44 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/28f3f2127c08145bdeb9105fa1205a5c.pdf cb6b8c4dcbeac076146ad93749afb8ea PDF Text Text An Equitable International Legal Framework: The Grotian Heritage Kim Browne1 Abstract The conservation of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) requires not only an understanding of the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal environment needs to be considered. For example, what is the legal position with regard to claims on submerged wrecks and what are the guiding philosophical principles underpinning modern international sea law and UCH law? The doctrine of ‘freedom of the seas’, encompassing the natural law principles of consensus, equality, equity, reason and fairness, was advocated by the Dutch th jurist, Hugo Grotius, at the beginning of the 17 century. During this period, Europe was plagued by war and religious schisms as well as economic division arising from the rivalry between dominant maritime powers for the right to establish exclusive overseas trading empires in East Asia and the Americas. The volatile economic and political environments, along with the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire hegemony, created the need for rules of conduct between a large international community. The scholarly debates of the 17th century, often referred to as the ‘battle of the books’, provided a wealth of jurisprudence on international law, including settling ocean governance in favour of an ‘open sea’ policy as opposed to a ‘closed sea’ policy in respect to trade and navigation. Grotius’ writings on ‘consensus’ and the ‘social interdependence’ of nations are relevant in the 21st century as his writings expound the modern idea of State2 ‘cooperation’ whilst advocating navigational freedom. In promoting cooperation among States, the Grotian doctrine represents an effective means to combat transnational crime and commercial exploitation of underwater cultural resources. This paper concludes that the writings of Grotius on ‘consensus’ in decision making and interdependence of States are of increasing relevance, given that the global community is entering a period when questions are being raised over the role of international law concerning the conservation of UCH and the philosophical frameworks which shape ocean governance polices. The soul of the past is in deep water Phillipe Diole. Introduction The preservation of a shipwreck in situ is dependent upon the physical environment in which the wreck is located. A wreck which lies exposed on the seabed is affected by physical factors such as water currents, the chemical composition of surrounding water, the water’s oxygen content and temperature levels as well as microorganisms within the water. Apart from the physical environment, the legal environment in which a wreck is located is just as important for site preservation. In other words, apart from considering how best to protect a wreck from natural threats, one needs to consider how to protect the wreck from direct human impact, such as looting and commercial salvage, together with indirect interference arising from human activities including marine scientific research, deep seabed mining and marine genetic 1 BA, LLB, MA, LLM, MBus; Solicitor of the Supreme Court of the Australian Capital Territory; PhD Candidate, Faculty of Law, University of Canberra, Australia; Lecturer in Law, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Charles Sturt University, Australia. 2 The word ‘State’ is used to denote an international entity such as Australia or the United States. �bioprospecting3. The legal environment in which the wreck is located will determine a State’s ability to safeguard the site from both legal and illegal human activities. Therefore, knowledge is required of the governing international legal framework (international law) and jurisdictional issues, in particular, the maritime zones established under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) and related treaties such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNCPUCH). The UNCLOS III partitions the ocean into various legal environments, otherwise known as maritime zones. These zones are measured in distance from the coastal State’s shoreline. Depending on whether or not the wreck is located beyond national jurisdiction, its location will affect not only a State’s ability to legally protect the site from traditional threats, such as commercial salvage and criminal looting, but the distance from the shore will also determine the legal mechanisms that a coastal State is obliged to adhere too. Apart from formal treaties, another source of international law is customary international law. Under this law, provisions of treaties may become binding upon States not party to an agreement if there is evidence that a State has acquiesced to the legal rule. Furthermore, the juridical debates of the 16th and 17th centuries are paramount to ocean management together with the protection of UCH. Importantly, these debates continue to shape modern ocean customs, laws and State practices. Furthermore, the philosophy underpinning ocean governance policies can strengthen or weaken the existing legal framework, firstly by influencing the provisions in formal treaties, and secondly, by shaping customary state practices, thereby contributing to the growth of customary international law – this, in turn, can be used to supplement international treaties. UNCLOS III has been described as the ‘constitution of the ocean’4. It creates maritime zones in which differing rights and obligations exist in respect to living resources and non-living resources of the ocean. The purpose of the maritime zones is to define rights and obligations of coastal States, prescribe law making and law enforcement powers of coastal States over foreign vessels and nationals, define rights of foreign States, and define the rights of the international community. Under UNCLOS III, there are three categories of maritime zones: (i) zones under sovereignty of States; (ii) zones under sovereign ‘rights’ of States; and (iii), zones not subject to sovereignty or sovereign ‘rights’ of States. The first category includes the Internal Waters, Archipelagic Waters and the Territorial Sea (including the buffer zone, known 3 ‘Bioprospecting’ ‘involves collecting samples of marine species from the ocean and screening them for properties that may be of commercial value’ (Mossop 2007:286). As Louise Angelique de La Fayette (2009:228) states: ‘while there is no official definition, this contraction of ‘biological’ and ‘prospecting’ is generally understood as the scientific investigation of living organisms for commercially valuable genetic and bio-chemical resources’. Leary (2007:158-163) outlines the emergence of the biotechnology industry and the unique genetic and chemical properties of specific marine organisms and bacteria associated with hydrothermal vents. Mossop (2007:285) explains that scientists are interested in researching organisms in the deepest parts of the ocean due to their ability to survive extreme conditions and live from chemosynthesis (i.e. create food from chemicals rather than light). Also, see Beslier (2009:335) and Warner (2007:411) for an outline of the use of resulting patents. 4 Shingleton 1983:34. �as the Contiguous Zone). The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and the Continental Shelf fall within the second category, whilst the High Seas and the Area (deep seabed) fall within the remaining category. In respect to UCH, UNCLOS III failed to stipulate how States should protect UCH beyond their contiguous zone, apart from declaring that all States had a legal obligation to cooperate5. The UNCPUCH adopts the maritime zones created by UNCLOS III and builds upon the UNCLOS III foundational norm of State cooperation in maritime affairs. The UNCPUCH successfully employs the mechanism of ‘State cooperation’ to overcome jurisdictional problems arising from the lack of sovereignty or sovereign rights within specific maritime zones, hence, an understanding of the law of the sea is necessary. Ocean Stakeholders As Robin Churchill and Vaughan Lowe (1999:3) claim, ‘the development of the law of the sea is inseparable from the development of international law in general’. In fact, the law of the sea is one of the oldest components of international law, given that nations have been relying on the ocean for resources, transport, trade and commerce for centuries. Humankind’s reliance upon the sea is evident in ancient texts and writings by Greek and Roman historians, ancient laws from kingdoms spanning the Mediterranean, ancient mosaics from Roman villas, and tomb paintings in Egypt6. Whether text based, such as the Rhodesian Maritime Law or the Justinian Institutes, or physical objects, such as Egyptian tomb paintings or figurine carvings, archaeological excavations demonstrate the existence of ships, seafarers, maritime traders and pirates very early in the history of ancient civilisations. As McGrail (2003:2) points out, there were ‘sailors before farmers and navigators before megalith designers’. Even in Neolithic times, archaeological evidence from campsites and caves located near protective bays and harbours indicate that groups of humans lived together and relied daily upon 5 UNCLOS III Article 303(1). See Lavery (2010:17-18) for photos and illustrations (i.e. a painted Athenian vase depicting the Greek hero, Heracles, traveling in a river craft and Athenian coins commemorating the th Greek victory in the Battle of Salamis, 480BC. Also, 18 century tomb reliefs from Thebes, in Egypt, often depict the deceased and family hunting or ‘fowling’ on a papyrus-reed raft on the Nile Delta (Lavery 2010:11). Evidence of ancient maritime laws include: The Code of Hammurabi (about 2200 BC) which contains rules regarding collisions at sea and the requirement for compensation of the injured party (rule 240); the ancient Rhodesian Maritime Law and the Law of Salvage which were inherited by the Romans; (Lobingier 1935). A passage in Polybius’ Histories makes reference to a treaty concluded between Carthage and Rome in 509-508BC in which the Historian states: ‘The Romans and their allies not to sail with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice, and he must depart within five days nd (Polybius Book III, 22). Also, the text of the jurist, Marcianus, (2 century AD), preserved in the Digest of Justinian, refers to the sea and its products (fish) being common property for all (Fenn 1925:716). For historical accounts referring to trade, fishing and/or piracy, see the Homeric tales and voyages which highlight the Mycenaean sea power and might. See also the writings of Thucydides; the Historian states: ‘But after Minos had organised a navy, sea communications improved; he sent colonies to most of the islands and forced out the notorious pirates’ (Book I:8). Pliny writing in the 1st century AD states: ‘that cohorts of archers were carried on boats engaged in trade as protection against pirates’ (Natural History, VI, 23). 6 �the ocean for food and for their spiritual beliefs7. As the sea covers approximately 70% of land mass and holds natural resources such as fish stocks, minerals and oil, as well as being a highway for commerce and trade between nations, some form of rules governing the relationship of ocean users needed to evolve from very early on in history. Human ability to harness the sea’s resources for economic gain increased over the centuries, to the point where nations today are undertaking off-shore drilling for oil and dredging of the seabed for magnesium nodules; sophisticated rules, such as international treaties, have had to evolve as society’s use of the sea became more advanced. As the numbers of ocean stakeholders and interest groups increased, a central concern for contemporary ocean governance is State cooperation8. The need for nations to reach consensus upon diverse matters rising out of the varied uses of the world’s oceans is a growing concern for international sea law as evident in the increasing number of ocean regulations9. In responding to these increasing challenges, international law must continue to develop regulatory frameworks that are equitable and are based upon consensus between ocean users, rather than dictated by powerimbalances and exploitative political agendas. The need for an equitable international framework governed by consensus among nations (cooperation) is vital in safeguarding UCH in waters beyond national jurisdiction. Apart from dealing with issues of conservation and protection of the ocean and its natural resources, international sea law must also devise regulatory rules for commercial activities undertaken in international waters such as deep seabed mining and marine genetic bioprospecting. In order to secure consensus among the international community of States, the formulated rules must divide natural resources fairly and equitably among all nations. A further problem for drafters of modern international sea law is the potential for conflict between ocean stakeholders in comparison to earlier times. The lure of lucrative patents and intellectual property rights based upon discovered organisms in the depths of the oceans have the potential to create tension between different stakeholders. In respect to UCH, there is a potential conflict of interests between the activity of in situ management of UCH located around seamounts and ocean vents, and pharmaceutical companies undertaking genetic bioprospecting. 7 Curry 2006:1535; Johnson 2000:21-22; Galili & Rosen 2010:306. Morell 1992:10; 23. For example, Morell (1992:10) points out that despite the need to meet the challenges presented by the increasing number of nations utilising existing ocean rights and the increasing uses and users of the ocean, international rivalries and long standing diplomatic practices have been detrimental to progressive ocean policy development. Rothwell and Stephens (2010:1) refer to a number of emerging challenges such as climate change, regional management of strategic ocean spaces such as the South China Sea and bioprospecting to find new pharmaceutical products. Also, Rothwell and Stephens (2010:26) in discussing matters arising from climate change suggest that it may be necessary for nations to be prepared to renegotiate on existing treaties and be willing to negotiate new treaties to reflect the change in the environment. 9 Since 1884 more than 60 treaties have been enacted to cover a vast range of ocean governance issues ranging from navigation, sailors’ working conditions, and the slave trade, to more recent agreements pertaining to environmental protection and the protection of underwater cultural heritage (Elia 2000:43). Smith and Couper ((2003):25) identify three categories of ocean uses: (i) transport and communications including military and naval activities; (ii) fishing and resource uses; and (iii) leisure, marine research and education, and conservation. 8 �Today, the use of the sea continues to increase and a growing number of stakeholders are competing within the marine environment. Also, with the increased use of the sea, so the levels of pollution have increased along with waste disposal and exploitation of natural resources including minerals and living organisms. Therefore, it is important to understand not only the legal mechanisms and philosophical principles that the drafters of international sea law are utilising, but also the origins of specific regulatory tools adopted within UNCLOS III and the 2001 UNCPUCH. As international law is required to respond to diverse interests in the ocean as well as promote a more equitable distribution of natural resources, it is suggested that the writings of the jurist and philosopher, Huigh de Groot Hugo (Hugo Grotius) (1583-1648) are still relevant today. An Equitable International Legal Framework Hugo Grotius believed that ocean governance should be incorporated under an equitable international framework of natural law underpinned by ‘mutual consent’ in decision making by States (State cooperation) based upon the ideal of ‘equality’ between all States10. It is suggested that a move away from the Grotian tradition towards that of a closed sea regime or national enclosure, in which States legally own vast tracks of the ocean and seabed, has the potential to increase conflicts and discourage State cooperation11. Grotius’ doctrine of ‘freedom of the sea’ was not designed for the management of exhaustible natural resources such as living marine organisms and non-living resources including mineral deposits on the deep seafloor. Also, Grotius’ doctrine has the potential to create a finder’s keepers 10 th Hugo Grotius lived through the religious and economic upheavals of Europe during the 17 century and witnessed first-hand the horrors that the power-imbalances between empires and principalities caused both in terms of destruction of property and loss of life. Hence, Grotius was aware of the need to create a new world order no longer based on power-imbalances which existed during the medieval and feudal periods. In respect to ‘consent’, Grotius (1625: para.16) writes: ‘for the very nature of man, which even if we had no lack of anything would lead us into the mutual relations of society, is the mother of the law of nature. But the mother of municipal law is that obligation which arises from mutual consent; and since this obligation derives its force from the law of nature, nature may be considered, so to say, the greatgrandmother of municipal law’. Grotius (1609: para17) continues: ‘but just as the laws of each state have in view the advantage of that state, so by mutual consent it has become possible that certain laws should originate as between all states, or a great many states; and it is apparent that the laws thus originating had in view the advantage, not of particular states, but of the great society of states. And this is what is called the law of nations, whenever, we distinguish that term from the law of nature’. 11 The 1982 UNCLOS III in its creation of the 200 mile Exclusive Economic Zone is a move towards a closed sea policy (inconsistent with the Grotian heritage). However, Article 87 of UNCLOS III retains customary freedoms of the high seas such as trade and navigation and other high seas freedoms. The Convention is an intricate balance between coastal state sovereignty and sovereignty rights and high sea freedoms such as navigation. Zacher & McConnell (1990) provide an overview of the three major guiding principles underlying ocean law from the 17th century to the late 20th century: (i) freedom of the seas; (ii) national enclosure (zones of economic jurisdiction, or ‘national lakes’); and (iii) common heritage of mankind. Zacher & McConnell (1990:78) suggest that the Grotian principles of freedom of navigation predominated over national enclosure from the 17th to the early 20th century. Despite the rise of national enclosure philosophy and its incorporation into UNCLOS III there remains issues of inequalities with the doctrine (Zacher and McConnell 1990:91,95 & 97). �mentality in respect to UCH. However, provided that a narrow interpretation is given to the doctrine of ‘freedom of the seas’, including defining the doctrine’s parameters to the twin purposes of navigation and trade, the argument for an ‘open sea’ is persuasive. Apart from Grotius’ advocacy for freedom of navigation on the high seas, he was committed to the idea of the interdependence of States concerning trade and security matters together with territorial sovereignty and the legal equality of States12 - all of these concepts remain relevant today in the 21st century. The advantage of having an equitable international legal framework based upon ideals of justice, legal equality, and consensus in decision making between all States, is that it assists to counter State sovereignty and potential power imbalances. That is, an equitable international legal framework assists to prevent the development of an isolationist approach towards ocean governance, and furthermore, it affords a means to hold in check rogue States which may challenge formal international agreements by arguing legal loopholes13. Hugo Grotius is credited with being the founder of the ‘science’ of international law14. The ‘Grotian tradition’ refers to Hugo Grotius’ idea of a ‘society of States’15. He envisioned a ‘society of States’ bound by law and existing on an equal footing to how humans existed under the law of nature16. His starting point was with the Law of Nature (or the dictate of right reason). Within the framework of natural law, Grotius devised principles such as legal equality, territorial sovereignty, and the doctrine of interdependence of States17 which are all current key components of contemporary international law. Grotius highlights the political and economic power imbalances of the period and blames the exploitation of politically weak nations by powerful rulers of hegemonic empires as contributing to religious and civil unrest of the period. Grotius argues, that in nature there are no power imbalances, and hence, the exploitative practice of Spain and Portugal in monopolising trade in the ‘New World’ by restricting navigational rights was against the law of nature. Freedom of the Seas Why did Grotius desire to promote the freedom of the sea? The answer lies in the historical events of the preceding century. In 1492 Christopher Columbus discovered the Americas on behalf of Spain. This led to claims and counterclaims over colonies which ultimately fuelled conflict between the two leading 12 See generally Grotius’ writings on ‘The Freedom of the Seas’ and ‘Law of War and Peace’. See also Hershey 1912:32. 13 For example, as technology advances and treaties become dated there is the potential for legal loopholes to arise from technical interpretations of definitional clauses contained within treaties. For example, is marine genetic bioprospecting the same has marine research? The UNCLOS III failed to consider the issue of marine genetic bioprospecting, however, it does provide a regulatory system for marine research (Warner 2008:412). 14 Hershey 1912:30. 15 Christov 2005:564. 16 Christove 2005:564 states: ‘it is in Grotius’ commitment to the idea of a society of states that lies the distinguishing mark of what has been duly termed the “Grotian tradition”’. See also Grotius (1609: Preface, pp.1-2) ‘[God] had not separated human beings, as He had the rest of living things, into different species and various divisions, but had willed them to be one race and to be known by one name….He had drawn up certain laws….these law were binding on great and small alike…..’ 17 Hershey 1912:32. �maritime powers of the day, Spain and Portugal. These two nations approached Pope Alexander VI to make a ruling on ownership of discovered territories. In 1493 Pope Alexander drew a demarcation line to define the sphere of Spanish and Portuguese possessions in the New World - the line was 483 km west of Azores and Cape Verde Islands. The decision was enacted in the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas18. As Fulton (1911:5) notes, ‘it was those preposterous pretensions to the dominion of the immense waters of the globe that caused the great juridical controversies regarding mare clausum and mare liberum, from which modern international law took its rise’. These juridical debates are known as the ‘battle of the books’19. Mare Liberum’s purpose is to secure free trade between States and to counter arguments of a ‘closed sea’ in terms of trade and navigation. However, due to social and political conditions, including the rise of colonial empires, a wider interpretation has often been applied to Grotius’ concept of ‘freedom of the sea’. This doctrine is not a general theory of ‘freedom of the seas’, but one confined to freedom of navigation and trade. The doctrine emerged as a response to the Church of Rome’s partitioning of the oceans between Spain and Portugal. Therefore, it would be a fallacy to view the doctrine as promoting a ‘free for all approach’ to ocean governance. If the doctrine of Mare Liberum is read in conjunction with Grotius’ commitment for an international ‘community of States’, in which all states are bound by the law of nations, as opposed to hegemonic rule, then the twin principles of trade and navigation emerge. For Grotius, the ocean is viewed as representing a highway between independent sovereign States and any efforts to restrict access to the ‘highway’, such as the attempt by Pope Alexander in 1492 to divide the world between Spain and Portugal, was an affront to natural law20. Grotius, in his argument against enclosure of the world’s ocean, draws a distinction between the regime of the ‘open sea’ and the sea under national jurisdiction. Clearly, the doctrine is not advocating open ended freedom of the seas which could be perceived today as being counterproductive to ocean governance, especially in respect to fisheries and enforcing the protection of UCH. In order to establish the principle of freedom of trade, Grotius recognises a principle which he relates to Roman law, that the sea is for use by all. Grotius argues that neither the sea itself, nor the right of navigation, can become the exclusive possession of a State. Grotius (1609:7) declares, ‘every nation is free to travel to every other nation, and to trade with it’. That is, by the law of nature, the sea is res communis, meaning the common property of all and not subject to unilateral appropriation. In putting forward an open sea policy in respect to commerce, Grotius is advocating the contemporary idea of 18 The Treaty of Tordesillas increased Portugal’s rights in the area which is now modern Brazil. However, opposition soon arose from other states. For example, Sir William Cecil (later Lord Burleigh) the Elizabethan statesman, told the Spanish Ambassador to England in 1562 that 'the Pope had no right to partition the world and to give and take kingdoms to whomsoever he pleased' (Williams, 1970:72). For a detailed historical account see Morell 1992:186-188; Steinberg 1999:255; Williams, 1970:72; Zacher & McConnell 1990:76-77). 19 Rothwell 2010: 3; see generally Vieira (2003) for an outline of the literary exchanges pertaining to sea policy of the period. 20 Grotius (1609: VI, 46) states: ‘it is a fact universally recognised that the Pope has no authority to commit acts repugnant to the law of nature. But it is repugnant to the law of nature, as we have already proved beyond a doubt, for anyone to have as his own private property either the sea or its use’. �State equality. Furthermore, in his remarks pertaining to nations having a right to freely trade with one another, there is evidence of the contemporary idea of interdependence of nations21. Of particular interest is Grotius’ sanctioning of the practice of nations forming binding agreements in order to protect or secure jurisdiction22. Furthermore, his writings sanction a number of international dispute resolution methods which are still used today including court judgments, damages and discussions (negotiations)23. State Cooperation Under UNCLOS III and the UNCPUCH, States are obliged to ‘cooperate’. The mechanism of State cooperation, contained in Article 2 of the UNCPUCH and the UNCPUCH’s foundational norm itself, can be traced to Article 303(1) of UNCLOS. Arguably, Article 303(1) can trace its origins to the ideas promoted by Grotius some four centuries earlier with his advocacy of consensus in decision making between nations and the concept of ‘territorial sovereignty’. If States are deemed to be equal under the law, plus possess territorial sovereignty, then, the only way to legally change the status quo is through ‘consensus’ in decision making (i.e. State cooperation). Although contemporary international law expressly advocates the legal mechanism of ‘State cooperation’ (the obligation to cooperate) together with the principle of ‘equality’ between States in respect to the ‘resources’ of the ‘Area’, there is also, under the UNCLOS III, a move towards a partitioned or closed sea. The UNCLOS III grants increased sovereignty rights to coastal States through the creation of the 200 nautical mile EEZ whilst allowing coastal States sovereign rights over their continental shelf, however, the UNCLOS III has also maintained the traditional Grotian freedoms of the high seas. In addition, the UNCLOS III has provided for a more equitable distribution of wealth resulting from seabed exploration in the ‘Area’. The advantage of an open sea policy based upon natural law principles of equality between nations and consensus in decision making between all States, as opposed to a closed sea policy, is that it promotes State ‘cooperation’ separate to the existence of any ‘positive’ law stipulating the obligation to ‘cooperate’. Conclusion In conclusion, the conservation of UCH requires not only an understanding of the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal environment needs to be ascertained. The legal environment includes formal 21 ‘there is no State so powerful that it may not some time need the help of others outside itself, either for purpose of trade, or even to ward off the forces of many foreign nations united against it’ (Grotius:1625: 22). A modern example of an international declaration illustrating the idea of the inter-dependence of States is the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. The preamble declares: ‘based on equity, sovereign equality, inter-dependence, common interest and cooperation among all States’……It is important to note that one of the aims of UNCLOS is the implementation of the New Economic Order. 22 Grotius 1609: V, 35. Grotius is referring to agreements between States in respect to piracy, however, this reference indicates an early awareness of using bilateral and multilateral agreements for the purpose of protection and extending sovereign rights beyond national waters. Importantly, Grotius goes on to state that any such agreement does not make the delimited area of the sea the private property of anyone. 23 Grotius 1609: XIII, 75. �treaties, customary international law and the underlying philosophies of ocean governance. As previously discussed, the natural law concepts, such as equity, consensus and equality, are still relevant foundation norms for rules governing a contemporary international society of States. The UNCLOS III is a balance of the Grotian tradition of freedom of the high seas with that of increasing coastal state sovereignty and sovereign rights. Basically, coastal States are given increasing rights as the distance from the shore decreases, and conversely, flag States are given increasing freedoms as the distance from the shore increases24. However, the problem is that the use of the ocean is not static, but instead, it continues to evolve. Therefore, the challenge for international sea law is to balance the increasing and diverse interests within the marine environment whilst maintaining the traditional freedom of the sea. Since Grotius’ times, nations are more reliant upon one another in matters of ocean management. Undoubtedly, the 21st century will be a time when underwater discoveries will proliferate as advances in marine technology allow for greater exploration of the outer Continental Shelf and the ‘Area’ itself. The growth in marine technology, combined with an increasing need for nations to source natural resources, such as minerals and genetic organisms from the marine environment, will see increased marine scientific research, ocean floor mapping and exploration on the deep seabed. There is an increased potential for conflict in ocean governance given the diverse and conflicting interests within the marine environment. In particular, there is the potential for conflict between in situ preservation of wrecks and marine genetic bioprospecting25. In the past, the management of underwater sites had only to contend with traditional threats such as looting, salvage and pollution. However, an emerging threat is marine genetic bioprospecting with its potential to generate patents and intellectual property rights for pharmaceutical companies. When the UNCLOS III was drafted during the 1970s, a lot of the marine technology required for deep sea exploration and exploitation was not available. Furthermore, there was little awareness that the oceans held a wealth of genetic biodiversity. Hence, during the negotiations of UNCLOS III, no consideration was given to the activity of marine genetic bio-prospecting on seamounts, cold seeps, thermal vents and ocean ridges. However, given the potential for shipwrecks to be located in deep ocean trenches or around seamounts which sustain diverse genetic organisms, the potential for tension and conflict between these opposing maritime activities is likely to occur in the future. It is important to note, that under the UNCLOS III, there is an obligation to carry out marine research in the ‘Area’ in a manner which is not a threat to the overall marine environment. However, genetic bioprospecting is technically not marine research, and 24 Koschtial 2008:69; UNCLOS III, Article 8(1) Internal Waters; Article 33 Contiguous Zone; Article 56 Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ); Article 77 (1) Continental Shelf; Article 87 High Seas; Article 136 The Area. 25 Warner (2008:16) indicates that marine bioprospecting to find new patentable pharmaceutical products is already underway (unlike seabed mining (exploitation) in the ‘Area’ which is yet to commence). Furthermore, Warner (2008: 16) states that ‘bioprospecting has already eclipsed commercial interest in deep seabed minerals’. Leary (2007:229), whilst speaking in respect to the need to protect the genetic resources of the deep sea associated with hydrothermal vents, acknowledges the conflicting interests and diverse stakeholders in the ocean: Leary (2007: 16) states: ‘any future legal regime will need to accommodate multiple and at times conflicting uses and interests’. �therefore, may not be regulated by the UNCLOS III under its provisions for marine scientific research. Therefore, in order to ensure the continued protection of UCH and to prevent legal loopholes arising from technical interpretations of international agreements, an effective mechanism will be one of ‘State cooperation’ and the continuing adherence to an equitable international legal framework. 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Kaasinen, J., Klemela, U.E., Hietala, R. & Nappu, N., 2011 ‘The Maritime Law of Rome’ in Juridical Review, Vol. Lobingier, C.S., 1935 XLVII, No. 1, pp. 1-32. ‘A New Regime for the Conservation and Sustainable Use Louise, Fayette de La., of Marine Biodiversity and Genetic Resources Beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction’, in The International Journal 2009 of Marine and Coastal Law, Vol. 24, pp. 221-280. Stars Beneath the Sea. The Extraordinary Lives of the Norton, T., Pioneers of Diving, Arrow, London. 2000 ‘The Sea and Archaeology’, in Historical Research, McGrail, S., Vol.76, No.191, p1. 2003 The Law of the Sea: The 1982 Treaty and Its Rejection by Morell, J. B., the United States. McFarland, Jefferson. 1992 ‘Protecting Marine Biodiversity on the Continental Shelf Mossop, J., Beyond 200 Nautical Miles’, in Ocean Development and (2007) International Law Vol. 38, No.3, pp. 283-304. ‘Introductory Statement’, In the International Law and the Pinto, M.C. W., Grotian Heritage. 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The International Law of the Sea, Hart Publishing, Oxford. ‘Mining, Protection of the Environment, Scientific Research and Bioprospecting: Some Considerations on the Role of the International Seabed Authority’, in The International Journal of Marine & Coastal Law, Vol.19, pp. 383-410. ‘UNCLOS III and the Struggle for Law: The Elusive Customary Law of Seabed Mining’, in Ocean Development and International Law Journal, Vol.13, No.1, pp.33-63. ‘The Management of the Underwater Cultural Heritage’, in Journal of Cultural Heritage, Vol. 4, pp. 25-33. ‘Lines of Division, Lines of Connection: Stewardship in the World Ocean, in Geographical Review, Vol. 89, No. 2, pp.254-264. ‘Reflections on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Genetic Resources in the Deep Seabed Beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction’, in Ocean Development and International Law, Vol. 39, No.2, pp.129-149. History of the Peloponnesian War, transl. R. Warner, 1972 reprint, Penguin Books, London. ‘Mare Liberum vs. Mare Clausum: Grotius, Freitas, and Selden’s Debate on Dominion over the Seas’, in Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 3, pp. 361-377. ‘Protecting the Diversity of the Depths: Environmental Regulation of Bioprospecting and Marine Scientific Research Beyond National Jurisdiction’, in Ocean Yearbook, Vol. 22, pp. 411-443. From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean, Andre Deutsch Limited, London. ‘Down to the Sea with Stakes: The Evolving Law of the Sea and the Future of the Deep Seabed Regime, in Ocean Development and International Law’, Vol. 21, pp. 71-103. Was Hugo Grotius Really in Favour of the Freedom of the Seas?, in Journal of the History of International Law, Vol. 1, pp. 48-60. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Equitable International Legal Framework: The Grotian Heritage Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas Description An account of the resource The conservation of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) requires not only an understanding of the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal environment needs to be considered. For example, what is the legal position with regard to claims on submerged wrecks and what are the guiding philosophical principles underpinning modern international sea law and UCH law? The doctrine of ‘freedom of the seas’, encompassing the natural law principles of consensus, equality, equity, reason and fairness, was advocated by the Dutch jurist, Hugo Grotius, at the beginning of the 17th century. During this period, Europe was plagued by war and religious schisms as well as economic division arising from the rivalry between dominant maritime powers for the right to establish exclusive overseas trading empires in East Asia and the Americas. The volatile economic and political environments, along with the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire hegemony, created the need for rules of conduct between a large international community. The scholarly debates of the 17th century, often referred to as the ‘battle of the books’, provided a wealth of jurisprudence on international law, including settling ocean governance in favour of an ‘open sea’ policy as opposed to a ‘closed sea’ policy in respect to trade and navigation. Grotius’ writings on ‘consensus’ and the ‘social interdependence’ of nations are relevant in the 21st century as his writings expound the modern idea of State ‘cooperation’ whilst advocating navigational freedom. In promoting cooperation among States, the Grotian doctrine represents an effective means to combat transnational crime and commercial exploitation of underwater cultural resources. This paper concludes that the writings of Grotius on ‘consensus’ in decision making and interdependence of States are of increasing relevance, given that the global community is entering a period when questions are being raised over the role of international law concerning the conservation of UCH and the philosophical frameworks which shape ocean governance polices. The soul of the past is in deep water Phillipe Diole. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kim Browne Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 11 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fdb0a720f37183e3f34b0a7a9cd5acc1.pdf d91ca93cfb06e2f35f5605d2f3f18de9 PDF Text Text Potential for Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Northern Mariana Islands Jennifer F. McKinnon and Jason T. Raupp Abstract Spanish cultural heritage continues to play a role in social, cultural and political developments in Micronesia and can contribute to a broader understanding of Indigenous and Spanish histories in the Pacific. Thus, Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately identified and incorporated into a cultural heritage management and research framework in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). Unfortunately, this is not the case and Spanish cultural heritage is long overdue for serious investigation and research in the CNMI. This paper is the result of a preliminary project conducted in 2009 into the potential for research on Spanish cultural heritage in the CNMI. This project aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature, primary and secondary historical sources located in library, archive and museum holdings and conversations with heritage practitioners. The methodology used during this survey included a thematic assessment framework whereby the known and potential Spanish cultural heritage was categorised into research themes. It is hoped that this approach will contribute to evaluating the significance of Spanish cultural heritage for research and management purposes in the CNMI. Introduction This year marks the 490th anniversary of the first recorded landing of the Spanish in the Mariana Islands. This occurred when Ferdinand Magellan became the first European to visit the islands on 6 March 1521 and named the archipelago Islas de los Ladrones (Islands of the Thieves) due to a misunderstanding in trade practices (Russell 1998). Over a century later in 1667 Spain officially claimed the island chain and named it Las Marianas in honour of Queen Mariana of Austria (Coomans 2000). Spanish occupation of the islands began in 1668, a point at which the lives of both the colonizing Spaniards and the Indigenous Chamorro peoples who had inhabited the islands for thousands of years were forever altered (Hezel 2000). The Marianas served as a strategic provisioning location for Spanish trading ships voyaging between Manila and Acapulco for 250 years and were vital to the success of Spain’s commerce system (Cushner 1971). The islands remained a Spanish colony until 1898 when Guam was taken by the United States (U.S.) in the Spanish-American War and the Northern Mariana Islands were transferred to Germany (Carrell 2009). For over two hundred years (1668-1898) Spanish colonists interacted with the Chamorro peoples and constructed forts, ports, towns and missions in the Mariana Islands. As a result, these islands demonstrate a rich and diverse Spanish cultural heritage. Spanish cultural heritage places in the Marianas represent some of the most culturally and archaeologically significant European heritage places in Micronesia. However today, these sites are poorly understood from an archaeological perspective and very little is known about where they were located or specifically what may be preserved in the archaeological record. �To date, no comprehensive archaeological survey of Spanish cultural heritage sites in the Northern Mariana Islands has been conducted. Nevertheless, a small network of historians has researched the history of Spanish heritage in the archipelago over the last thirty years. The Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) on Guam has translated an astonishing amount of primary documents and produced secondary histories on individuals and events from the Spanish period (Brunal-Perry, et al. 2009; Driver 1987; Driver 1990; Driver 1993a; Driver 1993b; Driver 1994). In addition, Francis Hezel’s (2000) publication From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690 to 1740 reviews primary source documents related to this period and has introduced this subject to a larger audience and confirmed the need for more research. The research of both Marjorie Driver and Hezel, among others, has provided the basis for historical investigations into the Spanish period in the Mariana Islands. While this time period has been the interest of historians, the archaeology of these events and interactions has yet to be explored. In other areas of the world such as the south-eastern United States (Florida, Georgia, Texas, Louisiana), the southwest and west coast of the United States (New Mexico, Arizona, California) and \ Latin America, the archaeology of Spanish cultural heritage is well-developed. The Pacific region, with the exception of the Philippines (Skowronek 2009), has some distance to go in terms of catching up with current scholarship on this subject and remains open for long-term investigations and research (see Orillenada and Ronquillo this volume). The recognition of Spanish heritage in Micronesia continues to play a role in socio-political developments in the Marianas. Much like in Latin America, there are descendant communities who are interested in the circumstances of their historical roots. They want to understand how their ancestors resisted, embraced, negotiated, transformed and were transformed through the processes of colonisation and to what extent their families and communities are still involved in this process. Therefore, it would be expected that Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately recognized in the cultural heritage management and research framework of the Northern Mariana Islands. Serious academic research on this topic is long overdue. A preliminary investigation was conducted in 2009 into the potential for identifying Spanish cultural heritage in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). These investigations aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage that has been recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature (i.e. reports, site files), as well as primary and secondary historical sources located in library and museum holdings. This paper presents a summary of those findings and should be used simply as a guide for potential Spanish colonial research in the CNMI. �Conceptual and Methodological Approach This project consisted primarily of an intensive literature review to identify and compile pertinent information into a searchable database that can be queried to develop heritage type profiles by which a thematic research framework could be created. The heritage type profiling is aimed at examining the full range of Spanish cultural heritage on the islands of Saipan, Tinian and Rota. Spanish cultural heritage ranges in size, location and features, and includes the richness and diversity of cultural materials from both European and Indigenous cultures. It may include tangible heritage such as landscapes, structures, burials, shipwrecks or ceramics, or intangible heritage such as place names, oral traditions or customs. Thematic frameworks have proven to be successful in the assessment of cultural heritage values and the subsequent application of research and conservation strategies (ICOMOS 2005; Smith and Jones 2007). Thematic frameworks outline major themes and concepts that help identify, describe and analyse the multiple layers of human culture and interaction. The thematic research framework for this project was formulated on the basis of heritage type identification. The benefit of this framework is threefold: • It can be used by future researchers to capture the complexity and meaning of human interaction and experience during culture contact events; • It can be used by the CNMI Historic Preservation Office (HPO) or other regulatory agencies to evaluate the significance of such cultural heritage and to make efficient and effective decisions regarding its management and conservation; and • It can be used by the island community to better understand this interesting and complex history and the unique interaction that occurs when two cultures made contact in the first instance. Data Collection Strategy The Mariana archipelago is located east of the Philippines, north of New Guinea, and south-southeast of Japan (see McKinnon this volume). From north to south the CNMI includes the islands of Farallon de Pajaros, Maug, Asuncion, Agrihan, Pagan, Alamagan, Guguan, Sarigan, Anatahan, Farallon de Medinilla, Saipan, Tinian, Aguijan, and Rota (Figure 1). Guam is part of the Mariana Islands but not part of the CNMI as it is an unincorporated territory of the United States. Thus, this study area only includes data concerning the islands in CNMI which from this point forward will be referred to as the Northern Mariana Islands. �Figure 1. The Mariana Islands (Perry-Castañeda Library). The data collection strategy was designed on a basic principle of identifying and documenting known and previously unknown Spanish cultural heritage in the Northern Mariana Islands. The information recovered during this data capture project included information about heritage locations, heritage descriptions, excavation reports, photographs, archival material, and oral �histories. This data was collected through visits to the HPO on Saipan and Rota. HPO is the agency charged with managing and protecting cultural heritage in the Northern Mariana Islands. As a result, they maintain the archaeological site files and reports from all archaeological surveys that have been conducted in the islands. At present these site files are not digitized and only paper copies are available for review. Five days were spent in the site files of Saipan and one day was spent in the site files of Rota. During these visits, a database query was conducted by searching for keywords such as “Spanish” for sites that were related to Spanish heritage. Identified file numbers were then investigated further for content. Locations, descriptions, dates, artefact descriptions, and additional information were recorded into a project database. In addition to the site files, all archaeological reports on file were reviewed for Spanish colonial heritage sites. The main methodology was to review the table of contents for relevant key words and to review the appendices or final chapters for discussions of Spanish heritage. Pertinent information was extracted and added to the project database. In addition to the HPO visits, project personnel visited local museums, including the Northern Mariana Islands Museum of Culture and History on Saipan and the Cave Museum on Rota, to note and photograph relevant Spanish heritage material and speak with curators about their collections and provenance. Local historians and consulting archaeologists also were contacted for discussions concerning their knowledge of sites and the potential for investigating Spanish colonial period sites on the islands. Finally, some site visits were made to specific Spanish colonial sites to investigate research potential. One limitation worth noting relates to the HPO site files. In the 1980s a fire destroyed many of the archaeological site files and reports stored at the Saipan HPO. While the HPO made attempts to retrieve copies of those reports from consultants and other offices, not all could be recovered. Thus, some files and reports prior to the 1980s were unavailable for review during this project. Database development of heritage type profiles A database was created using Microsoft Excel which consisted of multiple categories of data including: heritage type, name, location, time period, features, description, sources, dates investigated and comments. In addition, an Endnote database of bibliographic data was created in order to cross-reference data with sources. Once the databases were complete, heritage types were assigned and then organised into a thematic research framework which can be assessed for potential research areas and management considerations. Results Seventy heritage “sites” (including tangible and intangible heritage) were identified during this project. Of those 70, 25 were located on the island of Tinian, 21 on Rota, 14 on Saipan, four on Agrihan, four on Pagan, and two were located in the general vicinity of the Mariana Islands. It is unlikely that these numbers reflect the amount and type of activities that occurred in relation to the Spanish �colonial period but may be a better reflection of the amount of archaeological survey conducted on each island. The heritage ranged in nature from intangible heritage, such as the introduction of non-native foods and oral histories, to the tangible physical remains of Indigenous and Spanish activities. Table 1 includes a list of the heritage types recorded. Table 1. Heritage types. Indigenous site/ Latte site Shipwreck Mission Cemetery Government Building Church Leprosarium Ranchero Anchorage/Harbour/Port Village/Settlement Rock art Burial Artefact/ artefact scatters Oral story or tradition Landing Bridge/Road/Trail/Wall/Navigational direction Disease Food/Subsistence Temple Salt production Garrison Encampment/house Shipwreck survivor camp Convento Chapel Rectory Seminary House Barrack Well Hunting area Warehouse From these heritage types a thematic research framework was developed and several thematic research areas were identified in an effort to understand the activities and processes associated with this tangible and intangible heritage. The development of a thematic research framework should be grounded in existing areas of scholarship in the field of Spanish colonial research from other �parts of the world, but also account for an understanding of local and regional issues. For that reason, two recent publications were considered crucial to the development of a research framework in the Northern Mariana Islands: Russell Skowronek’s (2009) On the Fringes of New Spain: The Northern Borderlands and the Pacific and Mary Van Buren’s (2010) The Archaeological Study of Spanish Colonialism in the Americas. These two articles offer current reviews of both the general and more specific (Pacific) Spanish colonial research that has been conducted by archaeologists in the last half-century. Thus they provide a starting point for identifying key thematic research areas in the Northern Mariana Islands. While the thematic areas identified in this project are inclusive of many activities and their resulting material culture, they are not exclusive and some heritage and genres of studies may fit within and overlap multiple areas. Further, these themes can be edited, expanded upon or further subdivided as necessary in the future. Below is a discussion of just five of the thematic research areas identified in this project. Theme 1: Culture Change and Identity The concepts acculturation, creolization, transculturation, and ethnogenesis have been used by archaeologists to explore and understand the process of culture change and identity in relation to colonisation from the culture and community scale to specific individuals (see Van Buren 2010 for a discussion of this subject). These same processes occurred in the Mariana Islands from the point of first contact, through the process of occupation and colonial construction, Indigenous resistance and warfare, missionization, Indigenous negotiation, changes in demographics, colonial collapse and post-colonial deconstruction. Two foci of research that may be useful in the Mariana Islands with regard to culture change and identity would be the investigation of spatial organisation and material culture. The landscape and seascape itself and the built environment of the precontact, colonial and post-colonial periods and the maintenance and changes that were made are ripe for investigation; specifically, the movement to different islands, centralization, and resistance of Indigenous Chamorro peoples, the introduction of Filipino and Carolinian groups, and the Spanish private, commercial and government construction and control of the area (Figure 2). �Figure 2. The Spanish government building located on Rota (J. McKinnon). For example, through the process of colonisation and missionization, restrictions were imposed on Chamorro people which eventually resulted in a loss of knowledge about the construction and use of ocean-going canoes, a tradition that had been around for thousands of years (Russell 2009:85). These restrictions particularly affected the cultural tradition and potential heritage and knowledge of watercraft construction within the Chamorro culture – an effect that is felt to this day with regards to the maintenance of a maritime identity. This example also demonstrates the wider view that needs to be taken in relation to control, in that it does not stop at the water’s edge or with the building of structures, fences or walls; instead it extends onto the vast expanses of the water surrounding these islands. Thus, control over water transport and marine resources must be considered within the setting of Pacific island groups if archaeologists are to understand the whole picture. Material culture with regards to culture change and identity is in immediate need of research. The location and function of the Mariana Islands as a provisioning station and a strategic holding raises some interesting questions concerning the availability of goods and the need for self-reliance. The combination of multiple culture groups in the form of Spanish, Chamorro, Carolinian, Filipino and visitors in the form of whalers, beche-de-mer fishers, scientific expeditions and traders creates an interesting case study for material culture and exchange. In the Marianas, there exists obvious evidence of a synthesis of Indigenous and Spanish ceramics in the form of colonoware, the reuse of Spanish shipwreck materials by Indigenous peoples such as clavos (decorative nails) for coconut oil lamps, and the decorative use of specie �collected from shipwrecks by the Chamorro peoples (Figure 3). Unfortunately, as of yet, no attention has been given to these types of material culture studies or studies of spatial organisation with relation to culture change and identity on the Northern Marianas. Figure 3. Clavos (decorative nail heads) from the Santa Margarita wreck in collections at the Cave Museum on Rota. Local Chamorros salvaged clavos and used them as coconut oil lamps (J. McKinnon). Theme 2: Missionization An area of research that dominates Spanish colonial archaeology is the process of missionization. No archaeological research has been conducted to date on missions in the Northern Mariana Islands; thus baseline data needs to be acquired including site locations and assessment of preservation. Beyond this, addressing larger questions, the Marianas missions are an excellent opportunity for comparative research within the islands and with other areas of the world such as Florida, whose mission system was ongoing at the same time (McEwan 1993). Within the Marianas were missions operated by Jesuit Orders; some of which were “successful” from the standpoint of Spanish administration (i.e. Rota mission), while others were resisted violently (i.e. Saipan) (Hezel 2000). While most of the missionaries on Guam where Spanish, other missionaries sent to the hinterlands were not Spanish but Bohemian, Dutch and Austrian, among others (Hezel 2000:25). Did the difference in cultural background have any effect on the missions’ successes or failures? Questions surrounding these issues could be �addressed through investigating mission architecture and layout, burial practices, economic strategies that paralleled the mission process such as food production, and the indigenization of missionaries through ethnohistorical accounts and material culture studies at missions. Theme 3: Changing Nature of Economic Activities While much archaeological research with regards to Indigenous political and social economies has been conducted in the Marianas, little of that has focussed on the colonial or post-colonial periods. Chamorro peoples no doubt had a system of political and social organisation that was altered upon Spanish colonial occupation. Through disease and resettlement, the two-caste matrilineal system was disrupted (Carrell 2009). Further the repopulation of the islands with neighbouring Indigenous island groups (Carolinians) who were allowed to maintain a “maritime” lifestyle (i.e. continued tradition of boatbuilding and seafaring) would have also altered these economies. Additionally, the material remains of imported and assimilated non-native foods including livestock (i.e. cattle, pigs, deer) and other food products such as corn, as well as the coerced labour required to maintain the production of these resources, is an area of immediate interest with regards to changes in diet, production and export (Figure 4). Alongside Indigenous economies, questions concerning production of goods for Spanish economies, specifically supplies for the Manila galleon trade, would be particularly interesting, as would the political structure of the Marianas and comparisons between urban cores (i.e. Guam) and rural outposts (i.e. Saipan, Rota, Tinian), and at a larger scale between the Philippines, Mexico and the Marianas. Figure 4. Metate used for grinding corn identified by HPO archaeologists on Saipan. Site unknown. (CNMI HPO). Theme 4: Maritime Sphere Having a maritime archaeological interest, a research area that cannot be overlooked is that of the maritime sphere. The very fact that travel to, from and �within the Mariana Islands necessitates watercraft, indicates that the material culture available relating to maritime activities is ever-present. Though the potential for investigating Manila galleon wrecks has been overshadowed by commercial treasure hunting enterprises, all is not lost with regards to research in this area (see Junco this volume). Shipwrecks of Spanish and other colonial nations have yet to be located and salvaged by treasure hunters; thus information concerning economy, illicit trade and contraband, intra-island transport, and colonial ship construction is available. The study of ports, harbours, maritime infrastructure, and trade routes can provide a vast amount of information about contemporary knowledge of seafaring, actions and reactions to environment, and defence. Further, understanding the distinctive situation created by Spanish authorization of Carolinian movement and the restriction of Chamorro in intra-island trade, communication and commerce would provide a unique area of research. The maintenance of a maritime identity for the Chamorro peoples is a contemporary concern of living populations on the islands today and an area where archaeology might play a key role in teasing out that process. Theme 5: Indigenous Histories Two areas of research that significantly overlap and contribute to Spanish colonial archaeology are ethnohistory and ethnoarchaeology. Much of the historical research that has been conducted on this period in the Mariana Islands has included translation of Spanish accounts, journals, and travel diaries. These sources are a wealth of information for archaeologists looking for a more holistic interpretation of the archaeological record. They may allow archaeologists to, “look sideways, so to speak, rather than just up and down, to examine the interaction of people who were not distinguished primarily by differences in power” (Van Buren 2010:179). Further in reaching the Indigenous experience, ethnoarchaeological approaches can fill in the gaps in our knowledge of the past and present, as well as helping us to understand continuity and changes in tradition. Indigenous peoples of the Northern Mariana Islands maintain a strong tradition of oral history and there are many, many stories about the Spanish period that have yet to be recorded and linked with material culture and heritage sites. Conclusion While this paper is only a brief introduction to cultural heritage associated with the Spanish colonial period of the Mariana Islands, it provides evidence that this heritage still very much exists in both tangible and intangible forms. While many colonial occupiers passed through the Mariana archipelago, there still exists today a strong connection with the history of the Spanish colonial period which appears in every aspect of island life from food to religion (i.e. Catholicism). A more intensive and holistic archaeological investigation of this heritage will not only provide protection through identification and recognition of sites, it will provide the community of the Marianas with a fuller understanding of their shared �heritage – a heritage shared not only between Spanish and Chamorro peoples, but of all the culture groups who lived in the islands during this period. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the staff of the CNMI Historic Preservation Offices for your kindness and support in allowing us to access your site files. We would particularly like to thank Ronnie, J.P. and Diego for taking time out of their schedule to assist us with finding the data we needed. We’d also like to thank Antonelli Santos for his assistance with recording the Spanish administration building and the memorable tour of Rota. This project was made possible by funding from Flinders University, Adelaide, South Australia. Bibliography Brunal-Perry, O., Driver, M.G., and L. Carrell, T., 2009 Carrell. T., 2009 Coomans, P., 2000 Cushner, N.P. 1971 Driver, M.G., 1987 Driver, M.G., 1990 Driver, M.G., 1993a Driver, M.G., 1993b Early European Exploration and the Spanish Period in the Marianas 1521-1898. In Maritime History and Archaeology of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, edited by T. Carrell, pp.95-142. Submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation. Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc., Texas. Maritime History and Archaeology of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation. Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc., Texas. History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands, 1667-1673, Translated by Rodrique Lévesque, Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 4. Division of Historic Preservation, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. Spain in the Philippines from Conquest to Revolution, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, Philippines. Navigation Data for the Mariana Islands, Published by the Spanish Hydrographic Office, Madrid 1863, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. Guam Diary of Naturalist Antonio de Pineda, 1792, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. Fray Juan Pobre in the Marianas 1602, Miscellaneous Series, No. 8. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. "Mariana de Austria", in (ed) Emilie.G. Johnson, Father San Vitores: His Life, Times, and Martyrdom, pp. 5–12. Publication Series, No. 6. Micronesian. Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. �Driver, M.G., and Brunal-Perry, O., 1994 Hezel, F. X., 2000 ICOMOS, 2005 McEwan, B., 1993 Skowronek, R.K., 2009 Smith, A. and Jones, K., 2007 Van Buren, M., 2010 Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690 to 1740, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 2, Division of Historic Preservation, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. The World Heritage List: Filling the Gaps – an Action Plan for the Future, ICOMOS, viewed 12 August 2009, <http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity590-1.pdf > The Spanish Missions of La Florida, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. "On the Fringes of New Spain: The Northern Borderlands and the Pacific", in (eds) Terisita Majewski and David Gaimster, International Handbook of Historical Archaeology, pp. 471-505, Springer Press. Cultural Landscapes of the Pacific Islands. ICOMOS Thematic Study, accessed 12 August 2009, <http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity5-2.pdf> “The Archaeological Study of Spanish Colonialism in the Americas”, in Journal of Archaeological Research, 18, pp.151-201. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Potential for Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Northern Mariana Islands Subject The topic of the resource Session 9 Spain and the Asia-Pacific region Description An account of the resource Spanish cultural heritage continues to play a role in social, cultural and political developments in Micronesia and can contribute to a broader understanding of Indigenous and Spanish histories in the Pacific. Thus, Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately identified and incorporated into a cultural heritage management and research framework in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). Unfortunately, this is not the case and Spanish cultural heritage is long overdue for serious investigation and research in the CNMI. This paper is the result of a preliminary project conducted in 2009 into the potential for research on Spanish cultural heritage in the CNMI. This project aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature, primary and secondary historical sources located in library, archive and museum holdings and conversations with heritage practitioners. The methodology used during this survey included a thematic assessment framework whereby the known and potential Spanish cultural heritage was categorised into research themes. It is hoped that this approach will contribute to evaluating the significance of Spanish cultural heritage for research and management purposes in the CNMI. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jennifer F. McKinnon Jason T. Raupp Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1fad8480ebfeee2e905a6e80ae0b91f9.pdf cb06b1c2a4e71c98b5e5e6787f619854 PDF Text Text Inclusion and Negotiation: Interpreting Underwater Battlefield Sites for the Public Jennifer F. McKinnon Abstract The development of a World War Two (WWII) underwater heritage trail focusing on the Battle of Saipan has recently been undertaken in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands on Saipan. This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of the interest of the local Historic Preservation Office’s (HPO) desire to protect and interpret its underwater cultural heritage (UCH). Through a United States of America (U.S.) National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program grant in collaboration with a non-profit organisation and university program this trail was developed during 2009-2010 and launched in 2011. The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting, painful and tragic event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced approach of interpreting battlefield heritage can only be achieved through the identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders and an awareness of what is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the interpretation. Listening to the multiple stakeholders’ views about the significance of such sites and incorporating those views into interpretive and management practices is key to an inclusive and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an awareness and acknowledgment of the social and political context in which one is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners negotiate the process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated so well, “Heritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links between ideology, public policy, national and community identity formation, and celebration, just as much as it is about technical issues relating to restoration and adaptive re-use techniques”. This paper provides an in-depth discussion on the process of developing a battlefield heritage trail. It will explore the theory and practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems and solutions of interpreting and managing a battlefield site. Introduction The remains of the WWII Battle of Saipan, fought between Japanese and U.S. forces in June-July 1944, were recently the focus of a large-scale archaeological project. This project was directed by the non-profit organisation Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc. of Corpus Christi, Texas (Ships of Discovery) and Flinders University of Adelaide, South Australia. Funded through a National Park Service (NPS) American Battlefield Protection Program (ABPP)1, the project goals were three-fold: to refine current knowledge of the Battle of Saipan through the documentation and study of the associated submerged heritage sites, to increase public awareness of their historical significance and to stimulate the local economy through the development of a maritime heritage trail. This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of interest from the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Island (CNMI) HPO desire to protect and interpret its 1 This material is based upon work assisted by a grant from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of the Interior. �UCH, and the local government’s desire to create sustainable, economicallybeneficial heritage tourism products. These objectives were achieved through three archaeological field seasons that occurred in July 2009, February 2010 and June 2010, as well as, ongoing historical research and public consultation with stakeholders throughout the project period. The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting, painful and tragic event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced approach of interpreting battlefield heritage can only be achieved through the identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders and an awareness of what is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the interpretation. Listening to the views of the multiple stakeholders about the significance of such sites and incorporating those into interpretive materials and management practices is key to an inclusive and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an awareness and acknowledgement of the social and political context in which one is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners negotiate the process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated so well, “Heritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links between ideology, public policy, national and community identity formation, and celebration, just as much as it is about technical issues relating to restoration and adaptive re-use techniques.” This paper provides a discussion on the process of developing a battlefield heritage trail in Saipan. It will explore the theory and practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems and solutions of interpreting and managing a battlefield site. Location and background The Mariana archipelago is located east of the Philippines, north of New Guinea, and south-southeast of Japan (Figure 1). Saipan, the capital of the CNMI and the largest and most populated island, was the site of arguably one of the most strategic battles in WWII’s Pacific Theatre. Saipan is 19 kilometres (km) long by 9km wide and is fringed by a barrier reef on its western side which creates a large lagoon. The lagoon is separated into three smaller ones, Garapan, Tanapag and Chalan Kanoa Lagoons, which range in width from 375 metres (m) to 3.5 km and in depth up to 14 m (Amesbury, et al. 1996). The clarity and consistently warm temperatures of the water make SCUBA diving in the lagoons possible year-round. �Figure 1. The Mariana Islands (Perry-Castañeda Map Collection). Several submerged cultural heritage surveys and assessments have been conducted in the waters surrounding Saipan from 1979 to 2008 (Thomas and Price 1980; Miculka and Manibusan 1983; Manibusan and Miculka 1983; Miculka, et al. 1984; Pacific Basin Environmental Consultants 1985; Thompson 1984; Miculka, et al. 1990; Carrell 1991; Lord and Plank 2003; SEARCH, Inc. �2008a; SEARCH, Inc. 2008b; Carrell, et al. 2009). These surveys provided invaluable baseline data for identifying and conducting further research on sites to be included in the heritage trail. Particularly useful were the surveys and publications produced by the NPS (Carrell 1991), Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. (SEARCH, Inc.) (SEARCH, Inc. 2008a; SEARCH 2008b) and Ships of Discovery (Carrell, et al. 2009). In April and May of 2008, remote sensing and diver identification surveys in Saipan were conducted by SEARCH, Inc. The purpose of these investigations was to locate and identify archaeological resources inside and outside Tanapag and Garapan Lagoons. The remote sensing surveys including magnetometry and side scan sonar were broad in nature; however the focus of the historical research and diver identification was on WWII heritage. The surveys were intended to be a baseline inventory for future investigations to build upon and were funded through a historic preservation grant provided to HPO and administered by the NPS. A total of 1,543 anomalies were located, of which 142 were chosen for diver survey. According to the report of investigations, “The majority of identified anomalies represents material culture from WWII and offers a unique opportunity for Saipan to interpret its history through maritime heritage and dive trails” (SEARCH, Inc. 2008b:i). In 2009, a comprehensive overview of the maritime history and archaeology of the CNMI was completed by Ships of Discovery (Carrell 2009). The project was undertaken as part of the CNMI’s on-going efforts to meet its historic preservation and inventory mandates and also was funded through a historic preservation grant administered by the NPS. The maritime context document provided an in-depth discussion of the history of the CNMI from the pre-historic period to the present, and pulled together all of the currently available information on submerged cultural heritage sites in the islands. Together these two projects provided the background information and emphasis for the development of a more intensive archaeological investigation and a public interpretation program for the WWII heritage. In fact, at the same time that SEARCH, Inc. was conducting the remote sensing project in 2008, staff and students from Flinders University were on the island working with the HPO to create a plan for developing a “maritime unit” within their existing program. In an earlier trip to Saipan in 2007, the HPO had voiced concerns about their lack of ability to manage submerged heritage (due to a lack of training in underwater archaeological techniques) and the pressing need to do so due to the amount of tourist divers visiting the WWII sites. They also were interested in developing a maritime heritage trail which would provide two favourable outcomes: developing a presence on the water as the agency charged with managing the resources and developing a heritage tourism product that could promote sustainable use of the already heavily visited sites. Thus the idea was formulated to develop a plan to accomplish a number of objectives that would assist HPO in better managing their submerged heritage. These objectives included: • Training staff in underwater archaeological methods in order to create a team of diving archaeologists �• • Conducting more intensive archaeological research and recording known and heavily visited sites Developing a maritime heritage trail for the purposes of creating sustainable heritage tourism Training staff in underwater archaeological methods The first objective was accomplished in January 2009 when Flinders University and HPO supported archaeological technician John Castro to travel to Australia and participate in the Flinders University Maritime Archaeological Field School in South Australia. Castro’s extensive diving and archaeological background allowed him to participate as a supervisor in the two-week field school where he gained additional underwater archaeology experience. Next, training was held in July 2009 on Saipan for staff from several government agencies, including HPO, Coastal Resources Management (CRM), the NMI Museum of Culture and History, and Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ), as well as few local interested divers. A total of 20 diving and non-diving participants took part in the two day course (Figure 2). Based on the Flinders University’s Underwater Archaeology Methods topic, it included classroom lectures, practical terrestrial exercises, a diving exercise and an intertidal exercise for those not SCUBA certified. The training was a great success and provided the agencies and locals with information about the importance of preserving underwater heritage. Figure 2. 2009 training participants, Saipan, CNMI (J. McKinnon). �In the final stages of the development of the trail, two Heritage Awareness Diving Seminars (HADS) were run on Saipan in April 2011. HADS is a specialty course run through the three largest diver certification agencies in the world, NAUI, PADI and SSI, and is training intended for course directors, instructor trainers, instructors, dive masters, boat captains and dive shop owners. It was developed to provide diving industry professionals with a greater knowledge of how to proactively protect shipwrecks and other submerged cultural heritage sites (Scott-Ireton 2008). The goal of HADS is to increase awareness of the fragility of submerged heritage, teach proper anchoring, mooring and diving behaviour on such sites, as well as demonstrate the need for preservation of such resources for future generations and the economic benefits of heritage diving tourism. A total of 16 participants took part in the HADS training, including dive shop owners, the president of a local dive professional organization, boat captains, dive instructors and dive masters, U.S. Coast Guard staff, and a staff member from the NMI Humanities Council. This training was funded through a National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Pacific Region Grants Cooperative grant awarded to Pacific Marine Resources, Inc. (PMRI), a local non-profit organisation concerned with environmental and historical research and sustainability. This training was seen as a crucial element to the development of the trail and its sustainability. It aimed at educating the end users to protect the sites and educate their students and clients about using the sites appropriately. Conducting more intensive archaeological research and recording known and heavily visited sites In January 2009 Ships of Discovery applied for an ABPP grant for the archaeological and historical investigation of submerged WWII heritage and the collection of data for the development of a proposed maritime heritage trail. The planning for this grant application began in 2007-2008 and included a great deal of local consultation. Public lectures were given to gauge local interest, and meetings were held with several stakeholders including local divers and dive clubs, HPO, CRM, DEQ, NMI Humanities Council, and the Marianas Visitors Authority (MVA). This consultation centred on the needs and wants of the community and government in terms of their heritage and a heritage tourism product. As a result, three agencies (HPO, CRM, and DEQ) pledged their assistance with the project provided funding was secured. Funding was announced for $49,900(U.S.) in August 2009 and the project quickly began. HPO, CRM, and DEQ provided an invaluable amount of in-kind assistance during the project, including staff support both on and off the water, boats and vehicles, equipment and fuel. Their support was instrumental to the success and completion of the project. Archaeological survey The archaeological documentation survey took place within Garapan and Tanapag Lagoons, where most of the accessible shallow water WWII sites are located. The underwater surveys focused on locating and mapping individual �sites, groups of sites and artefacts relating to the pre-invasion, invasion, and post-invasion period. Most of these sites had been located and briefly recorded in previous archaeological surveys and were specifically targeted for potential inclusion on the heritage trail based on this knowledge. Twelve sites were subject to extensive archaeological survey; however additional unrecorded sites were encountered. These additional sites were cursorily recorded and basic details were collected for future investigation (Table 1.) Table 1: Table of submerged or partially submerged sites recorded in 2009-2010. Name of Site Trail (Y/N) Merchant Ship, presumably Shoan Y Maru/Chinsen (Japanese Shipwreck) Possible Auxiliary Submarine Chaser – Y Main Site (Japanese Shipwreck) Possible Auxiliary Submarine Chaser – N Second Site (Japanese Shipwreck) Sherman Tank 1 (U.S.) Y Sherman Tank 2 (U.S.) Y Sherman Tank 3 (U.S.) Y Landing Vehicle Tracked-(A)-4 (U.S.) Y Fishing base Landing Vehicle N Fishing base LVT N Landing Craft (U.S.) N Possible U.S. Landing Craft (in shoreline) N Barges (U.S.) N Barge near Japanese Lighthouse (U.S.) N Daihatsu Landing Craft 1 (Japanese) Y Daihatsu Landing Craft 2 (Japanese) Y Kawanishi H8K “Emily” (Japanese Aircraft) Y Aichi E13A “Jake” (Japanese Aircraft) Y Martin PBM Mariner (U.S. Aircraft) Y TBM Avenger (U.S. Aircraft) Y Navigational Marker (Japanese) N Visits to each of the sites listed in Table 1 included basic underwater survey recording (photographs, overall dimensions, general descriptions, site identification, site location and site condition). Some sites, particularly those to be included on the trail, warranted more extensive survey for the purposes of creating site plans and also collecting baseline data for future monitoring purposes. No archaeological excavation was conducted at the sites and no cultural materials were recovered. All cultural and natural features on and around the sites were recorded. Modifications, battle scars, presence of unexploded ordnance, identifying marks and any other features that may aid in the interpretation of the sites were detailed. An overall description of the site and its general environment (depth, �visibility, current and bottom composition) were also recorded. Cultural and natural impacts to the site were noted, including anchor damage, salvage, removal or movement of artefacts, and deterioration and scouring. Biological data including fish counts was also collected. Data about future access to the sites by the public, such as possible anchoring or mooring locations, was recorded and a reconnaissance of the surrounding area to search for associated sites and activity was conducted. Developing a maritime heritage trail for the purposes of creating sustainable heritage tourism The ABPP funding received for documenting and researching submerged WWII sites also included using that data to develop a maritime heritage trail in conjunction with HPO. This trail was conceptualized as part of a plan to aid in the preservation and protection of submerged heritage sites which were already being impacted through tourist visitation. By providing interpretive literature which outlined each site’s history and importance, legal protection and proper etiquette for visiting such heritage sites, it was hoped that divers, snorkelers, and swimmers would be better educated and develop a greater appreciation for the heritage, thus avoiding impacting or harming the sites further. Planning the trail included a great deal of local and international consultation. Several leading experts in the field of heritage trail development were sought to provide input into the planning. More discussions were had with the agencies charged with managing historical and biological resources; particularly useful were relationships with CRM and DEQ, whose focus is primarily the environment. These agencies provided investigation permits and worked alongside the project staff to develop a program for placing moorings on all the sites for use by boaters and tour operators – a necessity for reducing anchor impacts to sites. Discussions with local divers, dive shops, dive boat operators, and other tourism operators were held concerning their needs and wants in terms of access, the types of sites they would like to see on the trail and what products would best suit. These conversations were most useful in gauging diver and snorkeler interest and behaviour on heritage sites. The trail was not intended to be exclusive to divers so sites particularly close to land that could be accessed by swimmers and snorkelers were also selected. The demographics of diving tourists were also sought from the MVA, who suggested that the products be printed in Korean and Russian, in addition to the already planned printing in English, Japanese, Chamorro, and Carolinian. Trail Products The end results of the fieldwork include the production of a 180-page, detailed report on the activities of the fieldwork and development of the trail (McKinnon and Carrell 2011). Nine underwater guides inclusive of site plans, site descriptions, access information, and a conservation message were produced on �100% waterproof, 100% recyclable, 100% tree-free paper (Figure 3). Each of these has a small hole punched in the corner so a lanyard can be attached. Figure 3. Aichi E13A dive guide (Ships of Discovery). Four themed posters also were produced including: U.S. Aircraft, Japanese Aircraft, Shipwrecks, and Assault Vehicles. The posters are 18 x 24 inches and double-sided; the front includes a glossy photograph of a site and the back is populated with photographs as well as historical and archaeological information about the battle and the wrecks (Figure 4). The posters are inclusive of multiple viewpoints and include quotes of several culture groups involved in the battle (i.e. Chamorro, Carolinian, Japanese, etc.). They also include a message about the importance of protecting sites, examples of how divers impact sites through intentional and non-intentional behaviour, and specific information about the legislation that protects submerged sites. All products were �printed in English and Japanese; funding is currently being sought to have them printed in Chamorro, Carolinian, Korean and Russian. Figure 4. Assault vehicle poster (English) (Ships of Discovery). Pitfalls and highlights The development of the WWII maritime heritage trail was a complex and lengthy process. There were many concerns that needed to be addressed from the very beginning stages of planning - concerns for the project director were multiple. We were very aware early on that we were yet another “colonial” entity with “grand ideas” arriving on the doorstep of an archipelago plagued with past colonial occupation. We were conscious that we were seeking U.S. federal funding to interpret a battle between and among people who were victims of our own country’s actions. We were aware that there were still survivors both on and off the island that were affected greatly by this tragic event. We knew the task of trying to include multiple viewpoints in the interpretive literature would be difficult. We were also aware that for the trail to be successful in terms of protecting the heritage rather than harming it, a comprehensive plan would need to be designed and that a strategy needed to be in place to monitor the heritage in the long-term. The only solution to our concerns appeared to be inclusion, consultation, and negotiation. These three actions were called upon numerous times during the process of the grant. For example, at a public consultation and presentation fishers on the island expressed concerns that their rights to fish sites would be impinged upon as a result of the trail. In this case the answer was “no it would �not”; had it been “yes”, a great deal more consultation with stakeholders would have been necessary. At times local interest and support for the project waned and negative comments appeared on in the comments section of newspaper websites. One such comment appeared just prior to a public lecture that provided an update regarding the completion of the trail. The post related concerns of yet another entity scoring public grants to spend money on travel to the island with little results or products (Marianas Variety, accessed 12 April 2011). Following the public lecture and several reports on local television and newspapers in both English and Chamorro, the same username posted, “This will make a good addition to the WWII sites already toured by visitors on Saipan. Japanese and other divers will have an even better reason to choose the waters of the CNMI to scuba in…” (Marianas Variety, accessed 26 April 2011). This example simply demonstrates that the community has an interest their heritage and a right to be involved in these processes. There is no doubt that there will be complications and issues that follow, such as finding funding for reprinting guides and posters. But steps have been made to alleviate such issues by providing the final artwork to multiple agencies on the islands and uploading the artwork to a website whereby it can be printed by anyone. Long-term monitoring and stabilisation of the sites on the trail will also be of concern. This will hopefully be addressed in another recently awarded ABPP grant which consists of conducting conservation surveys and the production of a management plan for long-term monitoring (American Battlefield Protection Program, accessed 20 September 2011). The list of questions and issues goes on, but in the end, as the situation stood, diving tourism activities related to WWII heritage were simply not sustainable. It is hoped that through the efforts of the local community, agencies, non-profits, and universities involved that the work conducted to record and interpret these sites will provide protection for them into the future. Bibliography American Battlefield Protection Program, 2011 Amesbury, J., Moore D., and HunterAnderson R., 1996 Carrell, T. L. (editor), 1991 Carrell, T. L., 2009 http://www.nps.gov/history/hps/abpp/grants/battlefieldgrants/20 11grantawards.htm, accessed 20 September 2011. “Cultural Adaptations and Late Holocene Sea Level Changes in the Marianas: Recent Excavations at Chalan Piao, Saipan, Micronesia”, in Indo-Pacific Prehistory: The Chiang Mai Papers, (eds.) Ian C. Glover and Peter Bellwood, Australian National University, Canberra, Volume 2, pp. 53-69. Micronesia Submerged Cultural Resources Assessment, National Park Service, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Maritime History and Archaeology of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic �Preservation. Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc. Texas. Logan, W., and Places Of Pain And Shame: Dealing With 'Difficult' Heritage, Reeves, K., Routledge, London. 2009 Lord, C. and Surveys of Abandoned Vessels: Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, submitted to the National Plank, C., 2003 Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Ocean Service, Office of Response and Restoration by Research Planning, Inc. Columbia, South Carolina. Marianas http://www.mvariety.com/2011041135834/local-news/heritageVariety, awareness-seminar-today.php, accessed 12 April 2011. 2011 Marianas http://www.mvariety.com/2011042536232/localVariety, news/archaeologist-discusses-prospects-for-nmi-heritagetourism.php, accessed 26 April 2011. 2011 Manibusan, R. “Submerged Cultural Assessment American Memorial Park”, in and Miculka, J., War in the Pacific National Historical Park, Guam, manuscript 1983 on file, CNMI Historic Preservation Office, Saipan, MP. McKinnon, J.F. Saipan WWII Invasion Beaches Underwater Heritage Trail. and Carrell, T., Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Corpus Christi, 2011 Texas. Miculka, J. E., “Submerged Cultural Assessment American Memorial Park”, in War in the Pacific National Historical Park, Guam, manuscript and Manibusan, on file, CNMI Historic Preservation Office, Saipan, MP. R.S.N., 1983 Miculka, J. E., “Submerged Cultural Resources Assessment Saipan Lagoon 03 – 05 December 1984”, in War in the Pacific National Carter, K. J., Historical Park, Guam, manuscript on file, CNMI Historic and Ichihara, N., Preservation Office, Saipan, MP. 1984 “Submerged Cultural Resources Assessment: Saipan”, in War Miculka, J. E., in the Pacific National Historical Park, Guam, Manuscript on Wood, E., Cooper, W., file, CNMI Historic Preservation Office, Saipan, MP. and Blackenbaker, D., 1990 Pacific Basin Underwater Survey of Tanapag Lagoon for Historic Properties, Environmental submitted to the Community and Cultural Affairs, Historic Consultants Preservation Office by Pacific Basin Environmental (PBEC), Consultants, Guam. 1985 Scott-Ireton, D., Teaching “Heritage” Awareness” Rather than “Skills” to Sport Diving Community. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 3.2:1192008 �Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., 2008a Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., 2008b Thomas, M., and Price, S., 1980 Thompson, N., 1984 E. 120. Archaeological Survey of Lagoons of on the West Coast of Saipan, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation, Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., FL. Archaeological Survey of Tanapag Lagoon Saipan, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation, Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc., FL. Cultural Resources Reconnaissance Report for the Saipan Small Boat Harbor Study Area. Submitted to the US Army Corps of Engineers Pacific Ocean Division by Pacific Studies Institute, Guam. National Register of Historic Places Inventory – Nomination Form. Landing Beaches, Aslito/Isley Field, and Marpi Point, Saipan Island. National Park Service Denver Service Center, Lakewood, CO. � https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/841cc9148660be49b2d1d129e4731f44.jpg 0cac07a954b17f38ba5cdaf1423cae51 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 756 Height 553 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0ade75279ddeac22a30adcb71b798539.jpg 5b8fbd5ef63dccf42552515dc01049ed Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 907 Height 542 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Inclusion and Negotiation: Interpreting Underwater Battlefield Sites for the Public Subject The topic of the resource Session 1 Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management Description An account of the resource The development of a World War Two (WWII) underwater heritage trail focusing on the Battle of Saipan has recently been undertaken in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands on Saipan. This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of the interest of the local Historic Preservation Office’s (HPO) desire to protect and interpret its underwater cultural heritage (UCH). Through a United States of America (U.S.) National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program grant in collaboration with a non-profit organisation and university program this trail was developed during 2009-2010 and launched in 2011. The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting, painful and tragic event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced approach of interpreting battlefield heritage can only be achieved through the identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders and an awareness of what is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the interpretation. Listening to the multiple stakeholders’ views about the significance of such sites and incorporating those views into interpretive and management practices is key to an inclusive and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an awareness and acknowledgment of the social and political context in which one is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners negotiate the process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated so well, “Heritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links between ideology, public policy, national and community identity formation, and celebration, just as much as it is about technical issues relating to restoration and adaptive re-use techniques”. This paper provides an in-depth discussion on the process of developing a battlefield heritage trail. It will explore the theory and practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems and solutions of interpreting and managing a battlefield site. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jennifer F. McKinnon Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 1 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f4e3f25c3756016979b4a999d699662c.pdf c047547b745b81fb9c7241aad748b69c PDF Text Text The Archaeology of Manila Galleons Roberto Junco Abstract Manila Galleons are the stuff of legend. Active for 250 years they were the vehicle for people, products and ideas between Asia and the Spanish World. Among the biggest ships of their time, they were built to endure one of the most difficult navigations, the crossing of the Pacific Ocean which sometimes lasted half a year on the way to New Spain. As a topic of archaeological research, little has been done regarding these important ships. This paper deals with the known Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways. Introduction This paper presents a brief recount of the Manila Galleon sites investigated to date. It also proposes, some ideas of what the archaeology of Manila Galleons could consider in its research objectives. The Manila Galleons, loaded with their rich cargos of oriental goods are still a great mystery to researchers, especially those belonging to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Furthermore, studies of Asian ceramics and other products of exchange in New Spain and beyond are scarce. While the work of historians and art historians has contributed significantly to the topic, archaeological studies are rare given the few sites located. In this paper, I shall mention the Manila Galleon sites that have come to my attention, and then present some ideas that I deem relevant in the pursuit of what can be termed the archaeology of Manila Galleons. The San Agustín (1595) By the end of the sixteenth century, the route between New Spain and the Philippines had been firmly established. The piratical endeavours of Drake in 1579 and Cavendish in 1587 alerted the Spanish authorities of the need to explore the northern Pacific coast (Gerhard 2003). Thus, Viceroy Luis de Velasco commissioned the skilful Portuguese sailor Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeño to explore those latitudes on his return voyage from the Philippines (Bancroft 1886:96). Cermeño´s San Agustín, was a 200 ton ship carrying considerable volumes of porcelain and other goods. It left Manila in July 1595 and on early November, reached California (Junco and Fournier 2008:70). The shipwreck occurred during a storm in what is today known as Drakes Bay (Bancroft 1886:88). The surviving crew built a craft that made the trip south in an almost fictional account (Wagner 1924): the crew starving to death ate the accompanying dog and even the rotting corpse of a beached whale. None the less, they survived the ordeal and finally arrived at the port of La Navidad. Years later, in 1603 Sebastian Vizcaino's expedition entered the Bay with some of these sailors, and found no trace of the ship. It was not until 1940, when archaeologist Robert Heizer (1941) excavated a dozen Indian sites in the vicinity �and found traces of iron and Chinese porcelain. In 1982 the Submerged Cultural Resource Unit (SCRU) of the National Park Service (NPS) carried out a survey with a magnetometer in the bay, possibly identifying the wreck site (Delgado 1998:357). A few years later, Robert Marx got a license to exploit commercially the wreck, but the strong position of NPS officials stopped the treasure hunter who planed to sell some of the artefacts found (Ibid.). Some of the porcelain picked up by beachcombers has been studied and compared to other collections such as the Drake cargo, helping to establish a chronology (Shangraw and Von der Porten 1981; Shangraw and Von der Porten 1997; Von der Porten 1972). Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1638) In 1990, the popular magazine National Geographic published an article about the salvage operation of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepción, which sank on route to Acapulco in 1638 (Mathers 1990). Pacific Sea Resources undertook the salvage operation between 1988 and 1999 with the intention to sell the entire collection to a Japanese hotel chain with plans to create a touristic project on the island of Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands (Delgado 1998:277). The wreck site was known since 1674, when a Spanish recovery expedition secured most of the 36 cannons on board (Mathers 1993:33). This type of salvage operation was very common throughout the Spanish empire and not just by the Crown, but also by commercial contracts (Serrano 1991). Thus, thanks to the historic document and the Chinese porcelain washed out in the beach, treasure hunters located the archaeological site (Galvan 1998:88). The ship sank while the crew brewed a mutiny in the midst of a great storm that destroyed the masts, and left the ship at the mercy of wind and currents (Mathers 1993:29). On September 1638, the Concepción broke up on a southern reef of the island of Saipan (Mathers 1990:45). The Chamorro Indians (given this name by Magallanes) attacked the castaways and only 28 survived of which only six finally arrived to the Philippines starved and thirsty to tell the story (Schurtz 1992:236). Several years later, priests visiting the islands found gold chains hanging from the trees and iron tools being used by the natives (Fish 2011:14). Among the many objects recovered by the operation, is a collection of gold objects such as rings, chains, and other objects, some Chinese coins of the Wan Li period (1573-1620), and a sixteenth-century Spanish silver coin. Among the highlights of the collection are the 156 glazed Southeast Asian ceramic containers used to transport supplies, with interesting markings in Spanish, Tagalog and Chinese, as well as fragments of porcelain and glass, and a number of objects related to the construction and operation of the ship (Mathers, et al. 1990). Santa Margarita (1601) In 1995, the Seattle based company IOTA Partners got a permit to salvage the Santa Margarita wrecked off the island of Rota in the Northern Mariana Islands. It is not entirely clear what their work has been - although there is a report that I have not been able to consult (IOTA Partners 1996). What can be said is that they have had legal problems, because of violations of contract with the local �government involving the destruction of part of the reef where the galleon is located (Deposa 2006). Several pieces of ivory, porcelain and gemstones have been recovered (Shen 2007). An anchor from the ship has been located and rests in the ocean (Galvan 1998:93). The ship sank in 1601 with a crew of over 300, however only a few survived the incident (Driver 1983:200). The following year, a galleon that carried the missionary Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, came into contact with a survivor of the Santa Margarita, that shared information with him about the Chamorro Indians (Ibid.). Nuestra Señora del Pilar (1690) The Manila Galleon, Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zaragoza, sank off the island of Guam in 1690 on route to the Philippines. It has a history that resembles the Nuestra Señora de la Concepción in that it was also salvaged at the time and has been pursued by several treasure hunters such as the Australian company Maritime Archaeological Investments, Pilar Proyect Ltd. (related to the former) (Surry 2001). In 1989, they located in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville the record of 5000 silver coins recuperated from the wreck. According to this document (Cruzat 1700), the three hundred ton galleon lost the majority of the crew in the event. Supposedly, Tresure hunters have only found 36 silver coins minted in Mexico City, Lima and Potosi, several sheets of lead belonging to the hull, timber, iron nails, cannon balls and musket shot, and five tons of stone ballast (Surry 2001). Further more, iron fasteners, hundreds of fragments of olive jars and three claws from Mexican black bears have been recovered in continuos operations (Showronek 2009:497). According to The New York Times (Richardson 2001), in 2001 they went on the hunt for investors in Australia to raise half a million dollars to finance their operations The San Diego (1600) The San Diego, built on the island of Cebu, sank in battle against the Dutch near Manila in 1600 and is often cited as a Manila Galleon (Brown 2009:178). The wreck was located by Franck Goddio of the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology in partnership with archaeologists of the National Museum of the Philippines (1994; see Orillaneda and Ronquillo this volume), who recovered more than a thousand pieces of blue and white Wan Li porcelain, Japanese sword guards, 570 storage jars (the largest collection found to date), a gold and ivory crucifix, a brass astrolabe (only six known prior to 1600), a glass and bronze compass (one of the few in those days), gold rings, cannons, anchors and other artefacts (Harper 2010). It is true that the San Diego shares common features with the ships that are the subject of this work, however it should not be considered as such, because the ship was on a combat mission and in that sense, at the time of sinking it was not fulfilling the functions of a Manila Galleon if ever it was intended to. The Manila Galleon in Oregon Archaeological evidence of a Manila Galleon has been located on the west coast of the United States in Nehalem, Oregon. Preliminary investigations point to a �ship of the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, and two candidates are already proposed, the Santo Cristo de Burgos (lost in 1693), or the San Francisco Xavier (lost in 1705), whose contemporary testimony is as follows, Nothing has been heard from it, nor a plank, or object of any kind, big or small, has served as clue to speculation that it crashed into an unknown rock or that it was swallowed up by the waves with all that was on board [….] The Ocean kept the secret of this horrific tragedy (Fernandez 1898). The on going project, called "Beeswax Wreck" is currently headed by Scott Williams, a specialist in the area of Cultural Resources at the Service of Natural Resources in Washington State, and has the support of volunteers and researchers who have analyzed the archaeological material collected to date (Williams 2006). Since the nineteenth century, wax blocks have been documented in the area, some with interesting markings engraved on them. The marks have been compared with those recorded in ceramics from the shipwrecks of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción and the San Diego already mentioned, finding some similarities (Rogers 2008). In addition, work has been done on the porcelain recovered from the site, concluding that it dates to the early Kangshi period (1662-1722) (Lally 2009). Also, studies have been done on wooden nautical items recovered in the coastal dunes confirming an oriental origin, teak (Williams 2009). Interestingly, oral histories have been recorded that testimony Indians in the area who claim to be descendants of shipwrecked sailors, some with European features (Williams 2010). The Manila Galleon in Baja California For 12 years now, there have been several field seasons by American researchers and the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Histoira (INAH) in the Pacific coast of Baja California, where thousands of pieces of Chinese porcelain dating to the sixteenth century, as well as coins, blocks of wax, and other objects, whose origin no doubt, is a Manila Galleon shipwreck have been documented (INAH 2005; INAH 2007; INAH 2009; INAH 2010). The porcelain collection is one of the most important in Mexico and opens a window into the early trade of the New Spain and Asia. In July 1751, the tireless Jesuit missionary Father Consag, in his explorations of Baja California records the site: By mid morning those who went to survey the spit of sand brought a bowl, a cup, a big cup, a plate of Chinaware and a good portion of white wax paste. They informed that the area is full of vases, large plates and the like, nails and pieces of iron that disintegrate into powder with contact, even the nails that are still tucked into the broken timbers; lead pieces can be found, several medium and small pieces of bronze, but what is more abundant and easily found is the wax. For lack of water they cannot stop for much time, because the nearest is very salty, and if it does not give thirst, it does not quench it. All these things, clearly indicate that in this sandy beach or contours, a vessel sank, which can even happen without a big storm, or because the coast is unknown (Ortega 1887:524). �Although there are historical records of the site, as the one above, it was ultimately the archaeological material found by beachcombers that led to the investigations by Maritime Historian Edward Von der Porter -who had analyzed the porcelain of the San Agustín- and organized the first site visit with Jack Hunter in the year 1999. So far, it has been concluded that the porcelain collection of 1500 sherds corresponds to a period between 1574 and 1576, placing it in the early part of the route (Von der Porten 2008). This led to the possibility that it could be one of the galleons lost in that period: Espiritu Santo, San Juanillo, San Felipe or San Antonio, making it very likely that it is the San Felipe of 1576 (Von der Porten 2010). Beside the rich porcelain and stoneware collection, other materials such as sheets of lead used to cover the hull have been documented - some with the remains of iron nails that testify to the spanish construction of galleons of the period (Von der Porten 2008:4). Also, wax blocks of up to nine kilograms, some analyzed in the laboratory to confirm that it is beeswax. These blocks contain important information in the form of three centimeter diameter holes made by worms. They give a clue as to the formation of the archaeological context as they would have needed to be submerged in the sea at least a year for the worms to eat the wax (Von der Porten 2010). Thus, the galleon in Baja with all the crew dead ran aground and remained stranded at least one year in the water until it broke and dispersed the materials on the beach (Von der Porten 2010). Furthermore, other interesting objects have been collected such as a plate of Chinese cloisonné, a compass gimbal, a sounding lead and a bronze figure of a Fu dog. Some thoughts to go forward The future study of Manila Galleons is promising in several aspects. First, the plausible chance of locating the physical remains of a galleon would open an interesting line of research in the investigation of shipbuilding of these famous ships, especially those of the sixteenth or seventeenth century of which there are few references. Let us remember, that these ships were built mostly in the Philippines, and although their design adhered to the canon of Iberian naval architecture, their large size and local solutions may show substantial differences with Atlantic ships of the time. Secondly, although there are currently two projects investigating Manila Galleon sites today – Baja California and Oregon, other sites might be discovered in the future, especially in the Philippines, giving more information to compare between sites. As new technology to explore deep waters becomes widely available and surveys carried out, sites will be located. All Manila Galleons found to date are by the coast. An important research objective should deal with the impact that these shipwrecks might have had on the indigenous populations (see Nayati this volume). Already the historical references provide clues, such as the gold chains hung in trees by the Chamorro Indians already mentioned, but archaeological materials, like reused porcelains to make arrowheads for example, at the San Agustín and Baja California wreck sites, will shed more light on this topic. Furthermore, the possibility that some of the wreck survivors might have mixed with the local population makes an �interesting case for the archaeology of contact, as these shipwrecks happened in many cases before the “official” contact period (Mathes 2010:63). Interesting questions could center upon aspects of life on board - given that most of the studies center on the cargo; what was it like to spend up to six months on board a galleon amidst the uncertainty of arriving to safe port in between the storms of the north Pacific? Historical references can help in this matter, but often leave out the mundane daily activities, material culture might be in a position to shed light on this topic, as well as to the ethnic nature of the crew. Furthermore, what navigational equipment did these ships carry? And did it change at the same pace as it did in Atlantic navigation? Although ceramic studies might have been more abundant than those of other materials – such as typology and interpretation of motifs, what other ways can be devised to study the materials (see Craig this volume)? As is the case of other products; what was the perception of these objects for the people that produce them in China, the people that exchange them in the Philippines, and the people that consumed them in New Spain and beyond? This kind of studies could unveil a richer understanding of the societies involved. Furthermore, what changes in the choice of transported products can we infer in our research (Showronek 2009:498)? Silk and porcelain were always transported in galleons but do percentages shift through time? How were products transported? The questions are endless, but they should be posed before going out to the field. Another line of enquiry, resides in those archaeological sites and materials that are related to the trade and route of the galleon and which serve as comparative evidence to the materials found in shipwrecks. For example, a recorded site in the coast - north of Acapulco, where Chinese porcelain of the sixteenth century suggests a smuggling point on the trade of the Manila Galleon (Junco 2006). Likewise, documentation of Chinese porcelain within the territory of New Spain has yielded significant insight into the distribution of oriental products that arrived in the galleon (Junco and Fournier 2008) which can be used for comparative purposes as well as to show, for example, the impact of oriental products on local ceramic traditions (Kuwayama 1997). To conclude, there are few archaeological studies of Manila Galleon to date, as can be seen from those presented in this paper, in which I have also stated some of the research questions that can help us move forward in the study of Manila Galleons. Bibliography Bancroft, H. H., 1886 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft. Volume XVIII. History of California, Vol. I. 1542-1800, The History Company, San Francisco. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in South East Asia, Brown, R. M., 2009 The Siam Society, Bangkok. Cruzat, F., “Carta de Fausto Cruzat sobre excesos en Filipinas”, Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Filipinas, 123, N.2. 1700 Delgado, J. (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Underwater and Maritime Archaeology, 1998 Yale University Press, New Haven. “Shipwreck salvage company destroys coral reef off Rota”. Deposa, M., �2006 Driver, M. C., 1983 Fernández Duro, C., 1898 Fish, S., 2011 Fournier, P., 1990 Galvan, J., 1998 Gerhard P., 2003 Goddio, F., 1994 Harper, B., 2010 Heizer, R. F., 1941 INHA 2005 INAH 2007 INAH 2009 INAH 2010 IOTA partners 1996 Junco, R., 2006 Junco, R. and P. Fournier, 2008 http://www.cdnn.info/news/eco/e061111.html (Sep. 2010) “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and his account of the Mariana Islands”, The Journal of Pacific History, 18:3, pp. 198-216. Armada Española T. VI, Sucesores de Ribadeneira, Madrid. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure ships of the Pacific, Author House, UK. Evidencias arqeuológicas de la importación de ceramica en Mexico, con base en los materiales del ex-convento de San Jerónimo, INAH, México. Islas del Pacífico: El legado Español, Ministerio de Educación Cultura y Deporte, Madrid. Pirates of New Spain 1575-1742, Dover Publications, New York. Le Mystére du San Diego, Éditions Robert Laffon, Paris. “The romance of the galleons”, Gaceta de Intramuros, Rivera C. (Ed.) Vol.2, Num. 4, Manila. “Archaeological Evidence of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeño’s California Visit in 1595”, California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol 20, No. 4, pp. 315-328. Informe del Proyecto Galeón de Manila México Reconocimiento Fase III, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Informe del Proyecto Galeón de Manila México Reconocimiento Fase IV, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Informe del Proyecto Galeón de Manila México Reconocimiento Fase V, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Informe del Proyecto Galeón de Manila México Reconocimiento Fase VI, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. 1996 Annual report regarding the recovery of the Manila Galleon Santa Magarita, Bellevue, Washington & Rota, CNMI. Periplo de la Porcelana China en Nueva España. Arqueometría y Arqueología Histórica en la Costa Grande de Guerrero, MA thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. “Del celeste imperio a la Nueva España. Importación, distribución y consumo de la loza de la china en el period Ming tardío en el México virreinal”, La Nueva Nao: De Formosa a América Latina, Chen et al. (Ed.) Kaun Tang Int. �Kuwayama, G., 1997 Lally, J., 2009 Mathers, W., 1990 Mathers, W., H. Parker and K. Copus (Eds.) 1990 Mathers, W. and N. Shaw, 1993 Ortega, J. de, 1887 Phillips, C. R., 2006 Richardson, M., 2001 Serrano Mangas, F., 1991 Shangraw, C. and E. Von der Porten, 1981 Shangraw, C. and E. Von der Porten 1997 Shen, M., 2007 Surry, M., 2001 Showronek R.K., 2009 Schurtz, W. L., 1992 Von der Porten, E., Publication, Taipei. Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Mexico, University of Hawaii Press, Los Angeles. Analysis of Chinese Porcelain associated with the Beeswax Wreck, Nahalem, Oregon, Naga Research Group, Honolulu. “Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion”, National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 178. No. 3. “Archaeological Report: The recovery of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion” For the Government of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Pacific Sea Resources. Treasure of the Concepcion. The archaeological recovery of a Spanish Galleon, Apa Publications, Hong Kong. Historia del Nayarit, Sonora, Sinaloa y ambas Californias, Tipografía de E. Abadiano, México. “Spain and the Pacific. Voyaging into Vastness”, Spain’s Legacy in the Pacific, Mains’l Haul, Vol. 41:4 & 42:1. “Can the Pilar be found?”, The New York Times, June 14th. http://www.nytimes.com/2001/06/14/style/14ihtspang_ed3_.html?pagewanted=all (Sep. 2010) Naufragios y Rescates en el tráfico indiano durante el siglo XVII, Siruela, Madrid. The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’ Chinese Porcelains at Drakes Bay, California, 1579 and 1595, Santa Rosa Junior College and Drake Navigators Guild, Santa Rosa and Palo Alto, California. Kraak Plate Design Sequence, 1550-1665, Drake Navigators Guild, San Francisco. “It’s hard for me to believe”, In Katu News, Oct 18th 2007. http://www.katu.com/news/local/10577646.html (Aug. 2011) “Titanic fortune remains shipwrecked”, In Cargonewsasia, Feb 1st 2001. http://www.cargonewsasia.com/timesnet/data/ab/docs/ab27 35.html “On the fringes of New Spain: The Borderlands and the Pacific”, International Handbook of Historical Archaeology, Majewski and Gaimster (Eds.), Springer, New York, pp. 471-505. El galeón de Manila, Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, Madrid. “Drake and Cermeno in California: Sixteenth century Chinese Ceramics”, Historical archaeology, Vol. 6, pp.1-22. �1972 Von der Porten, E., 2008 Von der Porten, E., 2010 Wagner, H. R., 1924 Williams, S., 2006 Williams, S., 2009 Williams, S., 2010 Identifying the Sixteenth-Century Ship on a Beach in Baja California, Manuscript. “Treasures from the lost galleon San Felipe, 1573-1576”, Mains’ L Haul, Vol. 46: 1 & 2, Maritime Museum of San Diego, San Diego. “The Voyage to California of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeño in 1595”, California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. 3, No. 1. A Research Design to Conduct Archaeological Investigations at the site of the “Bees Wax Wreck” of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. http://www.nagagroup.org/BeesWax/proposal/proposal.htm (Sep.2010) Team Beeswax News Letter 2009. http://www.nagagroup.org/BeesWax/about/about.htm (Sep.2010) History of the Beeswax Wreck site. http://www.nagagroup.org/BeesWax/about/about.htm (Sep.2010) � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Archaeology of Manila Galleons Subject The topic of the resource Session 9 Spain and the Asia-Pacific region Description An account of the resource Manila Galleons are the stuff of legend. Active for 250 years they were the vehicle for people, products and ideas between Asia and the Spanish World. Among the biggest ships of their time, they were built to endure one of the most difficult navigations, the crossing of the Pacific Ocean -which sometimes lasted half a year on the way to New Spain. As a topic of archaeological research, little has been done regarding these important ships. This paper deals with the known Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roberto Junco Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5d778826a3972e2e3df194a951b5b75d.pdf 1da711cd408570ee6337edc67f999823 PDF Text Text Ancient Afro-Asia Links: New Evidence from a Maritime Perspective Caesar Bita Abstract Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade st networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1 th th millennium AD and in the 11 to 14 century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported. Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced evidence of Asian cultural heritage. Keywords East Africa; Kenya; Maritime; Swahili; Mombasa; Lamu; Pate, Malindi; Ngomeni Introduction Kenya is one of the East African countries that border the Indian Ocean. The East African coast littoral of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) is referred to as the "Swahili coast" and its coastline extends for 3000 km from 1° North in Somali to 25° south to the mouth of Limpopo (Morgan 1973; Sanseverino 1983; Kusimba 1999). The dimensions of this coast cover the coastal littoral and the off-shore islands of Lamu, Pemba, Zanzibar and the Comoros (Chami 1998:199-218; Horton 1984; Sutton 1990). However, its width varied historically depending on the rate of interactions. For example, between 11th and 15th century AD, this coast extended from 50 – 300 kilometers (km) to the interior, while between 7th to 9th century AD and after 17th century AD, the width was 100 km (White 1983; Chami 2006). The coast is characterized by alternating beaches, rocky outcrops, coral reefs, large estuarine areas, wetlands, lagoons and inter-tidal flats (Ase 1987:276–295). On its part, the Kenya coast extends over 600 km in length bordering Somali in the north (at Kiunga) and Tanzania in the south at Vanga (see Figure 1). It has an almost continuous fringing of coral reef shelf running parallel to the coastline and extending 0.5 – 20 km offshore (Obura 2001:1264-1278). Over the years the adjacent continental shelf has been subjected to marine activity thereby leading to creation of new coastlines through fresh deposition of sand dunes and formation of coral rocks (Ase 1987:276–295). In other cases adjacent lands have been eroded away or have been sunk (Obura 2001:1264-1278). There is evidence that oceanic wave turbulences as well as human activities have, through the years, caused wreckage to a number of ships and canoes with cultural materials in them (Patience 2006). Communities who settled along the Swahili coast have had a history of long and continuous interaction with not only the hinterland communities but also across the Indian Ocean seaboard. This Ocean has permitted a close network of sailing routes between its surrounding continents based on regular and predictable monsoon winds (Hall 1996). These winds allowed the Kenyan coast, being part of the WIO, to be visited �by seafarers from distant lands: Greece as early as 2000 Before Present1 (BP) (Coupland 1938; Inghams 1962:1-2; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24, 50-112; Hourani 1963), China and Persia in the 900 – 1400 AD (Boxer 1960; Chittick 1979:273277; Sutton 1990). These visitors left material remains such as ceramics and shipwrecks that are reported in the seabed of Kenya. Local fishermen have reported features on the seabed along many parts of this coast and collected and handed to the National Museums of Kenya pottery, stone anchors, cannons and canon balls (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a). Recent archaeological and non-archaeological expeditions have yielded significant materials that are confirming this historical AFROSINO-ARABO connection (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a; 2011a). Figure 1. The Kenya coast showing location of some of the sites mentioned in the text (Bita 2010). Historical links Historical records reported by travelers as well as chronicles have showed that for centuries, the people who lived along the east African coast had developed international trade links (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975: 1 - 4, 14 - 24; Chittick 1976; Huntingford 1980; Smith and Wright 1988; 115 - 145; Casson 1989; 117 - 134; Sutton 1990; Hall 1996; Chami 1999: 237 - 241; 2001: 7 – 20; Mbida, et al 2000: 151 - 162). However, the scale of this trade seems to have been limited and there is a marked hiatus in trading activity at most sites from the fourth to the eighth / ninth century AD (Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138). Thus, it is at the latter date that the dynamic commercialization in the WIO truly begins. During this period, the Swahili coast was a busy highway for international traders and travelers some of whom recorded observations of the areas they visited (Hollingsworth 1951; Mathew 1963:94-114; Datoo 1970:65-77; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24; Huntingford 1980; Kirwan 1986:99114; Casson 1989; Chami 1999:237-241). Even before the arrival of the Europeans, Africans had connections with people from the India-subcontinent. According to Martin 1 used to indicate a date before the present era, commonly 1950 is the chosen date of reference because this is when the radiocarbon dating method was first invented. �(1973), Indian traders had been visiting the East African coast from at least the early centuries of the first millennium AD with some settling in the region. Today, Indiandescendants' enterprise and business acumen has introduced and currently runs most of the cloth shops in the coastal towns (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; 2008). When one walks the streets the notable Indian heritage includes the architectural styles of storey buildings with penthouses and outer wooden stairways, a style that has remained unique in some infrastructure found in the region. Interestingly, other assortments of artifacts of Asian origin have been adopted as cultural heritage of the local people. These include for instance, Indian grinding stones and wooden pestles for making noodles (Bita 2005; Bita 2008). Other forms of heritage resulting from the Asian contact are the introduction of Hori (type of canoe) and Ngalawa (boat with outriggers) both of which are still in use in the region (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; Bita 2009a; Bita 2009b). During the Ming dynasty the Chinese launched various missions to the African continent. Two of these voyages made between 1417-1419 AD and 1421-1422 AD have descriptions of the African territories visited, such as Maqdishu (Mogadishu), Brava, Juba and Muâ-lién / Mo-lin (Inghams 1962:5; Kirkman 1964:86-89). These areas have been identified as East African coastal towns with, Mua-lien as the town of Malindi on the Kenyan Coast and Maqdishu as Mogadishu in Somali (Inghams 1962: 1 - 3; Freeman-Grenville 1975: 7).The descriptions of these territories have been preserved in the Ming Shih, the official history of the Ming dynasty (Inghams 1962:5). The same record has also been preserved in the Hsing- ch’a sheng- lan which is a record of the lands visited by Fei Hsin who sailed as a junior officer on some of the voyages (Inghams 1962:5; Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89). The fifth Chinese expedition was between 1417-1419 (Inghams 1962:5) to Malindi and was a reaction to a gift of a giraffe sent to the Chinese Emperor by the King of Bengal Saif-ud-Din, as a gift from the Sultan of Malindi (Kirkman 1964:86-89). The gift included a ‘celestial stag’ or Oryx, and a ‘celestial horse’ or Zebra. The arrival of an African giraffe in China was made possible by the established seafaring networks between the Kenyan coast and countries bordering the Indian Ocean. The legendary Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited Malindi several times during the Ming dynasty, when maritime trade grew unabated (Inghams 1962:1-5; Kirkman 1964:88-89). In Zheng He's travel he would have been privy to this commercialization, the most obvious signs of which include a wide range of imported ceramics, beads, glassware and metal artifacts imported from the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, India, Southeast Asia and China. Artifacts of these types have been found in most archaeological excavations along the Kenyan coast (Wilson 1982; Abungu 1994; Chami 2006; Kusimba 1999; Breen and Lane 2003; Bita 2011b). China was known for its porcelain production. Coming from China, the porcelain was traded on the Swahili Coast in exchange for mangrove poles, ambergris2, leopard skins, slaves, ivory, gums, rhinoceros horns, and tortoise shells (Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse 2001:411-424; Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138). The ancient Afro-Asiatic trade connections are said to have existed for several centuries in the Swahili Coast before the arrival of Europeans. This historical link is today evident by, the suspected shipwreck of Zheng He and the associated descendants of his shipwreck survivors in the Lamu archipelago (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a). During one of Zheng He's voyages to East Africa, around 1458 AD, one of his ships is said to have capsized near Pate in the Lamu archipelago (see Figure 2 A gray waxy substance secreted from the intestines of the sperm whale consisting mainly of cholesterol. It is found floating in tropical waters or on beaches and was an important export commodity to the Far East and Middle East mainly for perfume-making. �1). After the Chinese the next well-documented foreign arrivals to the Kenyan coast were the Portuguese, eighty years later (Bita 2005; Bita 2008). Previous research Previous archaeological research has revealed that the Kenyan coast has had long contacts with Far Eastern countries. An underwater excavation of the Portuguese shipwreck Santo Antonio de Tanna recovered a lot of pottery identified as manufactured in the Far East (Figure 2) including India, China, Thailand and Burma (Piercy 1977:331347; Piercy 1978:301-319; Sassoon 1980; Lynch 1999). In Malindi, fishermen have been collecting Chinese porcelain in the sea (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). Figure 2. Jars from Thailand and Burma (Courtesy: Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa) Present work Current maritime research is concentrating in Malindi and the Lamu archipelago, areas known for their historical global trade links. Malindi, located 120 km northeast of Mombasa and about 250 km south of Lamu, among the towns that have shaped the history of the East African coast. The town appears in Chinese records of the 9th century AD (Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89) and was visited and described by Arabs and Portuguese visitors in the 12th - 15th centuries AD (FreemanGrenville 1975:1-4; Inghams 1962:5-15; Ross 1995; Hall 1996; Sassoon 1980). By the 15th century AD for instance, the Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited the town where he was given a giraffe as a present by the Malindi ruler (Kirkman 1964:8689). By then it was a thriving town an attribute that led the Portuguese on their arrival to make it their headquarters for international trade links between Europe and the Indian sub-continent (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975:50-75; Kirkman 1964:89-95; Kirkman 1974; Hourani 1963; Martin 1973; Martin 1975; Martin and Martin 1978; Sutton 1990; Bita 2011b). In trading areas, shipwrecks would be closer to certain shipping hazards such as reefs and projecting headlands. In Malindi, maritime investigations are confined in the areas of Ras Ngomeni and Leopard Bay. Ngomeni is located near a headland whereas Leopard Bay is in a navigation channel between two reefs. In the two areas many ships are suspected to have sunk and locals have been collecting Chinese and Persian ceramics from underwater (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a; MS, Malindi). Recent maritime surveys in Leopard Bay have identified a ship engine block, Chinese porcelain of the 14th century and Indian wares (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). There are several Portuguese shipwrecks in Malindi whose locations have not been found �(Bita 2008), including one allegedly discovered by local fishermen containing Indian and Chinese pottery (Patience 2006; TA, Malindi). Ngomeni village, about 50 km north of Malindi town, stands on an arm of land jutting towards the sea (Ras Ngomeni), which offers a protected shallow harbour formerly used as a gateway for all seafarers from Lamu to Malindi (Wilson 1982:210219; Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). The area was known for mangrove growing which was exported to, and used in house-roof construction in, cities around the Gulf (Wilson 1982:210-219; Whitehouse 2001:416). Recent maritime archaeological studies in the area have discovered a 14th century AD wooden shipwreck about 40 m long at a depth of between 7 – 10 m partially covered in sand (Plate 1). On-going studies seek to establish the origin of this shipwreck (Bita 2011a). Plate 1. Bottom plank of a shipwreck in Ngomeni, Malindi (Bita 2011a). Other artifacts recovered, which confirm the trade links between Malindi and the Far East, include a complete Far Eastern pot, white-glazed plate from Thailand (Figure 3), Islamic green glazed pottery, bronze mortar, copper plates and bowls (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). Figure 3. Glazed pot, Ming Dynasty pot with Dragon and Thailand plate (Courtesy: Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa) �Lamu archipelago is composed of several islets but the main inhabited islands include Lamu, Manda, Pate, Ndau and Kiwayu, all with ancient towns by the same names. The archipelago and its settlements are important landmarks in the history of the East Coast of Africa. This archipelago was the most important centre of the northern Swahili world with Manda and Pate revealing evidence of early occupation (Chittick 1984; Horton 1987b:290-322). The Island of Pate borders Manda Island to the south and the Indian Ocean to the east. The island’s main town of Pate is significant because it was among the earliest sites founded upon the East African coast (Wilson and Omar 1997:31-76; Kusimba 1999). Previous research has indicated that Pate fully participated in the development of the Swahili culture from these beginnings and grew to be one of the most politically influential and economically prosperous communities on the Swahili coast (Wilson and Omar 1996:453-554; Wilson and Omar 1997:31-76). Pate Island for many years served as the gateway to Lamu for sea travelers. Up to the present locals refer to its eastern shores as mlango wa Lamu (gateway to Lamu). The Portuguese used this route for decades controlling the WIO trade (FreemanGreenville 1975:50-112; Kirkman 1964:86–117). The Arabs dominated the coastal strip long before the Portuguese and used the same route for hundreds of years in trade with the Persian Gulf (Chittick 1979:273-277; Chittick 1984; Hall 1996). A narrow creek divides Pate Island into two halves. In the past the creek was deep allowing sailing ships to anchor for the loading of copra, tamarind, dates, mangroves, leather products, furniture and other Swahili crafts; and off-loading products from various markets (Chittick 1967:37-67; Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse 2001:411-424). The eastern side of this creek has silted heavily allowing mangrove forests to grow hence they cover the entire original anchorage. Pate Bay has several long reefs and many rock outcrops such as Pazzali, Mwamba Hassani and Mwamba Hanawi. The lack of nautical charts for this area caused many early seafarer casualties on these coral rocks when sailing through this bay. Over the years, fishermen in the Lamu archipelago have been recovering archaeological pottery at various sites along the reefs and channels (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a). A distinct find was a pot with a dragon emblem (see figure 3), believed to be of the China Ming Dynasty period. In one of the Chinese Ming Dynasty missions to East Africa one of Zheng He's ships is said to have wrecked in Pate bay, around 1458 AD, where survivors went to stay with, and later intermarried with, the local population (Bita 2009a). The union led to a generation of locals who claim direct decadency of the Chinese shipwreck survivors (SK, Pate; AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; HK, Mombasa). Their physical features and DNA analyses (SM, Lamu; BS, Pate) attest to this and locally they are referred to as Wa- China (local for Chinese people). The clan name of these people is Wa- Shanga (people from Shanga) which local people claim is an abbreviation of Shanghai (meaning the ship wreckers may have originated from modern day Shanghai, China). Recent Evidence The Zheng He phenomenon in Pate and the prolonged recovery of Chinese cultural materials in Lamu has prompted further underwater archaeological research. Recent maritime and underwater archaeological surveys have recovered data that further supports ancient trade connections between Kenya and Asian countries (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a; Bita 2011a). Seabed survey identified scatters of Far Eastern and Chinese pottery and several copper ingots. Several underwater sites were identified, although yet to be confirmed, indicate presence of historic shipwrecks (Bita 2011a). The studies have also established existence of a strong tradition and a generation of locals who claim ancestry from the Zheng He shipwreck in Pate (SL, Pate; �AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; SK, Pate; SM, Pate; BS, Pate; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a). In relation to the shipwreck survivors there are also two graveyards: one with elaborate tombs and the other, thought to belong to the Chinese, has simple graves with headstones that Chinese informants from Xinhua News Agency identified as Chinese tombstones (HK, Mombasa). In the nearby villages of Pate, Faza and Siyu, there are a lot of Chinese porcelain of the 14th century, used in decoration of niches of tombs and houses (Horton 1987b: 290-322; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a). Conclusion This paper has considered multiple sources in the research to define the extent of the significance of the Swahili Coast in past Indian Ocean maritime activities. The Periplus 3 documents refer to east Africa’s coast as early as 2000 BP. Chinese sources mention presence of a cattle economy at Berbera coast, Somali by late 800s AD, as well as their involvement in trade with foreigners from the Far East. Historical records by Arab travelers and geographers in mid 900s AD mention thriving maritime communities along the east African coast. These records are correlated with data coming from terrestrial archaeological investigations at many sites on the Swahili Coast. Maritime archaeological studies which are producing evidence in forms of shipwrecks lend support to these ancient trade links. Additionally, the probable presence of the Zheng He shipwreck(s) in Pate; and cultural materials of Chinese, Indian, Thai and Burmese in underwater archaeological sites signify that communities of the Kenya coast were in continuous interaction with the Asian continent. Accordingly, that the Kenyan coast was (and still is) a highway for international maritime travelers, and has had historical trade connectivity with regions surrounding the Indian Ocean, makes it an important area for maritime studies as traces of these connections could be lying on the seabed. Oral Sources 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Twalib Ahmed, Village Mayungu, Malindi, 12 January 2011, cited as TA, Malindi. Baraka Shee, Village Siyu, Pate, 17 June 2009, cited as BS, Pate. Shariff Lali, Shanga Village, Pate, 16 June, 2009, cited as SL, Pate. Salim Bwana Kheri, Village, Siyu, Pate, 7 June 2009, cited as SK, Pate. Ali Suo, Shella, Village Lamu, 3 October 2007, cited as AS, Lamu. Safina Mohamed, Village Shella, Lamu, 4 October 2007, cited as SM, Lamu. Herman Kiriama, Mombasa, 23 April 2005, cited as HK, Mombasa. Mwalimu Shali, Village, Ngomeni, Malindi, 26 October 2008, cited as MS, Malindi Bibliography Abungu, G.H.O., 1994 Ase, L. E., 1987 Bita, C., 2011a 3 “New Finds Along the Kenya Coast.” Kenya Past and Present, Issue 26, pp.41-48. “Sea-level changes on the east coast of Africa during the Holocene and late Pleistocene”, in (eds.) Tooley, M. and Sherman, I., Sea-level changes, Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 276 - 295. Preliminary underwater archaeological survey in Malindi and Lamu. Preliminary report. SINO-Kenya underwater Archaeology project. National Museums of Kenya, Mombasa. Documents by anonymous first century AD traveler written as a guide to the ports and trade of East Africa and connecting areas of Arabia, India and China. �The Origin of Malindi Town. A Case Study of Mambrui, M.A. Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam. Dar es Salaam. Protection of maritime and underwater cultural heritage in Kenya, Paper presented to the International Conference on Maritime Cultural Heritage, Alexandria, Egypt. Inter-tidal and foreshore survey of Pate island, Survey report, Fort Bita, C., 2009a Jesus Museum, Mombasa. The intertidal and foreshore archaeology of Mombasa Island: An Bita, C., inventory of maritime sites, Survey report, Fort Jesus museum, 2009b Mombasa The Western Indian Ocean maritime heritage. An overview of the Bita, C., maritime archaeological heritage in Malindi, British Institute in Eastern 2008 Africa, Nairobi. Malindi. A Review of the History of a Coastal Town at the mouth of Bita, C., River Sabaki, Kenya, National Museums of Kenya, Malindi 2005 Bita, C., and Preliminary intertidal and underwater archaeological survey of Lamu archipelago, Research report, Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa. Wanyama P., 2007 Fort Jesus and Portuguese in Mombasa, British Museum, London. Boxer, C. R., 1960 Periplus Maris Erythreai. Text with introduction, translation and Casson, L., commentary, Princeton University Press, Princeton. 1989 Chami, F. (ed.), Zanzibar and the Swahili Coast from c.30 000 years ago, E & D Vision 2009 Publishing, Dar es Salaam. The Unity of African Ancient History: 3000 B.C. to AD. 500, E and D Chami, F., 2006 Publishers, Dar es Salaam. Chami, F., “The archaeology of the Rufiji Region since 1987 to 2000”, in (eds.) Chami, F., Pwiti, G. and Radimilahy C., People, Contacts and the 2001 Environment in the African Past, Dar es Salaam University Press, Dar es Salaam, Studies in the African Past No. 1, pp. 7–20. Chami, F., “Roman beads from the Rufiji Delta, Tanzania: first incontrovertible archaeological link with Periplus”, in Current Anthropology, 40, pp. 1999 237–41. “A Review of African Archaeology”, in African Archaeological Review Chami, F., 1998 15, pp. 199 - 218. Manda. Excavations at an island port on the Kenya coast, British Chittick, H. N., 1984 Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi “Early ports in the Horn of Africa”, in International Journal of Nautical Chittick, H. N., Archaeology, 8 (4), pp. 273-277. 1979 Chittick, H. N., “An archaeological reconnaissance in the Horn: the British-Somali Expedition 1975”, in Azania, 11, pp. 117–34. 1976 “Discoveries in the Lamu Archipelago”, in Azania, 2, pp. 37 - 67. Chittick, H. N., 1967 East Africa and its invaders, Clarendon press, Oxford. Coupland, R., 1938 Datoo, B. A., “Rhapta: The location and importance of East Africa’s first port”, in Azania, 5, pp. 65 - 77. 1970 Forsythe, W., "Subtidal archaeological investigations in Mombasa’s Old Port", in Quinn, R., Breen, (eds.) Mitchell, P., Haour, A., Hobart, J., Researching Africa’s Past: New Contributions from British Archaeologists. Oxford University C., 2003 School of Archaeology Monograph 57, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 133138. Bita, C., 2011b Bita, C., 2010 �FreemanGrenville, G. P., 1975 Hall, R., 1996 Hollingsworth, L., 1951 Horton, M. C., 1990 The East African Coast: Selected documents from the first to earliest nineteenth century, Clarendon Press, Oxford. Horton, M. C., 1987 Horton, M. C., 1984 Hourani, F. G., 1963 Huntingford, G. W., 1980 Inghams, K., 1962 Kirkman, J., 1974 Kirkman, J., 1964 Kirwan, L. P., 1986 Kusimba, C. M., 1999 Lynch, M., 1999 Martin, E. B., 1975 “Early Muslim trading settlements on the East African Coast: New Evidence from Shanga”, in Antiquaries Journal, 67, pp. 290 - 322. The early settlement of the northern Swahili coast, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Cambridge, Cambridge. Arab Seafaring, Khayats, Beirut. Martin, E. B., 1973 Martin, E. B., and Martin C. P., 1978 Matthew, G., 1963 Empires of the Monsoon, a History of the Indian Ocean and its Invaders, Harper Collins. A Short History of the East Coast of Africa, Macmillan, London. “The Periplus and East Africa”, in Azania, 25, pp. 95 – 99. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Hakluyt Society, London. A History of East Africa, Longman Ltd., London. Fort Jesus: A Portuguese Fortress on the East African Coast, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Men and Monuments on the East African Coast, Lutterworth Press, London. “Rhapta: Metropolis of Africa”, in Azania, 21, pp. 99 - 114. The Rise and fall of Swahili States, Altmara Press, London. “A 17th Century Portuguese East Indiana: The Santo Antonio de Tanna”, in Institute of Nautical Archaeology Newsletter, vol. 18, No. 2. The History of Malindi: A geographical analysis of an East African Coastal Town from the Portuguese period to the present, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi. A history of Malindi, East African Literature Bureau, Nairobi. Cargoes of the East: The Ports, Trade and Culture of Arabian Seas and Western Indian Ocean, Tree Books, Elm. “The East African Coast until the coming of Portuguese”, in (eds.) Oliver, R. and Matthew, G., History of East Africa, Clarendon Press, Oxford, pp. 94 - 128. Mbida, C. M., Van “Evidence for banana cultivation and animal husbandry during the first millennium BC in the forest of Southern Cameroon”, in Journal of Neer, W., Doutrelepont, H., Archaeological Science, 27, pp. 151–62. and Vrydaghs, L., 2000 East Africa, Longman Ltd., London. Morgan, W. T., 1973 “Kenya”, in Marine Pollution Bulletin, 42, pp. 1264-1278. Obura, D., 2001. Shipwrecks and Salvage on the East African Coast, Kingdom of Patience, K., �2006 Piercy, R.C.M., 1978 Piercy, R. C. M., 1977 Ross, J. S., 1995 Sanseverino, H.V., 1983 Sassoon, H., 1980 Smith, M. C., and Wright, H. T., 1988 Sutton, J.E., 1990 White, F., 1983 Whitehouse, D., 2001 Dar Akhbar Khaleej, Bahrain. "Mombasa wreck excavation, second preliminary report", in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 7, pp. 301-319. “Mombasa wreck excavation, preliminary report”, in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 6, pp. 331–47. A Brief History of the Portuguese Chapel and Vasco da Gama’s Pillar, Malindi Museum Society, Malindi. “Archaeological remains on the South Somali Coast”, in Azania, 28, pp. 151 – 164. Mombasa Wreck Excavation, Interim Report, National Museums of Kenya, Nairobi. “The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a classical maritime site”, in Azania, 23, pp. 115–41. A thousand years of East Africa, British Institute in East Africa, Nairobi. The vegetation of Africa, United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris. “East Africa and the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean A.D. 800 – 1500”, in (ed) Amenoreti, B. S., Islam in East Africa: New Sources, Herder, Rome, pp. 411 – 424. Wilson, T. H., “Spatial analysis and settlement patterns on the East African coast”, in Paideuma, 28, pp. 201 - 219. 1982 Wilson, T. H., and “Archaeological investigations at Pate”, in Azania, 32, pp. 31 - 76. Omar, A. L., 1997 Wilson, T. H., and “Excavation at Pate on the East African coast”, in (eds.) Pwiti, G., and Soper R., Aspects of African Archaeology, University of Zimbabwe, Omar, A. L., 1996 Harare, pp. 543 - 554. Wright, H. T., “Early seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni phase of the IXth - Xth centuries A.D.”, in Azania, 19, pp. 13 – 60. 1984 � https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/554146139040ea0dfb73d0cf3cd51393.jpg 6b460c0002cf3a046ff570fe7a4fa0b2 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 794 Height 570 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/63c62e76e3a709bc61c1d451e5f5ec72.jpg b7e49d7038549104e9ed5e52d711b95b Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ancient Afro-Asia Links: New Evidence from a Maritime Perspective Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1st millennium AD and in the 11th to 14th century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported. Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced evidence of Asian cultural heritage. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Caesar Bita Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3844e62340061a4304268a5a30b477dd.pdf 01602d4037eaf1613d07dacfc7188fe6 PDF Text Text Abandonment Issues: An Assessment of Military Vessel Discard Trends Derived from Australasia’s Torpedo Boat Defences, 1884-1924 James W. Hunter, III Abstract Between 1884 and 1924, a total of fourteen torpedo boats served in the naval defence of Australia and New Zealand. Australasia’s colonial governments purchased these vessels as a consequence of fears of seaborne invasion by Imperial Russia and other foreign powers during the 1870s and 1880s. All were eventually decommissioned, put up for sale, stripped of their most valuable components, and abandoned. Archaeological investigation of four of these discard sites has revealed abandonment attributes distinctly different from documented disposal trends associated with commercial watercraft of the period. This paper will highlight these unique discard trends, and explore tentative explanations for their presence through the filter of site formation process. Archaeology and Watercraft Discard Abandoned watercraft have been addressed extensively in archaeological literature; however, recent research conducted by Nathan Richards (1997, 1998, 2002, 2008, 2011) constitutes the first concerted effort to identify, evaluate and define cultural mechanisms associated with ship discard. These studies have demonstrated the utility of cultural site formation theory—as advocated by scholars such as Michael Schiffer (1972, 1983, 1995, 1996; see also LaMotta and Schiffer 2005; Skibo and Schiffer 2008) Keith Muckelroy (1975, 1976, 1978), and Martin Gibbs (2005, 2006)—within maritime contexts, and builds upon existing models by incorporating terms and definitions that apply exclusively to archaeological signatures of watercraft use and abandonment. Richards addresses some discard behaviours specific to military vessels, including the intentional destruction of warships for offensive or defensive tactical purposes (i.e. block ships and fire ships) but gives relatively little attention to their abandonment in non-combat contexts. This is countered somewhat by his acknowledgement that many potential research themes have emerged, "from the need to refine the abandoned vessel data set and more comprehensively establish, dismiss, and discuss any number of discard trend correlates", including the intentional peacetime disposal of decommissioned military vessels (Richards 2008:183). Richards (2008:145-147) identifies archaeological signatures of use and discard that operate as indicators of a vessel’s functional utilisation in a pre- and post-abandonment capacity. Although the bulk of his explanatory model is applied to commercial watercraft, many—if not all—of the behaviours he describes were also common in military contexts and can therefore be applied to the torpedo boats addressed in this paper. Relevant archaeological signatures of �use as they apply to watercraft include their conversion and modification to secondary functional roles, transition to specialised support vessels, and functional post-abandonment use. Similarly, abandoned watercraft may exhibit one or more specific signatures of discard including: structural minimisation, a variety of pre- and post-depositional salvage and scrapping behaviours, methods of preventing a vessel’s movement once abandoned, as well as the overall discard environment and abandoned vessel’s orientation within it. A particularly noteworthy and common archaeological signature associated with abandoned ships is their inclusion within officially designated discard areas such as ships’ graveyards. Discard Attributes of Australasia’s Torpedo Boats Of the fourteen torpedo vessels that participated in the naval defence of Australia and New Zealand, four have been the subject of archaeological investigation. Analysis of archaeological and archival data compiled during the aforementioned studies has highlighted abandonment processes unique to each vessel, as well as discard trends shared among the assemblage in its entirety. HMVS Lonsdale HMVS Lonsdale served in the colonial navy of Victoria from 1884 until 1901 at which point it transferred to Australia’s Commonwealth Naval Forces (CNF). It was put up for auction the following year but failed to find a buyer and was subsequently transferred to the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) in 1911 (Cahill 2009:133-135; Gillett 1982:115-119). In 1914 Lonsdale was put up for sale a second time but was once again overlooked and ultimately ended up abandoned on the beach at Queenscliff, Victoria sometime after 1915 (Figure 1). Archival photographs of Lonsdale reveal the degree to which its hull still appears much as it did when in operational service (Hunter in-prep; see Figure1). Outwardly, the shell of the torpedo boat is clearly intact to the gunwales and various hull components are all still in their original positions. The only obvious exception is the steel plating that comprised the weather deck and armoured casemate. These architectural elements appear to have been either removed or cut open in an effort to facilitate removal of the torpedo boat’s engine and internal machinery. The conning tower hatch cover and majority of external fittings are also absent, although at least one deck-mounted lifting lug is visible. Data recovered during archaeological investigations of Lonsdale’s abandonment site has proven useful in the development of general hypotheses regarding its discard (see Hewitt and Tucker 2009). When exposed and documented, the torpedo boat’s conning tower and the hull beneath it were still largely intact and appeared much as they did when photographed during the early twentieth century (see Figure 1). The same can be said of the hull aft of the �Figure 1. Top, HMVS Lonsdale’s hulked remnants at Queenscliff, Victoria ca. 1915; bottom, Lonsdale’s conning tower (centre) and disarticulated bow section (bottom right) as they appeared during the 2005-2006 investigation. Top photograph reproduced with kind permission of the Queenscliffe Maritime Museum. Bottom photograph by Geoffrey Hewitt, courtesy Terra Culture Heritage Consultants. conning tower, which appears to have retained its overall structural integrity (D. Cahill, as cited in Hewitt and Tucker 2009:32). By contrast, the foreship and bow are no longer articulated with the remainder of the vessel (Figure 1). Indeed, the vast majority of Lonsdale’s forward section disintegrated into largely incoherent structure as a consequence of "gross corrosion" and collapse of the hull subsequent to its complete burial (Hewitt and Tucker 2009: 30-32). �Discovery of Lonsdale’s disarticulated prow constitutes the only archaeological evidence of culturally manifested alteration of its discarded hull. However, as the prow was ultimately re-deposited on site, its removal almost certainly did not constitute salvage activity. To the contrary, its presence lends credence to local lore that states it was intentionally cut away and moved aside during boundary fence construction at Queenscliff’s former Buoy Depot (Ferrier 1989). Based on available information, Lonsdale does not appear to have been subject to any form of placement assurance. Strategies to neutralise the hull’s buoyancy were not evident among its documented remains, nor were tidal variation or orientation of the vessel carefully considered factors in its disposal process. Lonsdale appears to have been discarded almost exactly perpendicular to the shoreline in a manner more common to larger watercraft (see Richards 1997: 89). Further, its orientation suggests it was originally abandoned with its midships positioned roughly at the interface between sea and land (Hewitt and Tucker 2009:30). This would seem to contradict contemporary practice which advocated that vessels be beached at high tide in order to leave them as high and dry as possible when the water receded (Cockroft 1983: 200). HMVS Countess of Hopetoun Like Lonsdale, HMVS Countess of Hopetoun was an asset of the Victorian colonial navy, entering service in 1891. The torpedo boat was transferred to both CNF and RAN control before being decommissioned in 1920. Countess of Hopetoun spent the next four years in ordinary before being purchased and stripped it of its engines and machinery. Ultimately, it ended up abandoned on a beach at Swan Island in Port Phillip Bay (Cahill n.d.; Gillett 1982:126-132; Gillett 1991). Archival evidence of its discarded hull is represented by a single photograph taken sometime between 1922 and 1932 (Figure 2). Architectural elements visible above water included all hull plating between the gunwale and the water, the entire deck structure forward of the conning tower, and the conning tower itself. Although certain deck fittings were removed prior to the torpedo boat’s abandonment, the vast majority remained untouched and in their original positions. Save for isolated flash rusting of their steel fabric, the vessel’s �Figure 2. Top, HMVS Countess of Hopetoun hulked at Swan Island, Victoria ca. 1930; bottom, archaeological plan of the Countess of Hopetoun site as it appeared during the 1980s and 1990s. Photograph reproduced with kind permission of the Queenscliffe Historical Museum, Inc. Site plan produced by the author. surviving architectural elements do not exhibit significant signs of corrosion or damage and appear to have been structurally sound at the time it was abandoned. The photograph depicts a form of placement assurance in direct association with Countess of Hopetoun. A crude mooring line comprising a length of cable is shown extending shoreward from the torpedo boat’s bow. A number of trees are present in the image along the shoreline and it is possible the mooring line was attached to one or more of these in an attempt to prevent Countess of �Hopetoun’s movement after it was abandoned. Orientation does not appear to have played a role in the discard process, as the discarded hull was partially awash and oriented perpendicular to the shoreline when captured on film. Archaeological investigations have revealed Countess of Hopetoun’s hull is still largely intact and retains much of its articulated bow and stern structure (Figure 2). When documented between 1986 and 1996 the foredeck was complete for much of its original length (Anderson 1996; Heritage Victoria n.d.; Williams 1983; Williams 1986; Williams 1992). Most bow fittings were present and bore no indication of attempted salvage. The stern was also largely unaltered. Although Countess of Hopetoun’s engines and boilers were removed prior to its abandonment. The steel propeller and propeller shaft did not share the same fate. Curiously, neither exhibited outward signs of wear or damage that would have precluded their removal and reuse. Perhaps Countess of Hopetoun’s most unexpected in situ features were its rudder and tiller. Both appeared largely complete and undamaged, save for degradation resulting from the site’s surrounding marine environment. Richards (2008:149) observes that the rudder is the structural element most frequently missing from beached and abandoned watercraft, not only because of the ease with which it can be unshipped and transported but also its potentially lucrative resale value. He goes on to note that "it is even more common to find vessels without in situ…engines, prop shafts, or propellers" (Richards 2008:149). Countess of Hopetoun was stripped prior to its hull being put up for sale so it is surprising that these components were not salvaged for their reusability. Equally perplexing is that they were not later removed for their scrap value. A length of steel cable was also observed in association with Countess of Hopetoun’s stern structure (Williams 1992). Although tentatively identified as the remnants of a towline, its diameter appears to approximate that of the mooring cable visible in the archival photograph. The presence of the cable could account for the absence of other methods of anchoring the discarded hull in place. Alternate forms of placement assurance were not observed archaeologically and do not appear to have been utilised, even though their absence runs counter to Richards’ (2008:172-177) discussion of what constitutes a logical vessel abandonment scenario in a beach environment. The discard locations of both Victorian torpedo boats are situated a relatively short distance from the Barwon Heads Ships’ Graveyard, which became the final resting place of a number of former Australian warships (Ryan et al. 2009). It is especially curious that Countess of Hopetoun did not join the increasing number of watercraft abandoned there during the early twentieth century. By 1924 five vessels had "officially" been scuttled in its waters; three years later it would become the final resting place for seven more watercraft, including four decommissioned J-Class submarines (Beringer-Pooley, 2005; McCarthy, 2009; Ryan et al. 2009). New Zealand Torpedo Boat Defender Defender was one of four torpedo boats purchased for the naval defence of New Zealand during the Russian Scare. It arrived in the port city of Lyttelton in 1884 �and remained in service until 1900, when a local steam launch operator purchased the vessel, stripped it of its engines and machinery, and abandoned the hull at Purau Beach on the southern shore of Lyttelton Harbour (Cooke 2000:129-130; Moffat 1996:5, 11-13, 35). During the 1930s the local county council broke the hull into two sections during an attempt to move it further away from the water (Ogilvie 1970:75). Defender’s remnants were a distinct landmark at Purau Beach for several years until they were intentionally broken up and buried with heavy machinery in 1959. A circa-1930 painting entitled Purau Beach depicts Defender in a secondary discard context, after its broken hull was removed from Purau Bay’s foreshore (Figure 3). One particularly noteworthy aspect of the torpedo boat’s remnants is that they were still largely intact approximately 30 years after being abandoned. Aside from obvious hull separation and isolated flash rusting, both the bow and stern sections are largely complete. The same can be said for the vessel’s conning tower and adjacent casemate. Elements missing from Defender include the conning tower hatch cover and various deck fittings. By the 1940s and 1950s when the surviving hull was documented photographically some hull plating and casemate structure visible in the painting was noticeably absent, likely as a consequence of both natural and cultural processes. Examination of the torpedo boat’s existing architectural elements has confirmed a significant portion of the discarded hull survived up to its burial in 1959. This is particularly true of the bow and stern sections, which in their reconstructed form are approximately 65 to 75 percent intact (Figure 3). Most hull elements visible in historic renderings of Defender’s remnants have survived to the present day, as have internal components such as framing and bulkheads (Hunter 2009: 6-9; Hunter 2010:152; Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum 2003). Defender’s conning tower was not discovered among the site’s buried components and its current whereabouts remain an open question, although at least one source claims it was acquired by the Lyttelton Museum and later accidentally sold to a scrap merchant (Cooke 2000: 132). Forms of placement assurance neither appear in archival images of Defender’s hull nor were any observed during the excavation, suggesting they Figure 3. Left, reconstructed bow section of New Zealand torpedo boat Defender, as exhibited today at the Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum, Lyttelton; right, ca. 1930 painting Purau Beach, showing Defender’s broken and disarticulated hulk. Photographs by the author. �were not utilised during the initial abandonment episode. There is neither archaeological evidence of fill material within the hull nor is there damage consistent with intentional hull breaching methods. To the contrary, it appears little or no consideration was given to scuttling Defender, based on the discovery of a pair of wooden bungs in association with its screw aperture. These were hammered into both ends of the aperture in an attempt to keep the hull watertight and afloat during transport to its disposal site. As they were still in situ when found, it appears no effort was made to remove them and compromise the hull’s ability to float away before abandoning it to its fate (Hunter in-prep). Defender’s discard locale is situated a mere 1.1 kilometres southwest of Wreck Bay, a small cove within Purau Bay that functioned as a ships’ graveyard during the late nineteenth century. Although it is unclear whether the ships’ graveyard was inactive by the time Defender was discarded in 1900, it is surprising a known discard area would be overlooked for what appears to be a randomly chosen abandonment site in such relatively close proximity to it. HMQS Mosquito Queensland’s colonial navy acquired HMQS Mosquito in 1884. It remained on the active roster—subsequently serving the CNF and RAN—until 1913 when it was purchased, stripped of its engines and machinery, and abandoned in a tributary of the Brisbane River (Adlam 1981: 29; Foote 2001: 2; Gillett 1982: 3336). In 1966 Mosquito’s discarded hull was photographed and revealed to still be largely intact (Hunter 2011:379; Figure 4). The bow and stern sections, in particular, were articulated and in an upright position (see Figure 4). As with Lonsdale, steel plating that comprised the weather deck appears to have remained largely in situ, but only in areas where it did not restrict access to the vessel’s engines and internal machinery. By contrast, the sides of the hull, all but one bulkhead, and the remaining upperworks had collapsed either within or outside the hull and become partially or completely buried in mud by 1966. A single articulated bulkhead visible in the photographs seems to have played a significant role in holding the torpedo boat’s surviving stern structure together. The vessel’s conning tower, which by the 1960s was disarticulated from the rest of the hull and lying on its side, was still almost completely intact as an architectural element. Attached to the conning tower was a surviving—but heavily corroded—section of its hatch cover (Hunter 2011: 379-382). Archaeological investigation of Mosquito’s discard site has confirmed most of the exposed hull collapsed and subsequently settled into the mud and silt of the swamp floor (Hunter 2011:381-384). By contrast, Mosquito’s stern, already largely buried at the time of the 1966 photographs, appears to have retained its structural integrity. This is best evidenced by results of a probe survey, which detected contiguous metal contacts along the hull’s projected stern centreline. A �Figure 4. Top, starboard bow section of HMQS Mosquito’s discarded hulk, as photographed in 1966; bottom, archaeological plan of the Mosquito site as it appeared during the 2009 survey. Photograph by S. Prior, courtesy Queensland Maritime Museum collection. Site plan produced by the author. series of similar contacts were encountered during an athwartships probe transect in the same area (Valis 2010: 1). Based on available evidence, human alteration of Mosquito’s hulk prior to 1966 seems to have been restricted to the conning tower, which was removed and re-deposited at some point between the boat’s disposal at Boggy Creek and when it was captured on film (Hunter 2011:381). Individual artefacts, including the complete stern section of its casemate, were removed between 1966 and 1972. All were eventually donated to the Queensland Museum and later accessed and analysed by the author (Hunter 2011: 382). A notable feature of these objects is their relatively good state of preservation. For example, the casemate section is intact, ductile, largely free of corrosion and still retains paint over much of its exterior surface. If these attributes are indicative of the overall condition of Mosquito’s hull at the time it was discarded, it is surprising the majority of its metal constituents weren’t targeted for salvage. With the possible exception of the mud and silt substrate in which the hull was embedded, placement assurance strategies do not appear to have played a role in Mosquito’s abandonment. Inspection of the site’s visible components neither reveal evidence of treatments such as filling or induced perforation of the hull nor are indicators of these techniques apparent in the 1966 photographs. As �happened with Lonsdale and Countess of Hopetoun, Mosquito was beached roughly perpendicular to the existing shoreline, with its bow facing away from Boggy Creek. Mosquito’s discard site is located a short distance from Bishop Island Ships’ Graveyard. Bishop Island functioned as Brisbane’s "official" ship abandonment site from approximately 1912 until it was buried beneath land reclamation and the city’s modern port facilities. Included among the many vessels discarded along its foreshore was the colonial government steamer Miner, which tended submarine mine fields in Moreton Bay and frequently participated in naval exercises with Mosquito (Gillett 1982: 55; McLeod 1973: 2326). Conclusion Australasia’s torpedo boats exhibit reuse and discard attributes distinctly different from those of commercial watercraft. None of the examples discussed above underwent conversion or modification, nor were they adapted to roles in either a specialised secondary or functional post-abandonment capacity. Archival and archaeological evidence indicates that Lonsdale, Countess of Hopetoun, Defender and Mosquito were not subject to structure minimisation or hull reduction activities and that placement assurance strategies and environmental considerations played little, if any, role in their abandonment. Defender and Mosquito were both subject to limited salvage but this appears to have been more for the purposes of collecting historical keepsakes than intentional removal of hull components for reuse or resale. An explanation for these trends may lie in Richard Gould’s (1990:160-223; 2000:265-298) discussion of "trend innovation" and "tactical indecision". These tendencies were the result of an Industrial-era arms race among nineteenthcentury navies to acquire and use rapidly evolving military technology. The specialised construction and tactical application of torpedo boats meant they were uniquely unsuited for other military roles; this problem was further compounded by their general obsolescence at the time of discard. The small size and relatively light construction of these watercraft precluded their use in secondary military functions and likely reduced the value of their constituent parts to such an extent that they simply weren’t worth the time, money and effort to dismantle or dispose of properly. Further, it would appear that these military prejudices against torpedo boats may have carried over to contemporary civilian populations and explain—in whole or in part—why their stripped hulls were not reused in a functional non-military capacity and ultimately abandoned largely intact. Bibliography Adlam, H., 1981 Anderson, R., 1996 "Colonial Torpedo Boats", in The Navy: The Magazine of the Navy League of Australia, Vol. 43, No. 3, pp. 25-31. "Inspection/File Note: RVN Torpedo Boat", in Countess of Hopetoun, 24 November 1996, document on file, Heritage �Beringer-Pooley, J., 2005 Cahill, D., n.d. Cahill, D., 2009 Cockroft, A., 1983 Cooke, P., 2000 Ferrier, F., 1989 Foote, W., 2001 Gibbs, M., 2005 Gibbs, M., 2006 Gillett, R., 1982 Gillet, R., 1991 Gould, R., 1990 Gould, R., 2000 Heritage Victoria n.d. Hewitt, G., and Tucker, C., 2009 Hunter, J. III, 2009 Victoria Maritime Heritage Unit, Melbourne. Comparative Corrosion Analysis of J-Class Submarines, unpublished Masters thesis, Flinders University, Australia. The Countess of Hopetoun, unpublished manuscript on file, Heritage Victoria Maritime Heritage Unit, Melbourne. "The Lonsdale: A Victorian Torpedo Boat", in (ed.) Mack McCarthy, Iron, Steel & Steamship Archaeology: Proceedings of the 2nd Australian Seminar, Held in Perth, Melbourne and Sydney, 2006, pp. 133-135. Nicholl’s Seamanship and Nautical Knowledge (25th Edition), Brown, Son and Ferguson, Glasgow. Defending New Zealand: Ramparts on the Sea, 1840s1950s (Part 1), Defence of New Zealand Study Group, Wellington. Letter to Queenscliff Maritime Centre dated November 1989, document on file, Queenscliffe Maritime Museum, Queenscliff. Queensland Marine Defence Force and Naval Brigade, unpublished manuscript on file, Queensland Maritime Museum, Brisbane. ‘Watery Graves: When Ships Become Places’, in (ed.) J. Lydon and T. Ireland, Object Lessons: Archaeology and Heritage in Australia, pp. 50-70, Australian Scholarly Publishing, Melbourne. ‘Cultural Site Formation Processes in Maritime Archaeology: Disaster Response, Salvage and Muckelroy 30 Years On’, in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 35, No. 1, pp. 4-19. Australia’s Colonial Navies, The Naval Historical Society of Australia, Garden Island. ‘Countess of Hopetoun: The Last Torpedo Boat’, in The Navy: The Magazine of the Navy League of Australia, Vol. 53, No. 3, pp. 7-11. Recovering the Past, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Archaeology and the Social History of Ships, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. "Site File No. 154", in Countess of Hopetoun Torpedo Boat, Swan Island. "HMVS Lonsdale", in Queenscliff Harbour Consolidated Excavation Report, unpublished report, Terra Culture Heritage Consultants, Northcote (Victoria). "The Archaeology of Military Mismanagement: An Example from New Zealand’s Colonial Torpedo Boat Defences, 1884-1900", in Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for �Hunter, J. III, 2010 Hunter, J. III, 2011 Hunter, J. III, In prep LaMotta, V., and Schiffer, M., 2008 McCarthy, M., 2009 McLeod, G.R., 1973 Moffat, I., 1996 Muckelroy, K., 1975 Muckelroy, K., 1976 Muckelroy, K., 1978 Ogilvie, E. 1970 Richards, N., 1997 Richards, N., 1998 Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 33, No. 1, pp. 1-10. "Frontier Navies: An Archaeological Examination of Colonial New Zealand’s Torpedo Boat Squadrons’, in (eds.) Chis Horrell and Melaine Damour, Adivisory Council for Underwater Archaeology Underwater Archaeology Proceedings, pp. 146-154. "HMQS Mosquito: The Rediscovery and Identification of Queensland’s First Warship", in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 40, No. 2, pp. 374-386. Throwaway Navies: Naval Transition, Abandonment Processes, and the Archaeology of Australasia’s Torpedo Boat Defences, 1884-1924, Doctoral dissertation, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Australia. "Archaeological Formation Processes", in (eds) Colin Renfrew and Paul Bahn, Archaeology: The Key Concepts, pp. 121-127, Routledge, London. ‘The J-Boat Study’ in (ed.) Mack McCarthy, Iron, Steel & Steamship Archaeology: Proceedings of the 2nd Australian Seminar, Held in Perth, Melbourne and Sydney, 2006, pp. 143-146. "History Along the Waterways: The Abandoned Hulks of the Brisbane River and Moreton Bay", paper presented to the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, 25 October 1973. Most Formidable Weapons: A History of New Zealand’s Thornycroft Spar Torpedo Boats, Wellington Maritime Museum, Wellington. "A Systematic Approach to the Investigation of Scattered Wreck Sites", in The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration, Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 173-190. "The Integration of Historical and Archaeological Data Concerning an Historic Wreck Site: The ‘Kennemerland’’, in World Archaeology, Vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 280-290. Maritime Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, London. Purau, The Caxton Press, Christchurch. The History and Archaeology of the Garden Island Ships’ Graveyard, North Arm of the Port Adelaide River, Port Adelaide, South Australia, unpublished Honours thesis, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Australia. "Inferences from the Study of Iron and Steamship Abandonment: A Case Study from the Garden Island Ships’ Graveyard, South Australia", in Bulletin of the �Richards, N., 2002 Richards, N., 2008 Richards, N., 2011 Ryan, M., Taylor, P., and Whitmore, M., 2009 Schiffer, M., 1972 Schiffer, M., 1983 Schiffer, M., 1995 Schiffer, M., 1996 Skibo, J., and Schiffer, M., 2008 Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum 2003 Valis, S., 2010 Williams, D., 1983 Williams, D., 1986 Williams, D., 1992 Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 75-80. Deep Structures: An Examination of Deliberate Watercraft Abandonment in Australia, unpublished Doctoral dissertation, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Australia. Ships’ Graveyards: Abandoned Watercraft and the Archaeological Site Formation Process, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. "Ship Abandonment", in (eds) Alexis Catsambis, Ben Ford and Donny Hamilton, Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, pp. 856-878, Oxford University Press, London. Victoria’s Ships’ Graveyard, Scuttlebutt Press, Melbourne. "Archaeological Context and Systemic Context", in American Antiquity, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp. 156-165. "Toward the Identification of Formation Processes", in American Antiquity, Vol. 48, No. 4, pp. 675-706. Behavioral Archaeology: First Principles, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. People and Things: A Behavioral Approach to Material Culture, Springer Science, New York. Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum, Magazine Bay, Informational brochure produced by the Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum, Lyttelton. Conservation Fieldwork on the HMQS Mosquito Torpedo Boat Shipwreck, unpublished conservation assessment report, Museum of Tropical Queensland, Townsville. Letter to Commander B.N. Alexander dated 8 July 1983, document on file, HMAS Cerberus Museum, Victoria. Letter to N. Clark dated 1 September 1986, document on file, Heritage Victoria Maritime Heritage Unit, Melbourne. Letter (with attached photographs and site sketches) to Peter Harvey dated 1 December 1992, document on file, Heritage Victoria Maritime Heritage Unit, Melbourne. �� https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/284c3d8d9cfb378290e562ec1d971fa8.jpg b9d6456d0b8dd8d5ff5c6a8d8e4b94d3 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 277 Height 297 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/2ce7dd6fe43f7ef85ca058d070cfa4f5.jpg 940694f78452900072d1a30589e1f5e6 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abandonment Issues: An Assessment of Military Vessel Discard Trends Derived from Australasia's Torpedo Boat Defences, 1884-1924 Subject The topic of the resource Session 1 Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management Description An account of the resource Between 1884 and 1924, a total of fourteen torpedo boats served in the naval defence of Australia and New Zealand. Australasia’s colonial governments purchased these vessels as a consequence of fears of seaborne invasion by Imperial Russia and other foreign powers during the 1870s and 1880s. All were eventually decommissioned, put up for sale, stripped of their most valuable components, and abandoned. Archaeological investigation of four of these discard sites has revealed abandonment attributes distinctly different from documented disposal trends associated with commercial watercraft of the period. This paper will highlight these unique discard trends, and explore tentative explanations for their presence through the filter of site formation process. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James W. Hunter, III Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 1 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ed9b0ffaa048d29e33e125cabaede835.pdf e9016f2114e4d19f986790402b412a26 PDF Text Text Understanding wreck divers: Case studies from Australia and Chuuk Lagoon Joanne Edney Abstract A fundamental challenge for managers is how to allow divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these fragile sites. This study sought to gain an insight into the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers. It did this by conducting surveys of two groups of wreck divers: a group of divers at Chuuk Lagoon (Federated States of Micronesia) and a group of Australian wreck divers. This study found that wreck divers primarily visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life. Fines, permits, special certification and dive guides were the most acceptable ways to control diver behaviour. There were significant differences in the motivations and attitudes of divers with different socio-demographic profiles: notably between genders and between divers from North America and Australia. The data suggests management strategies should be tailored to the socio-demographic profile of the divers visiting a shipwreck. Sites which attract divers from different parts of the world may require a range of approaches to achieve widespread compliance and acceptance of the need for minimum impact. Introduction Recreational scuba diving has become increasingly popular and it is estimated that there may be as many as 28 million active divers throughout the world today (Edney 2006:205; Garrod and Gössling 2008:7-8). As divers become more experienced they seek new experiences and challenges, such as wreck diving (Cater 2008:59-61). As well as adding challenge, shipwrecks also offer unique and diverse diving experiences and have become important recreational resources for divers (Delgado 1988a:8; Edney 2006:205). Shipwrecks have important cultural heritage values (Delgado 1988a:5-8) and scuba diving can have adverse impacts on these values. Potential diver impacts on shipwrecks have been described by Joanne Edney (2006:214-219) and include boat anchor damage, disturbance to and removal of artefacts and accidental and deliberate diver contacts with wrecks. Therefore, a fundamental challenge is allowing divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these fragile sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these sites (Barker and Roberts 2008:172; Holecek and Lothrop 1980:1). Unfortunately, very little research has been conducted into divers, and Donald Holecek and Susan Lothrop’s (1980) study of the demographics, behaviour and expenditure patterns of wreck and non-wreck divers in the Great �Lakes region of the United States (US) is the only example in the literature of a study specific to wreck divers (Edney in press). This study aimed to determine the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers to provide data which could be used to inform the management of shipwrecks in the Asia-Pacific region. Two groups of wreck divers were surveyed: 1) a group of divers in Chuuk, in the Federated States of Micronesia; and 2) a group of divers in Australia. There are around 50-60 shipwrecks in Chuuk Lagoon, the result of Allied air attacks during World War II. The wrecks are a tangible reminder of Chuuk’s recent history, an important part of military history and the graves of many Japanese servicemen. As world renowned dive sites, they are also Chuuk’s main tourist attraction and a major source of revenue (Jeffery 2006:137, 2004a:51-52, 55, 62-63, 2004b:107). Due to Chuuk’s popularity with wreck divers, and as only wreck diving opportunities are offered, Chuuk provided a unique opportunity to survey wreck divers. In Australian coastal waters more than 900 of the 7,000 recorded shipwrecks have been located, and provide popular recreational opportunities for wreck divers (Kenderdine 1997:8-11). However, whilst diving is popular in Australia, it is difficult to estimate the size of the industry (Tschapka 2006:7) and little is known about Australian divers. There is a paucity of accurate data about the industry, including certification numbers, participation (Cummins 1995:113) and diver characteristics. This research addresses four questions: • What are the characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers? • Are there any differences in the socio-demographic characteristics of the two wreck diver sample groups? • Are there any differences in the motivations for wreck diving between the two wreck diver sample groups? • Are there any differences in the attitudes to management controls that may be put in place to protect shipwrecks between the two wreck diver sample groups? Methods The data from divers at Chuuk was obtained using a self-completed questionnaire, in hard copy format, which was distributed to passengers who stayed on a live aboard dive vessel in Chuuk Lagoon between August 2009 and January 2010. The first batch of surveys were distributed by the researcher with the permission of the vessel’s captain, and subsequent surveys were distributed by the crew. The results of this survey are reported in detail in Edney (in press). �Between July and October 2010 a sample of Australian wreck divers were surveyed using a self-completed questionnaire available in an electronic webbased format, using SurveyMonkey™, and hard copy. Participants were recruited by emailing information about the study to dive operators and clubs across Australia, who were requested to forward the information to divers on their mailing lists. Information about the survey was also posted on the Dive-Oz scuba diving website forum, publicised in the Dive Log Australasia free monthly newspaper and promoted by word of mouth communication amongst divers. These methods were chosen because it was not possible to obtain mailing lists of divers due to privacy laws and proprietary issues. The use of a web-based survey also enabled cost effective data collection and a large number of respondents across Australia to be reached in a relatively short period of time. The survey was divided into three main sections, socio-demographic characteristics (five items) and dive experience (three items); wreck diving motivations (fourteen items); and, attitudes to management controls to protect wrecks (nine items). Closed questions with checklists were used for the sociodemographic and dive experience questions and five point scales were used to rate the relative importance of motivations for wreck diving and diver attitudes. The questions concerning diver characteristics and motivations for wreck diving were derived and adapted from other surveys of divers (Davis 1997:121-136; Ditton et al. 2002:S187-S189; Holecek and Lothrop 1980:2-11; Jewell 2004:4750; Meisel and Cottrell 2004:394-399; Musa et al. 2006:95-97; Stolk et al. 2005:159-163; Thapa et al. 2005:57-58; Todd et al. 2002:108-109). The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was used to analyse the survey data. Data analysis included descriptive statistics of diver socio-demographic and dive experience data, Pearson Chi-Square1 test for the comparison of the two wreck diver groups and the influence of sociodemographic variables on diver motivation and attitudes. Results Socio-demographic and dive experience profiles Socio-demographics The socio-demographic results are presented in Table 1. The majority (88 percent) of survey respondents were wreck divers in Australia (923 respondents) and the remainder were from Chuuk (123 respondents). Seventy four percent of wreck divers were male and 26 percent female. The majority (55 percent) of divers were aged 35-54 years. There was a significant difference between the 1 A statistical test for significance of the relationship between two variables. �ages of the two groups of divers (χ2=40.7, df=6, p=0.00), with the divers to Chuuk being older than those in Australia. Seventy two percent of the divers had completed tertiary education (i.e. diploma, degree or higher degree) and 58 percent had completed bachelor degrees or higher degrees. The majority (53 percent) of wreck divers had an annual income higher than the equivalent of Australian Dollars (AUD) $75,000, well above the average annual Australian income of $68,000 (ABS 2011). There were significant differences in levels of income between the two groups (χ2=87.9, df=5, p=0.00), with wreck divers to Chuuk earning more than those in Australia. Notably, 42 percent of wreck divers to Chuuk earned more than the equivalent of AUD $150,000 a year, compared to 11 percent of wreck divers in Australia, while almost half (47 percent) of wreck divers in Australia earned between AUD $51,000-$100,000 annually, compared to 28 percent of those in Chuuk. �Table 1. Socio-demographic profile (*Reported in Edney in press) All wreck divers Frequency % Australian wreck divers Frequency % Chuuk* wreck divers Frequency % Gender Male Female 74 26 74 26 73 Age <25 years 25-34 years 35-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years >64 years 8 22 27 28 12 3 9 24 28 25 11 3 1 10 22 43 20 4 Level of education High school Trade qualification Diploma Degree/higher degree 14 14 14 58 13 15 16 56 17 3 5 75 Annual income $AUD equivalent 0-25,000 26,000-50,000 51,000-75,000 76,000-100,000 101,000-150,000 >150,000 11 13 23 22 17 14 13 14 24 23 17 11 5 8 14 14 17 42 Region of residence Asia Australia Australia/New Zealand Europe Other United Kingdom USA/Canada 88 2 1 1 8 Socio-demographic variable 100 27 2 14 2 7 8 67 The majority of divers to Chuuk originated from US/Canada (67 percent), followed by Australia/New Zealand (14 percent), the United Kingdom (8 percent), around 2 percent each from Asia and Europe, and the remainder were from other regions. �Dive experience Dive experience results are presented in Table 2. The majority (60 percent) of divers had completed more than 250 dives and 40 percent had completed more than 500 dives. The highest level of certification attained by a large proportion (41 percent) of the divers were leadership certifications (i.e. Divemaster or above), and only 9 percent of held basic (open water diver) certification. Table 2. Dive experience (*Reported in Edney in press) All wreck divers Frequency % Australian wreck divers Frequency % Chuuk* wreck divers Frequency % Number of dives 0-20 21-50 51-100 101-250 251-500 >500 3 8 12 17 20 40 3 9 12 16 20 40 0 3 7 25 21 44 Years diving 0-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 >40 29 20 14 10 9 7 5 3 3 30 20 15 10 8 7 4 3 3 24 21 12 12 10 7 7 3 4 Highest level of certification Open water Advanced open water Specialty Master scuba diver Divemaster Instructor Master instructor 9 12 28 10 19 13 9 10 10 30 10 20 12 8 4 26 13 7 19 16 15 Experience variable Almost half of the divers (49 percent) had been diving for 10 or less years and the majority (63 percent) had been diving for 15 or less years. �Motivations for wreck diving When the means of all responses were compared (Table 3), ‘seeing marine life’ (mean 4.19), ‘seeing historically significant shipwrecks’ (4.05), the ‘peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment’ (3.96), ‘seeing artefacts’ (3.90) and ‘the clear water’ (3.81) were found to be the top motivations for wreck diving. Notably, ‘collecting artefacts and fittings’ (2.06) and ‘fossicking for artefacts and fittings’ (2.59) were the least important motivations. Table 3. Motivations for wreck diving: Australia and Chuuk survey results combined Motivation N Mean Std Deviation Seeing marine life 992 4.19 .790 Seeing historically significant shipwrecks 993 4.05 .843 Peace & tranquillity of the underwater environment Seeing artefacts 994 3.96 .862 992 3.90 .878 The clear water 995 3.81 .868 Penetrating a wreck 994 3.60 1.044 Researching or learning more about a wreck 993 3.57 .972 Photography 992 3.53 1.167 Observing the effects of time (decay) on a wreck Complexity & size of the wreck 989 3.47 .962 989 3.46 .998 Other 235 3.43 1.113 Exploring & discovering machinery & fittings 990 3.30 1.087 Fossicking for artefacts 983 2.59 1.127 Collecting artefacts & fittings 978 2.06 1.067 Significant differences were found between genders and the location of survey (i.e. Chuuk or Australia). ‘Penetrating a wreck’ (χ2=23.8, df=5, p=0.00), ‘fossicking for artefacts’ (χ2=25.0, df=5, p=0.00), ‘exploring and discovering machinery and fittings’ (χ2=90.5, df=5, p=0.00) and the ‘complexity and size of the wreck’ (χ2=35.1, df=5, p=0.00) were important to male divers (χ2=20.3, df=5, p=0.00), while ‘seeing marine life’ was more important to females (χ2=23.8, df=5, p=0.00). ‘Fossicking for artefacts’ was also important to divers to Chuuk (χ2=14.2, df=5, p=0.01). Diver attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks When the means of all responses were compared (Table 4) the statement that received the highest level of agreement was that ‘harsh penalties should be �imposed on divers who take things from wrecks’ (mean 4.13), followed by ‘divers should be required to have special permits to dive some wrecks’ (3.32), ‘only divers who have special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (2.79), ‘an underwater guide should control what people do’ (2.66) and ‘some accessible wrecks should be off-limits to divers’ (2.58). There was least agreement with the statements ‘wrecks should be protected from all visitation’ (1.44) and ‘there should be no controls over what divers do on wrecks’ (1.78). Table 4. Attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks: Australia and Chuuk survey results combined Management control N Mean Std Deviation Harsh penalties should be imposed on some divers who take things from wrecks Divers should be required to have permits to dive some wrecks Only divers who have special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck An underwater guide should control what people do 978 4.13 1.053 981 3.32 1.296 981 2.79 1.286 976 2.66 1.172 Some accessible wrecks should be off-limits to divers 960 2.58 1.221 A dive briefing is enough to control diver behaviour 972 2.47 1.048 Moving artefacts around on a wreck is okay so long as the artefacts remain at the wreck site There should be no controls over what divers do on wrecks Wrecks should be protected from all visitation 981 1.87 .974 982 1.78 1.081 978 1.44 .763 Significant differences were found between genders, location of survey and the origin of the divers. There was more agreement from females that ‘an underwater guide should control what people do’ than from males (χ2=47.4, df=15, p=0.00). Australian divers agreed that ‘only divers with special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (χ2=51.8, df=20, p=0.00) and ‘divers should be required to have permits to dive some wrecks’ (χ2=67.4, df=35, p=0.00), while wreck divers from US/Canada disagreed with these statements. Wreck divers in Chuuk agreed that ‘moving artefacts around on a wreck site is okay so long as the artefacts remain at the wreck site’ (χ2=160.0, df=35, p=0.00), while wreck divers in Australia disagreed with this statement. Discussion The socio-demographic findings from this study are broadly consistent with a number of other studies of scuba divers. This includes the predominance of �males, high levels of education (Davis 1997:133-135; Ditton et al. 2002:S188; Musa 2002:200; Musa et al. 2010:6; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al. 2005:58; Todd et al. 2001:135; Tschapka 2006:99-102) and above average incomes (Davis 1997:136; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al. 2005:58). However, divers from this study were older than those from other studies, including more recent studies (Musa et al. 2010:6; Thapa et al. 2005:58; Tschapka 2006:100-101). The income and age differences between the two groups of wreck divers may have been influenced by the sampling strategy. The divers in Chuuk had travelled from their home location to participate in wreck diving, and in comparison to other shore-based alternatives in Chuuk and other wreck diving destinations, the live aboard the survey was conducted on is relatively costly. Therefore it may be expected that divers on this live aboard would be more affluent and older, with higher income generally linked to age (Musa et al. 2006:99; Edney in press). Wreck diving is more demanding and challenging, requiring higher levels of skill, training and experience for safe participation than regular scuba diving (Edney in press). Therefore, the finding that wreck divers had higher levels of dive experience and certification than divers from other more recent studies was expected (Ditton et al. 2002:S188; Musa et al. 2010:7; Stolk et al. 2005:163; Tschapka 2006:107-110). Most divers visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment. Few divers visit wrecks to collect artefacts and fittings. These findings are in contrast to Holecek and Lothrop’s (1980:17-19) study which found treasure and trophy hunting important to wreck divers. This may reflect changes in diver and community attitudes towards shipwrecks over the past 30 years. In the past, the collection of artefacts was often the focus of wreck diving and considered an acceptable activity by many divers (Todd et al. 2001:139), whereas today shipwreck protection laws generally prohibit these types of activities. Diver and the general community attitudes to shipwrecks now better recognise the cultural heritage values of wrecks and their protection is better supported (Edney 2006:221; Edney in press). Differences were found in motivations based on gender and location of the survey. The more challenging aspects of wreck diving and the technical aspects of wrecks, such as penetrating wrecks, exploring and discovering machinery and fittings and the complexity and size of wrecks were more important to males than they were to females. Fossicking for artefacts was more important to males and divers in Chuuk than it was to females and divers in Australia. These latter findings are concerning because the disturbance caused by fossicking can �diminish the integrity of cultural heritage values of wreck sites (Delgado 1988b:18; Edney 2006:213-214, 217), and shipwreck protection laws have been in place in Chuuk and Australia for more than three decades (Green 1995:335338; Hezel and Graham 1997:34-35; Jeffery 2004a:58-59, 2004b:110; Kenderdine 1997:15). Most wreck divers agreed that there should be management controls to protect shipwrecks and accepted the use of penalties, special certifications, permits and underwater guides as management controls. These findings differ from a study of divers from the Great Lakes region of the US (Todd et al. 2001: 139), which found that experienced divers preferred less invasive management controls. This difference may indicate differences in attitudes between divers from Australia and the US, as the majority of divers in this study were from Australia. Another difference this study found was that divers from North America considered moving artefacts around on a wreck site acceptable, whereas Australian wreck divers did not. This may reflect differences in legislation and levels of knowledge as well as cultural and or ethical differences between divers from North America and Australia. More study is required to determine the reasons for these differences. It is notable that few divers agreed that all wrecks should be protected from visitation. This suggests that while wreck divers generally support the protection of shipwrecks they also want access to wrecks. For heritage managers, greater access to wrecks can present challenges in achieving the protection of these sites (Edney in press). Conclusion This study found that wreck divers are predominantly male, middle aged, well educated, higher than average income earners, and experienced divers with high levels of diver certification. Wreck divers visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment. Divers can have adverse impacts on shipwrecks and this study shows that certain management controls, including penalties, permits, special certification and dive guides can be acceptable to divers. It also found that some divers participate in activities which disturb sites and they may not be aware of the consequences of disturbing and moving artefacts around. Management strategies may therefore need to be tailored to the demographic profile and origin of the divers visiting these sites because people from different countries have different attitudes about management. Sites with diverse demographics may need a range of controls, while sites with one demographic might have more focused efforts. This also highlights the importance of �implementing these controls in conjunction with more effectively communicating to divers the importance of wreck sites and appropriate behaviour when visiting these sites. Abbreviations ABS ANOVA AUD df p SPSS US χ2 Australian Bureau of Statistics Analysis of variance Australian dollars Degrees of freedom, and is the number of values of the variable P-value, the probability of obtaining a test statistic Statistical Package for the Social Sciences United States Chi square Acknowledgements Special thanks to Lenny Kolczynski, Captain of the Odyssey and the crew of Odyssey, Chuuk Lagoon, Federated States of Micronesia, for distributing and returning the majority of the Chuuk surveys to me. Thanks to all the divers in Chuuk and Australia who gave their time to participate in the survey. I would also like to thank Dr Jonathon Howard for supervising this research, his support and guidance, and for reviewing and commenting on this manuscript. 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Sharifah , L.S.A., Kadir., and Lee, L., 2006 Stolk, P., Perceptions of artificial reefs as scuba diving resources: A study of Australian recreational scuba divers, in Annals of Leisure Markwell, K., and Jenkins, J., Research, 8, 2-3, pp. 153-173. 2005 Thapa, B., “Moderator and mediator effects of scuba diving specialization on Graefe, A.R., marine-based environmental knowledge-behaviour contingency”, and Meyer, L.A., in The Journal of Environmental Education, 37,1, pp. 53-66. 2005 �Todd, S.L., Cooper, T., and Graefe, A.R., 2001 Todd, S.L., Graefe, A.R., and Mann, W., 2002 Tschapka, M.K., 2006 “Scuba diving and underwater cultural resources: Differences in environmental beliefs, ascriptions of responsibility, and management preferences based on level of development”, in (comp. ed.) Gerard Kyle, Proceedings of the 2000 Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium, April 2-4 Bolton Landing, New York, Gen. Tech. Rep. NE-276, pp. 131-140, U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, Northeastern Research Station, Newtown Square, PA. “Differences in scuba diver motivations based on level of Development”, in (comp. ed.) Sharon Todd, Proceedings of the 2001 Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium, April 1-3 Bolton Landing, New York, Gen. Tech. Rep. NE-289, pp. 107114, U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, Northeastern Research Station Newtown Square, PA. Involvement, motivations and setting preferences of participants in the adventure tourism activity of SCUBA Diving, Master of Arts in Tourism (Research), University of Canberra, Canberra. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding wreck divers: Case studies from Australia and Chuuk Lagoon Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries Description An account of the resource A fundamental challenge for managers is how to allow divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these fragile sites. This study sought to gain an insight into the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers. It did this by conducting surveys of two groups of wreck divers: a group of divers at Chuuk Lagoon (Federated States of Micronesia) and a group of Australian wreck divers. This study found that wreck divers primarily visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life. Fines, permits, special certification and dive guides were the most acceptable ways to control diver behaviour. There were significant differences in the motivations and attitudes of divers with different socio-demographic profiles: notably between genders and between divers from North America and Australia. The data suggests management strategies should be tailored to the socio-demographic profile of the divers visiting a shipwreck. Sites which attract divers from different parts of the world may require a range of approaches to achieve widespread compliance and acceptance of the need for minimum impact. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joanne Edney Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 6 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a87f1193b14fef281f3e3e650c1098ba.pdf 7d8cff82cebfd83e801bac676cc583d4 PDF Text Text Nautical Terms as Gleaned from Ancient Tamil Literature N. Athiyaman1 Abstract During the beginning of the Common Era, the Maritime trade peaked in the regions of Southeast Asia, Peninsular India, Srilanka and the Red Sea coast. The Greek and Latin accounts clearly attest to the increased trade activities in this period. The use of large crafts for navigation is well recorded in these accounts. The early historic Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 B.C.E. and 300 C.E. provide valuable data regarding the nautical knowledge of that period. Some researchers have attempted to collate and interpret the data on nautical terms available in this literature. However, a detailed contextual analysis based on the content of the poems has not been attempted so far. Many types of crafts such as naavaay, vangam, thimil, and punai, are found mentioned in the Sangam literature, and these terms are not in use at present. The field studies conducted by scholars have revealed the existence of many indigenous crafts having different names on the South Indian Coast. Due to modern development the usage of traditional crafts is fast vanishing. In this paper an attempt is made to analyse the names and structure of the crafts that occur in the Sangam literature based on their contextual information. For example, the term naavaay is mentioned in the context of deep-sea craft which carried goods of various types. The data pertaining to the boats and ships and other nautical terms are analysed in this paper. An attempt is also made to find out the possible reasons for the disappearance of the various crafts referred in the literature. I. Introduction During the beginning of the Common Era, the maritime trade peaked in the Indian Ocean rim as attested by the Greek, Latin and Tamil sources. The use of larger crafts for navigation is also well recorded. However, an in-depth analysis of the native Tamil literature of the Common Era which has evidence for nautical terms is yet to be done. Hence, this paper focuses on the nautical terms found in the ancient Tamil literature (3rd century B.C.E.- 4th century C.E.) and analyses the types of boats. The literature was created during early historic Tamilakam which had a single linguistic territorial entity in Peninsular India, between 8o5' N and 13o40' N latitudes. The literature forms the main source of this study as archaeological source is scanty. However, an attempt is also being made in this paper to corroborate the textual references with limited archaeological evidence. 1 Centre for Underwater Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613010 , India rajachidam@gmail.com �Literary Sources The ancient Tamil Sangam literature and post-Sangam epics namely cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai dated to be ca. 4th century C.E. provide information on maritime activities of the Early Historic Tamilakam. A brief account of the content and character of these texts are discussed below. Sangam literature consists of anthologies of bardic corpus2 with accepted time span of ca. 3rd century B.C.E. and 3rd century C.E. based on archaeological, epigraphical, numismatic and literary parameters. This literature is classified as ettuththokai and paththuppaattu. The ettuththokai is the eight different collections of small poems of three lines to more than 50 lines. Based on the poetic analysis, kaliththokai and paripaatal are considered slightly late. The other six anthologies are earlier, though, some of the poems are considered to be later. The chronological order is as follows: kurunthokai, narrinai, akanaanuuru, puranaanuuru, aingkurunuuru and pathirrppaththu (Tamil Dictionary/Glossary on Historical Principle/TDHP 2001). The paththuppaattu collection has the ten songs, each one of which has more than a few hundred lines, where the poet describes about a hero or a chief or a king and his country. The chronological order is as follows: porunaraarruppatai, mathuraikkaanjci, netunalvaatai, malaipatukataam, perumpaanaarruppatai, pattinappaalai, cirupaanaarruppatai, mullaippaattu, kurinjcippaattu and tirumurukaarruppatai (TDHP 2001). These eight anthologies and ten songs were the poems of sentiments and exploits of the "noumenon" and the "phenomenon" in Tamil terminology of the akam and puram or somewhat simplified poems of erotic experience and heroism (Zevelebil 1975:80). In addition, the epics of Tamil literature namely cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai of 4th-5th century C.E. are included as they also provide information on maritime activities. The settings alluded to in the poetry provide ample information on various spheres of maritime activities. A documentation of nautical terms in the literature is found in Victor Rajamanickam and Samuel Arulraj (1994). A monograph on ships and shipping of the Tamil region has also been attempted (Ragavan 1968). However, the context analysis of such terms, size and functions of the vessels from the literature and their possible provenance have not been attempted. Among all the 20 texts, netunalvaatai, malaipatukataam, and tirumurukaarruppatai do not have nautical terms as they are unrelated to the maritime activities. Of paththuppaattu, mathuraikkaanjci accounts for four types of vessels. Of anthologies kaliththokai and paripaatal provide information of many terms, next to narrinai, akanaanuuru and puranaanuuru. The later period epics cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai give information on five types of crafts. 2 During the early historic period there lived the bards who moved place to place and sang in praise of the local King or cheif and received gifts for thier subsistence. They were called as paanar. �II. Watercrafts from Tamil Literature A thorough survey of the entire literature reveals ten terms for watercrafts. They are ambi, kalam, mithavai, naavaay, otam, pahri, punai, thimil, thoni and vangkam. The details and context are analysed for proper understanding of the probable size and function of each term. ambi ambi according to Tamil Lexicon (TL) is a small boat (TL 1982:96) found quoted in 14 instances. The context of vessel(s) with the sea is ten occurrences and with river(s) is four occurrences. It could be understood that this boat was used both in coastal fishing and river crossing. Regarding the appearance, the ambi which was tightly built alludes to horned buffalo floating in the pond (narrinai 315:3). This was also compared with the movement of elephant running after mirage to quench their thirst (akanaanuuru 29:18). Probably, these boats were black in colour and the shape could resemble that of an elephant. No reference to mast or sail is found. This was used for coastal fishing with net(s) (narrinai 74:3) and also for shark hunting by the fisherfolk (akanaanuuru 187:23). The boats lying ashore were used by the seagulls to lay eggs and incubate (aingkurunuuru 168:2). The ruined ambi lying on the coast (narrinai 315:3) is also accounted. In a poem this term was used along with other vessels namely thoni and kalam implying the variation in the function and appearance of other types (puranaanuuru 343:2). In the same poem it is found that this boat carried fish for selling and carried back the bartered paddy, while other crafts performed different functions. The reference of a damaged ambi along with marakkalam (wooden vessel) and vangkam (manimeekalai 29:6-10) imply a clear difference between ambi and other boats. Reference to ambi as a ferry service on the river is mentioned in the literature of later period(s), except on one occasion of an early period (puranaanuuru 381:24). The later literature mentions river crossing by ambi. The bows of ambi were decorated as horse, elephant and lion faces. This is quoted along with marappunai (wooden float) which was considered less luxurious (manimeekalai 13:178-179). From the above information it can be inferred that ambi was a small craft of not more than elephant size and was used in the coastal fishing and transport of goods, and also used for river crossing. As ambi is not mentioned with any sail and also used for river crossing it could have been propelled by paddles. kalam In Tamil the term kalam has many meanings. But the main meaning is vessel, a container made of wood, earth or any metal. The meaning related to the present study is a ship or a boat (TL 1982:778). In the literature of 17 occurrences one could discern that kalam was used for a ship with sails and it makes long voyages. However, in one instance the term was used for a littoral fishing boat (akanaanuuru 30:9). It is interesting to note that in most of the cases it is mentioned kalam was sailed by wind power �(puranaanuuru 26:12; puranaanuuru 30:12; puranaanuuru 386:14; kaliththokai 5:6). In many cases, it is accounted as a vessel which brought wealth in terms of wine and gold (akanaanuuru 149:9; puranaanuuru 56:18; puranaanuuru 343:15) and in turn left with pepper. This could be the ships from the Red sea region and there is direct evidence in the literature for yavanaa (the Greek, Romans) ships coming with gold and wine leaving with pepper and other articles (akanaanuuru 149; puranaanuuru 56:18; puranaanuuru 343:5). It is also mentioned that the kalams were navigated with the help of the light houses built in the coastal region (perumpaanarruppatai 350). There is an account that the poet amazes at the depth of the Kaveri river mouth that even the kalam did not roll down their sails and entered swiftly (puranaanuuru 30:12). In the epics the builders of kalam and their settlement are also mentioned (cilappathikaaram 5:31; manimeekalai 7:70). Hence, from the above evidence it can be inferred that kalam was a large deep sea vessel and sailed with the wind. mithavai The term mithavai which means a float (TL 1982:3199) is quoted only once as mithavaiayar (the people of the float) i.e. raft (paripaatal 6:35) with no additional details. naavaay This means a vessel or a ship (TL 1982:2109). It was a deep sea ship like kalam. These kind of ships were used by the Chera3 kings and they sailed in the Arabian Sea region and brought gold (puranaanuuru 126:15). The naavaay with full of goods from various countries is accounted (narrinai 295:6). This kind of ship went up to the river Ganges mouth loaded with products of the North and horses from the west (perumpaanarruppatai 320; mathuraikkaanjci 83; mathuraikkaanjci 321). From the evidence, it can be found that they sailed with wind power and reached the desired ports (narrinai 295:6; mathuraikkaanjci 83; paripaatal 10:39) and as they had visited many ports their masts were tied with flags which were viewed from the distance (puranaanuuru 13:5). The naavaay was caught in a cyclone, the scene of the rolling and pitching of the ship are also alluded (mathuraikkaanjci 379). Therefore, one can infer that the naavaays were indigenous deep sea ships, as this term is not used in context with foreigners (yavanaa). These ships might have plied between the Ganges and the Red sea region or at least in the coastal regions of the Indian sub-continent as it include a list of various goods loaded. However, in the later literature the term naavaay is also mentioned as a decked river boat (cilappathikaaram 14:74). The material with which the naavaay was built could not be discerned from the literature. 3 In the early Historic Tamilakam the south region was ruled by Pandyas, the north was ruled by Cholas and the west was by the Cheras and they were called as veendar (King). Other than them many local Chieftains also ruled small areas which were not governed by the vendars. �otam In Tamil otam means a Ferry boat or a raft (TL 1982:621). In the literature a solitary reference to otam is found (akanaanuuru 101:12). Here it is compared with the rising Sun in the sea implying a small sized vessel. pahri This means a boat (TL 1982:1494) and it occurs in one instance (pattinappaalai 30). This was a coastal boat which was used to barter salt with paddy. It can be compared with the ambi, as it was also used for exchange of paddy to fish (puranaanuuru 343). However, in poems the ambi for bartering is mentioned in the west coast context and pahri is accounted in the east coast. punai This means a raft or a float (TL 1982:1707). This term is used in the earlier literature such as kurunthokai, akanaanuuru and puranaanuuru. Hence this term was prevalent from the early period, but all in the context of river boats. These were made of European bamboo reeds sh. Arundo donax (akanaanuuru 6:8; akanaanuuru 180:9). The life-saving floating wood in the sea is accounted (kaliththokai 134:25), when the ships wrecked in a cyclone. On other occasions it is compared with the hero becoming the life-saver (punai) of a lover. The punai was a major craft used for water games in the river Vaigai near Madurai (kaliththokai 72:15). An account of punai being used in the river Periyar (puranaanuuru 192:9) is found. This was considered inferior to ambi as in the epic cilappathikaaram (13:179) the hero on one situation had to opt for marappunai instead of decorated horse, elephant, lion faced ambi boats. Sometimes in the literature the righteous life is compared with punai (kurinjcippattu 208; manimeekalai 11:77). In only one instance this term was found used for coastal fishing (akanaanuuru 280:9). From the above it can be inferred that punai was a river craft used as a raft for water games and life-saving floats and were made of bamboo reeds. thimil The term thimil means hump of a bull or fishing boat (TL 1982:1047). This term is found used only in the context of the Ocean. The fishermen in Tamil paratavar used this craft for hunting the sharks and other kind of fish. Going in thimil catching sharks with nets (narrinai 111:6; akanaanuuru 340:18) and many occasions with harpoons (narrinai 199:6; narrinai 388:4; kurunthokai 304:4) are referred to besides catching other kinds of fish and diving for conch shells (kurunthokai 123:5; akanaanuuru 240:3; akanaanuuru 350:11). The shape and size of the thimil could not be discerned, but they were used only in shallow waters. The robustness of thimil has been accounted as kotunthimil, the tight construction of thimil is mentioned as thinthimil and the long boats of this kind were called netunthimil. Reference to old boats with new nets and the nets with small openings also occurs (akanaanuuru 60:3; akanaanuuru 70:1). These boats were used for night as well as day fishing (akanaanuuru 65:11; narrinai 331:6-8). Lights were used in all the fishing boats of this kind (narrinai 199:6; narrinai �388:4). The scene from the shore of night fishing with thimil type of boats was compared to forest fires (akanaanuuru 65:11). These boats were owned by indiviuals and were not of single social group (narrinai 331:6-8). They also were helped in knowing their position by the light of of the light houses (pattinappaalai 111-112). From the above evidence it is clear that the term thimil was used only as fishing boats and they must have been small or medium sized coastal vessels. thoni This term means a boat (TL 1982:1236). This kind of boat was alluded to the horses moving in rows like the boats (thoni) floating on the sea (puranaanuuru 299:3). The thoni was brought ashore after fishing, is accounted in akanaanuuru (50:1). It is interesting to note that the people who fished in the boat thimil were mentioned as thoniar, implying the thimil was also called as thoni. vangkam The term vangkam means swiftly moving ship (TL 1982:3452). In the literature the term meant big ships that travel long distances. So the size of the ships could be fairly large. The vessel which went up to the river Ganges is accounted as vangkam (narrinai 189:5). The mast of the vangkam is also mentioned (narrinai 258:9). The captain navigated the vangkam with the help of light houses (akanaanuuru 255:1). They left for various places to obtain wealth (pathirrppaththu 52:4; cilappathikaaram 14:107). The vangkam was curveshaped (kaliththokai 92:48). Making series of ships to go up to Ganges is also mentioned (cilappathikaaram 26:165). The people from Java Island came in these vangkam type vessels (manimeekalai 14:73). And on many occasions the deep sea vessel vangkam is accounted in manimeekalai (14:73-85; 21:85; 25:126; 25:238; 26:85; 29:7). The vangkam that was wrecked is also accounted in manimeekalai (29:16). Other nautical terms Light houses The term lighthouse in Tamil is kalangkarai vilakkam (vessel>kalam, Shore>karai, light > vilakkam). There are instances mentioning the tall tower lights used as navigation markers. The akanaanuuru (255:1-6) mentions that from vangkam the sailors had located their vessels position based on the lights lit, on the high storied building rooftops. This is also attested by the pattinappaalai (111-112), but the vessel used for the fishing is mentioned as thimil. The perumpaanarruppatai (346-351) alludes to the lights lit in the night was for the boats, by climbing on the ladder on the building which almost touches the sky. However, the direct term kalangkarai vilakkam is found in cilappathikaaram (6:141). Anchors The stone anchor which damaged the ship due to cyclone in mathuraikkaanjci (375-379) is the solitary reference. Deleted: . �Ship building and repairing Though there is no direct evidence of ship building and their location, the term nankalam tarunarum (cilappathikaaram 5:31), kalampunar kammiyar refers to those who built ships in the seafront. The term kalamcey kammiyar (the ship builder) indirectly refers to the ship building activity during this period. The damaged ropes and joints of a ship were repaired with the help of a kind of resin by the captain (paripaatal 10:53-55). III. Discussion The literature clearly suggests that several varieties of crafts were used during early historic Tamilakam, and this proves the intensive nature of maritime activities. On the basis of data discussed above the crafts used could be divided in to three categories namely the size, function and provenance. The crafts ambi, mithavai, naavaay, pahri, punai, thimil and thoni were the medium or small sized crafts. thimil could have been well-designed because it served as a fishing craft. The crafts naavaay, vangkam and kalam were deepocean vessels. Not even a single clue to the shape of these crafts could be found. In terms of function punai was used in rivers and ambi was used in the coastal transport as well as river crossing. As mithavai and otam are not referred to often their function cannot be discerned. pahri and thoni were coastal crafts that plied as a lightering boats and were also used in the lagoons. As for provenance, it can be inferred that all the crafts mentioned in the literature were indigenous, except kalam that were associated with the yavanas. As reference to the ships builders is also available, it is clear that the various crafts were built by the local craftsmen. The author of Periplus4 mentions about the ship named sangara which travelled up to Malacca (Schoff 1912:46). This could be vangkam mentioned in the Tamil text. Archaeological excavations conducted at various port towns like Arikamedu (Begely 1991; Casal 1949; Wheeler, et al. 1946), Pumpuhar (Soundara Rajan and Raman 1994), Alagankulam (Abdual Majeed, et al. 1992), Korkai (Abdul Majeed 1987) on the east coast and Pattanam (Cherian, et al. 2007) on the west coast of Tamilakam prove beyond doubt that busy trade activities were undertaken in ancient Tamilakam. The volume of trade carried out with the Red Sea region was so huge (see Selvakumar this volume), that for exchange of various commodities there was a need to build various crafts. For which the early historic Tamilakam had indigenous knowledge on navigation and ship-building. Although these conclusions are based on the literary evidence, the terms of crafts must be studied in comparison with Greek, Sanskrit and other 4 The unknown author of the book The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea provides geographical information on ports of Red Sea, Arabian Seas and Bay of Bengal and the trade during 1st century C.E. �languages of Southeast Asia. The crafts in the literature of the early historic period were scantily referred to up to the medieval period (Rajamanickam and Arulraj 1994) and lost their names in the course of history. The study clearly highlights that several categories of watercrafts were used for different purposes and the indigenous crafts had an active role in the long distance trading. Bibliography Primary sources DuraisamyPillai, S. (ed.), 1995 DuraisamyPillai, S., (ed.), 2002 Ilavazhakan (ed.), 1999 Narayanasami Iyar, A. (ed.), 2001 Saminathaiyar, U.Ve. (ed.), 1985 Saminathaiyar, U.Ve. (ed.), 1985 Saminathaiyar, U.Ve. (ed.), 1985 Saminathaiyar, U.Ve. (ed.), 1980 Saminathaiyar, U.Ve., (ed.), 1980 SaminathaiyarU.Ve. (ed.), 1980 Sarangkapani, R. (ed.), 2003 ShanmugamPillai, M. (ed.), 1985 Somasudanranar, Po.Ve.,(ed.), 1983 Pathirruppattu muulamum vilakka uraiyum, The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society, Tinnevelly Limited, Chennai, (Reprint). Puranaanuuru,The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinnevelly Limited, Chennai (Reprint), Vol I &II. kaliththokai,The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinnevelly Limited, Chennai (3rd edition). Narrinai naanuuru muulamum uraiyum, The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinnevelly Limited, Chennai (Reprint). Puraa naanuru muulamum uraiyum, Tamil University, Thanjavur (7th Edition). paththuppattu,TamilUniversity, Thanjavur (Reprint). Cilappathikaaram muulamum arumpatha vuraiym atiyaarkkunallaar uraiyum, Tamil University, Thanjavur (10th Edition). Aingkurunuuru muulamum pazhaiya uraiyam, Dr.U.Ve. SaminathaiyarNoolnilayam, Chennai, (sixth edition). Pathirrppaththu muulamum pazhaiyauraiyum, Dr.U.Ve. SaminathaiyarNoolnilayam, Chennai (seventh edition). Paripaatal, Dr. U.Ve. SaminathaiyarNoolnilayam, Chennai, (sixth edition). Paripaatal, Kovilur Matalayam, Kovilur. Kuruntokai muulamum uraiyam, Tamil University, Thanjavur. akanaanuuru (manimitaipavalam, nittilakkoovai),The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinnevelly Limited, Chennai (Reprint). �VenkatasamiNattar,N.M. (ed.), 1985 VenkatasamiNattar, N.M. and DuraisamyPillai, S. (eds.), 1985 Cilappathikaaram, The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinneveli Limited, Chennai (Reprint). Ciiththalai caaththanaar iyarriya manimeekalai, The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works Publishing Society Tinneveli Limited, Chennai (Reprint). Secondary sources Abdual Majeed, A., Thulasiraman. D., and Vasanthi.S., 1992 Abdul Majeed. A., 1987 Anonymous, 1982 Anonymous, 2001 Begley, V., 1991 Casal, J.M., 1949 Cherian, P. J., Selvakumar, V. and Shajan, K.P., 2007 Ragavan, A., 2005 Rajamanickam, G.V., and Arulraj, V., 1994 Schoff, W.H., 1912 Soundara Rajan, K.V. and Raman, K.V., 1994 Wheeler. R.E.M., Ghosh, A. and Krishna Deva, 1946 Alagankulam - A Preliminary Report, Dept. of Archaeology, Chennai. "A Note on Korkai Excavations", in Tamil Civilization, 5(1&2), Journal of Tamil University, Thanjavur pp.73-77. Tamil Lexicon, University of Madras. Madras. Vol. I-VI and Supplementary. Tamil Dictionary/Glossary on Historical Principles project, SANTI SADHANA, Chennai. Vol. I. "Ceramic Evidence for Pre-Periplus Trade from Arikamedu", in (eds.) Vimala .Begley and Richard Daniel De Puma, Rome and India Oxford University Press, Delhi, pp.157-196. Fouilles de Virampatnam-Arikamedu: Rapport de l’inde et de l’occident aux environs de l’ere chretienne, Imprimerie Nationale, Paris. "The Muziris Heritage Project Excavations at Pattanam", in Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, Vol. 4, pp.1-10. namnaTTukappRkalai, amizhtampatippakam, (First edition 1968), Chennai. Maritime History of South India, Tamil University, Thanjavur. The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea, Longmans, Green and Co., New York. Kaveripattinam Excavations 1963-73, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India No.50, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. "ARIKAMEDU: An Indo-Roman Trading-station on the East Coast of India", in Ancient India, Vol 2, pp.17-124. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nautical Terms as Gleaned from Ancient Tamil Literature Subject The topic of the resource Session 2 Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia Description An account of the resource During the beginning of the Common Era, the Maritime trade peaked in the regions of Southeast Asia, Peninsular India, Srilanka and the Red Sea coast. The Greek and Latin accounts clearly attest to the increased trade activities in this period. The use of large crafts for navigation is well recorded in these accounts. The early historic Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 B.C.E. and 300 C.E. provide valuable data regarding the nautical knowledge of that period. Some researchers have attempted to collate and interpret the data on nautical terms available in this literature. However, a detailed contextual analysis based on the content of the poems has not been attempted so far. Many types of crafts such as naavaay, vangam, thimil, and punai, are found mentioned in the Sangam literature, and these terms are not in use at present. The field studies conducted by scholars have revealed the existence of many indigenous crafts having different names on the South Indian Coast. Due to modern development the usage of traditional crafts is fast vanishing. In this paper an attempt is made to analyse the names and structure of the crafts that occur in the Sangam literature based on their contextual information. For example, the term naavaay is mentioned in the context of deep-sea craft which carried goods of various types. The data pertaining to the boats and ships and other nautical terms are analysed in this paper. An attempt is also made to find out the possible reasons for the disappearance of the various crafts referred in the literature. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource N. Athiyaman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 2 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fae76984ef9ce2b5fcd535b34be3ab83.pdf 436e73331c244d1602a688ff2e75c57b PDF Text Text Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast – historical evidence for their existence Paul Clark Abstract During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Introduction This paper sketches the historical evidence and provides some context for the loss of 28 trading vessels (perahu) on the Northern Territory coast of Australia between 1802 and 1907. It also presents historical evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. Known as Macassans (MacKnight 1976:1– 2) or more recently as monsoon traders (Knaap and Sutherland 2004) these mariners were regular visitors to the waters of the Northern Territory coast of Australia during the years 1780 to 1907 (Macknight 1976 and 2008:137). They came primarily to fish and trade for trepang (various species of edible holothurian, more popularly known as sea cucumber), but also to collect other marine products of value to the Chinese markets they served. These products included (amongst others), Hawksbill sea turtle shell (Eretmochelys imbricata), pearl shell (Pinctada sp.) and pearls and were part of a much larger trade network that included the Maluku islands (Moluccas) and west Papua (see Figure 1). Leaving the trading port of Makassar with the onset of the west monsoon (November-December), these fisher traders worked the Arnhem Land coast of the Northern Territory for four or five months before returning with the southeasterly trade winds in April-May. According to Alfred Searcy, Sub-Collector of Customs at Port Darwin (1882–1896), the perahu usually, "sighted Melville Island first before working their way down the coast to the eastward, some proceeding as far as the Gulf of Carpentaria" (Searcy 1907:45–46). In 1882 a licence fee to fish for trepang was introduced by the South Australian Government on Macassan vessels entering Northern Territory waters (Macknight 1969:405). This fee, together with customs duty payable on tradable items such as rice and arrack, was levied and payable on arrival. Captains of vessels therefore needed to obtain clearance papers from the Dutch authorities in Makassar listing their stores and trade goods and were required to produce �this documentation when purchasing their licence. The requirements for these documents indicate that most of the trepang voyages after 1882 began and (probably) ended at Makassar, Sulawesi, the centre of the trepang industry and the China trade in the eastern part of Indonesia. However, prior to this, many voyages (c.1780–1881) may have originated in other places to the east of Makassar and the catch trans-shipped to Makassar from other ports, such as the Tanimbar Islands (Timor Laut) and Aru (Searcy 1905:42) or Sumbawa (Earl 1846:65) and the Maluku islands. In 1882 the South Australian Government set up a revenue station at Bowen Strait near Raffles Bay and employed Edward Robinson as the Revenue Officer (Macknight 1969:403–405). Robinson was tasked with accessing and collecting import duties and licence fees from the visiting perahu captains. The process was administered from Port Darwin by Alfred Searcy, who made several voyages to the area to check on compliance and administer fines when breaches were found. Most of the primary source material available today that relates to wrecked perahu in the Northern Territory comes from the reports written and dispatched by Robinson and Searcy to their superiors in Adelaide. Figure 1. Map of the Indonesian archipelago showing trade routes in plumes and marine products 1500–1900 and trade in marine products to the north Australian coast, c.1780–1900 (after Forrest 1779 and 1792; Searcy 1905 and 1907; Crawford 1969; Macknight 1969 and 1976; Healey 1980; Swadling 1996; Morwood and Hobbs 1997:198; Morwood 2002:35). Cartography, Douglas Hobbs. �The perahu wrecks (1802 - 1907) The earliest written evidence of a wrecked Macassan perahu (proa, prau, prows) located on the Australian coast comes from the diary of Robert Brown, botanist on board HMS Investigator (1795–1872). Brown, engaged as the ship’s naturalist, together with artists Ferdinand Bauer and William Westall, were employed by the British Navy to assist commander Mathew Flinders, who had been sent in 1801 to map the Australian coastline and to record the plant and animal life of the new colony. Flinders, a navigator and cartographer of renown, was the first mariner to circumnavigate Australia (1801 to 1803). In December 1801 while at Vanderlin Island, part of the Sir Edward Pellew Group, Brown writes of finding a wreck on the western side of the island, "one piece of wreck was also picked up on the beach of the same cove in the bight" (Brown 1802– 1803). Amongst the wreckage were bamboo water containers, a wooden anchor and three boat rudders, one of which was taken onboard Investigator (ibid; Flinders 1814:231). A month later, on 17 February 1803, Flinders had a meeting at Malay Road, English Company’s Islands, with Pobassoo, a Bugis perahu captain from Makassar who recognised the rudder as belonging to one of the canoes of a vessel lost the previous year (ibid). Six weeks later, Flinders himself documented another perahu wreck on the southern side of Marchinbar Island in the Wessel Group where he found a ‘Malay proa’ washed up on the beach. He instructed his crew to cut it up for fuel (ibid:345). Forty-two years later, in January 1845, J. Beete Jukes, naturalist on board HMS Fly, another British survey ship, reported the loss of four perahu off the entrance to Port Essington (Jukes 1847:358). A fifth was recorded in 1869 off Escape Cliffs in Adam Bay, near the mouth of the Adelaide River (SAA 21 June 1869:3-4) and a further 12 were documented along parts of the Northern Territory coast over the next 32 years until 1902 (see Figure 2). Another eight wrecks are likely to have occurred during the last few years of the industry (1903–1907), but the references to the loss of these vessels are based on oral histories and have no dates attached (Berndt and Berndt 1954:111–112). The last wreck listed in Figure 2 that may have occurred before 1907, was reputed to have been seen from the air by a Parks and Wildlife Ranger in the 1960s (Baker 1985:42). Apart from recording the event however, most of these accounts from local informants or chance discovery provide little information about the actual location or the size and type of vessel lost. Robinson, while at the Bowen Strait Revenue Station (1884-1899) estimated that on average 25 perahu sailed each year to fish for trepang and trade with the indigenous inhabitants (Searcy 1905:11). It is logical to assume therefore, that up to 375 perahu may have arrived during his 15 year tenure at the station. During this time eight perahu are known historically to have been wrecked (see Figure 2), which represents a 2% yearly loss rate. Without considering any other factors that might affect Robinson’s figures, such as Pobassoo’s assertion that in 1803 alone there were 60 perahu on the �coast (Flinders 1814:228), it is possible to extrapolate and consider that 3,175 perahu voyages (at 25 per year) may have occurred during the 127 years of Macassan voyaging to the Northern Territory coast. If the same loss rate of 2% is applied as was estimated for Robinson’s time at the station, we can expect approximately 62 perahu wrecked or lost, on or off the coast. Given Pobassoo’s comments it seems that this is a conservative estimate, but it does provide a starting point for considering the next question; what did these vessels look like? Date of loss Wreck Reference Brown 1803:345, Macknight 1969:196 & Vallance 2001:329-333 Unidentified perahu 1 Unidentified perahu 2 Unidentified perahu 3 Unidentified perahu 4 Location West side Vanderlin Is., NT Southern side Marchinbar Is., NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT 1802 Unidentified perahu 1803 Unidentified perahu 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1869 (May– Jun) Unidentified perahu off Escape Cliffs, NT SAA 21 June 1869:3-4 c.1874 Unidentified perahu Mallison Island, NT c.1875 Unidentified perahu False Point, Cape Stewart, NT 1882 (Feb) 1884 (Jan– Mar) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1892 (Jan– Mar) 1895 (Mar 1895 (April) 1896 1902 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1900-07? c.1900-07? Unidentified perahu (Captain Jago [Djago]) Unidentified perahu timber & large dredging/fishing canoe Lasalasya Erang Poleang (Polea, Polia) (c.17 ton, Captain Using) Melville Island, NT Cotton Island, NT North side Melville Is., NT North side Melville Is., NT Unidentified perahu At sea off Melville Is., NT Unidentifed perahu Brogden Point, between Crocker and Goulbourn Islands, NT Bondeng Patola (c.17 ton Captain Using) Tjinna Mataiya (Tinna Motaya, Malaya, Motava?) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu – Ahmat from Banda Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu (Captain Jaming) Unidentified perahu (Captain Laululawa) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Flinders 1814:345 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA Lorance 1875: letter GRS 1/1876/74 SRSA & MacKnight 1981:139 Robinson 1882: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA & Searcy 1905:24, 1907:93 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485) Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Searcy 1905:40-42 & Berndt and Berndt 1954:118 West side of Truant Is. Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA & Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 GRS 1/1374/6875 SRSA Cape Wilberforce, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:120-121 Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Trial Bay, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Caledon Bay, NT Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Sir Rodericks Rocks, Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Port Bradshaw (1), NT Port Bradshaw (2), NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 �c.1900-07? Unknown Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu, seen c.1960 Port Bradshaw (3), NT Bickerton Island, NT Angwarigba Point, Dalimba Bay, Groote Eylandt, NT S.E of Sandy Island, Smith Point, Port Essington, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Cole 1973:46 Cole 1973:23 Baker 1985:42 Figure 2. Table showing perahu wrecks lost off the Northern Territory coast of Australia between the years 1802–1907. What a Macassan perahu may have looked like The earliest written accounts describing watercraft from the region that are known to have existed at the time of the trepang voyages to Australia, appear in three travel books published towards the end of the 18th century. The first two written by Thomas Forrest were published in 1780 and 1792, and the third, by John Splinter Stavorinus, was translated from Dutch and published in English in 1798. Forrest (1779, 1792) in particular, has left a rich narrative of his time and travels through Maluku and New Guinea in 1774–1776. He was employed by the British East India Company and in November 1774 he sailed from Balambangan (Sabah, Malaysia) in the Tartar Galley, a locally built vessel from the Sulu archipelago, fitted with a tripod mast and a tilted rectangular main sail. He was accompanied by two Europeans (a mate and a gunner) and a ‘Malay’ crew, which included Malays, Indonesians, Indians (lascars), Christian Filipinos from Visaya, and Muslims from Mindanao. The purpose of Forrest’s voyage was to explore possible routes into the ‘spice islands’ and gain as much intelligence as he could without antagonising the Dutch, who controlled the clove and nutmeg trade at the time (Bassett 1969:8-11). Forrest made a number of sketches and drawings of boats and canoes that he saw. Often these sketches appeared in the margins or at the bottom of the charts he made of the areas he visited. These included the padewakang (paduwakang, paduakan) from the southern Sulawesi region around the port of Makassar, which Forrest ascribed to the Bugis people of the region (see Figure 3). Forrest also made reference to the Bugis sailing to northern parts of Australia in their perahu padewakang, "I have been told by several Buggesses, that they sail in their Paduakans to the northern parts of New-Holland, possibly Carpentaria Bay, to gather Swallow [trepang], which they sell to the annual China Junk at Macassar" (Forrest 1792:82–83). The larger of Forrest’s drawings, shown in Figure 3, is of a smaller 7-10 ton variety of perahu padewakang with a single tripod mast, although he mentions that they could be as big as 45 tons (Forrest 1792:80). �Figure 3. A Bugis padewakang as described and drawn by Forrest (1792) from the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, and two similar drawings of different sized padewakang from Forrest (1780:94 plate 7). Our second witness, Stavorinus, originally a captain in the Dutch Navy, transferred to the Dutch East India Company and in 1768 sailed from Zeeland in command of Snoek (Pike), bound for Batavia (Jakarta). His book in three volumes was published in English in 1798 and contains accounts of five voyages (1768, 1771, 1774, 1775, and 1778) in the Southeast Asian region. Of particular interest is his description of the south Sulawesi perahu padewakang, which not only describes parts of the hull (in particular the bow) and the tripod mast, but also the technique of edge joining the planks with dowels, luting with bark and the Indonesian boat building technique of ‘plank-first’ (sometimes called shellfirst) construction (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II:260). Forrest also noted the plank-first �method and made the point that European ship building was ‘frame-first’ (Forrest 1792: 80). Additionally, Stavorinus states that the largest padewakang could be as much as 50 tons in size, which corroborates Forrest’s observations (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II: 260).Forrest also documented two other smaller vessel types, the kora-kora (korokoro, cora-cora, corocoro) and the double outrigger canoe both of which, particularly the larger forms, were quite capable of making the voyage to the northern Australian coast (see Figure 4). The kora-kora had a very high stem and stern and was generally fitted with outriggers. They varied in size from small boats to craft greater than 10 tons (Folkard 1863:217). On the cross pieces [outrigger arms] which support the outriggers are often fore and aft planks on which part of the crew sit and paddle when there is no wind; besides which, others who sit in the vessel use long [sweep] oars. In smooth water they are propelled in this manner with considerable velocity (ibid:217–218). The kora-kora were used for intra-regional trade and warfare (as war canoes) and in the 17th century by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) at Ambon (Amboyna) as punitive war ships (guarda costas) to enforce the spice monopoly (Folkard 1863:217; Guy 1998:78–79). Westall from the Investigator in 1803 left two pencil drawings of Macassan perahu that he saw at the English Company’s Islands (Perry and Simpson 1962:54, plates 109 and 110). They are similar in detail to some aspects of Forrests’ drawings, particularly the rigging and sail pattern, but differ slightly in the bow arrangement. Westall’s perahu appear to be more ‘built up’ and have the prominent ‘step in the bow’ noted in Indigenous rock art paintings from the Northern Territory (Burningham 1994; Chaloupka 1996). Figure 4. A kora-kora on the left and an outrigger canoe on the right, as drawn by Forrest off the coast of Selang Island and West Papua respectively (Forrest 1780:82 plate 5, 130 plate 10). Alfred Russel Wallace, who travelled through the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago nearly a hundred years later (1856–1862), also described the plank-first method (Wallace 1874:419–421). However, he also noted a technique common to many Austronesian peoples that has since become known as the ‘lash-lugged edge-joined’ construction technique (Evans �1927; Gibson-Hill 1952; Horridge 1982; Manguin 1985; Manguin 2009; Clark 1993; Green 1995; The Jakarta Post 2009), Ribs are now formed of single pieces of tough wood chosen and trimmed so as exactly to fit on to the projection from each plank [lug], being slightly notched to receive them, and securely bound to them by rattans passed through a hole in each projecting piece [lug] close to the surface of the plank (Wallace 1874:421). An engraving titled ‘Dobbo in the trading season’ by T. Baines (probably Thomas Baines) clearly shows a lash-lugged vessel under construction (Wallace 1874:472–473). A similar double-ended vessel is also evident in LeBreton’s 1841 lithograph of Pecheurs de Tripang a la Baie Raffles (Trepang fishers at Raffles Bay) (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Although it is not clear whether LeBreton’s vessel is lash-lugged, or if Baines’ is double-ended, it does suggest the possibility that smaller double-ended vessels such as the koro-koro from the eastern part of Indonesia were being built and may have voyaged to the northern Australian coast during the early Macassan period. LeBreton also provides an illustration of a Macassan perahu off Raffles Bay titled ‘Praos bouguis a la voile, Baie Raffles’ but the detail is not as precise in terms of the vessels rigging or sail arrangements as is the case with Forrest or Westall’s work (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Discussion and conclusion Although the evidence is far from conclusive, it is possible that small doubleended vessels, either with or without outriggers, such as the kora-kora described in the previous section also made voyages to northern Australia along with the well documented examples of the padewakang from Makassar (Macknight 1969:484–487). However, with the advent of the revenue station at Bowen Strait and the impost of licence requirements it is likely that the smaller vessel types found in the south, Nusa Tenggara Timur, and to the east of Makassar in the Maluku region, stopped coming once the industry became more regulated. There are at least four references that provide home port origins other than Makassar (Jukes 1847:358; Earl 1846:65; Searcy 1905:42; Berndt and Berndt 1954:120121) and therefore lend support to this argument. Although we have very little information about the 28 wrecks that we know occurred, we have no knowledge of the other potential perahu that may have been lost. It seems logical therefore, to propose that there may have been two phases of voyaging to Australia during the Macassan period. The early phase, 1780-1881, is potentially characterised by a greater range of vessel types and sizes, ranging from 7–10 tons (on average) for the smaller vessel types, to the larger 25–30 ton padewakang that was noted by Flinders (1814:230). The later phase 1882–1907, beginning after licences were introduced and the requirements for visitation became more regulated, is characterised by the larger padewakang vessel type in the range of 15–30 tons, with perhaps the occasional 50 ton example (Macknight 1969:484). �The chance of finding the remains of one of these vessels from either phase in an archaeological context seems remote but not improbable. With a tidal range of six to seven metres and a coastline prone to cyclones it is likely that only the lower hull timbers, protected by ballast and silt, and located in sheltered bays and estuaries will ever be located and identified. Associated with these potential finds, may be hand-held iron-edged tools and weapons, ceramics, (earthenware primarily, but in some cases small amounts of porcelain), bottle glass, coins, and iron cooking pans (shaped like large contemporary Chinese woks) for processing trepang. There is also the possibility of small ordnance such as muskets and bronze swivel guns. Macknight (1976) and Crawford (1969) provide well documented examples of a detailed range and analysis of such materials excavated from Macassan land sites on the northern Australian coast. The challenge for the future discovery of a Macassan shipwreck will be to realise the archaeological potential of such a find and the wealth of information it may contribute to our understanding of this early period in Australia’s trading history. Acknowledgements Thanks to my museum colleagues – Andrea McKey for obtaining reference material and to Ilka Schacht and Richard Willan for reading and commenting on various drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Silvano Jung for research assistance in locating some of the primary sources and Douglas Hobbs for his cartographic skills and deductive reasoning. Abbreviations GRS SAA SAPP SRSA Government Record Series (South Australia) South Australian Advertiser South Australian Parliamentary Papers State Records of South Australia Bibliography Macassan Site Survey and Bibliography, Unpublished Report to the Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences, Darwin. Introduction to the facsimile edition. Forrest T., 1792. A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas 1774– 1776. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press. Berndt, R.M. and Arnhem Land: its History and its People. Cheshire, Berndt, C.H., Melbourne. 1954 Brown, R., Diary of Robert Brown – 29 Oct 1802 to 17 May 1803, Gulf of 1803 Carpentaria to Koepang & Hence to Middle Island, Richerche Archipelago, W.A. British Museum (Natural History), South Kensington, London. Burningham, N., Reconstruction of a Nineteenth Century Makassan Perahu. The Beagle, Records of the Northern Territory Museum of 1987 Arts and Sciences 4(1): 103–128. Baker, R., 1985 Bassett, D.K., 1969 �Burningham, N., Aboriginal Nautical Art: a record of the Macassans and the pearling industry in Northern Australia. The Great Circle 1994 16(2): 139-151. Chaloupka, G., Praus in Marege: Makassan subjects in Aboriginal rock art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia. Anthropologie: 1996 International Journal of the Science of Man, 34: 131–142. Clark, P., Green, The Butuan Two boat known as a balangay in the National J., Vosmer, T., Museum, Manila Philippines. International Journal of Nautical and Santiago, R., Archaeology 22 (2): 143–159. 1993 Totems and Tamarinds. Nungalinya publications, Darwin. Cole, K., 1973 Crawford, I.M., Late Prehistoric Changes in Aboriginal Cultures in Kimberley 1969 Western Australia. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London. Dumont d’Urville, Voyage au Pole Sud et dans l'Oceanie. Atlas Pittoresque, tome second. Paris. J.S.C., 1846 Enterprise in Tropical Australia. Madden and Malcolm, Earl, G.W., 1846 London. Reprinted (facsimile) 2002 with an introduction by RHW Reece, NTUpress, Darwin. Evans, I.H.N., Notes on the remains of an old boat found at Pontian. Journal Federated Malay States Museum 12: 93–6. 1927 Flinders, M., A Voyage to Terra Australis; Undertaken for the purpose of completing the discovery of that vast country and prosecuted 1814 in the years 1801, 1802, and 1803. Volume II. G. & W. Nichol, London. Folkard, H.C., The sailing boat: A treatise on English and Foreign Boats, descriptive of the various forms of Boats and Sails of every 1863 Nation; with practical directions for Sailing, Management &c. Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts (third edition), London. A voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas, 1774–1776. Forrest, T., 1779 Reprinted (facsmile) 1969, with an introduction by D.K. Bassett. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press. A voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago, lying on Forrest, T., the east side of the Bay of Bengal; describing a chain of 1792 islands, never before surveyed ... also, an account of the islands Jan Sylvan, Pulo Pinang, and the port of Queda; the present state of Atcheen; and directions for sailing thence to Fort Marlbro' down the southwest coast of Sumatra; to which are added, an account of the island Celebes; a treatise on the monsoons in India; a proposal for making ships and vessels more convenient for the accommodation of passengers; and thoughts on a new mode of preserving ship provision: also, an idea of making a map of the world on a large scale. J. Robson, London. �Gibson-Hill, C.A., Further notes on the old boat found at Pontian, in Southern Pahang. Journal (Malay Branch) Royal Asiatic Society 25(1): 1952 111–13. Green, J. Interim report on the joint Australian-Philippines Butuan boat Vosmer, T. Clark, project, October 1992. International Journal of Nautical P. Santiago, R. Archaeology 24 (3): 177–188. and Alvares, M., 1995 Woven Cargoes Indian Textiles in the East. Thames and Guy, J., 1998 Hudson, Singapore. Healey, C.J., The Trade in Bird Plumes in New Guinea region. Occasional papers of the Queensland University Anthropology Museum 1980 10: 249–276. Horridge, A., The Lashed-lug Boat of the Eastern Archipelagos, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen whaling boats. Monograph and Reports 1982 No.54. Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich London. Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of HMS Fly. Vol.1. T. and Jukes, J.B., 1847 W. Boone, London. Knaap, G and Monsoon Traders, Ships, Skippers and Commodities in Sutherland, H., eighteenth-century Makassar. KITLV Press, Leiden. 2004 Macknight, C.C., The Macassans – A study of the early trepang industry along 1969 the Northern Territory coast. Unpublished PhD thesis, Australian National University, Canberra. Macknight, C.C., The Voyage to Marege; Macassan trepangers in Northern Australia. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. 1976 Macknight, C.C., The Study of Praus in the Indonesian Archipelago. The Great Circle 2(2): 117–128. 1980 Macknight, C.C., Journal of a voyage around Australia. Aboriginal History. 1981 Vol. 5, June (2) 135-145. Australian National University Press, Canberra. Macknight, C.C., Harvesting the memory: Open beaches in Makassar and 2008 Arnhem Land. In Veth, P., Sutton, P., and Neale, M., (eds) Strangers on the Shore; Early coastal contacts in Australia. National Museum of Australia, Canberra. Manguin, P-Y., Sewn-plank craft of South-East Asia: a preliminary survey. In: S. McGrail and E. Kentley, Sewn Plank Boats, 319–343. 1985 British Archaeological Reports, International Series 276, Oxford. Manguin, P-Y., The boat remains of Punjulharjo. Unpublished paper, Ecole 2009 Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, Paris. Morwood, M. and The Asian connection: preliminary report on Indonesian Hobbs, D., trepang sites on the Kimberley coast, N.W. Australia. Archaeology in Oceania (32):197–206. 1997 Morwood, M., Visions from the Past; The Archaeology of Australian �2002 Searcy, A., 1905 Aboriginal Art. Smithsonian Institute Press and Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, Australia. In northern seas : being Mr. Alfred Searcy's experiences on the north coast of Australia / as recounted to E. Whitington. W.K. Thomas, Adelaide. In Australian Tropics. Kegan Paul, London. Searcy, A., 1907 Stavorinus, J. S., Voyages to the East Indies (Vol II). Facsimile of the original 1969 1798 edition Dawsons of Pall Mall, London. Swadling, P., Plumes from paradise: trade cycles in outer Southeast Asia and their impact on New Guinea and nearby islands until 1996 1920. Coorparoo DC, Queensland, Australia: Papua New Guinea National Museum in association with Robert Brown & Associates. Vallance, T.G., Nature’s Investigator: The Diary of Robert Brown in Australia, Moore, D.T., & 1801–1805. Australian Biological Resources Study, Groves E.W., Canberra. 2001 Wallace, A.R., The Malay Archipelago; The Land of the Orang-utang and the Bird of Paradise, A Narrative of Travel with studies of Man 1874 and Nature, 5th edition. Macmillan and Company, London. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast - historical evidence for their existence Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Clark Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1257bc0d9c32ea0e55f0b7a75e208d04.pdf 24a6b748ec4fc4bc38c21eeabc5f0fd6 PDF Text Text Expedient Field Modifications of a WWII Amphibious Landing Craft in Saipan W. Shawn Arnold1 Abstract The June 1944 the United States of America's (USA) invasion of Saipan was the largest amphibious invasion of a Pacific island up to that time. Specialized craft constructed specifically for this invasion were utilized in order to deliver American forces across Saipan’s fringing reefs and lagoons to shore with relative safety. Although these amphibious craft, known as Landing Vehicles Tracked (LVTs), were designed for this particular incursion, the troops operating these vehicles found it necessary to modify their vessels to better suit anticipated combat needs. Modifications of this sort have been termed field expedient armor modifications (Boal 2006). Field expedient armor modifications to LVTs influenced future production designs following the launch of the first model and can be traced through archaeological and historical records. These modifications are demonstrated in an LVT (A)-4 archaeologically recorded in Saipan and are testament to the ingenuity and survival instincts of the crews that operated these machines. Introduction This study focuses on a LVT(A)-4 (Figure 1) located in Tanapag Lagoon, Saipan, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CMNI). The aim of this paper is to further understand the significance of amphibious vehicles used during World War II (WWII), particularly in relation to the Battle of Saipan. The advent of amphibious watercraft such as the LVT for use during WWII is directly responsible for saving numerous USA lives. The ability to drive invasion forces through the water, over shallow reefs and deliver them on shore prevented considerable causalities, as it prohibited the invasion force from having to wade hundreds and sometimes thousands of meters across lagoons under heavy enemy fire (Bailey 1986). Unfortunately, these machines have been nearly forgotten through time and have taken a back seat to other technology such as the planes and tanks of the era. 1 Marine Archaeologist, C&C Technologies, shawn.arnold@cctechnol.com �Figure 1. Comparison of an early and late production model LVT(A)-4 (Mesko 1993). The LVT, also known as the amphibious tractor or Amtrac, was the workhorse for USA forces during WWII in the Pacific region. Their unique ability to travel both in and out of the water provided them an advantage other vehicles lacked. LVTs were called upon to perform a wide array of tasks including delivering assault troops to the beach, evacuating wounded, delivering supplies, and acting as mobile command posts and mobile weapons platforms (Croizat 1953). The LVT The acronym LVT and name Amtrac are general terms referring to an amphibious vehicle that is propelled on land and in the water by a tracked propulsion system. Following the military designation LVT is a number, which signifies the production model. An “A” in parenthesis signifies that the LVT is an armored version. The title "armored" can refer to the fact that the LVT in question is covered in armored plates for assault purposes or that it is equipped to operate as a mobile artillery unit. The artillery versions are easily recognizable because they have a large caliber weapon mounted on the top. The LVT was one of the first true amphibious vehicles. These vehicles have a single engine propulsion system consisting of tracks mounted on both the port and starboard sides. The vessel’s tracks mount cleats known as grousers (Figure 2). These grousers act as paddles in order to propel the vehicle through the water and provide traction while crossing reef flats and shoreline terrain (United States Marine Corps Air-Ground Museum 1997). LVTs were constructed of steel and kept afloat by air contained in pontoons on both sides of the vehicle. �Figure 2. LVT grouser assembly (Department of the Army 1951). Carrying capacity and the intended mission of the LVT changed through time and design modifications reflect these changes in LVT manufacture. The versatility of the LVT allowed for the easy adaptation of a wide range of roles in amphibious warfare. The first military production model is known as the LVT-1, which saw its first combat action during the Solomon Islands campaign in 1943 (Croizat 1999). LVTs were intended to only carry cargo to the landing zone once the Marines secured a beachhead; however, because the fringing reef was too shallow for the traditional landing craft to deliver the Marines close to shore, LVTs were used to ferry the invading forces to the shoreline (Croizat 1999). Thus began the LVT’s life as a troop carrier and assault craft. This change in its role affected military doctrine for the remainder of WWII in the Pacific region. Military leaders recognized the potential for the implementation of the LVT as an amphibious assault vehicle from its first combat use (Bailey 1986). Invasion forces added additional machine guns to their existing LVTs and placed orders for more LVTs with pre-mounted weapons (Bailey 1986). As the war continued on, it became apparent additional modifications were needed and the production of diverse special purpose designs commenced. As a result, a definite seriation of LVT design exists from cargo carrier (LVT-1) to armored troop delivery systems (LVT (A)-2 and LVT-4 [Armored Cab]) to armored artillery platforms (LVT [A]-1 and LVT [A]-4, also known as Amphibious Tanks or Amtanks). Interestingly, the people who operated these machines devised ways to improve the LVT with field expedient armor modifications in order to prolong not only their own lives but also the life of their LVTs (Baker 2004). Boal (2006: 5) defines “field expedient armor modifications” as changes made to a vehicle after it has left the production facilities. These improvisations have been documented by historians and are observable on the LVT (A)-4 site in Saipan. Further, these �modifications are the specific focus of this paper in relation to individual and troop action as demonstrated in the archaeological record. Approach Utilizing a holistic approach to explore the use of LVT (A)-4s in the Battle of Saipan, archaeologists set out to identify processes that may have affected this site in order to determine the conditions under which it formed. Muckelroy pioneered site process evaluation for maritime archaeological sites in his book Maritime Archaeology (1978). Since that time others have expanded the method of process evaluation. Ward, Larcomb and Veth. (1999) expand on Mulckelroy’s site formation process model by including environmental, chemical and biological factors. Richards (2002) identifies site signatures that provide researchers with clues to the types of salvage, discard, reuse, scrapping and abandonment behaviors that may have occurred at a site. Gibbs (2006) identifies the importance of the relationships between documentary, archaeological and oral data sets in order to recognize discrepancies. Jung (2009) recognizes WWII wreck site patterns in determining site formation processes on sunken aircraft. Process analysis has not been used previously to evaluate an archaeological site involving an amphibious vehicle. Thus, there is no model for what a salvaged versus un-salvaged LVT should look like, or the signature of a site lost in battle opposed to one deposited in the water post-battle. The amphibious nature of LVTs yields the possibility that the craft my have been catastrophically lost on shore and then discarded in the water. Process analysis has been particularly useful to maritime archaeologists studying historic period sites who often use this method for the purpose of determining site formation where historic records are conflicting or non-existent (Gibbs 2006; Jung 2009). Understanding the various cultural and environmental processes that may have influenced the formation of this archaeological site is key to determining the reason for its location. Site signatures presented in the work of Muckelroy, Ward et al., Richards, Gibbs and Jung were used to determine the nature of the site and the extent of salvage efforts conducted on it. Gibbs’s process model is also useful in relation to pre-impact questions of modification and behavior. The works of Muckelroy, Ward, Richards, Gibbs and Jung as they apply to loss and salvage were used to create a process model (Figure 3) for better understanding the site formation of amphibious vessels. �Figure 3. Process model for Evaluating LVT Sites (Arnold 2010). Historic Research In-depth historical research was conducted concerning WWII in the Pacific islands campaign, and more specifically, amphibious warfare and the use of LVTs. Primary documents concerning the Battle of Saipan describe in detail how forces fought the battle and the terrain troops encountered. Troop movements and obstacles that hindered them are described in numerous historic accounts and in some cases are supplemented by detailed maps (Headquarters Fourth Marine Division 1944; Gugeler 1945; Bartholomees 1948; Adams 1950; Bailey 1976; Croizat 1992). These maps were used to demonstrate the dynamics of the battlefield and how terrain influenced the use of LVTs. This information was used to evaluate possible battle locations near the LVT (A)-4 site in Tanapag Lagoon. Perhaps the most important primary source for understanding potential processes that may have affected this site is the Department of the Army’s Technical Manual for LVT (A)-4s (1951). This manual provides instructions for the LVT’s operation, maintenance, armament and storage, as well as its destruction to prevent it falling into the hands of an enemy. Of particular interest are guidelines for the evacuation and/or destruction of essential parts once an LVT is disabled in combat. After all usable items have been evacuated from the �vessel these procedures go on to include descriptions of how to dispose of the LVT by means of sinking, burning, demolition and gunfire. Works by Alfred Bailey (1976) and Dale Barker (2004) give firsthand accounts of LVT crews conducting field expedient armor modifications to LVTs as preparations before engaging in battles in the Gilbert Islands, the Marshall Islands, and the Mariana Islands. This information facilitated creation of a list of items to be investigated on the Tanapag Lagoon LVT (A)-4. Pre-Impact Threats, Strategies and Assessments As Identified in the Historic Record In order to clearly demonstrate the need for and use of amphibious landing craft in the Battle of Saipan, it is necessary to first identify the pre-impact threats, strategies and assessments of USA forces. The USA invaded Saipan from the western side of the island (Ministry of Defence 1995), and in doing so positioned itself to intercept Japanese counter attacks and resupply efforts. This decision was based on intelligence reports which gave a good indication that the Japanese fleet was near the Philippines, west of Saipan (Ministry of Defence 1995). Additionally, the USA learned through aerial reconnaissance that Saipan’s western beaches were not as heavily fortified as the rest of the island (Goldberg 2007). Earlier air and naval bombardments eliminated the threat from key areas on the western side of Saipan, such as aircraft standing by on airstrips and large caliber weapons located on Managaha Island. However, the beaches chosen for the invasion possessed a fringing reef roughly 1500 meters offshore of the chosen landing sites. This reef was far too shallow for traditional landing boats to cross and would have left the invading troops completely exposed while walking toward the beach under concentrated enemy fire. The fringing reef and lagoon were not the only challenging features of the terrain. The western beaches contained Japanese fortifications in the form of reinforced concrete bunkers containing artillery and machine guns, as well as dense vegetation further inland. Additionally, range markers were located throughout the lagoon allowing Japanese artillery and mortar crews the ability to rapidly and effectively fire on the arriving USA forces (Adams 1950; Goldberg 2007). These factors obviously influenced the decision to modify LVTs by means of field expedient modifications. Overcoming Threats and Creating Strategies through Technology and Modification The Landing Vehicle Tracked (Armored)-4 (LVT [A]-4) was designed specifically to destroy Japanese reinforced bunkers in response to the pre-impact threat phase of planning the operation (Mesko 1993). The USA air and naval bombardment ceased once the landing vehicles neared the beach. The LVT (A)4s provided the only close-in, large calibre weapons support for troops arriving �behind them (Barker 2004). These amphibious tanks led the way for the waves of landing forces coming ashore. These vehicles had the job of being the first in the line of enemy fire, it is no wonder that the crews operating them chose to modify their vehicles for better protection. Crews learned from previous battles that LVT armor is relatively thin. However, the manufacturer never corrected this weakness due to buoyancy requirements at sea and speed requirements on land set forth by the USA Department of the Navy. It is noted historically that the LVT crews regularly added sheets of steel boilerplate to the bows of their craft because the armor was so thin that coral would often puncture it while crossing shallow reefs (Barker 2004; Mesko 2004). Also documented is the fact that the armor was incapable of preventing small caliber rounds from penetrating to the interior of the vehicle (Bailey 1976). This fact is acknowledged by the adoption of a policy to carry wooden plugs for the purpose of plugging any holes while the vessel was underway (Bailey 1976). The addition of sandbags across the deck added a layer of extra protection for the men inside (Barker 2004). Vehicle modifications were not just limited to the exterior; some crews covered their radios with ponchos and rolled condoms over the microphones as makeshift waterproofing (Barker 2004). Archaeological Investigations The LVT(A)-4 site in Tanapag Lagoon was originaly noted by Southeastern Archaeological Research, Inc. (SEARCH) in a survey report in 2008 (Burns 2008). No further archaeological investigation was conducted by SEARCH beyond positive target identification. In July 2009 Students and staff from Flinders University conducted initial site investigations on the LVT (A)-4 to assess the feasibility of including it in a WWII maritime heritage trail. This work was conducted in partnership with not-for-profit organization Ships of Exploration and Discovery (SHIPS), to which the USA National Park Service provided funding through a grant under the American Battlefield Protection Program. Saipan’s Historic Preservation Office (HPO), Coastal Resource Management (CRM), and Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) provided support in the form of survey equipment, boats and personnel. The remainder of equipment and staff were provided through Flinders University. In February 2010 students and staff from Flinders University and SHIPS conducted further investigations at the site. The purpose of this survey was to record the site in detail in order to complete an accurate site plan (Figure 4), record field expedient modifications and possible evidence of salvage as well as gather any additional data that may yield clues as to why this LVT is in its present location. In order to expedite this process, scaled drawings of a LVT (A)-4 were scanned from World War II AFV Plans: American Armored Fighting Vehicles (Bradford 2007). The existing portions of the site were then traced from the images on to Mylar™ and attached to slates so divers could more easily and accurately record what they were seeing. This information was intended to not only record the site in its present condition but also aid with monitoring changes �to the site and its environment in the future. No cultural material was removed or disturbed. Figure 4. Profile and plan view of LVT (A)-4 site. (Arnold 2010). �The LVT (A)-4 is resting at a slight angle in a depth of between 0.6 meters (m) and 3.1m of water on a sandy area between patch reefs in Tanapag Harbour, Saipan. The lower superstructure is mostly intact however the majority of exterior armor plating and superstructure is missing from the upper portion of the craft around the turret. Also missing are the armor track covers and the armor covering of the cab as well as some engine components. Other notable damage includes large, jagged holes in the bow armor and in the ballast area (pontoons) on both sides of the LVT (A)-4. Researchers also noted that modifications were made to this vessel. Archaeological Evidence of Field Expedient Armor Modifications It is reasonable to assume that the crews operating these machines were the first to notice design flaws and set about modifying the LVTs in order to compensate for the lack of armor and armament prior to the amphibious assault on Saipan. These features undoubtedly influenced the design of later production models of LVT (A)-4s. In-depth analysis revealed this LVT possessed many field expedient armor modifications. Both the upper and lower bow had been reinforced with 3/8 inch(inch?) boilerplate. A 0.30 calibre machine gun was added to the cabin at the radio operator’s seat. A steel shield had been welded around the commander’s turret and a pintle machine gun mount was added to the port side of the turret. The modifications of this particular LVT are significant because they reflect the mindset of individuals responding to pre-impact threat processes during WWII. The crews of these vehicles were confronted with difficult missions and design limitations that are reflected in the archaeological record. Extensive field expedient armor modifications for the sake of self-preservation were deemed necessary by LVT crews in order to accomplish the many tasks they faced. Conclusion Following the process model established by Muckelroy (1978) and Richards (2002), the archaeological signature of this site demonstrates that it has been heavily salvaged. There are no loose materials in or around the site and no ammunition of any kind (spent or unspent) was located. The site appears to have been subjected to primary salvage due to the lack of howitzer, machine guns, turret elevation machinery, optical sights, electronic devices and weapons as outlined in the USA Army’s technical manual for LVTs. It is unclear how much, if any, secondary salvage has occurred. To date no historic records have been located that tie this site to any actions of use, disposal or loss. It is reasonable to assume that this LVT was damaged in battle; however the lack of any debris field(s) suggests that this LVT (A)-4 was not damaged at its current location but discarded after salvage efforts occurred elsewhere. �The 1951 Army technical manual (USA Department of the Army 1951) describing the proper disposal of LVTs appears to have been followed. All sensitive equipment and weapons were removed and the vessel was sunk. Although this manual is dated after WWII there was likely to have been an earlier version. The inability to acquire an LVT technical manual preceding 1951 makes it unclear if the disposal methods were set forth prior to, or established as a result of, the Battle of Saipan. The study of field expedient armor modifications, as they relate to the process of pre-impact threat assessments, presents the basis for understanding the degree of modification standardization between units and services, by both the USA and other nations. These modifications have provided insight into the mindset of those operating LVTs and have illustrated a direct influence on the seriation of later production LVT models. A process model for LVT sites enables researchers to quickly and more accurately interpret LVT site formation). Further study of LVT sites will allow archaeologists to develop a site signature for both the catastrophic loss and the deliberate disposal of LVTs. Bibliography Adams, R.E., (ed.)., 1950 Armagnac, A.P., 1945 Arnold, W.S., 2010 Bailey, A.D.M.U.R., (ed.)., 1976 Barker, D.L., 2004 Bartholomees, J.B., 1948 Boal, M.A., 2006 The Operations of Company "B", 715th Amphibian tractor Battalion During the Assualt Landing Of Saipan Island, 15 June 1944 (Personal experience of Company Commander), unpublished manuscript, The Infantry School Fort Benning. "Meet the LVT's: Beach Busters", in Popular Science, 147, 3, pp. 121-124. Investigations in Invasion Innovation; The Archaeological and Historical Study of a WWII Landing Vehicle Tracked in Saipan, master’s thesis, Flinders University, Adelaide. "Alligators, Buffaloes, and Bushmasters: The History and Development of the LVT through World War II", in The History and Museums Division Headquarters, United States Marine Corps, Washington D.C. Hitting the Beaches: The First Armored Amphibian Battalion in World War II (United States Marine Corps), First Armored Amphibian Battalion, Atlanta. Operations of the 773D Amphibian Tractor Battalion (Attached to the 27th Division) in the Operation on Tanapag Plains, Saipan, 7-8 July 1944 (Western Pacific Campaign) (Personal Experience of Battalion Executive Officer) unpublished manuscript, The Infantry School Fort Benning. Field Expedient Armor Modifications to US Armored Vehicles, master’s thesis, Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth. �Bradford, G., 2007 Burns, J.M., 2008 Croizat, V.J., 1953 Croizat, V.J., 1992 Croizat, V.J., 1999 Department of the Army, (ed.)., 1951 Gibbs, M., 2006 Goldberg, H.J., 2007 Gugeler, R.A., 1945 Headquarters Fourth Marine Division, 1944 Jung, S., 2009 Mesko, J., 1993 Ministry of Defence, 1995 Muckelroy, K., 1978 Richards, N., 2008 United States World War II AFV Plans: American Armored Fighting Vehicles (World War II Armored Fighting Vehicle Plans), Stackpole Books, Mechanicsburg. 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Army Amphibian Tractor and Tank Battalions in the Battle of Saipan 15 June-9July 1944, unpublished manuscript, 1st Information and Historical Service. Fourth Marine Division Operations Report Saipan: 15 June to 9 July 1944, declassified document, Fort Leavenworth. "Site Formation Process (Wing Inversion) at Catalina Flying Boat Wreck Sites Lying in Roebuck Bay, Broome, WA", in Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 33: (19-31). AMTRACS in Action, Squadron/Signal Publications, Inc., Carrolliton. The South-East Asia Operations and Central Pacific Advance, Ministry of Defence, London. Maritime Archaeology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ships' Graveyards: Abandoned Watercraft and the Archaeological Formation Process, University Press of Florida, Gainsville. The Alligator Amphibian, American Society of Mechanical �Marine Corps Air-Ground Museum, 1997 Ward, I.A.K., Larcombe, P., and Veth, P., 1999 Engineers International, Quantico. "A New process-based Model for Wreck Site Formation", in Journal of Archaeological Science, 26, 5, pp. 561-570. � https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3f124e1adf8bd7864425d468ce554883.jpg 6aeff8f62930952a26fceae6b4c20e94 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 760 Height 575 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Expedient Field Modifications of a WWII Amphibious Landing Craft in Saipan Subject The topic of the resource Session 1: Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management Description An account of the resource The June 1944 the United States of America's (USA) invasion of Saipan was the largest amphibious invasion of a Pacific island up to that time. Specialized craft constructed specifically for this invasion were utilized in order to deliver American forces across Saipan’s fringing reefs and lagoons to shore with relative safety. Although these amphibious craft, known as Landing Vehicles Tracked (LVTs), were designed for this particular incursion, the troops operating these vehicles found it necessary to modify their vessels to better suit anticipated combat needs. Modifications of this sort have been termed field expedient armor modifications (Boal 2006). Field expedient armor modifications to LVTs influenced future production designs following the launch of the first model and can be traced through archaeological and historical records. These modifications are demonstrated in an LVT (A)-4 archaeologically recorded in Saipan and are testament to the ingenuity and survival instincts of the crews that operated these machines. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource W. Shawn Arnold Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 1