text>Britt Burton</text>
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                    <text>Urdaneta and the health cargo of the Tornaviaje1
Mr Xabier Armendáriz2

Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyze the food cargo of Urdaneta’s Tornaviaje and it’s direct
consequences over the health of his sailors. The paper will focus on health issues on board,
specially in view of the unknown route that they would follow to go back to the Americas. We will
focus on how Urdaneta planned to overcome problems related to prolonged stays at sea,
specially health problems due to lack of fresh food. Through contemporary accounts and
diaries, we know that Urdaneta understood the necessity of having fresh fruits on board, and
took action to ensure the safety of his crew by introducing local fruits from the Philippines such
as coconuts. His efforts were successful, and his perilous trip was made with less than 10% of
mortality, with no direct mention to scurvy.

1. Introduction
If Friar Andrés de Urdaneta (birth Villafranca de Ordizia, Gipuzkoa, 1508 –
death Mexico city, 1568) is known to history is, due to his extraordinary return
trip from Asia to Mexico, his deed is a milestone in the history of navigation. On
the 8th of October 1565, on board the nao San Pedro, he arrived in Acapulco
after a long and difficult journey across the biggest Ocean on Earth. He had just
established a secure and passable route to go back to the Americas from the
Philippine Archipelago. However, Urdaneta's achievements do not end in his
nautical knowledge and his ability to successfully complete the crossing of the
Pacific Ocean eastwards. Other aspects of his personality and knowledge as a
sailor and as a man of science can be found in documental sources and his
own personal comments, such as the comparative analysis made by him
regarding the different experiences that arose during these great maritime
expeditions of his time.
We will discuss exclusively Urdaneta's knowledge of an illness that has
ravaged sailors since human populations started conquering the waves: scurvy.
That Urdaneta was aware of this disease and that he took measures to fight it
can be inferred from the fact that none of the sailors in his ship, the San Pedro,
died of it during he return voyage from the Philippines to New Spain - which
lasted four long months.

2 . The diet on board during the exploration of the Pacific
One of the biggest problems on board ships during the 16th century was the
conservation of food. Generally speaking, the small amount of fresh food
available - fruits and vegetables - was distributed following a hierarchical order
that gave preference to the officers of the ships, not usually reaching the sailors
(Mira-Caballos 2010:9; López-Ríos 1993:67), and it had to be consumed during
the first days of travel. The deterioration of fresh food was extremely fast, not
1
2

to Mari
Society for Basque Studies, SPAIN, info@xabierarmendariz.com

�only due to the natural cycle of cellular decomposition, but also due to the
storage conditions in the cargo hold. The high temperatures of some areas and
the humidity destroyed all food that had not previously been dried, salted or
smoked. Even these processes did not guarantee that the food would be
preserved for the whole voyage (Fernández Duro 1957:140). The need to
submit the food to these processes of preservation limited the type of products
that could be carried on board, since not all types of food can receive such
treatments. Not many fruits and vegetables can endure the process of
preservation, so their presence on board a 16th century ship is extremely rare.
The diet of sailors was basically two types: the first one was the navy
hardtack, a sort of unleavened bread made with flour and water and baked
twice or more to prolongue its preservation (Marañón 1940:220)3. The second
group was made up of legumes (chickpeas, lentils, and beans), dried or salty
fish and meat, vinegar, oil and cheese. Even when this diet contained a good
amount of calories, its nutritional value was very deficient (Mira Caballos
2010:8). The legumes were toasted in the oven to improve their preservation,
destroying any vitamins that they might have contained (Marañon 1940:221).
The food was weighted carefully and distributed among the sailors by a
steward, who could reduce the rations under the captain's orders in times of
shortage4. The main course consisted of a bun mixed with a stew of legumes
and water. A few days per week,5 salty fish or meat was eaten along with some
cheese. The remains of the maggoty hardtack was mixed with water to produce
a dull soup that was served for dinner. This soup was known as mazamorra.
The only consolation they had was the vinegar, which was served on rare
occasions, and the wine, of which the sailors received around one litre (L) per
day each. The wine helped to calm the hunger, as well as the thrist produced by
the salty rations (Mira-Caballos 2010:10)6. Such diets were rich in
carbohydrates and provided some proteins, but it was lacking in vitamins.

3. Scurvy: the disease of the sea
Scurvy is the most common nautical disease. The prolongued periods of time
spent at sea and the lack of fresh food provoke a general state of avitaminosis
in a short period of time, specially vitamin C (L-ascorbic acid). The symptoms
start with tiredness and depression, then changes in the gums and in the skin
appear followed by strong pain and swelling of the joints. The peak of the
disease comes when the gums are so swollen and weakened that the act of
eating ends with loss of tooth and a strong smell of rot. Other symptoms that
usually accompany scurvy are hemorrhage, edemas, jaundice and high fever.
3

Even though hardtack was more nutritious than the common bread because it was
made from bran, its hardness was so great that it had to be soaked in salty water in order to eat
it (Marañón 1940 :220).
4
These were unforseen circumstances, like for example bad weather and bad winds that
might delay the trip more than expected; or perhaps the inability to call at a port due to political
conflicts.
5
The disponibility of meat and fish was sometimes diminished by the damage made by
rats, insects and rotting. With some luck, fish was abundant in the seas that the ships were
sailing, which was always a great improvement over the poor diet on board.
6
The wine given among the sailors was of low quality, unlike the one provided to the
officers on board. However, even the distinction between food qualities was not enough to
prevent scurvy among the higher ranks.

2

�Death overcomes the patient between convulsions and shock.
Due to the severity of its condition, scurvy was the deadliest nautical
disease in long distance navigation (López-Ríos 1993:97-99). References to the
disease are common since Classic Antiquity; Hippocrates, Celsus and Pliny
wrote about it (López-Ríos 1993:98)7. Vasco de Gama himself lost a hundred
men of a hundred and sixty-eight to the disease on his expedition to India;
according to his logbook Diario de a bordo (1496-1497) (López-Ríos 1993:99)
The disease was so widespread that they were down to eight working men per
ship at one point.
The symptoms can show up in a span of between one month and a half
and three months, depending on the availability of fresh food on board. In
general, a person needs around 10 miligrams (mg) of vitamin C per day. The
body's reserve of vitamin C is around 1,5 grams (gr) and 3 gr, depending on the
health of the sailor prior to embarking. A rough estimate of the lapse of time that
it takes to develop scurvy in oceanic expeditions can be made, taking into
account that in periods of shortage the maximum loss of vitamin C is 4%
(López-Ríos 1993:97-99).
Until the mid 18th century, medical science considered scurvy a
contagious disease of unknown origin, and that it was most likely triggered by
the climate, the digestive system or humorism (López-Ríos 1993:106).
It is commonly accepted by the history of medicine that Dr. James Lind
(1716-1794) was the first person to cure scurvy. Lind, who was a surgeon on
board the Brittish vessel HMS Salisbury, conducted a clinical trial on board,
testing changes in the diet of his subjects to see whether such alterations
affected the development of scurvy. A few selected subjects afflicted with
scurvy kept the standard on-board diet, while two sailors were given cider and
two other men were given lemons and oranges8. In his famous book, A Treatise
of the Scurvy published in 1753, he described the results of his experiments:
the two men who drank cider improved, while the two sailors who were given
lemons and oranges made a full recovery (López-Ríos 1993:107).

7

Cited by López-Ríos: Hipócrates: “LIber de internis affectionibus” In Enciclopedia
Internacional de Cirugía. Madrid, Moya, 1883, I, p.206.; Celso: De Medicina, II, chapter III;
Plinio: Naturalis Historiae. XXV, chapter III.
8
Due to the relevance of his experiment, we transcribe the most enlightening sections:
On the 20th of May 1747, I took twelve patients with scurvy, on board the Salisbury at sea.
Their cases were a similar as I could have them. They all in general had putrid gums, the spots
and lassitude, with weakness of their knees. They lay together in one place, being a proper
apartment for the sick in the fore-hold; and had one diet common to all, viz, water-gruel
sweetened with sugar in the morning; fresh mutton-broth often times for dinner; at other times
puddings, boiled biscuit with sugar, etc.; and for supper, barley and raisins, rice and currants,
sago and wine, or the like. Two of these were ordered each a quart of cyder a-day. Two others
took twenty-five gutts of elixir vitriol three times a-day, upon and empty stomach; using a gargle
strongly acidulated with it for their mouths. Two others took two spoonfuls of vinegar three times
a-day, upon and empty stomach; having their gruels and their other food well acidulated with it,
as also the gargle for their mouth. Two of the worst patients, with the tendons in the ham rigid,
(a symptom none of the rest had), were put under a course of sea-water. Of this they drank half
a pint every day, and sometimes more or less as it operated, by way of gentle physic. Two other
had each two oranges and one lemon given them every day. […] The consequence was, that
the most sudden and visible good effects were perceived from the use of the oranges and
lemons; one of those who had taken them, being at the end of siks theis fit for duty. (Lind, J.
1753: 145-148)

3

�4. Andrés de Urdaneta
Urdaneta was born in the gipuzkoan village of Villafranca de Ordizia towards
the end of 1507 or the first months of 1508. His family was most likely involved
in the maritime trade with the recently discovered West Indies, the Spice islands
and an area well known to the Basque whalers: Terranova, el mar de los
bacallaos - the cod sea (Miguel 2002:21). This link between the sea and
Urdaneta's explains his cunning ability in trade. It also sets him within the world
of Basque seafaring. Basque sailors who traveled to Terranova in search for
cod or whales did not usually suffer from scurvy (Agirre 2004). Contemporary
documents show that the most common beverage on board was cider, since
wine was too expensive for the Basque shipowners. Cider is a good source of
vitamin C, which would account for a reduced number of scurvy cases in
Basque ships (Agirre 2004)9. This knowledge was most likely known by
Urdaneta.
Urdaneta was only 17 when he set sail to Asia with the doomed Loaysa
expedition. Of the seven ships that left Corunna on 24th of July 1525, only one
managed to arrive in Mindanao (current Philippines). We don't know what
Urdaneta's role in the expedition was, but he seemed to have been well
considered by the officers of the ships since he signed as a witness in Elcano's
last will. Urdaneta and the remaining crew (26 sailors) were stranded in the
Spice Islands. He remained in the Pacific region for almost a decade, until he
reached Spain on a Portuguese ship, on 26th of June of 1536. During these
years he suffered many misfortunes, but he also acquired a vast amount of
knowledge. The sources of this knowledge were diverse, but possibly the most
interesting was the rescue of castaway sailor Gonzalo de Vigo, from the
Magellan expedition. He survived in the island of Guam, and knew the language
of the local population. Urdaneta spent most of his years in the Pacific with
Gonzalo de Vigo, from whom he learnt that language (Miguel 2002:40-42;
Arteche 1943:160).
On his arrival to Europe he was captured by the Portuguese, who seized
Urdaneta's diaries, in which he wrote about his time in the Pacific. He escaped
from Lisbon and upon his arrival in Valladolid, he started re-writing his
experiences in Asia-Pacific. Based on his writings, both the diaries and the
memorial, it is clear that Urdaneta had a deep knowledge of the Spice Islands,
their geography, the people who inhabited them, their customs, wind patterns
and so on (Arteche 1943:160-162). This knowledge helped him undertake such
a difficult task as the “tornaviaje”, the return trip Westwards to Mexico, and it
most likely helped him to control direct health issues that threathened the
voyage.

9

Cider has been the alcoholic beverage traditionally consumed in the Atlantic coast of
Europe and the south of the British Isles. The humid climate made it difficult to grow vines, but
apple trees grow abundantly. There are many references to the Basque custom of drinking
cider, but perhaps the most interesting was made by French Inquisitor Pierre de Lancre. De
Lancre defined the Basques as bad farmers who prefered life at sea and their women as
witches who used the cider from the apple, the fruit of sin: “ne mangent que pommes, ne
boyvent que jus de pommes, qui est occasion qu'elles mordent si volontiers à cette pomme de
transgression, qui fist outrepasser le commandement de Dieu et franchir la prohibition à notre
premier père”. Lancre, Pierre de., 1612. Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais anges et
démons… Livre I, Discours II. Chez Jean Berjon. Paris.

4

�The Tornaviaje
Urdaneta's life was quite remarkable. In 1538 he accompanied Pedro de
Alvarado to New Spain to help him organize a new expedition to the Spice
Islands (Miguel 2002:48). However, after the death of Alvarado, Ruy López de
Villalobos took control of the expedition, which was meant to seek a return route
to New Spain. Urdaneta was left behind, and Ruy Lopez de Villalobos'
expedition failed.
Meanwhile, Urdaneta occupied relevant roles related to maritime issues,
working in the service of viceroy Mendoza (Miguel 2002:50). In March 1553,
Urdaneta's life changed after he joined the order of the Augustinians. Although
he led a monastic life, he was mentioned repeatedly in connection with the
Spice Islands. In 1560 the new viceroy of New Spain, Luís Velasco, received a
letter from king Philip II ordering him to mount a new expedition to the Spice
Islands.10 The Spanish king was aware of the need to establish a Spanish
presence in Asia, specially in the Philippines after disputes with Portugal arose
regarding the ownership of the Maluku Islands. Philip II was also pressed by the
need to find an alternative way back through the Pacific Ocean, and not around
Africa, which was controled by the Portuguese. In the king's own words: “porque
lo principal que en esa jornada se pretende es saber la vuelta, pues la yda se
sabe que se haze en breve tiempo” [Translation: because our chief concern of
this journey is to find a way back, since the outbound journey is known to take a
short time] (Miguel 2002:54). The command of the new expedition was asigned
by Gipuzkoan Miguel López de Legazpi. However, the technical command felt
in the hands of Urdaneta (Arteche 1943:146), who had mentioned several times
his absolute certainty that he would be able to find his way back through the
Pacific Ocean to complete the return trip.
Each man had different missions: Legazpi was instructed to take control
over the Philippines, while Urdaneta was ordered to find his way back to New
Spain through the Pacific Ocean in what will be known as the Tornaviaje.
It was during the organization of the expedition that Urdaneta showed his
deep knowledge of naval medicine gathered from his experience on board the
Loaysa expedition and his observations during his stay in the Pacific Ocean. In
several letters to Philip II and viceroy Velasco, he insisted on provisioning the
ships with kidney beans (which contains vitamins B1,B2,B3,B9), broad bean
(rich in vitamins C, A, E, B1, B2) and guarana, a tropical fruit with a high content
of vitamine C (Miguel 2007). In a report for viceroy Velasco related to the
Tornaviaje, Urdaneta explains the characteristics of a disease that he himself
had observed first-hand in the Loaysa expedition:
De mas de [e]sto, da una enfermedad en esta Mar de Poniente a los
hombres que se les creçen y podreçen las enzias y mueren muchos de
[e]sta enfermedad, que a nosotros solo en una nao se nos murieron
desde el estrecho hasta las yslas cuarenta hombres y aun a los que an
ydo desde a Nueua España para la Espeçieria no les a dexado de dar
esta enfermedad empero como la nauegaçion se haze em poco tiempo y
lleuan bastimentos frescos, no haze tanta impresión como haze en los
que ban desde España por el Estrecho (Miguel 2009: 483-484).
[Translation: Besides this, there is a disease in this Sea of Ponente that
makes men's gums grow and rot and many die from this disease, in only
10

(Archivo General de Indias (AGI) Section Patronato, 23, 12).

5

�one nao forty men died from the strait to the islands, even those who
went from New Spain to the Spice islands have also been affected but
since the navigation takes a short time and they have fresh food, the
disease does not affect them as much as those who travel from Spain
through the strait]

Both references indicate without a doubt that Urdaneta knew of the
effects of lack of fresh fruit and vegetables in the development of scurvy, even
when he was unable to identify the agent that was involved (vitamine C would
not be discovered until the 20th century)11.
Legazpi's expedition set sail on 21st November 1564, and reached the
Philippines in 22nd January 1565, without any loss attributed to scurvy.
Urdaneta served as the interpreter for Legazpi on his arrival to the Philippines,
and in short he was ordered to start the journey back. The nao San Pedro was
ready for her return to New Spain. On 1st June 1565 they set sail from Cebu
following a North-East course. In command of the expedition was Legazpi's own
grandson, Felipe de Salcedo, who was only 18 years old. However, Urdaneta
was in charge of the navigation. The story of the trip was recorded by Esteban
Rodríguez, first pilot, and Rodrigo de Espinosa, second pilot. Unfortunately,
Urdaneta's account - which can be found in the National Library of Paris - is
badly preserved and barely legible. From the pilots' accounts we know that
Urdaneta stocked up the vessel for eight or nine months, although he knew that
the trip would take around four months at the most. They sailed between the
islands of the archipelago until they reached Luzon, and there the pilots wrote
that Urdaneta replenished the food they had already and ordered to stock a
large amount of coconuts (Miguel 2002:77). After this last call, the ship never
touched land until they reached Acapulco.
The relevance that Urdaneta places in coconuts is not casual. The
coconut can be easily preserved and it lasts for a long time, something he
would have known from his experience in the Maluku islands. Also, it is a
reliable source of water in case of shortage. Perhaps its most remarkable
feature is its great content of vitamin C, which is 3,3 mg (around 6%). The
vitamin is present in the pulp, as well as in the water12. It could be argued
Urdaneta knew about the use of coconut in the prevention of scurvy during his
stay in the Maluku islands. He spoke fluent Malay and Tagalog, and he knew
local maritime customs and their types of ships (Miguel 2002:71; Arteche 1943:
160).

5. Arrival in America
During the trip, Urdaneta made several tackings to calculate longitude
estimates, prolonguing the trip more than necessary. On 18th September 1565,
after navigating across the Pacific for three months and a half, they sighted the
11

Albert Szent Gvordyi, Chemistry professor at the University of Budapest, isolated the
vitamin C of a green pepper in 1928. He received the Nobel Price of Medicine and Physiology
in 1937 for this and other achievements.
12
It is worth noting that the biggest producers of coconuts are currently located in
Southeast Asia. The Philippines tops the list with 17 million tons per year. Indonesia and
Malaysia, the old Maluku islands, produce 16 million and half million respectively (Food And
Agricultural Organization of United Nations: Economic and Social Department. The Statistical
Devision. (2007) http://faostat.fao.org/

6

�coast of California, approximately around the island of Santa Rosa.
The balance of deaths on board was of 16 out of a 200 men crew, just
around 8% of the sailors when most vessels of the same period lost between
33% and 40% of the crew to scurvy, while many more were suffering the last
stages of the disease (Miguel 2002:81). None of the accounts that have
survived mention scurvy, although they do tell of the bad health that suffered
most of the crew - just a few who reached the Americas were fit to work - even
under the care of Urdaneta, who also acted as the nurse on board13.
Within sight of land, Urdaneta decided to continue to Acapulco, where
they arrived on 8th October, two weeks after reaching California. It would have
been surprising that Urdaneta would not have stopped for provisions if there
had been cases of scurvy on board. That would have meant depriving the crew
of the fresh food that he knew was essential against scurvy. He also prolongued
the trip to make tacking maneuvers. The sixteen deaths on board and the
general exhaustion of the sailors can be attributed to any of the common
infectious diseases, tropical maladies or traumatisms that usually affected life
on that type of vessel - the nao - (Marañon 1940:223). We cannot forget that
these men had been at sea for almost ten months since the outbound trip.
Another point that hints at Urdaneta's knowledge of naval medicine
comes from a surprising source. A deserter of the outbound expedition, Alonso
de Arellano, completed the return trip before Urdaneta on board the patache
San Lucas, thanks to the knowledge shared with him by Urdaneta. However,
the men that were still alive when they reached the Americas were severely ill
with scurvy14.
Eleven years after the death of Urdaneta, an augustinian friar called
Agustín Farfán, published in 1579 his Tratado Breve de Medicina (Brief Treaty
of Medicine). He must have known Urdaneta, since they were members of the
same order. In his book, Farfán writes that to prevent scurvy the patient should
be administered: “un medicamento con medio limón y media naranja amarga,
con un poco de alumbre quemado” [translation: a remedy with half lemon and
half orange, with a bit of burnt alum] (Farfán 1579). These observations were
made 200 years before Johann Georg, Heinrich Kramer or James Lind made
their observations.
Once the Manila galleon route was established,15 we find constant
references regarding the use of citrics in the galleon's infirmary cabinet:
Variedad de naranjas: Lumben, amumontoy, aoson, apugan, caramisca,
malcape, cabuagao, opong-opong y samugao, bien naturales o en
conserva se cargaban en los galeones. La variedad del limonero
biasung, abundante en Visayas fue muy eficaz para evitar el escorbuto
(Cabrero 2009: 574)
13

Urdaneta was accompanied by a member of his order: friar Andrés de Aguirre. In
contemprary accounts there is an explicit mention by the crew thanking the friars for their care
(Arteche 1943: 181)
14
“La gente estaba turbada, que no había quien acudiese ni acertase con cabo ninguno
por la grande oscuridad (sic) que hacía y también por estar toda la gente enferma de la grande
hambre y sed que han pasado y pasaban y aunque hubieran que comer no podían, porque a
todos se les andaban los dientes y les creció mucha carne de la boca, tanto que les tapaban
las encías y en tocando en cualquier cosa se les caían los dientes”. (Cuevas 1943)
15
It was also common that upon arrivel on the Californian coast the natives would
approach the galleons on canoes to offer the exhausted sailors citrics and other fruits cultivated
by the missionaries ( Lyon 1990: 27).

7

�[Translation: “variety of oranges: Lumben, amumontoy, aoson, apugan,
caramisca, malcape, cabuagao, opong-opong and samugao, either
natural or preserved were stocked in the galleons. The lemon tree variety
called biasung, abundant in Visayas was very effective in the prevention
of scurvy”]

In any case, it seems that not all sailors and explorers serving under the
Spanish crown shared this knowledge. It could be perhaps that this information
was not transmitted generally among captains of the fleet or the officers
responsible of the vessels16. Another possibility is that this knowledge was
ignored in lieu of commercial gain in view of cargo distribution and the costs of
the quantity and quality of the crew's food.

6. Conclusion
Taking into account the Tornaviaje and Urdaneta's knowledge, it is
unsustainable to maintain that scurvy was considered a contagious disease up
to the 18th century. Contemporary documents show that Urdaneta was a
Renaissance man, whose knowledge and experience were taken into account
by the Spanish crown. His indications were applied broadly to long oceanic
travels, such as the Manila galleon route.
On the other hand, Urdaneta's notes about health on board are clear and
concise. From them it can be determined that Urdaneta possessed ample
knowledge of the nature of scurvy. In fact, if we take into account the language
used in his anotations, it could be suggested that this knowledge was shared
with other pilots, although it was not a general knowledge among every pilot.
The familiarization of Spanish pilots with scurvy and its treatment using fresh
food and citrics could have been wider than previously thought. However, as
mentioned before, there was not a general education plan that would have
guaranteed that every pilot in a Spanish vessel had access to this information.
In later oceanic travels scurvy was again present, but it is difficult to determine if
this is due to ignorance or to stocking and logistic issues related to supplies and
preservation. After reviewing Urdaneta's work, it seems more likely that the
latter option was to be blamed.
It is not the aim of this paper to establish whether it was James Lind or
Urdaneta he conqueror of scurvy, like English literature portrays the former.
Instead, our goal is to point out the lack of communication between the navies
of the great world powers, which were battling each other for territorial
expansion. In this sense, the lack of communication postponed the
generalization of the cure against scurvy, which led to the deaths of too many
sailors who met a horrific and painful end.

Bibliography
Agirre, E.,

“La sidra” In Euskonews &amp; Media. Nº CCLXXXIII. [html],

16

An example can be found in memorial nº 4, that captain Pedro Fernández de Quiros
sends to don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Peru, in 1598. In a long list of the provisions that were
needed for his 1605 expedition to the mythic Terra Australis, he lists the required food, giving
little relevance to fresh vegetables and a total absence of citrics and other fruits (Fernandez de
Quiros 1597-1614: IV, 62-63)

8

�2004

Arizaga, B.,
Martinez, S.,
2006
Arteche, J. de.,
1943
Cabrero
Fernandez, L.,
2009
Cuevas, M.,
1943.
Farfan, A. Fr.,
1579
Fernandez
Duro.C.,
1857
Fernández de
Quirós, F.,
2002
Gargantilla, P.,
2011
Lind, J.,
1753
Lopez-Ríos
Fernández, F.,
1993
Lyon, E.,
1990
Marañón, G.,
1940

Eusko Ikaskuntza- Basque Studies Society, Donostia-San
Sebastián, available at:
&lt;http://www.euskonews.com/0282zbk/gaia28203es.html&gt;
[Accessed 20 August 2011 ]
Atlas de las villas medievales de Vasconia, Bizkaia, Eusko
Ikaskuntza, Donosita-San Sebastián.
Urdaneta. El dominador de los espacios del Océano Pacífico,
Espasa-Calpe, Barcelona.
“Alegría, tristeza y ansiedad en la travesía del Galeón”, in
(ed) Susana Truchuelo, Andrés de Urdaneta: Un hombre
moderno, Ayuntamiento de Ordizia, Lasarte-Oria.
Monje y marino: La vida en los tiempos de Andrés de
Urdaneta. Galatea, México.
Tratado Breve de Medicina, Ciudad de México.
Disquisiciones náuticas. La mar descrita por los mareados,
Imprenta de Aribau, Madrid, Electronic edition available at
www.openlibrary.org
Memoriales de las Indias Australes. Edición de Pinochet de
la Barra, O. Crónicas de América 1597-1614, Dastin, Las
Rozas.
Breve historia de la medicina. Del chamán a la gripe A,
Nowtilus, Madrid.
A treatise of the scurvy, (ed.) Facs., Edimburgo University
Press, Edimburgo,1953.
Medicina naval española en la época de los descubrimientos,
Editorial Labor, Barcelona.

“Track of the Manila Galleons” In National Geographics,
Sep.1990.
“La vida en las galeras en tiempos de Felipe II” in Ars
Médica. Revista de humanidades, From Historia y Vida,
Espasa Calpé, Barcelona.
Miguel, J.R. de., “Urdaneta, un hombre moderno”, in Euskonews, CDXV,
2007
[html] Eusko Ikaskuntza-Basque Studies Society, DonositaSan Sebastián. Available at:
&lt;http://www.euskonews.com/0415zbk/gaia41502es.html&gt;
[Accessed 20 August 2011]
Miguel, J.R. de., Urdaneta en su tiempo, Sociedad Oceanográfica de
2002
Gipuzkoa, Donosita-San Sebastián.
Miguel, J.R. de., “Las dificultades náuticas del Tornaviaje", in (ed.) Susana
2009
Truchuelo, Andrés de Urdaneta: Un hombre moderno,
Ayuntamiento de Ordizia, Lasarte-Oria.
Mira Caballos,
“La vida y la muerte a bordo de un navío del siglo XVI:
E.,
algunos aportes”, in Revista de Historia Naval, CVIII,
2010
Ministerio de Defensa, Madrid.

9

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                <text>Luso-Asian influences in Macaronesia</text>
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                <text>Session 11&#13;
Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>In early 1607 when the East India Company was preparing to send its first fleet to India, four Asian men were already in London and requested work on these ships as a means to getting home. The men all had Portuguese names; Marcus, John Mendes, John Rodrigues and John Taro. Where did these men come from and what was their story? Through original interdisciplinary fieldwork in Macaronesia, as well as in South and Southeast Asia this paper is an investigative research into the origin of the earliest medieval seaborne Asians to arrive into the Atlantic Ocean from their homelands in the Indo-Pacific regions. Throwing light on a narrative that has been usually projected from the perspective of â€œEuropean pioneersâ€ from the opposing direction.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3012">
                <text>Cliff Pereira</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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                    <text>The Centenary Impact Since RMS Titanic Sank upon Universal
Regulation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in International
Waters, and the Necessity of New Law-Making in Japan
NAKADA, Tatsuya1

Abstract
2012 is Centennial since Royal Mail Ship (RMS) Titanic sunk. The Titanic was found in 1985, as early
as 1986 United States of America (USA) enacted the RMS Titanic Maritime Memorial Act. It aimed at
the conclusion of international agreement for the conservation of the Titanic by states concerned. The
agreement was started drafting in 1997 and adopted in 2000. It was USA, France, England and
Canada that adopted Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the Agreement).
On the other hand United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) was made
through four diplomatic conferences since 1998, and entered into force in 2010. Thanks to 2001
Convention, the term “Underwater Cultural Heritage” (UCH) has been well-known to people around
the world. Be that as it may, to be an UCH needs passage of 100 years; the Titanic will be an UCH
next year. Although the importance of 2001 Convention has recently attracted considerable attention,
its new trend toward universal regulation has just started emerging from international society. It is the
Article 9.2 of the Agreement that attention should be paid. It provides, “If a general multilateral
Convention on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they shall
consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that Convention.” Assuming an
appropriate coordination of them gives rise to a new trend, it appears more desirable to foresee the
near future and timely accede to 2001 Convention after the preparation of domestic laws in Japan
referring to 2001 Convention.

Introduction
Next year is Centennial since RMS Titanic sank. According to the definition of Article
1.1.a of Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural heritage (2001
Convention) the Titanic will be an Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH). While large
projects at Southampton (Bates 2009) are being prepared toward the day, a wide
variety of plans are also being pondered all the world. Since 1985 United States of
America (USA) and France joint-party, led by Robert Ballard, found the Titanic and,
some 6,000 artifacts have been raised (Murphy 2002). As early as 1985, Nancy

1

Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, picono@kaiyodai.ac.jp

1

�Foster, former assistant administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration (NOAA) Ocean Service, testified before Congress on a house
Resolution to protect the Titanic. Ballard also stated that the most desirable option for
the conservation of the Titanic be to take separate measures among cooperating
states as it was located in international waters. R.M.S. Titanic Maritime Memorial Act

（

）

of 1986 1986 Act was enacted.
The Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the

）

Agreement drawn up by USA, United Kingdom (UK), France and Canada states,
“the agreement shall enter into force on the date on which two states have indicated
their consent to be bound” (Art. 11.2). Signing the Agreement and enacting new
legislation in November 2003, the UK set up the legal institution no. 2496 Merchant
Shipping, Casualties, Wreck and Salvage, The Protection of Wrecks (RMS Titanic)
Order 2003, [Dft 13155], (no.2496), which entails summary conviction to a fine not
exceeding the statutory maximum (£5,000) or conviction to an limited fine to the
salvage in unconformity with the criteria in the Agreement (Art. 6.1 and 6.2).
On April 12th 2001 NOAA published the Guidelines for Research, Exploration and
Salvage of RMS Titanic, 66 Fed.Reg. 18905, 18908-09 (Fed.Reg. 18905) according
to 1986 Act. Moreover a Draft Charter for a Titanic Preservation Alliance (the
Alliance) was drawn up to make it clear the standard of explorations of the Titanic. In
2003 and 2004, NOAA conducted scientific research with various partners. On June
2004, Ballard with NOAA carried out research which surveyed how the Titanic has
deteriorated since its discovery. This progress of research resulted in the Return to
Titanic (directed by Tracy Barry and Peter Schnall, 7th June 2004) and was put on
publicly accessible media throughout the world. This campaign induced the USA to
sign the Agreement on 18th June 2004.
RMS Titanic Inc. (RMST) has exclusively explored the Titanic, recovering and
conserving some 5,500 artifacts. RMST has fascinated more than 25 million people
through many exhibitions. In 2010, RMST carried out the latest survey in conjunction
with NOAA, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution and the USA National Park
Service (http://www.rmstitanic.net/about-us.html). How the entry into force of the
Agreement impacts upon a series of the Titanic litigations in USA admiralty courts will
be examined. In fact, the USA movement toward the entry into force has made
steady progress. Taking universal publicity into account, it seems the Agreement will
be approved by Congress which was transmitted Bill titled R.M.S. Titanic Maritime
Memorial Preservation Act of 2009 (re-amendment of 1986 Act) around 15th April
2012, the Titanic’s 100th anniversary. The day has two implications, the fact that the
Titanic becomes UCH in 2012, and the turning point of shifting salvage law to cultural
heritage law.
2

�Two Trends in USA: 1986 Act and Admiralty Court
The Trend of 1986 Act
Ballard has not raised artifacts that he found on the Titanic as it is considered a non
commercial and scientific research (Ballard and Sweeney 2004: 72-73). The location
was not precisely proclaimed so as not to be plundered (Ballard and Michael 1985:
704). 1986 Act attempted to make the Agreement among states concerned, to enact
national law in accordance with the Agreement. 1986 Act directed the Department of
State to enter into negotiations with interested nations to establish an international
agreement to designate the wreck as a maritime memorial and protect it from looting
and unscientific salvage. UK is a flag state, France is the joint finding state and has
Cherbourg port of call on her route, and Canada is the nearest coastal state from the
shipwrecked point. USA continuously offered a consultation to other states. Also
Russia and Japan are expected to participate in the Agreement to make it more

Ⅰ

Ⅱ

effective (Dromgoole 2003:7). The Russian submersibles Mir
and
built in
1987 are able to explore efficiently in cooperation with each other, having researched
the Titanic 41 times from 1991 to 2003. Japan Marine Science and Technology
(JAMSTEC) upgraded the Shinkai 2000 built in 1981 to the Shinkai 6500 built in
1990, which exceeded the 1000th dive in 2007.
While 1986 Act was not in support of others, French Research Institute for
Exploitation of the Sea (IFREMER) which knew the location of the shipwreck site
undertook an independent exploration. Taking advantage of the circumstance, RMST
(since 1987) set up with a view to profiting from artifacts. IFREMER raised more than
800 artifacts since the first 1987 exploration. The USA promptly enacted the
Abandoned Shipwreck Act against such actions, which stated, “it would prohibit the
import with a view to the proceeds through the recovering from the Titanic and further,
such measures would be maintained until the Agreement comes into force”. On the
contrary, RMST has continuously carried out the explorations chartering the Nautile
and raised some 4,000 artifacts over seven expeditions.
Since 1997 the draft of the Agreement has the purpose of controlling
non-regulated salvage and other harmful activities over the Titanic. The Fed.Reg.
18905 is essentially almost the same as the annexes attached to both the Agreement
and 2001 Convention based mainly on the 1996 Charter on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage (for details see Craig 2008:3). The Annex attached to
2001 Convention is established as the international criteria of underwater research
(Oppenheimer and Varmer 2006:15). However there is room for flexible interpretation
of salvage law, while continuing to observe strict scientific, cultural and historical
significance. The Agreement generally does not conceive RMST to be the sole
3

�salvor-in-possession. Implementing the Agreement, the sole salvor-in-possession
will be obliged to collaborate with the admiralty court and/or NOAA.

USA Admiralty Court
The shipwreck is located at high seas, RMST raised a number of artifacts and
brought a part of them to the USA admiralty court; maritime affairs belong to the
jurisdiction of the federal court. While the court upheld RMST as the legal
salvor-in-possession, Ballard was not legally supposed to be the finder of the Titanic
(Garabello and Scovazzi 2003:73-75). Even though the court actually awarded
RMST the exclusive rights of the Titanic, USA courts can only enforce their law on
USA nationals, France has carried artifacts back to its territory since 1987. British
Deep Ocean Expeditions (DOE) carried tourists to the Titanic in 1988. RMST notified
DOE of its unauthorized underwater cruising. One of the tourists with DOE filed an
action suit to USA district court for declaration of access and photograph rights to the
site. The court had already issued an injunction barring all visitation to the Titanic
including photographing it without permit by RMST in 1998. DOE had planned an
expedition to view and photograph the Titanic in the late summer of 1998, and
Christopher Haver had planned to be a passenger. Haver filed a declaratory
judgment action in the district court to challenge the 1998 judgment. The court held
that the right of divers and tourists aiming at visiting and photographing the Titanic
belonged solely to RMST (April 28th 1999: 171 F.3d 942-943, 958-959, 970). DOE
filed an intervention as co-party with Haver in response to the judgment. During the
lawsuit, DOE ignored the order of USA court and continued underwater cruising
(Nafziger 1999: 315).
The appeal court held that while RMST has the exclusive right of raising artifacts,
the exclusive rights do not involve visiting, viewing and photographing the site. In a
series of the Titanic litigations, RMST represented its intention to raise funds through
artifact exhibitions (selling tickets, replica licenses, and product rental fees, etc.).
These actions were a way of recovering costs and keeping the share prices up
because the USA courts would only uphold RMST as sole salvor-in-possession as
long as they did not sell artifacts. In the following year, the appeal and supreme
courts held that RMST had not ever directly owned artifacts only the trustees
(Murphy 2002).

1989 Salvage Convention and Four States
International Convention on Salvage, 1989 (1989 Convention) was concluded in
London on 28th April 1989 and came into force on 14th July 1996. It has 62 State
4

�parties (as of July 2011). USA, France, UK and Canada are all State parties (for
details on definition see Browne this volume) to 1989 Convention. It indirectly
provides the salvage of historic wreck in the form of reservation provision. Nothing is
referred to the relationship between law of salvage and UCH law in 1989 Convention.
The provision simply allows a State to reserve the right not to apply 1989 Convention,
“when the property involved is maritime cultural property of pre-historic,
archaeological or historic interest and is situated on the sea-bed.” (Art. 30.1.d). Since
USA and France did not make reservations to this provision, they are able to salvage
UCH. Negotiations commenced. In the process of drawing up the 1989 Convention
France attempted to exclude UCH. The attempt resulted partially in Article 30.1.d.

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and
2001 Convention: Coastal Jurisdiction
Apart from two trends in USA mentioned above, the movement of regulating
underwater antiquities was in rapid progress in the late 1970’s. UNCLOS (Art. 149
and 303) only provided lex lata (existing law) including maritime law and international
agreements regarding the protection of objects of an archaeological and historical
nature in parallel outside the Contiguous Zones (24 nautical miles from the shoreline)
except in deep sea bed, the Area (outside Continental Shelf, at 350 nautical miles to
the maximum from the shoreline, of every country). The European Council drew up
the Draft of European Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage in 1984 based
upon Recommendation 848 in 1978 (Roper 1978), the draft did not enter into force.
However International Law Association deliberated “the draft of Convention on
Underwater Cultural Heritage” in 1994 based on the draft of the European
Convention. From 1996, through the governmental experts meeting (1998-2001),
2001 Convention was adopted by UNESCO’s 31st General Assembly on the 2nd
November 2001.
Be that as it may, the international regulation of actions directed at underwater
cultural heritage, at present, is mixed with Law of the Sea, Maritime Law and Cultural
Heritage Law. As 2001 Convention coherently emphasizes UCH, “shall not be
subject to the law of salvage or law of finds” (Art. 4), and “shall not be commercially
exploited" (Art. 2.7). On the other hand 2001 Convention grants the competence to
coastal states to make 2001 Convention effective as an aspect of UNCLOS (Art. 9
and 10). USA, France and UK are in favor of the aspect of cultural heritage law, while
in disfavor of the aspect of UNCLOS. USA proposed that a certain commercial action
is permitted subject to the scientific criteria of 2001 Convention (Nafziger 2000: 88).
The universality and effectiveness of 2001 Convention in international society
5

�remains to be clear since, amongst others, the USA, France and UK’s salvage laws
do not comply. On the other hand Rules concerning Activities Directed at Underwater
Cultural Heritage (Annex) embodies the protection and conservation of UCH in
accordance with the regime provided in the 2001 Convention. This shows that the
universality of international norms concerning standards of underwater archaeology
is shifting to the establishment of Standard Practice. For example, Fed.Reg. 18905
and the annex attached to the Agreement are almost alike.

The Adoption of Titanic Agreement and Its Effect
Consulting from 1997 to 2000, the Agreement was adopted on 5th January 2000.
While the Agreement regulates the shipwrecked site and prefers in situ preservation.
The Agreement forbids illegal exploration and selling of recovered artifacts. However
the Agreement does not apply to some 6,000 already recovered artifacts. The
Agreement regards the shipwrecked site as scientific, cultural and historical
memorial. In breach of articles of the Agreement and its annex (Rules), each party is
given enforcement jurisdiction including civil and/or criminal sanction. A glance on
the Agreement tells us how each provision were drawn up in an effort to be
reconciled with 2001 Convention, and how the Agreement carefully paid attention to
2001 Convention. This means how USA, France, UK and Canada consent to the
aspect of cultural heritage law (Dromgoole 2003: 8).
Article 3 of the Agreement states that each party shall take all reasonable
measures to conserve and curate artifacts in recognition of Rules, specifically for
them to be kept together and intact as project collections. Article 4 of the Agreement
states that each party shall take the necessary measures, to regulate through a
system of project authorizations of entry into the hull sections of the Titanic so that
they, other artifacts and any human remains are not disturbed. It is noteworthy that
the Agreement refers to salvage law. The draft of article 4.3 is the product which USA
negotiation team tried to insert the fact that USA admiralty court granted RMST the
salvor-in-possession into the Agreement. However the attempt resulted in the
provision so as to secure non-intrusive access to the site. It seems counteractive
against judgments of USA admiralty court which kept granting salvors the exclusive
right. The Agreement does not so much exclude application of salvage law as
permits salvage activities in conformity with Rules.
In a series of Titanic litigations concerning RMST’s salvage, RMST instituted a
lawsuit to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Commerce and NOAA in
September 2000 so as not to adopt the Agreement because it was unconstitutional.
The subject matter is that (1) an effort to promote making the Agreement deprives
6

�USA admiralty court of the jurisdiction, (2) Implementing the Agreement, the right of
recovery or ownership of RMST will not be compensated by USA. The court
rescinded the claim since RMST was able to appeal again when the Agreement
enters into force. In the public hearing of district court over the Titanic, it is interesting
that the court states the exclusive status of RMST must be appraised even though
the Agreement comes into force (2004: 323F. Supp.2d 724, 741).
Finally Article 9.2 of the Agreement provides, “If a general multilateral Convention
on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they
shall consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that
Convention.” Canada is most likely to join 2001 Convention compared with USA,
France and UK. A general multilateral convention probably suggests 2001
Convention. If all four states join it in the future, Canada will be favorably presumed
its ownership including the Titanic in the context of relationship between the
Agreement and 2001 Convention. The fact that the paradigm shift from salvage law
to cultural heritage law in Canada might also induce USA, France and UK to shift the
similar paradigm through consultation.

Prospect
Annex, Rules, Fed.Reg. 18905 and the Alliance will be replaced with salvage law in
principle. It seems to me that these instruments are highly appraised as code of
conducts taken away provisions of so-called creeping jurisdiction of 2001 Convention,
therefore such norms are also acceptable to USA, France, UK and Canada. While
the system of 2001Convention has been gradually pervaded to international society,
the rigid application of underwater archaeology to UCH in the Agreement, prior to the
issue of coastal jurisdiction, will make it possible to prevent loss of artifacts and
promote the dissemination of knowledge gained from UCH to people around the
world. The approval of USA Congress is expected during the anniversary events of
the Titanic around 15th April 2012. The time might be a symbol of shifting from
salvage law to cultural heritage law.
On reflection, from a series of research of Lake Biwa and so forth, the forerunner
of underwater archaeologist in Japan, OE Yoshio had insisted on the necessity of
underwater archaeology since 1960’s (OE 1971: 266-269; OE 1982: 236-238).
Although the tendency of underwater archaeology actually rose up in the early of
1980’s (OE et al. 1980: 23-87), symbolically as seen in A Special Issue written by the
leading person including OE at that time, the systematic mapping method of UCH
subsidized by Nippon Foundation (from 1st April 2009 to 31st March 2012) has just
started by Non Profit Organization, Asian Research Institute of Underwater
7

�Archaeology (ARIUA) established in 12th August 2005, the former Kyushu-Okinawa
Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology established in 1991. Every product of
research divided into four coastal regions will be gradually opened on the web
(http://www.ariua.org/database/). Nevertheless Agency for Cultural Affairs is not
necessarily positive for the strenuous and steady effort of ARIUA in both legal and
financial aspects. The report attached to a tentative translation of 2001 Convention in
July 2002 by Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology reads;
“Whereas it seems that the purposes and effects of the Convention is generally valid,
our political decision making system will be reconsidered” because the Convention
addresses primarily legal systems of extra-territorial waters (Report Technology
2002). The circumstance simply leads to lacuna of underwater cultural heritage
related laws in Japan. The basic standard that OE sought is almost the same as
provisions in the Rules. OE states;
It is deeply hoped that the necessity of archaeological research of sea-bed be
understood by underwater archaeologists as well as ordinary people, the research
system demands much closer cooperation internationally and mobilize to each site
in any case (OE 1977: 337).

Utilizing Centenary of the Titanic to great extent as the best chance that the
paradigm shift of regulations of UCH is certain to arise in international waters, Japan
should promptly establish its own national underwater cultural legal system as the
first step of international cooperation. Using the Sinkai 6500 effectively enable Japan
to contribute to underwater archaeology even in international waters.

Bibliography
Ballard, R., and “How We Found Titanic”, in National Geographic, vol. 168, pp.
Michael, J.-L.,
696-718.
1985
Ballard, R., and Return to Titanic: A New Look at the World’s Most Famous Lost
Sweeney, M.,
Ship, National Geographic Society, Washington.
2004
Bates,
Stephen.,
2009

“Titanic museum to open in Southampton by 2012”, in The
Guardian, Tuesday 31st March, 2009. Accessed 8th 2011 at
http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2009/mar/31/titanic-south
ampton-exhibition

Craig, J.,

Multilateral

Approaches
8

to

an

International

Convention,

�2008

conference paper for International Council of Monuments and of
Sites (ICOMOS) 16th General Assembly proceedings.

Dromgoole, S.,
2003

“Treasure Salvage in International Waters: Two Alternative
Methods of Control”, in Maritime Law Subject Section, Society of
Legal Scholars, Oxford, pp. 1-12. Accessed 8th 2011 at
http://www.le.ac.uk/law/staff/skd2.html

Garabello,
and

R., THE

PROTECTION OF THE UNDERWATER CULTURAL

Scovazzi, HERITAGE: BEFORE AND AFTER THE 2001 UNESCO

T., (eds).,
2003

CONVENTION, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden / Boston.

Murphy, G.,
2002

“RMS Titanic: A Legal Update 1”, in encyclopedia titanic, 15th
March
2002,
Accessed
8th
2011
at
http://www.encyclopedia-titanica.org/item/1503/

Nafziger,
R.,
1999

J.A. “The Titanic Revisited”, in Journal of Maritime Law and
Commerce, vol. 30, pp. 311-329.

Nafziger,
R.,
2000

J.A. “Historic Salvage Law Revisited”, in Ocean Development and
International Law, vol. 31, pp. 81-96.

OE, Yoshio.,
1971

Marine Archaeology: History and Culture Searched on Sea-bed,
Shinjinbutsu Oraisha, Tokyo.

OE, Yoshio.,
1977

“Underwater Archaeology”, an essay attached in Japanese
translation of George F. Bass, 1975, Archaeology beneath the
Sea, Walker and Company, New York.

OE, Yoshio.,
1982

An Introduction to Underwater Archaeology, NHK Books, Tokyo.

OE, Yoshio et “A Secial Issue: Challenging Sunken Ships” written by ARAKI,
al.,
Shinsuke (the Kaiyo-Maru), MOZAI, Torao (Mongol Invasion),
1980
YAMADA, Michio (RMS Titanic), TANAKA Ko (the Admiral
Nakhimov), TSUMAKI, Eijirou (the Yamato), HASEBE, Gakuji
(Shinan offshore at Korea), KUDOU, Masao (SS Andrea Doria),
HUJII, Yuto (The Mutsu), KATAOKA, Koukichi (the Yasaka-Maru)
and OE Yoshio (Lake Biwa-Ko) , in Le Mer, Vol. 25, pp. 24-87.
Oppenheimer,
P., and Varmer,
O.,
2006

“Implementing the International Agreement to Protect RMS
Titanic”, International Environmental Law Committee Newsletter,
Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 14-16. Accessed 8th 2011 at
http://apps.americanbar.org/environ/committees/intenviron/newsl
etter/dec06/IELC1206.pdf
9

�Report
Technology

Report of the convention and recommendation adopted at 31st
General Assembly of United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, BZ-8-28, Ministry of Education, Culture,
Sports, Science and Technology, National Diet Library, 2002.

Roper, J.,
1978

The Underwater Cultural Heritage: Report of the Committee on
Culture and Education, Council of Europe, Strasbourg. Doc. 4200.

10

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History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                <text>2012 is Centennial since Royal Mail Ship (RMS) Titanic sunk. The Titanic was found in 1985, as early as 1986 United States of America (USA) enacted the RMS Titanic Maritime Memorial Act. It aimed at the conclusion of international agreement for the conservation of the Titanic by states concerned. The agreement was started drafting in 1997 and adopted in 2000. It was USA, France, England and Canada that adopted Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the Agreement). On the other hand United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) was made through four diplomatic conferences since 1998, and entered into force in 2010. Thanks to 2001 Convention, the term â€œUnderwater Cultural Heritageâ€ (UCH) has been well-known to people around the world. Be that as it may, to be an UCH needs passage of 100 years; the Titanic will be an UCH next year. Although the importance of 2001 Convention has recently attracted considerable attention, its new trend toward universal regulation has just started emerging from international society. It is the Article 9.2 of the Agreement that attention should be paid. It provides, â€œIf a general multilateral Convention on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they shall consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that Convention.â€ Assuming an appropriate coordination of them gives rise to a new trend, it appears more desirable to foresee the near future and timely accede to 2001 Convention after the preparation of domestic laws in Japan referring to 2001 Convention.</text>
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                    <text>Maritime Archaeology of Gujarat:
Northwest coast of India
A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh

Abstract

rd

The evidence of maritime activity in India may be traced back to the Bronze Age (early 3
nd
millennium BC to mid- 2 millennium BC). The excavation of several Harappan sites including
Lothal, Kuntasi, Padri, Nageshwar, Bagasra and many others have conclusively demonstrated an
advance maritime culture during the third millennium Before Christ (BC). During the historical
period several coastal towns had international trade and commerce including Bet Dwarka,
Somnath, Hathab, Vallabhi, and Bharuch. Maritime activity reached it’s zenith in Gujarat during
th
th
the Medieval period (8 to 14 century AD) when Arab traders dominated the Indian Ocean for
over a millennia. Underwater investigations have been carried out at various places along the
Saurashtra coast and a large number of stone anchors were found.
This paper also discusses the effect of tide when using jetties and anchoring points along
various parts of the west coast India. The archaeological evidence indicates that two gulfs along
the Gujarat coast (Gulf Kachchh and Gulf of Khambhat) witnessed the hectic maritime activities in
the past. Both gulfs have very high tidal ranges. The Gulf of Khambhat has the highest tidal range
in India (11 meters). Ancient texts such as Vishnu Puran and Periplus of the Eruthreanean Sea
vividly describe the tidal range and its uses in navigation. The discovery of the large number of
stone anchors in the inter tidal zone along the gulf region support the above references.

Introduction
Maritime activities along the Gujarat coast dates back to the Harappan period
and extensive excavations at Lothal (Rao 1974:70), Kuntasi (Dhavalikar, et al.
1996:76), Nageshwar (Hegde, et al. 1990:152), Bagasra (Sonawane, et al.
2003:41) and Nagwada (Bhan and Gowda 2003:51-80) have yielded conclusive
evidence on maritime practices during the 3rd millennium BC. During the
historical period (3rd century BC to 4th century AD) a series of ports existed all
along the Gujarat coast and important among them were Nani Rayan (Irani and
Dandekar 2003:91-97) Bet Dwarka (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66), Dwarka
(Ansari and Mate 1966), Vallabhi, and Hathab (Pramanik 2004:133-140).
Whereas by the Medieval period (8th to 14th century AD) the entire Gujarat coast
had series of ports.
Gujarat coast is punctuated with several creeks and seasonal rivers that
facilitated safe harbours all along the coast. The waters around the Gujarat coast
are also rich in marine resources, such as shells which were used as food as well
as export products. Conch shell have been a major economy source for many
fishermen in Gujarat (Pota and Patel 1991:445-450).
The important sites of the maritime archaeological investigations along the
Gujarat coast include Dwarka, Bet Dwarka, Miyani, Visawada, Somnath, Kodinar
and Ghogha (Figure 1). The brief descriptions of the findings from these sites are
provided in the following paragraphs.

�Figure 1. Map showing archaeological sites mentioned in the manuscript along
Gujarat coast (Prepared by. S.B. Chitari)

Dwarka
Dwarka was the first site in India where marine archaeological exploration
commenced and investigations continued for almost two decades (Rao 1988:4753; Gaur, et al. 2004:1256-60). A number of artifacts were discovered during
offshore explorations between 3 and 16 m water depths. Several stone structures
were noticed off Dwarka and they are of various shapes and sizes. A few
semicircular structures are partially intact and have jointed with hard binding
material. The semicircular structures were constructed by using L-shaped blocks
with provision for dowels (Gaur, et al. 2008:16). Besides semicircular blocks, a
large number of rectangular blocks have been noticed in this area. They are
scattered over a vast area and do not follow any regular plan. These blocks are
found close to the semicircular structures, which indicate that these might have
been parts of a larger structure. The circular and semicircular structures are
presumably the bases of pillars and rectangular and square dressed blocks are
of a main jetty structure that ran from shore into the water and continued until
300 m offshore. Hasmukh Sankalia (1966:10) has mentioned that “Sayajirao
Gaekwad of Baroda had built a dock along the Gomati creek and a landing place
on the opposite side, with huge stone pillars to facilitate tying the ship”. It is quite

�likely that the remains lying on the shore and offshore regions are remains of the
same dock. The presence of stone anchors that are lying along these structures
also supports this hypothesis.
Along with stone structures a large number of stone anchors of different
shape and sizes were noticed between the inter-tidal zone and 16 m water depth,
the concentration of them being in 6 to 8 m water depth (Sundaresh, et al.
1999:229-252). Broadly these anchors have been divided into three groups,
a)
Composite anchors: majority of the anchors have been chiseled out
of a thin limestone block triangular in shape but often the narrower
portion has a half circle with a circular hole known as rope hole and
two rectangular or square holes on the wider side called fluke hole.
The biggest anchor of this variety has a length of 1.8 meter and
maximum width 86 centimeters (cm) and the estimated weight is 496
kilograms (kg) (Figure 2). The smallest anchor weighs 16 kg.
b)
Indo-Arabia type of anchors were cut from a hard and long stone
block with a tapering on one side and a circular hole and the other
side with two rectangular or square holes on either face of the block
(Gaur, et al. 2004a:134-51). The biggest anchor has a length of 2.37
m, a width of 40 cm and an estimated weight of 668 kg while the
smallest anchor with its shape fully preserved has an estimated
weight of 82 kg.
c)
Ring stone anchors: twenty-four ring stone anchors have been found
from Dwarka water and they are of various sizes (Gaur, et al. 2002:
390-404). The biggest has a height of 50 cm and diameter 52 cm
and an estimated weight of 245 kg whereas the smallest ring stone
weighs 20 kg. Similar types of ring stones have been reported from
Oman waters (Vosmer 1999: 301).

�Figure 2. Dwarka: Composite type stone anchor
(Photo by S.N. Bandodkar in 2001)

Bet Dwarka
Bet Dwarka is an island situated in Okhamnadal and at the entrance of the Gulf
of Kachchh. The area is also referred to as the Gulf of Barake in the Greek sea
guide, the Periplus Maris Erythraei (Schoff 1912:38). However, Ptolemy
mentioned Barake as an Island in the Gulf of Kanthi, which has been identified as
the Gulf of Kachchh (McCrindle 1885:36).
In the 17th century BC the late Harappan people had established their
settlement on the northwest part of the Island (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66).
They used rich marine resources available around the Island such as the variety
of fishes and shells (Gaur, et al. 2005:941-46). A large fishhook (Gaur and
Sundaresh 2004:512-14) and shell artifacts are the testimony of the above
statement. The scanty habitation deposit suggests that the site was abandoned
after a couple of centuries (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66). The Island was
again inhabited during the 8th century BC on the southeastern coast of the Island.
Maritime activities reached it’s zenith during the historical and the medieval
periods. The Island continued to be an important center of maritime activity until
the emergence of the Okha port in the Okhamandal area.
The underwater explorations were carried out near the present Bet
Dwarka passenger jetty in two seasons (2001 and 2002). A large number of
artifacts including sherds of amphorae, lead anchors, lead ingot, a hand-mill of

�stone, besides 45 stone anchors, were noticed from this area between water
depth of 5 and 8 m.
There are 42 stone anchors lying in Bet Dwarka waters close to the
present Bet Dwarka jetty, in 6-8 m water depth. They are of two types: A)
composite type: majority of them were cut from locally available limestone blocks.
The circular hole (rope hole) is often found broken whereas two square/
rectangular holes on other side are preserved. The anchors are very similar to
those reported from Dwarka and other places in Saurashtra. B) Indo-Arab type
anchor are made of hard rock such as basalt and sometimes sandstone. The
stone anchors have been dated between the historical and medieval periods.

Pindara
The ancient temple site of Pindara is situated close to the Northern Saurashtra
coast in the Gulf of Kachchh about 36 km west of Khambhalia and 24 km from
Kalyanpur. On the west of Pindara is a vast marshy land known as Okha Rann.
Pindara is a well sheltered area, free from open sea waves. It is comprised of
mud flats up to a distance of 2 km from the high waterline with a gentle slope.
The average tidal range in the region is 1 to 4 m.
A huge temple complex (10 X 10 m) is exposed during low tide in Pindara
at about 300 m from high water line (Gaur, et al. 2007:733-35). Presently, the
floor area is made of dressed lime stone blocks (Figure 3), it is well preserved,
while the superstructure has been destroyed and the stone blocks have been
washed/ taken away. This temple was dedicated to the Lord Shiva, as a yoni1 is
present in the middle of the temple complex. The majority of the stone blocks
measure 60 X 45 X 25 cms. The remaining part of the sanctum (Garbha griha)
measures 4.75 X 4.5 m. The yoni measures 40 X 40 cms. The architectural
feature of the submerged temple corresponds more or less with existing temple
on the shore of Pindara. The size of the submerged temple must have been as
big as other surviving temples in Pindara’s group of temples dating back to the
7th to 10th century AD. The evidence indicates that the Saurashtra coast
shoreline has changed significantly during the last 1000 years.

1

Yoni is symbol of creation and worshipped across the Indian subcontinent since the antiquity.

�Figure 3. Pindara: An ancient temple complex exposes during low tide
(Photo by A.S. Gaur, 2006)

Miyani
Miyani is situated about 40 km east of Dwarka. This area is famous for ancient
temples dating back to the 10th century AD (Sampura 1968: 87). On the coast of
Miyani a temple is dedicated to a Goddess (locally known as Harshadmata). It is
situated on a high hill. A vast creek known as Meda Creek runs a few miles into
the hinterland, which has been used as a shelter in the harbour for local small
craft, particularly fishing vessels.
Underwater explorations were undertaken about 1 km offshore of Harshad
Mata temple. Archaeological findings comprised of twelve stone anchors of
various types.

Visawada
The small town of Visawada lies about 40 km west of Porbandar and about 20
km east of Miyani. The Hindu pilgrimage center and a temple dedicated to the
Lord Krishna, is situated in the middle of the town. Kindari Creek runs a long
distance up to Kindar Kheda (a Harappan town) and perhaps the creek’s name is
derived from this particular ancient town. The western side of the coast is
represented by a high cliff while the eastern coast consists of sandy beaches.
Explorations were undertaken off the Kindari Creek as a baseline, it is
located about 500 m from the coastline. Features and artefacts were
concentrated between 5-6 m water depths. A total of 14 stone anchors were

�found and
types.

represent three varieties: composite, Indo-Arabia and ring stone

Somnath
The archaeological excavations on land at Prabhasa by the Baroda University
and Deccan Collage Pune have yielded evidence of a township dated to 2000
BC (Rao, et al. 1992:13-16). The temple of Somnath nearby is dedicated to Lord
Siva and the linga2 is counted among the 12 Jyotirlingas of India mentioned in
various Puranas.
The explored area in Somnath water is located at a distance of 400 m
south-west of the Somnath temple. Somnath waters contained the largest
occurrence of ring stones anchors (Figure 4). Out of the 43 total anchors
discovered, 80% are ring stone. The water depth varies from 7 m to 15 m. The
ring stones observed shallower than 8m water depth had seaweed growth,
however ring stones of deeper depths have a layer of greyish marine growth.

Figure 4. Somnath: Ring-stone anchor (S.N. Bandodkar in 2001)

Kodinar (Mul Dwarka)
A small coastal village known as Mul Dwarka near Kodinar in the district of
Junagad is one of the claimants of the original Dwarka of Mahabharata. The
proximity with Junagadh hills on the north and the sea on the south situate the
town as being associated with Dwarka (Sankalia 1966:7). An ancient temple is
situated on raised land close to the sea. The temple is dilapidated and not under
worship. The shrine is dated to the post 10th century AD (Sampura 1968:113). A
circular structure situated close to the ancient temple is about 4 m in height and
2

Linga is a phallus symbol worshipped across the Indian subcontinent since the antiquity.

�constructed with a similar type of dressed limestone blocks as that of the temple.
Locally this structure is called as Diva Dandi which means a lighthouse (Gaur, et
al. 2010:418-422). If this structure served as a lighthouse then this may be the
oldest lighthouse remains on the Saurashtra coast. An ancient well was noticed
near the jetty which is still used as a drinking water source.
The exploration in the inter tidal zone yielded a composite stone anchor.
The anchor is exposed during low tide. It is made of sedimentary rock. The
anchor is similar to those reported from Dwarka (Gaur, et al. 2008:23-57) and Bet
Dwarka (Gaur, et al. 2005:113-129) and dated between the historical and the
medieval periods.
The underwater investigations in and around Mul Dwarka (Kodinar) have
been of significance in respect to understanding the archaeology of this region.
Now the data of underwater explorations from all the three Dwarka on the
Saurashtra coast are available and the most common aspects of them is the
presence of similar types of stone anchors, therefore, the tradition of Dwarka at
these places might have been existed contemporaneously (around 7th - 8th
century AD). Another common aspect of these sites is the presence of Harappan
(mid 3rd millennium BC) and late Harappan (early 2nd millennium BC) settlement
within close proximity to each other. For example, Nageshwar and Bet Dwarka
near Okhamandal Dwarka, Kindar Kheda near Mul Dwarka (Visawada) and
Kanjetar and Kaj near Mul Dwarka (Kodinar). All the three Dwarka have ancient
temples dated to the 10th -12th century AD. Nonetheless, these sites were busy
ancient ports and perhaps temples were served as coastal marker points for
navigators, as well as for worship before embarking on long voyages.

Mithi Virdi
The small village Mithi Virdi is situated about 30 km south east of Talaja, a taluka
headquarter. The village is lying on a raised plateau close to the seashore. A
small seasonal river merges with the sea on the western side of the village. The
archaeological site is located about one km west of the village in an agriculture
field.
Five stone anchors are lying on agricultural land (ground nuts are the
important crop of this field) about 1 km north of the seashore. Three anchors are
lying together at a distance of 10 m and oriented in the east-west direction (Gaur,
et al. 2005:110-14) The fourth anchor is laying partially buried north of the other
three and oriented in the east west direction.
All the anchors are similar to each other in shape and size. The anchors
have rectangular cross-sections and trapezoidal longitudinal sections. These
have sharp edges and chisel marks on them are clearly noticed. They have been
cut from conglomeratic sedimentary grit rock, which is dark brown in colour and
small gravel can be noticed. The anchors have two lower rectangular holes and
an upper circular hole is absent in all the anchors.

Ghogha
The town of Gogha is located on the mid western coast of the Gulf of Khambhat
in Bhavnagar district of Gujarat. A famous Gujarati proverb, “Lankani lari ane

�Ghoghono var” (Bride of Lanka and groom of Ghogha) indicates direct overseas
relation between Gogha and Sri Lanka in the past (Chaukasi 1989: 634). The
presence of ancient Jaina temples at Gogha dating back to the 10th – 11th
centuries suggest that this was a religious center also. The earliest Arabic
inscription from Gogha dates to 1170 AD (Oza 1885: 2). During the British period
ships up to 1500 tons were laden here (Habib 1982: 23).
The exploration at Gogha was undertaken during low tide and findings
were recorded with still photography and drawing. A large number of stone
anchors were recorded between 100 and 200 m distance from the high water line
(Gaur 2010:146-155). The majority of the anchors belong to the Indo-Arab type
and nearly about 40% anchors are fragmented. Interestingly, the fresh surface of
broken parts suggests that fragmentation of the anchors took place during the
manufacturing stage and not during the anchoring processes. A composite
anchor made of lime stone was found at the site. A few unfinished anchors were
found from Gogha and Hathab. However, these anchors were submerged in 5 to
7 m water depth during high tide. Thus, it indicates that big boats were anchoring
at this point during high tide. The author of the Periplus of the Erythrenean also
refers to such activities detailing that during low tide boats rest on the seabed.
The exploration in the inter tidal zone has also yielded several sherds of
the glazed ware in the vicinity of stone anchors. These include a jar with
internally and upper half externally glazed; and the rest of the sherds are glazed
internally only. There are three main types of glazed ware (i.e. green, blue and
brown). These are very similar to the Islamic glazed ware found from various
parts of the country (Mohammad 1985:105). The medieval period glazed ware at
Hastinapur (Lal 1954-55:5-151) was found in association with coins of Balban
(1206-87 AD). The sherds recovered from the inter-tidal zone of Ghogha are very
similar to those reported from another medieval period site at Lashkarshah in
Khambhat which have been dated to 14th-16th century (Bhan 2006: 90-95). Thus
the glazed sherds Ghogha may also be dated to the late medieval period.

Hathab
Hathab an early historical site is referred to as Astacampra in the Periplus of
Erythrenean Sea (Schoff 1912: 40). On shore excavation yielded rich antiquities
of the historical period and maritime contact with the west. It is located about one
km into the hinterland. The exploration in the inter tidal zone of Hathab yielded
two anchors similar to those of the Indo-Arab type and one anchor with a wide
groove wrapped around the middle of the anchor. This is very similar to those
reported from Japan and Chinese waters (Yang 1990:113-121).
The remains of a jetty were noticed at the mouth of the river Shetrunji near
the village Sultanpur. This was primarily a wooden jetty now abandoned due to
emergence of other ports in the vicinity.

Conclusions
Coastal and maritime archaeological investigations along the Gujarat coast have
conclusively proven that it holds the earliest evidence of the maritime activity in

�the Indian subcontinent. Archaeological set up of the Kachchh region provide
enough indication that the Rann of Kachchh was a navigable body during the
third millennium BC. During the historical period Gujarat witnessed hectic
maritime activities and boats from various regions including the Mediterranean
Sea. The maritime activity reached its zenith during the Indo-Arabia trading
network of the medieval period and a large number of evidence indicates that
Gujarat played an important role in the Indian Ocean trade system during this
period. Marine archaeological investigations during the last two and half decades
have brought out a number of potential sites along the Indian coast which include
ancient ports, jetties, and shipwrecks. The extensive explorations of the
Saurashtra coast revealed several ancient ports and jetties. Interestingly,
archaeological discoveries suggest that natural phenomena like tidal variations
have been very effectively used in the Gulf of Kachchh and the Gulf of Khambhat
in the past.

Acknowledgements
Authors are thankful to Mr. K.H. Vora for providing various comments and suggestions in the
manuscript. Thanks also due to other colleagues in marine archaeology centre for various help
during the field work. Mr. S.B. Chitari prepared line drawing for the manuscript.

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The evidence of maritime activity in India may be traced back to the Bronze Age (early 3rd millennium BC to mid- 2nd millennium BC). The excavation of several Harappan sites including Lothal, Kuntasi, Padri, Nageshwar, Bagasra and many others have conclusively demonstrated an advance maritime culture during the third millennium Before Christ (BC). During the historical period several coastal towns had international trade and commerce including Bet Dwarka, Somnath, Hathab, Vallabhi, and Bharuch.  Maritime activity reached itâ€™s zenith in Gujarat during the Medieval period (8th to 14th century AD) when Arab traders dominated the Indian Ocean for over a millennia. Underwater investigations have been carried out at various places along the Saurashtra coast and a large number of stone anchors were found.&#13;
&#13;
This paper also discusses the effect of tide when using jetties and anchoring points along various parts of the west coast India. The archaeological evidence indicates that two gulfs along the Gujarat coast (Gulf Kachchh and Gulf of Khambhat) witnessed the hectic maritime activities in the past. Both gulfs have very high tidal ranges. The Gulf of Khambhat has the highest tidal range in India (11 meters). Ancient texts such as Vishnu Puran and Periplus of the Eruthreanean Sea vividly describe the tidal range and its uses in navigation. The discovery of the large number of stone anchors in the inter tidal zone along the gulf region support the above references. &#13;
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                    <text>Rock art of Phrayanaga (Viking) Cave, southern Thailand: the
illustration of ancient vessels
Atthasit Sukkham1, Paul S.C. Taçon2, and Noel Hidalgo Tan3

Abstract
Tham Phrayanaga is one of Southeast Asia’s most well-preserved but little understood rock art sites. This
cave site in southern Thailand has at least 76 depictions of watercraft. Many of the images are accurate
portrayals of vessels used by a number of different cultural groups. The nature of the imagery is
described and the ways in which the site informs us about the region’s recent cross-cultural contact
history is explored. Based on relative dating and comparative study, this rock art site has been given the
approximately date of from about the late 1500s to the early 1900s. This study will highlight our results
that have indicated that some figures are ancient vessels including Thai, Chinese, European, Indonesian,
and Arabian. Moreover, it related to the Maritime Silk Route and the spice trade in Southeast Asia and the
Andaman Sea, which is a part of the Indian Ocean.

Keywords: Rock art, ships, Viking Cave, southern Thailand

Introduction

Tham Phrayanaga (or "Big Snake Cave" because of a large snake-like stalactite4) is
one of 23 rock art sites found in southern Thailand (Sukkham 2010). It is located in the
northeast corner of Phi Phi Le Island in the Andaman Sea, Krabi Province,
southwestern Thailand, near the popular tourist destinations of Maya Beach and Phi Phi
Don Island (Figure 1). This limestone cave is a large, oval-shaped dome with a high
ceiling. The 90 metre wide entrance faces due east. The floor varies from 3-6 metres
above sea level while the cave measures 132 metres wide, 95 metres deep and has a
maximum ceiling height of more than 20 metres. The cave is home to hundreds of barn
swallows that nest on the cave walls, including overtop of the rock art. Nests are
harvested year-round and sold as a local delicacy. The site is now managed by a
private commercial enterprise so entry is no longer allowed for tourists for risk of
disturbing the swallows.
Despite long being known by locals, the earliest mention of the site was in 1972,
during a visit by the reigning King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama XI) of the Chakri Dynasty
(1946-present). In 1988, the Fine Arts Department (FAD) of Thailand embarked on a
systematic recording of the cave’s rock art (Chaimongkon and Pigpien 1990). In
October 2009 this data was updated as part of a Master of Arts thesis field work
1

Southeast Asian Ceramics Museum, Bangkok University, Rangsit Campus, Pathum Thani 12120,
Thailand (E-mail: uzzyarch061@gmail.com).
2
PERAHU, School of Humanities, Gold Coast campus, Griffith University, Queensland 4222, Australia
(E-mail: p.tacon@griffith.edu.au).
3
Department of Archaeology and Natural History, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT
0200 Australia (E-mail: seaarch@gmail.com).
4
Stalactite: a type of speleothem (secondary mineral) that hangs from the ceiling of limestone caves. It is
a type of dripstone.

1

�(Sukkham 2010), with follow-up research conducted on site in May 2010 by Griffith
University’s Picturing Change research program.

Tham Phrayanaga rock art
The surviving rock art of Tham Phrayanaga consists mostly of monochrome paintings in
black, red-brown and brownish-black. There also are bichromes5 in brown-black and
yellow-brown, some red-brown paintings highlighted or partially repainted with black, a
small number of charcoal drawings and a few engravings. Few paintings overlap but
those that do suggest most red-brown paintings are early in the sequence, followed by
the brown-black/yellow-brown bichromes, brown-black and black paintings, charcoal
drawings and engravings. During the 1988 study 73 figures were recorded in three
panels – on the east wall, south wall and a small chamber in the southwestern corner of
the cave (Chaimongkon and Pigpien 1990).
During the 2010 field-survey we recorded 80 figures, 76 of which are depictions
of watercraft, even though three of the paintings in the small chamber have been lost to
erosion and algal growth. Some of the additional figures we recorded appear to have
been made since 1988, possibly by tourists or bird nest harvesters, as they do not
appear in the FAD report. Most of the art is concentrated in the main panel, to the left of
the entrance if one is looking out to sea. There is a small amount of engraved graffiti
and an undecipherable older design in black suggestive of Arabic script.

Panel A (Figure 2) contains most of the art, possibly both because it has a long flat
surface amenable to painting and because it is located near the cave entrance, which
commands an excellent view of the sea. It stretches across the east wall of the cave,
the paintings facing west and southwest. The panel is 39.5 metres long. Most of the
rock art is located along this length between 0.2-2.0 metres above the floor, with the
highest painting about 3 meters above ground level. There are 63 paintings, six
drawings and three engravings of ships and boats, as well as three drawn human
figures and a horse. Some paintings have recently added engraved features or
highlights. The depictions of watercraft show various styles of bowsprit, head, hull, rail,
mast, sail, stern, cabin and rudder; a few also have oars and there is one depiction with
a paddle wheel. Forty ships can be classified into at least seven types – square-rigged,
square and triangle-rigged, triangle-rigged, rigged and rowed, rowed, paddle-wheeled,
rectangular sail on tripod mast – with the rest unclassifiable.
There are four depictions of large square-rigged ships, two monochrome6 and
two bichrome (Figure 3), in linear outline7 or as partial silhouettes8. The bichrome
square-rigged ships appear to have been purposely made this way and did not result
from re-painting later. All four have clearly illustrated and decorated bows, hulls and
railings. Three masts for mainsails are usually depicted, supported with braces and
sheets. Three (Figures 3) are shaped like Thai junks, with their distinctive curved bows
and sterns and layered rectangular sail structures. Thai junks would have been
5

Bichromes: having two colors.
Monochrome: single color.
7
Linear outline: a single line forms the figure by way of an outline.
8
Silhouette: solid infill shape.
6

2

�considered exotic in this part of the world a few hundred years ago as they would have
had a sea journey of at least 1600 km behind them. The fourth is single-rigged but
superimposed with many mainsail yards, has a cabin and rudder. Square-rigged ships
like this, and decorated with an eye-like design on the head of the hull, are
characteristic of Chinese junks from the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911)
Dynasties, known to have traded around what is now Thailand (Blomfield and Tam
2005:6-7). Chinese visitors came to Thailand to establish direct diplomatic relations and
to set up trade agreements, with a Chinese trade in ceramics extending through various
dynasties and periods since the Song Dynasty (960-1279) (Blomfield and Tam 2005;
Breazeale 1999; Garnier 2004; Virapol 2005).
Five ships with square and triangle-rigged sails are depicted in monochrome as
linear outline or silhouette figures. The front part and hull of these types of ship differ
from the first type because they are undecorated but usually show a bowsprit transfixed
with one or two triangle-foresails. These ships typically have two or three masts that are
rarely connected at the top and are supported by many braces and sheets for mainsails.
The back of some ships also show a cabin and rudder. They are similar to European tall
ships but do not appear identical to any particular vessel. European ships of the 16th to
19th centuries typically were square and triangle-rigged. They had a bowsprit transfixed
with one or two triangle foresails and usually had a cabin and rudder in the stern. There
are at least two similar ships depicted in Panel A but it is not possible to identify country
of origin. European contact with Thailand began with the Portuguese in the early 1500s,
followed soon after by the Dutch (Garnier 2004). The arrival of the French expanded
and assisted the construction of a new palace at Lopburi for King Narai (1656-1688) of
the Prasat Thong Dynasty in the Ayutthaya Period (Garnier 2004). The English were the
last to establish relations across the region, especially with Ayutthaya (Wongthes 2003;
Garnier 2004).
There are 24 monochrome triangle-rigged ships, in either linear outline or as
silhouettes, and three shown as bichrome silhouettes. One of the latter has a human
figure standing on the rear of the deck. All three of the bichrome ships appear to have
been originally red-brown with black added later, and two subsequently were highlighted
with engraved lines. The front part of triangle-rigged ships has a bowsprit that uses only
one triangle-foresail which, in some figures, is connected with braces. Along the sides of
some of these ships are depictions of square holes that look like rails or shutter
windows; depictions of cabins and rudders are rare. Some resemble Arabian dhows but
most are more likely depictions of large wooden multi-sailed Malay/Indonesian perahus
that have gaff rigging used since the 17th century for fishing and transport (e.g. see
Gibson-Hill 1949 for many different examples). These include 17th to early 20th century
Indonesian perahu pinisiq (a specific type of wooden sailing ship partly modeled on
European wooden ships; Figure 4) and an Indonesian kapal layer mesin (motor sailer).
Two ships in black with a single rectangular sail and tripod mast are typical of
Bugi/Macassan perahus sailed throughout the larger region from what is now Sulawesi,
Indonesia (e.g. see Taçon, et al. 2010).
Three rigged oared ships and one oared watercraft were depicted in
monochrome with linear outline. Braces support the masts but not every mast displayed
has a sail and the bow of the ship does not contain a bowsprit. Further differentiating
them from the types described above are oars. One oared ship has three human figures
3

�standing on the deck with outstretched arms bent at the elbows together with a
rectangular flag at the stern. Another has human figures shown both on deck and in the
hull, along with other aspects of the ship’s interior. The oared watercraft is simple, with
no masts, bowsprits and sails but oars clearly shown. The bow contains a depiction of a
straight line, probably a handrail, and the stern appears to contain a cabin. The rigged
and oared boats are similar to that used by the Chaole or local sea people and
miniature models called Plajak (pia/cak), used in ritual offerings to the sea (Sarikabutara
1987; Wongbusarakum 2007).
There is only one depiction of a paddle-wheeled ship, monochrome and shown
as a silhouette. The paddle wheel consists of a circle and cross-line design in the
middle of the ship and there is a similar wheel on the upper deck. Handrails are found
towards the bow of this ship while the stern contains a silhouette square shape. In the
19th century American-style paddle-steamers similar to one depicted at Tham
Phrayanaga were introduced to southern Thailand, as royal photography from the reign
of King Rama V (1868-1910) documents (FAD 1979; Lim 2009).
Unidentified ships are plain, irregular, or damaged, making classification
difficult. All are monochrome, in outline or silhouette, and many are small, without sails
or oars. Some are simple boats and small vessels typical of various Thai, Malay and
Indonesian peoples.
The surviving non-marine images, located on the ceiling next to the cave
entrance, consist of drawings, three black human-like stick figures and an outline of a
horse with a silhouetted head. Two of the human figures appear to be interacting and
each has a hand on one of its hips. One figure carries a long weapon-like object
directed toward the other. The third figure was depicted facing, and as if running toward,
the horse. It holds something resembling a loop of rope while the horse is shown as if
galloping away.

Panel B a second small panel, containing two paintings of ships that face north, is
located on the south wall of the cave. The first ship is a monochrome light red-brown
silhouette, 95 centimeters (cm) wide by 58 cm high. It has two masts, two square-rigged
mainsails and a bowsprit with one triangle-rigged foresail. The stern includes a square
silhouette that probably depicts the cabin. The second ship is smaller, measuring 55 cm
wide by 42 cm high, and is without sails. It looks similar to the first as it has the two
masts, bowsprit and cabin. Both are likely depictions of some type of large perahu.

Panel C a third panel containing three ships and two elephants, one with a mahout9
seated on its neck, in the southern part of the cave was recorded in 1988.
Unfortunately, the elephants and one of the ships have since been destroyed by algal
growth, which also obscures the two remaining ships, a triangle rigged watercraft and
one that lacks rigging.

9

Mahout: a person who drives an elephant.

4

�Conclusions
Most of the rock paintings of Tham Phrayanaga represent various types of watercraft
that traveled through the Andaman Sea in the past few hundred years, a period of
accelerated maritime contact and trade between various parts of Thailand, Asia and
Europe, fuelled by the lucrative spice trade, diplomacy, evangelism and conquest. By
comparing the rock paintings of Tham Phrayanaga with depictions and descriptions of
ships in historic documents it can be concluded that most of the art was probably made
between the late 1500s and the early 1900s, a period of increased trade and contact
between various European peoples, Thais, Malays, Chinese and indigenous peoples of
the region. This is also the period in which the Chaole occupied the islands around
Tham Phrayanaga. It is this group that most likely made much of the rock art. Two of
the oared ships, typical of the Chaole, at Tham Phrayanaga were painted right next to
the two main polychrome paintings of Thai junks. Their placement appears purposeful,
perhaps to illustrate important stories of close contact. One can also imagine the
Chaole using Tham Phrayanaga as a guide for instructing how to identify common
watercraft of the region or as a way of recording changing shipping during a period of
increased traffic of culturally diverse watercraft.
A second site, Wong Lung Cave, contains a panel about 11 metres long with the
remains of at least 14 red-brown paintings of ships, most of which are perahu pinisiq,
and a mahout riding an elephant that has a bundle on its back (see Valli and Summers
1990:116-117). Some are almost identical to those at Tham Phrayanaga, suggesting
they were made by the same artists. At both Tham Phrayanaga and Wong Lung Cave
there are no Viking ships or other watercraft older than the 15th century depicted,
despite suggestions from tourist companies, and most are not European contra Niti
Sangwan (1987:126).
Tham Phrayanaga is an outstanding example of a site with contact-inspired
imagery, containing more depictions of watercraft in terms of sheer number and
diversity than any other rock art site world-wide. This site gives us a window into both
past pictures and past perceptions of maritime watercraft unavailable from other
aspects of the archaeological record. A larger regional and perhaps global study of rock
art depictions of watercraft would be worthwhile not only to situate Tham Phrayanaga in
larger contexts but also to better inform us of past seafaring generally. But as with rockart sites everywhere, the images are under threat from both natural and human forces,
with nesting birds and the people who harvest them having a big impact at Tham
Phrayanaga. In this regard, it is vital to better document rock art sites like Tham
Phrayanaga before the valuable visual information they contain is lost forever.

Acknowledgements
Research took place as part of a collaborative Greater Mekong Sub-region and Malay Peninsula
Research Project, led by Colonel Assist. Prof. Surat Lertlum of the Chulachomklao Royal Military
Academy and Assoc. Prof. Stephen Chia from Universiti Sains Malaysia, as well as Griffith University’s
Picturing Change research program led by Prof. Paul S.C. Taçon (ARC Discovery Grant DP0877463).
The Thailand Research Fund, the Universiti Sains Malaysia Short Term Grant, the Fine Arts Department
of Thailand and Silpakorn University also supported field-survey. Pariwat Thammapreechakorn, Surat
Lertlum, Pongdhan Sampaongern, Surapol Natapintu, Rasmi Shoocongdej and Pacharee Sarikabutara
are thanked for information and feedback.

5

�Bibliography
Bloomfield, B.
and Tam, K.-L.,
2005
Breazeale, K.
(ed),
1999
Chaimongkon,
S., and Pigpien,
K.,
1990
Fine
Arts
Department,
1979
Garnier, D.,
2004
Gibson-Hill, C.A.,
1949.
Lim, P.,
2009
Sangwan, N.,
1987
Sarikabutara, P.,
1987

Sukkham, A.,
2010
Taçon, P.S.C.,
May, S.K.,
Fallon, S.J.,
Travers, M.,
Wesley, D., and
Lamilami, R.,
2010
Valli, E. and D.
Summers.,
1990
Virapol, S.,
2005
Wongbusarakum,
S.,
2007

Dynasties and destinations. Hong Kong Maritime Museum, Hong
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Foundation for the Promotion of Social Science and Humanities
Textbooks Project, Bangkok.
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Thai language.

Siam Society in the King Rama V Period, The Fine Arts Department
of Thailand, Bangkok, in Thai language.
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Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 22,1, pp.106-125.
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particularly of Tham Phi Hua To, Krabi Province, Southern Thailand",
in SPAFA Final Report: Seminar in prehistory of Southeast Asia (TW11), SPAFA, Bangkok, pp. 143-160.
The dating of ancient rock arts in Southern Thailand, M.A. thesis,
Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University, Bangkok, in Thai
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6

�Wongthes, S.,
2003.

Ayutthaya : social and culture history, Matichon, Bangkok, in Thai
languag.

Figures

Figure 1: Map of southern Thailand with Tham Phrayananga indicated.
(Atthasit Sukkham)

Figure 2: The most dramatic part of Panel A with numerous paintings of watercraft.
(Atthasit Sukkham)
7

�Figure 3: One of two bichrome Thai junks at Tham Phrayananga (Paul S.C. Taçon).

Figure 4: A painting of an early 20th century perahu pinisiq (Paul S.C. Taçon).

8

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                <text>Rock art of Phrayanaga (Viking) Cave, southern Thailand: the illustration of ancient vessels</text>
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>Tham Phrayanaga is one of Southeast Asiaâ€™s most well-preserved but little understood rock art sites. This cave site in southern Thailand has at least 76 depictions of watercraft. Many of the images are accurate portrayals of vessels used by a number of different cultural groups. The nature of the imagery is described and the ways in which the site informs us about the regionâ€™s recent cross-cultural contact history is explored. Based on relative dating and comparative study, this rock art site has been given the approximately date of from about the late 1500s to the early 1900s. This study will highlight our results that have indicated that some figures are ancient vessels including Thai, Chinese, European, Indonesian, and Arabian. Moreover, it related to the Maritime Silk Route and the spice trade in Southeast Asia and the Andaman Sea, which is a part of the Indian Ocean.</text>
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                <text>Atthasit Sukkham </text>
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                <text>Paul S.C. TaÃ§on </text>
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