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                    <text>Examining Coastal Shipping Processes around Shodo Island during the
Tokugawa Period
Kotaro Mogi
Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan, 610-0394
Email: moooosha@gmail.com
Hiroomi Tsumura
Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan, 610-0394
Email: Tsumura_Mobile@htsumura.msoutlookonline.net
Abstract
Shodo Island in the Seto inland sea used to be the major entrepôt of wall stones, which
were taken to the Osaka castle, gathered from some islets around this island. The
processes of constructing Japanese castle walls are composed of three processes, viz.
quarrying stones, shipping or transporting them, and heaping them up. While many
historians have studied upon quarrying and piling them, no comprehensive research
has been done as for shipping or transporting them, mainly because no historical
document exits. In order to throw light upon seaborne stone transportation from Shodo
Island to Osaka, therefore, underwater surveys around this island were carried out on
seabed As a result, many submerged wall stones, as well as a submerged stone called
“Kamome Ishi”, on which an old stone post was stood, succeeded in being found on the
bottom of the sea; this mooring post is said to be built by ship owners who carried wall
stones to the Osaka castle, and these waters could serve the most important mooring
port of Shodo Island for wall stone transportation. To prove this historic event, a tide
simulation on the basis of survey data was analyzed and a reconstructed model for
mooring and loading wall stones around the mooring post was hypothesized, which was
verified by current fieldworks. Although millions of mariners have been working in the
Seto inland sea since the ancient times, a new maritime and navigational technique
seems to be emerged from Shodo Island and its surroundings early in the 17th century.
Key words: Shodo Island, Tokugawa Period, Kamome Ishi, Seto inland sea, Yaana
Introduction
This paper will examine the shipping processes of stone used to build Osaka Castle's
wall in the Tokugawa period. Shodo Island in the Seto inland sea used to be the major
entrepôt of wall stones, which were taken to the Osaka castle, gathered from some
islets around this island. This entrepôt has been recognized coastal areas of the Seto
inland including Settu Ashiya or Mikage other than Shodo Island. It is discussed from
historical and archaeological viewpoints through analysis of castle history about the
actual conditions of "job site" as processing stone and the "daimyos" who managed it. It
1

�may be said that the east Seto Inland sea where Shodo Island is located is a "field of
action", having various cultural landscapes since ancient times. Above all, in this field,
cultural behavior mainly on "the stone" has been carried out. For instance, the
fabrication methods of chipped stone tools called "Setouchi blade" in antiquity, was the
stone used for Osaka castle's wall in the medieval period, and contemporary stones
used for modern building. It goes without saying that "the stone" used as tools to
support local life continue supporting our culture now. "The stone" is the remarkable
keyword if we intend to establish a cultural landscape in the eastern Seto inland sea.
Based on the above, in this study, "the stone" that is constructing Osaka castle's wall as
the target, we want to reevaluate the technical examination. Thus far, the processes of
constructing Japanese castle walls are composed of three processes, viz. quarrying
stones, shipping or transporting them, and heaping them up. While many historians has
studied upon quarrying and piling them, no comprehensive research has been done as
for shipping or transporting them, mainly because no historical documents exit.
Therefore, the focus of this study is evaluating and examining the shipping process by
carrying out an underwater investigation which has not been done in a conventional
study. The research area is the Tenguiwaiso job site located at Iwagatani, on east coast
in Shodo Island. We attempt a construction of the data from the basis of an
environmental view point by cyclopedically analyzing the whole area between the shore
and the sea. There are few similar examples of the practice of using of the underwater
archaeology in such a manner. Particularly, the direction through such practices can
bring up new questions, and it becomes a methodological approach to propose the
clarifying facts between the relations of human and technology on maritime culture. The
important point in this study is how to take the sea into account. In a conventional stone
wall study, it relies mostly on the political description about each daimyos who managed
job site and a technical description about how to break stones or to construct the castle,
however, it is necessary to interpret this as "how they shipped the stones" to assume
that the people who carried and engaged it. Technical invention can overcome this
special environment like a sea is a major premise used to know this environment. We
estimate the technique ("the knowledge") from investigation of environment and
archaeological structure.
2

�Research in Tenguiwaiso Job Site
There

are

Minamidani,

Tenguiwa,

Tenguiwaiso,

Tofu,

Kamesaki, and Hachininishi Job sites in Iwagatani on the
east coast of Shodo Island, and scattered wall stones on
each sites. These sites were designated as national historical
sites in 1972. The study was of a number of stones, classified
with processing marks called "Yaana" in Japanese, and
arranged with the carved seal of the daimyos was researched
as that time. The Tenguiwaiso job site is a curved site
Fig. 1 Research area division comprising of a whole shoreline of white sand (the seaside).
of the project. (K. Mogi).
The area is lined with ship setting stones faced with the

“Yanna” seal on this beach. The Tenguiwa job site is located in the western mountains
from the Tenguiwaiso job site; hence it appears that it is the geographical location where
a quarry was established. Stone from the area was removed and taken to the
Tenguiwaiso job site. A torrential downpour by typhoon No. 8 in 1974 caused a landslide
which flowed down onto the shore. Reports that some stones fell down with this
landslide has been documented. Therefore, we must take the geographical change of
the site into account both before and after the disaster. Grasping the present state of it
is the first priority, and the construction of such a site will be an important model to be
analyzed later.
Investigation Method
The basic purpose of this investigation is to obtain data that is topographical and
understanding the stone distribution in the whole range of the shore area (both above
and below water). The number of stones and the drawings has been recorded by the
administrative report, yet the information of which stones are left and in which position
and environment was not documented. In this investigation, we acquired data that
considered the position of stones, their location on the site and in which kind of
environment they were found. In addition to all the stone distribution, it is necessary to
obtain the topographical and environmental information.
Acquisition Data of Topographical and Distribution of Stones on the Shore
To grasp more objectively the shape and distribution of the stones, we conducted
3

�photography from a high elevation of where the stones appeared by using a 5 m,
expandable surveying staff with a camera clamp attached to the upper part of the staff.
We contrived a system of linking positional information (coordinates) and the
photograph, to determine the scale and a direction of the photograph. Photos were
taken mainly of wall stones, big stones, and granite blocks. Given the large area and
multitude of objects on the site, the methodology that was used would have a more
quantitative sample. By using such a scientific example, the site would be easy to
reproduce. In getting a topographical data, a total station (TS) is used at every
surveying site today. It calculated the distance and the height to collimation point (prism)
from the machine point (TS), by collimating at a change point of topography and other
points in a random order. Each position and elevation was then derived from calculated
coordinate data, which made a basic contour map from the data. In addition, we
acquired data which was used for the position, scale, and directional information for the
photographical surveying mentioned above. To understand the geographical feature, it
could help verify the distribution of stones under each kind of environment, and allowed
us to determine where the natural and artificial topographies lied on the site.
Acquisition data of topographical and
distribution of stones underwater
Based on the results of the investigation in
2012, we determined the rough distribution of
stones in all underwater areas by viewing via
snorkeling. By this confirmation, we divided
the area where stones were distributed
conspicuously,
Fig. 2 "Kamome Ishi". (K. Mogi)

and

subsequently

investigated these areas (Fig. 1). Between

each area was a sandy area where stones had not been observed. There is a
submerged rock of approximately 3 m in height named "Kamome Ishi" (Fig. 2), on which
an old stone post stood at research area II in the open circle of Fig. 1. In local transition,
it may be a mooring post that was said to be built by ship owners who carried wall
stones to the Osaka castle. "Kamome Ishi" was examined mainly in 2012. It was
hypothesized as a mooring post and modeled as such, however, it was not conclusive,
4

�thus a reevaluation of the area was deemed necessary. Each section was then divided
up via measuring tape into 50×50 m blocks. We then checked the distribution of the
stones by scanning the bottom of the sea using animation photography (HERO3 of
GoPro). A mark was made at every 1m interval, and at each interval, a photo was taken
(Fig. 3). A gap in the image when it was composed was the blurring of the camera
position, and the bob weight on the camera was taken in the angle of view. It blurred at
the time of photography by setting up an angle to deserve gaps of image, and we
compensated for this (Fig. 4). The process provided direction, scale and position of the
image by yielding a coordinate on the initial point, middle point, and terminal point on
each 1 m measurement line. Based on such a procedure, we acquired consistent
underwater data sets to collate with the topographical data gathered from the shoreline.
The acquisition method of the
underwater

topographical

data was used as well as the
surveying

method

at

the

shore area stated earlier. We
measured the topography at
random to the spot about 300
m ahead from the shore.
Collimation (prism) attached
top of the measurement staff,
Fig. 3 Underwater Photographing Method. (K. Mogi)

calculated distance and height of

the collimation point from the machine point (TS). We stabilized the collimation and the
staff by two scuba divers and one snorkeler manning each at bottom of the sea position,
middle position, and surface of the water position. The diver at the sea bed selected a
change point of the topography at approximately 5-10 m and at random, and the diver at
the surface determined the direction of movement. In addition, a research member on
the ship acted as contact to the operator on the shore. Each position and elevation of
collimation are derived from calculated coordinate data, it matched data of the shore
area, and made a basic contour model. The measurements between the ship using
sonar or multi-beam is common for an ocean study and the method of making a counter
5

�map at the bottom of the sea, is necessary completion with the land since this area is
the full coastal zone in this study. For that reason, we think that bringing a land method
into practice underwater brings yields valuable information, since we are able to obtain
data with a more detailed approach using
such a method.
Reduction and Analysis of Acquisition
Data
Topographical Data in the Shore and
the Underwater
To coordinate topographical data at the
shore and the underwater area using the
practice mentioned above and extract
latitude

and

longitude,

we

made

a

topographical map (contour) of the whole
research area by Kriging method used in
Fig. 4 Method of Control and Revision of the geology (Fig. 5). Reproduction of the
Camera Position. (K. Mogi)
shore and the seafloor topography was

compiled to match and supplement both data sets of these environments. In
consideration of Fig. 5, the shore topography makes curves like a bow and in
perspective we know that it formed a gentle topography to measure points at the off
side at approximately 300 m. In addition, the shore area represents a beach with a
sandwiched concavity in both the north and the south of the site. The port and the
breakwater have shore protection at present. From a narrower perspective, it is
confirmed that the large shallow area in the north coastal zone, and the irregular
sequences on the contour line which in the center of coastal zone are consistent with
the location of "Kamome Ishi". Please note that the two dales in the northeast side (the
shore side) from its area. This has been confirmed on site; the erosion traces by the
wave could be seen on the lower part it. These two dales formed a geographical
placement that suggests relation with the Tenguiwa job site as a quarry located in the
mountains place of the northeast side.
Additionally, the dale topography is around a 10 m deep on the southeast side. This
6

�may be a part of the site influenced by the disaster in 1974; it could show which area
was affected my observing mudflow sediment. Depending upon the size of the disaster,
the landslide sediments left traces we can observe. Yet the sediment is not present. It is
possible that the landslide sediment disappeared via the erosion of water from the
disaster. Undoubtedly, an area along the shore that is predominantly affected by waves,
tidal flow, and topography, it is obvious that the natural and physical phenomenon such
as the erosion forms chaotic natural molding for the beach topography and the
landscape. However, it does not lead to the generalization of the natural phenomenon in
the shore area when compared with a study of hydrology or engineering science in the
region these days, so it is suggested that a "Critical transition" occurred (Marten
Scheffer, 2009) which represents dramatic chaos on the site which change some
parameters. To consider such a background, while taking a wave and a flow of the sea
into account, it must push forward by discussing this as an interpretation of the shipping
process based on the analysis of the
data.
Distribution of Stones in the Shore
and Underwater Area
To

coordinate

the

distribution

of

stones from both on the shore and
underwater, we digitized the shape of
Fig. 5 Topographical Map in Shore and under Water. each stone via enforced geometry
(K. Mogi)
correction,
stored
in
a
GIS

(Geographic Information System). It distinguished the stones from the sand, and other
objects (e.g. noise) by checking color tone and image, and subsequently made a
distribution map of the stones (Fig. 6). We are analyzing it now, making a distribution
map of stones in the whole investigation area.
Stones left on the job site without being carried to Osaka castle were labelled as
"Unfortunate Stones". Nevertheless, it is strange that many of the stones were recorded
underwater. It has our assumption that the stones underwater were stones which fell
into the sea, and were left without being recovered. This practice could have propelled
the myth of "the fall of the castle" used in local folklore. To understand it better, see Fig.
7

�5, where stones are concentrated, appearing that they have a consistent arrangement.
As mentioned before, the sandy area is devoid of stones. The distribution of stones
would be scattered everywhere in a more random pattern if they were not picked up
because it would mean "the fall of the castle". Therefore, in this study, we doubt the
claim of these stones being called" Unfortunate Stones", and put forward the theory that
the distribution of stones underwater as "intentional".
Suggestion of the Shipping Process
First, as the examination of "Kamome Ishi" (Fig. 2) mentioned above, authors have tried
modeling the shipping process completely dependent on high and low tides. In particular,
because it made a hole in the top surface of "Kamome Ishi" and a stone pillar was
embedded in it, it was assumed as a mooring post. The "Moyai" in the Sea of Japan is a
similar example, and it could be said that the “Kamome Ishi” has a similar structure to
the mooring post. However, including an example of the Sea of Japan, the mooring post
for ships docking at old ports was typically made in most of the sea cliffs or the wave cut
bench which have an enclosed cape or a cliff facing the sea. In contrast, the "Kamome
Ishi" is located in the sea at approximately 2 m depth on the average. It is unique that
the post is placed directly ahead of the shore. Authors have measured and investigated
the "Kamome Ishi" from 2012, and examined and evaluated its function. Assuming the
"Kamome Ishi" serves the function of mooring a ship, it becomes necessary that the
post is always higher than the height of the water surface. Tidal analysis was conducted
on the region between the years 1619 CE (the year the Osaka castle began
construction) to 1630 CE (the year the Osaka castle was completed). The data allowed
us to deduce that waves never surpassed more than upper parts on "Kamome Ishi" of
approximately 320 cm height. Therefore the stone pillar was always higher than water
surface. From this, it could be said to some degree of certainty that the "Kamome Ishi"
did indeed function as a mooring post. One interpretation in this is, viz. A ship, such as a
flatboat arrived between the land and the "Kamome Ishi" at high tide. It then it moored
the ship using its anchor and the stone pillar of "Kamome Ishi". The ship ran aground at
low tide and used a board as a gangplank between the land and the ship. After loading
the stones it waited until high tide (when the ship refloated), and started sailing. This
process is an assumed hypothesis. Since historical documents and records are poor
8

�pertaining to shipping or transporting this material, we can only hypothesize a scenario
such as this one.
Secondary, the authors paid close attention to the near shore current system in the area.
The shore topography forms the curves like a large bow over the area. Generally, the
near shore current system forms a circulatory system where the shore is nearer than
the sea area as has the relatively same flow as the shore ward currents flowing onto
shore, Long shore currents flow along the shore, while Rip currents flow seaward from
the shoreline. Rip currents have a particularly strong flow in the near shore current
system and forms a regular circulating flow style. Depending on this system, the cusp
topography which formed the arch-formed shoreline was affected rhythmically occur
and has been confirmed in the Tenguiwaiso job site where the team investigated. It was
often chosen as a place ("current") to begin rowing unconsciously, so that a big wave is
hard to flow at the place that Rip currents are being produced. Therefore, we can
consider that a ship laden with the Osaka castle wall stones starting to sail through the
mechanism of the Rip currents. . The conditions that Rip current occur and concentrates
are a sandy coast, a shoreline bended into an arc form, a surface wave flow on top of
sandy coast, and a near structure such as breakwaters which stuck out from shore.
Based on the above information and the checked topography in Tenguiwaiso (Fig. 5),
these

are

very

present

in

this

environment.
There are two dales on the northeast
side of the shore area. These two
dales play a big role in the Rip
currents' formation. Looking at the
topography data, the sandy coast
topography formed a fold, not a
straight line. On the other hand, while
the wave characteristically diffracts to
Fig. 6 Distribution Map of Stones. (K. Mogi)

the shallow direction, it is concentrated

on a pointed part topographically. Hence, we can understand this two dales have
topographical characteristics to form Rip current. Where the "Kamome Ishi" is located, it
9

�forms a line at right angles to the shore. An Irregular sequence is observed near this
rock and "Kamome Ishi" by topographical data (Fig. 5). In particular, Rip currents are
particularly faster near the structure, so it is our opinion that a ship moored at the
"Kamome Ishi" can benefit from these extra rapid Rip currents. In light of these Rip
currents and topography data, it was suggested that the ships landing here exploit this
process when sailing from I and II in Fig. 1 in particular.
Conclusion
This paper examined coastal shipping process of wall stones by evaluating environment
around the area and investigating underwater structure and stones. And we gave a new
suggestion against it was inarticulate manner. Although it may not wish that is over a
level of "the interpretation", it is necessary more procedural analysis that mainly
investigation or field work and method to the interpretation in case of treating such
several ways and estimations are accomplished. There are still a lot of challenges for
the future; however we think that can give a new suggestion for the wall stones study
mainly political and technical. It is necessary to let method of investigation and
environmental evaluation more deepen hereafter.
Acknowledgements
My heartfelt appreciation goes to Prof. Tsumura whose comments and suggestions
were of inestimable value for my study. I am also indebt to Prof. Iwabuchi, Prof. Nakada
and anonymous reviewers whose comments made contribution to my thesis.
References
Board of Education in Utsumi town., 1979. Conservation Management of A Historical
Site Osaka Castle's Wall Stones Job Site, Kagawa: 4-7, 17-19, (in Japanese).
Hiroomi, T., 2013.

"Cultural Landscape" of Maritime People Understanding from

Investigated Underwater Archaeological Feature in Tenguiwaiso. Symposium of Stones
Attraction Creating in Shodo Island, in Ministry of Strategy and Finance Shodo island
Kagawa: 61-67, (in Japanese).
Kotaro, M., and Yuichi, T., 2013. Tide Simulation and Inquiring of Shipping Process in
Coastal Zone, Shodoshima. The 30th Annual Meeting of the Japan Society for Science
Studies on Cultural Property Abstracts, in Society for Science Studies on Cultural
Property Hirosaki: 118-119, (in Japanese).
10

�Kyoji, Y., 2002.

About Mooring port remaining Moroyose Fishing port.

Board of

Education in Hamasaka town Press, Hyogo: 5-11, (in Japanese).
Marten, S., 2009. Critical Transition in Nature and Society. Princeton University Press,
New Jersey: 11-15.
Yuichi, T., Tappei, M., Keisuke, F., and Kotaro, M. 2013.

Application of Scanning

Surveying Technique for Archaeological Features Using Phtogrammetry.

The 30th

Annual Meeting of the Japan Society for Science Studies on Cultural Property Abstracts,
in Society for Science Studies on Cultural Property Hirosaki: 146-147, (in Japanese).
Biography
Kotaro Mogi is perusing his Masters in the Graduate School of Culture and Information
Science at Doshisha University in Japan. He is interested in Spatiotemporal Informatics,
Cultural Anthropology, Maritime Archaeology, and Information Science. Especially, study
is that interaction water environment including sea and human in principal objective, and
human behavior in the space. It is intended to evaluate the human behavior from the
information to be provided the investigation in underwater cultural heritage and analysis
environment around it. Main research areas are the Seto inland Sea, Egypt, Motosu
Lake, and Maldives.
Hioomi Tsumura is the Associate Professor in Faculty of Culture and Information
Science, and Director of the Research Center for Knowledge Science in cultural
heritage, Doshisha University in Japan. He is specialized in are Spatiotemporal
Informatics and Human ecology. His past work includes: The E-way into the four
Dimensions of Cultural Heritage (Archeopress, 2004), Site-Catchment Analysis of
Prehistoric Settlements by Reconstructing Paleoenvironments with GIS; "GIS-Based
Studies in the Humanities and Social Science" (Taylor and Francis, 2005), and
"Geography Information Science Dictionary" (Asakura Press, 2004).

11

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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
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                <text>Examining Coastal Shipping Processes around Shodo Island during the Tokugawa Period </text>
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                <text>Shodo Island in the Seto inland sea used to be the major entrepÃ´t of wall stones, which were taken to the Osaka castle, gathered from some islets around this island.  The processes of constructing Japanese castle walls are composed of three processes, viz. quarrying stones, shipping or transporting them, and heaping them up. While many historians have studied upon quarrying and piling them, no comprehensive research has been done as for shipping or transporting them, mainly because no historical document exits.  In order to throw light upon seaborne stone transportation from Shodo Island to Osaka, therefore, underwater surveys around this island were carried out on seabed  As a result, many submerged wall stones, as well as a submerged stone called â€œKamome Ishiâ€, on which an old stone post was stood, succeeded in being found on the bottom of the sea; this mooring post is said to be built by ship owners who carried wall stones to the Osaka castle, and these waters could serve the most important mooring port of Shodo Island for wall stone transportation.  To prove this historic event, a tide simulation on the basis of survey data was analyzed and a reconstructed model for mooring and loading wall stones around the mooring post was hypothesized, which was verified by current fieldworks.  Although millions of mariners have been working in the Seto inland sea since the ancient times, a new maritime and navigational technique seems to be emerged from Shodo Island and its surroundings early in the 17th century.</text>
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                <text>Hiroomi Tsumura, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks:
A Manuscript

Xu Lu
Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society
Xiamen, 361003
People’s Republic of China
Email: xuluxm2013@yahoo.com
Abstract

As the most important qualities of ancient Chinese sailing junks, the square bows and
sterns with transverse watertight bulkhead and the lugsails with bamboo mat and strip
remained the same over thousands of years. Of which, the traditional Fujian style sea
going junks is one of the major vessel forms for the ocean and oversea route in ancient
China. This paper make an interpretation of Fujian style sea going junks through ship
form and structure, principle of design, models, choice of material, sequence of
construction, painting and decoration, tools, ship-builders, and ship component remains.
This study is combined with the interpretation of Chinese historical documents and
drawings, foreign historical drawings, ethnographical field work on main traditional
shipbuilding centers along the Fujian coast, reconstruction of traditional shipbuilding,
land archaeology evidence, and especially gathers information from a newly discovered
illustrated manuscript for shipbuilding. This manuscript at present is the most detailed
manuscript found pertaining to the principle of design, modulus system, main unit data,
measures and amounts materials used for each ship form. The purpose of this paper is
to recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going sailing junks, then
providing one set of helpful method to explain and identify relevant ship remains
excavated in future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects.
Keywords: Fujian style Sea going junks, Traditional shipbuilding, Ship remains, Naval
architecture, Manuscript

Introduction
The traditional Fujian style sea going junks is one of the major vessel forms in ancient
China. But, what did that ancient junks look like? How were they made? How were they
operated and maneuvered? China’s navigation and naval architecture constitute a
history of this production technology with its root in the common people. Extant
historical data is rather limited and therefore regrettably slight when contrasted with the
1

�art and expertise accumulated over time and the ancient and magnificent culture that it
represents. The emergence of sea-faring wooden vessels, their development,
transformation and eventual disappearance had a lot to do with the political and
economic conditions as well as the available natural resources at any specific time.
Without question, changes in available resources as well as in sea routes entailed
modifications to form, size, function, names, and even the mode of operation of these
vessels. Equally, the technological development and improvement in ship design had its
effects on society and the subsequent trajectory of social history. Before, domesticated
shipwreck archaeology was founded in the matching and displaying of wrecks, and
never went further to carry out experiments on replica and reconstructions according to
ancient navigation environment perspectives.

Even after researching into the history of naval architecture and ancient writings,
searching through relics from different dynasties, focusing mainly on the general
conditions of ship-building and the wide variety of methods of manufacturing through
every historical period, we are still unable to reconstruct history in its entirety. What
could be done was to set up a systematic way of collecting data; then to summarize,
understand and subsequently experiment with them. With this data as the foundation,
the project became to produce a series of replicas using methods of construction that
had been passed down from generation to generation, so that people today can see
and experience them; replicas that may allow later generations to reconstruct actual
history. Only by doing so can we answer the three questions pertaining to ship-building
and sea-faring history listed above, an only then can the value of research be made
clear.

Ship Form and Structure of Fujian Style Junks
Facing Taiwan across the strait, Fujian has 3,324 km of coastline and 1,404 small
islands off the coast. The way of life of the ancient Yue people, Fujian’s early
inhabitants, was sea orientated with sea travel as their main means of communication.
Despite the hilly landscape and mountain ranges in Fujian’s hinterland, these proved no
barrier to its economic interaction with other provinces and places overseas (Fig. 1).
2

�The inland, inshore and offshore sea-faring
networks linked Fujian with the outside
world

thereby

shipping
continuously

ensuring

and

that

fishing

developed.

Fujian’s
industries

In

addition,

Fujian was rich in natural resources such
as wood, iron, tong oil (Verniciafordii seeds
oil), lihui (lime obtained by burning oyster
shells), rattan, hemp and lacquer. With
such handy materials that could be used to
build ships, ship-building prospered across
the province. Viewed from a different
perspective, Fujian’s coastline was full of
Fig. 1 A Color Images of Fujian Style War Junk. (W. creeks and inlets. Facing the Strait of
Alexander)

Taiwan, it was situated where warm and

cold air currents mingled. Not only was the wind strength very inconsistent, it was also
where typhoons move inland from the sea during the summer and autumn. Due to this
complicated natural environment, certain demands had to be met with regard to form,
function and structure of ships, and to the choice of materials and skills employed in
their manufacture. It is such circumstances that gave birth to vessels with V-shaped
bottoms, raised flat bows, indented sterns, flaring bulwarks, framing, stern-hung, lifting
rudders lowering deeply below the keel line, and wide cambered decks that eased the
drainage of water. These unique environmental and cultural factors together made the
Fujian style junks one of the major vessel forms in ancient China.
Building Fujian style junks required standard procedures in the choosing of ship form,
design, materials and construction strategy, and involved manufacturing processes
such as carpentry, metal work, sewing, painting and smelting. The Southern Song
dynasty seagoing ship unearthed in Houzhu in Quanzhou in 1974, the mid-Yuan
dynasty Fujian merchant ship discovered in Xin’an of Korea in 1982, and the many
ships found in the sea-beds in Lianjiang, Pingtan, Putien and Dongshan in Fujian
province are comprised solely of those parts of the ships that were below the waterline.
3

�Therefore, they provide no information on the complete form and design of these
vessels. These remains, however, do prove that during the Song and Yuan dynasties
the necessary skills developed to build the three-sectioned keel, the water-tight cabins
and stern-hung rudders that could be hoisted and lowered.
Historical Evidence
The earlier records from extant historical writings that contain information on different
types of ship from the Fujian style junk series were written around the late 16th to the
mid-17th century. A middle 17th century collection of the Berlin Ethnologic Museum was
the earliest meticulous color image of Fujian style junks (Anonymous, mid-17th Century).
A mass of Drawings of Chinese ship anchored around Matsuura and recorded by local
Japanese painters since last decade of 17th century (Oba, 1972) were of great value for
study. In 1796, William Alexander’s colour images are the earliest and the best realistic
portrayals of Fujian style junks available to us today (Fig. 2).
Domestic sources were researched as
well. The Navy Abstract, written in the year
of the Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722) by the
regional commander Chen Liang Shi
contained an iconography for Fujian style
warship (Chen Liang Shi, 2002).

The

Taiwan Conversation by Writing, written
between the years of the emperor Kangxi
to

Yongzheng

by

Huang

Shu

Jing,

recorded parts of materials, quantities and
specifications

needed

to

build

the

Ganzeng types of Fujian warship (Huang
Shu Jing, 1957). The Illustrated Manual of
Instruction in Shipbuilding for the Navy of
Fujian Province, a manuscript between the
years of the emperor Yong zheng to
Fig. 2 The Coast of Fujian Province and the Qianlong by anonymous writer recorded
Location of Sha Po Wei. (Xu Lu)
by the order of the Admiralty (Anonymous,
4

�Mid-18th
listed

Century),

the

kinds

of

warships in use during
that time. Types like
Ganzeng, Shuangpeng,
Pingdi, Fazhuo, Bajiang
were listed, and their
peculiarities and used
for different areas and
condition. The Regions
Formula of Fujian Sea
Going
Fig. 3 The Old Dockyard in Sha Po Wei inside Xiamen Gang. (Xu Lu)

Warships,

a

woodblock edition was

written in 1768 by the order of the emperor Qianlong (Anonymous, 2002). Through
putting together mostly-forgotten information that have been scattered all over the world,
the appearance and design of junks traceable to the Song and Yuan dynasties are
visualized. These sources show wahat ancient Fujian style sea-going junks probably
looked like.
Ethnographical Field Investigation and Manuscripts
From 2004, we began to visit the main traditional shipbuilding centers along the Fujian
coast and carried out the field investigation of wooden sailing junks. We found 7
manuscripts recorded and inherited by 4 shipwright families. The Sha Po Wei inside
Xiamen Gang (Old Amoy Port) is a famous traditional shipbuilding center up to the first
half of the 20th century. It was comprised of more than 15 private dockyards around 3
hectares of shoreline (Fig. 3). The Chen family in one of largest and oldest dockyards in
the region, the family migrating from Huian country to Xiamen Gang at least five
generations ago. An illustrated manuscript of naval architecture was archived by Mr.
Chen Yan Ning of this family. It is 51 pages of paper, 22.5 cm in length and 11cm wide,
6 vertical red lines to a page, badly written in the end of 1910s.The manuscript was
drawn by Chen Yan Ning’s uncle, Chen Guo Zai (died in 1949), and then his son gave it
to Chen Yan Ning. It contents size and cost of fourteen Fujian sea-going sailing junks,
5

�all the numbers expressed in Suzhou
numerals (Table 1). It is the most detailed
record so far pertaining to the principle of
design, modulus system, main unit data,
measures and the amount of materials
used for different ship forms. One of those
is Da Pa, a junk that each side of hull is
printed five gun ports (Fig. 4), it is the only
civil junk with gun ports in the period of
the Republic of China, alias Hei Bo or
Feng Wei Chuan by recorded of G. R. G. Fig. 4 The Manual of Da Pai in the Naval
Worcester (Worcester, 1948) (Fig. 5).

Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family. (Chen Guo
Zai)

Design
In ancient times, master ship-builders relied on their individual experience and the
knowledge passed down from previous generations. They would make patterns on the
spot rather than prepare drawings with precise dimensions in advance. Traditional shipbuilding was a conservative, physically demanding profession. Apprentices were people
from the lower end of society who could not afford an education. Being mostly illiterate,
ship-builders’ experience and knowledge was an oral tradition, passing it down to
apprentices as they worked. In those days livelihoods very much depended on such
skills, so what they learned they kept to themselves and seldom disclosed. For these
reasons, illustrated construction manuals were rare. When designing a new ship, Fujian
shipwright would decide on the measurements:



The length of the keel (longgu) and the rise at both ends based on the
intended use of the particular ship;



The location of the four main transverses – those at the front and back,
behind the mast and that which defines the main cabin;



The width and depth of the ship in proportion to the length of the keel
(longgu), for example, the measurement of the transverse behind the mast
should be 4/10 the measurement of the keel.

6

�

All other measurements such as the bottom-width of the transverse behind
the mast, the top and bottom widths and locations of other transverses were
then defined based on experience and according to the type, usage and
other requirements of the vessel.



The height of the mast depended on the top-measurement of the transverse
immediately behind. So was the size of the major sail.



Finally, measurements of width and the size and shape of the rudder post
and tiller were determined.

The earliest historical document about design of Fujian style junk that has been
discovered up to now is a document from the early Qing dynasty.

Fig. 5 Feng Wei Chuan. (G. R. G. Worcester)

Models
The building process started with making a model. Measurements would then be
proportionately enlarged for making the ship. This was a method recorded in documents
from the Song dynasty onward and continues to be used even in the present. Currently,
7

�scholars take the making of models as the means by which to conserve and record the
technology used to make a particular ship, but the ship-building industry knows well that
components are difficult to reduce and reproduce to scale. Hence details that scaled
down would be too small to show are often omitted.

Furthermore, to build a ship

requires totally different skills to those required for making a model. When detailed
plans and descriptions are lacking, models can at times be misleading. Model offered
the possibility of experimenting with various solutions before the replica in full scale was
begun.
Selection of Material
As far as the choice of wood is concerned, a kind of natural fir tree Cunninghamia
lanceolata (Lamb). Hook from Fujian a mountainous area was normally used for the
parts of a ship’s shell that have direct contact with the sea, such as the keel (longgu),
bottom, shuishe (literally water snake), and zouma (literally running horse), the deck
and transverses (gecangban, literally cabin-separating boards), and natural small-leaf
camphor for other parts of the body such as cangliangzhuo (base of cabin beams)
liangtou (beam-end) and gecangfuqiang (cabin-separating strengtheners). For the
rudder and anchor which required harder material, kundian wood, which was grown in
Guangdong and Southeast Asia was used. Wood for the mast was the most carefully
selected, natural fir trees from Fujian aged 80 or more were generally used. Extant
historical documents prove that tight rules governing the selection and quantity of
materials to be used for ships built in imperial shipyards existed from the mid Ming. The
allowances, however, seem overly lavish. With experienced folk ship-builders,
measurements of all the parts would be clear in their minds as they searched for
materials. Any piece of wood was to them an assembly of some parts. Ship-building
uses a lot of wood, but the availability of wood is subject to specific growth cycles. A
shortage of supply occurred in Fujian from the early Ming Dynasty, and with it, the cost
of ships went up. Wood was then imported in large quantities from Southeast Asia
(Chen Xi Yu, 1991). At the same time, some folk-shipyards moved out of Fujian. Some
relocated abroad where a few expanded to substantial size. With them Fujian shipbuilding technology spread overseas.

8

�Launched

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14

1915
1914

Type

Owner

Da
Shuang Zhang
(Jiang)
Da Gu
Da Gu
Da Gu

Qiu Xiong

Da Pai
Da Pai
Da Pai
口 Cao
(DiaoCao？)

1906

Jin
Mu Chuan
Chong Wu Changshun hang
Chong Wu Cheng Chuan
Chong Wu Chang Shun
Xiu Chuan
Jiu Zhi
He Shang
Tou Chuan
De Bao

Shui Chuan

Length of
keel
(chi/meter)
28.4/8.72

Cost
(Silver
Dollar)
500

22.7/6.81
28/8.4
21/6.3
35/ 10.5
31.5/9.45
21/6.3
30.5/9.15
22/6.6
30.5/9.15
30.5/9.15
27/8.1
31/9.3
20/6

500

230

Table 1. The Contents of Fourteen Fujian Junks from the Naval Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family.
(Chen Guo Zai)

Sequence of Construction
Traditional production starts with establishing the keel (longgu), fixing transverses
(longuyiban, literally dragon bone wing-boards), parts of bottom planking, gecangban,
biban (bilge Keel), wen (stabilizer), lianggung (upper ribs), then the intermediate ribs
between the transverses, and finally, the remaining bottom planking. After these, work
on the weather deck begins. First the boards along the bulwarks, followed with shishe
on the exterior of the bulwarks, shuixianmen (literally narcissus door) and then the
bulwarks. The dragon-eye is usually installed on an auspicious day chosen by the
boatman. When the making of the ship’s hull is finished, the filling or Lihui (Caulking)
and all sewing work too come to completion. Before the new ship is launched, the
exterior of the shell is first covered with a mixture of rice soup and lihui to protect
against shipworms. The owner selects a date and time for the launching after which the
mast is set up and the sails bent on. This pattern of ship-building is traditional for many
9

�areas along China’s coastline and continues to be used even up to the present.
Scholars named it chuankefa, literally the Chinese frame first system. The modern
Chinese building techniques for large wooden ships begins with the keel, then erects
the frames or ribs and the bottom planking before completing the side planking. This
method of ship-building first appeared in Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu)
written by the Ming dynasty diplomat Xia ZI yang in 1606 (Xia Ziyang, 1970).
Painting and Decoration
That part of hull below the water-line is usually covered with baikehui (lime from white s
hells). The flares (tuolang ban, wave-lifting boards near the bow) are also first covered
with lime before painting the figure that characterizes Fujian junks with a solution made
of glue, tung oil and natural color pigments. Some Fujian junks even come with a carved
head of a lion at the bow. Dragon eyes on the bulwarks near the bow are usually made
of camphor. Particular rules govern the size and shape of these eyes: the ratio between
the keel length and eye should be 110:4; eyes for fishing boats should look downwards t
o signal the search for catches while eyes for merchant ships should look at the route a
head. Mulong (wooden dragon), i.e., loach poles (qiuyuji) are painted on the bulwarks n
ear the stern, a seabird (muyi) on the yingban (the oval-shaped sern facing), and at the
bottom of the yingban is the board which carries the ship’s registration number. Accordi
ng to legend, qiuyuji, muyi bird and Matsu (Goddess of the Sea) are the three treasures
that watch over the safety of ships. A statue of Matsu or a paper charm as its substitute
may be placed in a sanctuary in the after part of the poop.
Tools
Confucius says, “Good tools are a prerequisite to the successful completion of a job”.
For the execution of specific tasks, special tools are required, such as axes, chisels,
saws, files, tweezers, awls, knives, rulers and modou (ink markers) used by carpenters,
and hammers, large tweezers, sickles, paint-brushes, truncheons for working with lime
are used by other workers.
Axe: triangular in shape, the axe is the most important tool in ship-building. In traditional
ship-building, the qualification of ship-building masters is measured by the number of
years he has used an axe.
Adze: shaped like a hoe, it is also named guangfu (smooth-out, or faying axe) meaning
10

�that it is used for smoothing out or faying in parts.
Saw: for cutting raw materials into boards.
Plane: for smoothening out wood surfaces.
Lu Ban ruler: also known as “wengong ruler”, which, according to legend, was a system
of measurement invented by Lu Ban following Daoist truth and the laws of the Eight
Diagrams. With birth, aging, sickness, death and suffering as the basis, the ruler is
divided into 8 parts named cai, beng, yi, li, guan, li, hai and ben. When using the ruler,
cai is the top and beng the end, and it is important also to avoid the inauspicious and
adopt what is auspicious.
Modou: that part which serves as a container of ink is called mochi (ink-well) which
holds cotton wool soaked in ink. There is a line reel at the end. Cotton thread comes
through from the modou and is also soaked with ink. To use the modou, the cotton
thread is first fastened to the piece of wood which requires marking at each end, and by
gently pulling the thread outwards near the center and then letting it go, a clear and
distinct ink line appears on a raw piece of wood or boards measuring several meters.
Caulking iron: made of wrought iron and steel for the teeth. An iron loop forms part of
the wooden handle and is used for mixing hemp, rattan and lime and inserting the
mixture into crevices.
Shipbuilders
Over the centuries, ship-builders coming from Fuzhou, Quanzhou and Zhangzhou
slowly gathered in Fujian. Apprenticeship generally started at the age of 11 or 12.
Those who joined the profession were mostly members of ship-builders’ families; their
children, cousins or relatives. No less than 3 years of training were necessary. In the
beginning, apprentices were not allowed to handle the axe and helped only in menial
duties such as mending or minor repair work. Only after a number of years of training,
when students had picked up sufficient knowledge and skills from their masters, were
they allowed to work on important components such as keels, helms and masts before
they became masters. There is a common saying, “Master of a particular shipyard
builds ships exclusive to that shipyard”. Each shipyard had its unique ship form.
Generation after generation of ship-builders inherited the skills, expertise and

11

�experience passed to them by their predecessors, which over time established a given
set of practices and forms.
Crossed the Pacific Voyages
In Donnelly’s Chinese Junks and Other Native Craft, he listed three most important
crossed the Pacific voyages have been taken by type of Fuzhou pole junk and another
one was make by Xiamen fishing junk.






“Keying”: length of 48.7 m, Hong Kong to London, 1848.
“Whangho”: length of 30 m, Shanghai to San Pedro, 1906.
“Ningbo”: length of 42 m, Shanghai to San Pedro, 1912.
“Amoy”: length of 21.03 m, Xiamen to Victoria, 1922.

Captain Eric de Bisschop sailed a Xiamen built 12 ton gross junk Fou Po II in the
southwestern Pacific Ocean and East Indian Ocean. In 1955, a Fuzhou style cargo junk
with a length of 23 m, Free China, sailed from Taiwan to San Francisco. In 2008, our
experimental replica of Fujian Style warship “Princess Tai Ping” sailed form Xiamen to
San Francisco and Hawaii.
Conclusions
Unlike shipbuilding in other indigenous areas, the Chinese shipbuilding tradition
changed a little through all the time, the structure of square bows and sterns with
transverse watertight bulkhead and lugsails with bamboo mat and strip showed little
change over thousands of years, and the last successors of traditional shipbuilding are
alive. Western classifying studies of Chinese sailboats in the early of 20th century just
based on the field investigations and the interviews with the successors of traditional
naval architecture, such as the great achievements of François-Edmond Paris, Louis
Audemard, Barbosa Carmona, Donnelly Ivon, G. R. G. Worcester and Etienne Sigaut,
etc. It is last chance to be invested promptly on ethnographical field work investigation
for Fujian coast traditional shipbuilding centers. The Naval Architecture Manual of
Chen’s Family provided most detailed database so far, yielding valuable information
pertaining to principle of design, a modulus system, main unit data, and measures used
for typical ship forms of traditional Fujian style sea going sailing junks. ~There are still 3
shipwrights alive in Sha Po Wei, a valuable ethnographic resource, soon to be lost.
12

�Therefore, historical and archaeological projects need to be invested into promptly to
recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going junks, which will
provide helpful methods to explain and identify relevant ship remains excavated in
future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects.
Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to all members of CSJES, the last craftsmen of traditional Fujian naval
architecture and seamanship, who provided their invaluable experience and knowledge.
I must also express my sincere thanks to Dr. Jia Hao and Miss Jia Xiaofan. Dr. jiahao
helped me to search relevant historical materials and Miss Jia xiaofan revised the article
format.
References
Chen Guo Zai., 1919. The Naval Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family, Manuscript
(private collection), Xiamen.
Anonymous, Mid-17th Century. The Island of Formosa (painted on parchment).
Collection of Berlin Ethnological Museum, Berlin.
Oba, Osamu., 1972. About Drawings of Chinese Ship Kept in Matsuura Historical
Museum, Hirato: The Referential Material of Chinese Merchant Ship in the Era of Edo.
Memo 5 of Research Institute of East and West Academicals Studies of Kansai
University, Osaka suita: 13-49.
Chen Liang Shi., 2002. The Navy Abstract (Shui Shi Ji Yao), Reprinted from the Original
in Late 17th Century. Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai: 329-337.
Anonymous, Mid-18th Century. The Illustrated Manual of Instruction in Shipbuilding for
the Navy of Fujian Province (Min Sheng Shui Shi Ge Biao Zhen Xie Ying Zhan Shao
Chuan Zhi Tu Ji), Manuscript.
Anonymous, 2002. The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Fu
Jian Sheng Wai Hai Zhan Chuan Ze Li), (Reprinted from the Woodblock Edition in
1768). Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai.
Huang Shu Jing., 1957. The Taiwan Conversation by Writing (Chi Kan Bi Tan),
Reprinted from the Original in Early 18th Century.
Business Bank, Taipei: 35-37.

13

Economic Academe of Taiwan

�Worcester, G. R. G., 1948. A Classification of the Principal Chinese Sea-going Junks
(south of the Yangtze). Shanghai Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of
Customs, Shanghai: 66-67.
Chen Xi Yu, 1991. Chinese Sailing Junks and Overseas Trade. Xiamen University
Press, Xiamen: 114-127.
Xia Zi Yang, 1970. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu), (Reprinted from the
Original in 1606). Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei: 235.

Biography
Xu Lu is the initiator and director of Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society (CSJES),
an exclusive institute focus on protect and study ancient Chinese naval architecture and
nautical navigation. He also is commissioner of China Maritime History Studies
Association. As a maritime archaeologist special in the field of junks, he spent over a
decade on field work to investigate and ethnographic study the last traditional sailing
craft still be built and operating in China, wrote and released numerous academic
papers. He led an experimental archaeological ship-reconstructions project in 2007,
Princess Taiping, a junk replica sailed across the Pacific.

14

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                  <text>Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                  <text>Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi</text>
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                <text>The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks:  A Manuscript</text>
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                <text>As the most important qualities of ancient Chinese sailing junks, the square bows and sterns with transverse watertight bulkhead and the lugsails with bamboo mat and strip remained the same over thousands of years. Of which, the traditional Fujian style sea going junks is one of the major vessel forms for the ocean and oversea route in ancient China. This paper make an interpretation of Fujian style sea going junks through ship form and structure, principle of design, models, choice of material, sequence of construction, painting and decoration, tools, ship-builders, and ship component remains.  This study is combined with the interpretation of Chinese historical documents and drawings, foreign historical drawings, ethnographical field work on main traditional shipbuilding centers along the Fujian coast, reconstruction of traditional shipbuilding, land archaeology evidence, and especially gathers information from a newly discovered illustrated manuscript for shipbuilding. This manuscript at present is the most detailed manuscript found pertaining to the principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, measures and amounts materials used for each ship form.  The purpose of this paper is to recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going sailing junks, then providing one set of helpful method to explain and identify relevant ship remains excavated in future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects.</text>
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                <text>Xu Lu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/15/2014</text>
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                    <text>Distributional Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage and its
Experimental Presentation in the Ryukyu Archipelago
Chiaki Katagiri
Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Naha, Japan, 900-0006
Email: katgiric@pref.okinawa.lg.jp
Yuji Yamamoto
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka, Japan, 812-0041
Email: yamamoto@f-creer.com
Yumiko Nakanishi, Osaka Prefectural Government, Osaka, Japan, 559-0034
Email: NakanishiYum@mbox.pref.osaka.lg.jp
Abstract
The Ryukyu Archipelago is located at the northwestern Pacific, between the islands of
Formosa and Kyushu of southern Japan. It consists of 199 islands of all dimensions and
the total range of its accurate distribution lengthen is approximately 1,200 km. Since the
first human beings settled down on the archipelago during the Pleistocene, they have
been living close by the sea there. The local populations have recognized maritime
resources as a main and important nutritious food since the prehistoric era, while the
Ryukyu kingdom used to be prosperous unprecedentedly in terms of seaborne oversea
trade among Japan, China, and Southeast Asia. In the Ryukyu archipelago, the
distributional survey of underwater cultural heritage has lately been conducted by the
Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group, the Okinawa Prefectural
Archaeological Center, the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, and
Kagoshima University, in order to assess its numbers, typologies, actual conditions, and
so on. According to the research, 235 sites of underwater or maritime cultural heritage
have already been confirmed: 9 shipwrecks, 33 submerged ports, 15 places where boat
cargos are scattered on the seabed, 72 places where old boat cargos and other
remains are found along the coasts, 30 stone anchors and cargos on land, 28 quarries,
45 stone tidal weirs, and 3 salt works. In 2011, as a result of the survey, an underwater
cultural heritage presentation or guidance tour was carried out in Kume Island.
Presumably, this experimental trial will lead the public to having the sense to
acknowledge and protect underwater cultural heritage in the future.
Key words: Ryukyu Archipelago, Ryukyu Kingdom, Transit trade, Distributional Survey,
Open day
Introduction
The Ryukyu Archipelago consists of 199 islands of various sizes ranging about 1,200
km between Kyushu Island, the southernmost island of the Japanese Archipelago, and
1

�Taiwan in the northwestern coastal Pacific. The first humans reached there in the late
Pleistocene and have long been living a life highly connected to the sea since then.
Marine resources had been their major food source in prehistory, and the islands have
prospered because of overseas exchanges using ships and the sea from the Gusuku
Period to the Sanzan Period (from the latter half of 11thcentury to 1429 AD). The tidal
zone was actively utilized for production activities until 1879, when the Ryukyu Kingdom
became an independent state. Recent research accumulation revealed the numbers
and types of underwater cultural heritage in this region by the Nansei Islands
Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group, the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological
Center, the Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, the Asian Research
Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Kagoshima University, Tokai University and
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, and so on. It is notable that such
researches include a whole series of different kinds
of methods, such as collection of oral histories,
interviews, archival researches, walking survey of the
coastal area and the seabed, and the like.
Based on the results of such researches, we have an
underwater site open day in Kumejima Island in
Okinawa for its experimental presentation on 11th
September 2011 and 28th September 2013. On
those days, we invited the willing public to visit and
see underwater sites under the supervision and

Fig.
1
Location
of
Archipelago.
(C.
Katagiri)
guidance by the experts. The Ohajima Underwater

Ryukyu

Site was selected for the subject of this experimental presentation as it was the most
suitable site on many reasons. We have collected the data regarding the interest of the
visitors, trying to justify the validity of the method we have adopted. The research aims
to lead to the protection and utilization of underwater cultural heritage.
Types and numbers of the sites holding Underwater Cultural Heritage
As shown in the Table 1, the area of sea around the Ryukyu Archipelago holds a wide
variety of underwater cultural heritage. 9 shipwreck sites, 15 seabed artifact scattering
sites (loads only, no hull found), 33 submerged ports, 72 coastal artifact scattering sites,
2

�76 production sites (28 quarries, 45 stone tidal weirs, an 3 salt pans), and 30 sites with
findings on land, such as stone and iron anchors are so far found and categorized.
type

number

contents

a Shipwreck sites

9

Shipwreck

b Sseabed artefact scattering sites

13

Only cargo, Almost ceramics

c Ports

33

artefacts of various periods

d Coastal artefact scattering sites

71

artefacts of various periods

e Quarries

28

Sites to cut out stone

f

45

Stationary fishing gear

g Soltworks

3

Sites to produced the salt

h Related underwater cultural heritage

30

Aimost Anchor of the ship

Ⅰ Sites due to the marine accidents

Ⅱ　Site formed by the frequent use of the sae
and coasal areas

Ⅲ　Sites due to production activities

Ⅳ　Others

Stone tidal weirs

合計

232

Table 1.Aggregation of Underwater Cultural Heritage of the Ryukyu Island. (C. Katagiri)

Sites due to the Marine Accidents
Shipwreck sites (a): Often only the wreckage and pieces of ships found. They are
disturbed by natural phenomena like a typhoon or human disturbance like recovery after
having been stranded or sunk. Seabed artifact scattering sites (b): Generally formed by
loads thrown away from the ships, but sometimes caused by the wreck. Hard to
distinguish either unless wrecked hull pieces are found.
Sites formed by the Frequent Use of the Sea and Coastal Areas
Ports(c): Proving that the area had been used as a port, with anchors and artifacts of
various periods are found. Occasionally formed by the ship anchored there which
accidentally sunk? Coastal artifact scattering sites (d): Formed as a result of utilization
of the coastal area those who were living in the settlements there, such as cooking and
discarding which are distinguished from the ports.
Sites due to Production Activities
Found in the tidal zone. Quarries (e) are well-recognized and well-preserved while salt
pans(g) and stone tidal weirs(f) formed with the small pebbles piled are not preserved in
a good state. Such structures are meant to be constantly used and repaired, and will be
naturally destroyed once stopped being used. Many sites of this kind had been existed
3

�in the past, but the numbers dramatically decreased and hardly seen now. It is exigency
to record those sites.
Others
Artifacts that used to be on the seabed are often recovered on land and conserved as
cultural properties (h). Stone and iron anchors often apply to this case providing the clue
to the identification of the ships sailing in the area at that time.
Major characteristics of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Region
Table 2 shows an overview of typical underwater cultural heritage in the Ryukyu
Archipelago and Fig. 2, Representative underwater cultural heritage of the Ryukyu
archipelago.
Underwater Cultural Heritage Related to Overseas Trades during the Gusuku
Period (between the 12th and 13th Centuries AD)
The

Amamioshima-kurazaki

underwater site (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
No. 2, Ukenson Board of Education,
1999)

and

the

Kumejima-

nakanohama underwater site (Fig. 2,
Table 2, Site No.13, Miyagi et al.,
2004; Tezuka et al., 2005; Katagiri,
2007) are known to be holding
underwater cultural heritage formed
by

the

shipwreck

or

the

load

discarded from the ship, dated back
to the latter half of the 12th century to
the 13th century. In both cases,
Chinese ceramics are densely found
on the seabed, which provide a great
deal of information related to the
trading in the early Gusuku Period.

Fig. 2Representative Underwater Cultural Heritage of the
Ryukyu Archipelago. (C. Katagiri)

4

�Underwater Cultural Heritage Related to Overseas Trade from the Sanzan Period
(the 14th Century AD) to the Ryukyu Kingdom Period (from 1429 AD to 1879)
From the latter half of the 14th century to the beginning of the 15th century, a crucial
turning point in the history of the region occurred regarding the transition of political
power when the sovereign was centered during the establishment of the Ryukyu
Kingdom. Ohajima Underwater site in Kumejima Island is one of the major sites during
this period (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.12, Miyagi et al., 2004; Tezuka et al., 2008; Katagiri,
2007). Large amount of celadon of the early Ming Dynasty China is found. Moreover, 2
Chinese stone anchors have been identified in Kumejima Island. Kumejima Island and
the surrounding sea area must have played a significant role in oversea trades during
the early Gusuku Period and Sanzan Period, proved by the density of underwater sites
and stone anchors dated back then.The Ryukyu Kingdom was in its heyday from the
15th century to the mid 16th century. The king resided in Shuri-jo Castle served as the
sovereign ruler and the centralized nation was formed then. Nagura-shitadaru site
(Underwater site) dated back to the mid to late 15th century is located in Ishigakijima
Island and large amount of Chinese celadon discovered from the site (Fig. 2, Table 2,
Site No. 22, Sakishima Culture Research Institute, 2009). Miyakojima Island holds
Kurimajima Underwater site dated back to the first half of the 16th century. Chinese
ceramics found from sites has been changing then, from the predominantly celadon
before to the gorgeous flowery blue and white porcelain (Fig. 2, Table2, Site No.19,
Katagiri, 2009).After the invasion of the Satsuma clan in 1609, Tokara-retto Islands
became a territory of Satsuma. An underwater sites indicating the maritime accident at
that time is identified in Tairajima Island of Tokara-retto Islands. Clusters of Chinese
porcelains of the Qing Dynasty dated to the 18th century found in the area, which would
have been formed by the ship sunken or the ship loads discarded (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
No. 1, Kagoshima University, The Faculty of Law, Economic and Humanities et al.,
2010).
Sunken Shipwrecks Revealing Ikoku-sen (the Western Ships) during the Last
Years of the Ryukyu Kingdom
In the last years of Ryukyu Kingdom, many West European ships called Ikoku-sen has
constantly been around the sea area of the Ryukyu Archipelago.It is obvious that Asian
5

�intrusion and interference by the great powers of the West Europe came to influence so
far as the Ryukyu Kingdom. Many shipwrecks found in the area can provide us the
great deal of information on Western ships at that time. An English ship, Providence,
sunken in Yaebishi in Miyakojima Island in 1776 was discovered (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
No.16, Katagiri, 2009). On top of the Providence, another English ship, Indian Oak,
owned by East India Company sunken in 1776 was found in Chatan-cho in Chatan Oki
(Fig. 2, Table2, Site No.9, Nakamura, 1994). In 1853, the same year with when Mathew
Calbraith Perry arrived at Uraga Port, an English ship sank off Yoshino Kaigan in
Miyakojima (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.20, Katagiri, 2009) and a Dutch Ship, Van Bosse off
Takada Kaigan in Taramason Village in 1857 (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.21, Katagiri, 2009).
In 1872, when the Ryukyu Kingdom was inclining on verge of collapse, an English ship,
Benares sank off Ginama in Kunigamison Village (Fig. 2, Table2, Site No.4, Katagiri,
2013), as well as a foreign ship of unknown nationality sank off Minamiukibarujima in
Uruma City (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.8, Katagiri, 2010). Wrecks and loads left by those
foreign ships still remain on the seabed of those areas.
Underwater Cultural Heritage Related to the Domestic Commodity Circulation
within the Ryukyu Kingdom.
In 1879, the Meiji Government abolished the Ryukyu Kingdom. The Kingdom became
extinct on the map and came to be called “Okinawa Prefecture”. The ships called
“Maran-sen” were playing significant role of carrying the supplies to many remote
islands in Okinawa at that time. Agonoura Underwater site located in Zamamijima Island
(Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.11, Miyagi et al., 2004), Yaebisi Underwater site Cluster in
Miyakoshoto Islands (Fig. 2, Table2, Site No.2-3, Katagiri, 2009), Yarabu Underwater
Site in Ishigakijima Island (Fig. 2, Table2, Site No.23, Katagiri, 2010, Ono et al., 2013),
Sekiseishoko Underwater site Cluster in Yaeyamashoto Islands (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
No.24-26, Katagiri, 2009, Ono et al.,2013) are so far identified underwater sites dated to
this period. A wide variety of Tsuboya-yaki pottery produced in Naha City in
Okinawajima Island are found in those sites, accompanied with some Chinese Qing
Dynasty Porcelain in some cases. Those sites and artifact scatterings were formed due
to the accident of the ships which were transporting pottery produced at Tsuboya in
Naha City of Okinawajima Island to the smaller islands around Okinawajima Island,
6

�such as Miyako and Yaeyama Shoto Islands, either by the hull being submerged or the
loads abandoned on their way. In case of Sekiseishoko Underwater site Cluster, Point
No. 3 (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No. 26), the submerged hull is identified. Moreover, fourarmed anchors that had never seen on land in Okinawa are discovered at Yarabu
Underwater site (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No. 23) in Ishigakijima Island, which provides us
significant information to reveal the appearance and characteristics of the ships at that
time (Katagiri, 2010; Ono et al., 2013).
Submerged Port Sites
Underwater sites showing evidence of having been the ports with frequent use are
Shirasegawakako (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.14,
Toma and Sakuda, 1999) and Majako (Fig. 2,
Table 2, Site No.15, Katagiri, 2007; 2010) in
Kumejima Island, Agonoura in Zamamijima
Island (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No. 11, Katagiri,
2007),

Sesokojima

Underwater

site

in

Motobucho of Okinawajima Island (Fig. 2, Table
Fig. 3 Landscape of Ohajima Underwater 2, Site No. 7, Katagiri, 2005). Majako Port had
Site (A Large Amount of China Ceramics
of the Late 14th on the Seabed) and Sea been a famous port known to be used for
Area that Held a Tour. (C. Katagiri)
tributary trades. There is a warehouse overseer

near the site and stone anchors are found from the nearby settlement. A wide variety of
artifacts dated back to from the medical to pre-modern and modern period are scattered
on the coast and seabed in this area, which support that the area had long been used
as a port (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.15). Combined investigations of such a site and
previously mentioned Nakanohama underwater site and Ohajima underwater site that
show the traces of maritime accidents will provide us with large amount of information to
evaluate the site. Agonoura of Zamamijima Island is also known as a port related to the
tributary trade.Many kinds of artifacts, such as the 15th century celadon, as well as the
pre-modern and modern pottery produced in Okinawa, have been discovered on the
seabed of the area (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.11).
Sesokojima Sea area had also long been used as port on the trade route, which
resulted in many artifacts findings especially on the east coast of Sesokojima Island. A
7

�stone anchor was found at Anchi-hama Beach, probing the existence of the ships
anchored there (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.7, Katagiri et al., 2005). This stone anchor is
relatively small, but mocking Chinese stone anchor having produced during the time of
the Ryukyu Kingdom. The small stone anchors of this kind have recently been found at
several places all over Okinawajima Island, which would be significant information
source to reveal the structure of Maran-sen ships. Several stone anchors of this kind
holding similar form were also found from the seabed off Sanko Port of Tokunoshima
Island (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.3, Kagoshima University, The Faculty of Law, Economic
and Humanities et al., 2010). The area was tactically significant sea area for the port,
and geographical as well as historical significance of the area are to be revealed.
Production Site
Production

sites

are

generally

recognized in the tidal zones. Quarries,
stone tidal weirs and salt pans are the
representative sites of this kind. A huge
quarry

in

Kumejima

Island

of

Kumejimacho (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
No.28, Katagiri, 2006), stone tidal weir
cluster

in

Kohamajima

Island

of

Taketomicho (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site
Fig. 4 Tour scene of the Snorkel in Ohajima No.29, Katagiri, 2009), a salt pan in
Underwater Site. (C. Katagiri)

Nakijinson Village of Okinawajima Island
and the like are so far identified (Fig.2, Table 2, Site No.31). Quarries are often well
preserved due to its structural characteristic, while stone tidal weirs and salt pans made
with small pebbles pile up are generally in disastrous preservation state. These types of
sites have to be constantly used and repaired. The site, once stopped being used,
would start to be reverted back to the original natural state and collapse due to the
natural force of waves and tide. There had been many salt pans and stone tidal weirs in
the past, which are hardly seen now. Recording of those sites is our urgent mission.

8

�No.

Underwater Site

Location

Classification

Contents

Age

1 Tairashima

Tokara, Tairashima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

18th

2 Kurakizaki

Amami, Amami Oshima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

12-13th

3 Sankou

Amami, Tokunoshima

Ⅱc

Port. Stone anchor

Middle Ages

4 Ginama

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅰa

Wreck. UK, Benares

1873

5 Emons

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅰa

Wreck. USA, Emons

1945

6 Wajikaigan

Okinawa, Iejima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

15th
Middle Ages -Modern

7 Sesokojima

Okinawa, Sesokojima

Ⅱc

Port. Okinawa stone anchor,
China Cermaics, Okinawa Pottery

8 Minamiukibarujima

Okinawa, Minamiukibarujima

Ⅰa

Ｗｒｅｃｋ

1876

9 Indian Oak

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅰa

Wreck. UK, Indian Oak

1840

10 Nahakou

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅱc

Port. China Cermaics

Middle Ages-modern

11 Agonoura

Okinawa, Kerama, Zamamijima

Ⅱc

Port. China Cermaics, Okinawa Pottery

Middle Ages-modern

12 Oha

Okinawa, Kumejima,Ohajima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

Late14th

13 Nakanohama

Okinawa, Kumejima, Hatenohama

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

12-13th

14 Sirasegawakakou

Okinawa, Kumejima

Ⅱc

Port. China Cermaics, Okinawa Pottery

Middle Ages-modern

15 Majakou

Okinawa, Kumejima

Ⅱc

Port. China Cermaics, Okinawa Pottery

Middle Ages-modern

16 Yabiji,No.1

Sakishima, Miyako, Yabiji

Ⅰa

Wreck. UK, Providence

1776

17 Yabiji,No.2

Sakishima, Miyako, Yabiji

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, Okinawa pottery

Early modern period

18 Yabiji,No.3

Sakishima, Miyako, Yabiji

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, Okinawa pottery

Early modern period

19 Kurimajima

Sakishima, Miyakojima, Kurimajima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

Early16th

20 Yoshinokaigan

Sakishima, Miyakojima

Ⅰa

Wreck. UK

1853

21 Takadakaigan

Sakishima, Taramajima

Ⅰa

Wreck. Netherlands, Van Bosse

1857

22 Nagurashitadaru

Sakishima, Ishigakijima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, China Ceramics

15th
Early modern period

23 Yarabu

Sakishima, Ishigakijima

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, Okinawa pottery.
Four claw iron anchor

24 Sekiseisyouko,No1

Sakishima, Sekiseisyouko

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, Okinawa pottery, China Ceramics

Early modern period

25 Sekiseisyouko,No2

Sakishima, Sekiseisyouko

Ⅰb

Boat cargos, Okinawa pottery

Early modern period

26 Sekiseisyouko,No3

Sakishima, Sekiseisyouko

Ⅰa

Wreck. Okinawa pottery

Early modern period-modern

27 Yomitanson,quarries

Okinawa, OKinawajima

Ⅲe

Production sites. Quarries

Early modern period-modern

28 Kumejima,kitahara,quarries

Okinawa, Kumejima

Ⅲe

Production sites. Quarries

Early modern period-modern

29 Kohamajima,stone tidal weirs

Sakishima, Kohamajima

Ⅲf

Production sites. Stone tidal weirs

Early modern period-modern

30 Iriomotejima,stone tidal weirs

Sakishima, Iriomotejima

Ⅲf

Production sites. Stone tidal weirs

Early modern period-modern

31 Wakugawa,soltworks

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅲg

Production sites. Soltworks

Early modern period-modern

32 Amami Oshima,stone anchors

Amami, Amami Oshima

Ⅳh

8China stone anchors

Middle Ages

33 Uegusuku,stone anchor

Okinawa, Kumejima

Ⅳh

China stone anchor

Middle Ages

34 Yamadagusuku,stone anchor

Okinawa, Okinawajima

Ⅳh

China stone anchor

Middle Ages

35 Taramajima,stock anchor

Sakishima, Taramajima

Ⅳh

Western Europe Stock anchor

Early modern period

36 Yoshino,stone material

Sakishima, Miyakojima

Ⅳh

Stone material

Early modern period

37 Ikema,Iron products

Sakishima, Miyako, Ikemajima

Ⅳh

Iron products

Early modern period

Table 2.Overview of Typical Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Ryukyu Archipelago. (C. Katagiri)
9

�Underwater Cultural Heritage Raised on Land
There are some artifacts and parts of ship structure, which had been found on the
seabed, raised on land, and then preserved and reverted to the cultural properties.
Their information and use would be enhanced and its value increased by being
connected with underwater cultural heritage in the area that still remains to be
underwater. A stone anchor reused for the well of a Yamada Gusuku (Castle) in
Onnason Village (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.34, Katagiri, 2007), iron anchors in
Taramajima Island (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.35, Katagiri, 2009), stone materials found in
Yoshino Settlement in Miyakojima Island (Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.36, Katagiri, 2009),
iron products of Miyako-Ikemajima Island and the like are so far recognized of this kind
(Fig. 2, Table 2, Site No.37). They provide us the clue to figure out the ships sailing in
this sea area.
Experimental Site Open Day
After the 10 years of distributional survey in sea area of the Ryukyu Archipelago, as a
result, we now have a rough idea about the types and quantity of underwater cultural
heritage in the area. The next step forward is to search for a method for protection and
utilization of such cultural heritage bore in the beautiful sea in this region with high
degree of transparency formed by coral leaf. For this purpose, we have experimentally
undertaken a public site open day for underwater cultural heritage around Kumejima
Island in Kumejimacho (Katagiri et al., 2012).
Fig. 3 shows Landscape of Ohajima underwater site and sea area that held a tour.The
major attraction of the day was Ohajima Underwater Site with dense distribution of
Chinese pottery dated back to between the latter half of the 14th century and beginning
of the 15th century. For the better understanding of the nature and characteristics of
underwater cultural heritage, we had delivered a preliminary lecture for 30 minutes
before the site visit, as well as observation tour of the artifacts already raised on land,
such as pottery pieces collected from the seabed at Ohajima and a stone anchor found
at UeGusuku (castle) for 30 minutes. Furthermore, we organized a tour visiting related
cultural heritage sites on land, such as Tenkogu Site, Kuramoto-ato Site, Majako Port
Site, quarries, and the like, for an hour, which aimed at explaining why the underwater
site had been formed on seabed of Ohajima. We prepared 2 ways to visit for the actual
10

�visit of Ohajima Underwater site on seabed, both of which last for about an hour. We
organized 2 groups of people with 20 people each, one for visiting the site by snorkeling
and the other by a glass-bottom boat for those who are not willing to go into the water.
Fig. 4 shows the tour scene of snorkel in Ohajima Underwater Site. This attempt was
able to establish a model case for the site open day for the public visiting underwater
cultural heritage, which could be followed by the other sites in the Ryukyu Archipelago
although we still have to scrutinize this case to evaluate how far the case can be applied
to the other cases as well as to the wider public.
Conclusion
History and culture of the Ryukyu Archipelago have long been together with the sea.
Due to its few resources and small areas, it is often claimed that island areas provide
harsh environment for the life and survival of human-being. Nevertheless, there is a
distinctive maritime culture which have overcome and formed till now. The distinctive
characteristics and history of such culture has not yet been fully revealed and evaluated
even now. It needs further investigations. We believe that study of underwater cultural
heritage would be essential field of research for the future of this area around the
Ryukyu Archipelago. The researches so far done helped us to identify a wide variety of
underwater cultural heritage ranging from the medial to the pre-modern and modern
period. It is also found out that most sites tend to be related to the trade, port and
production activity. Now, after the distributional survey, further intensive investigation
on a particular area needs to be carried out. Even though we are still facing many
problems for conservation and utilization of the site, utilization of underwater cultural
heritage in the Ryukyu Archipelago has a bright future, we believe. Many people from all
over the world visit Okinawa to enjoy the observation of the seabed of the area by
marine sports and glass-bottom boats. As it has been undertaken in Kumejima Island,
the concept of establishing Seabed Site Museums is ideal way of utilization for such
environment with beautiful sea in the Ryukyu Archipelago. We further intend to promote
this attempt to the other sea area.
Acknowledgements
We are most grateful to Prof. Akifumi Iwabuchi of Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology for giving us such a great opportunity to present this paper at APCONF
11

�as a session organizer, as well as to Dr. Tatsuya Nakata of Tokyo University of Marine
Science and Technology for very useful advice. Also wish to thank Director Kenzo
Hayashida of the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Mr. Hiroki
Miyagi of Nago City Board of Education who worked on the research project at the
Ryukyu Archipelago with us, Prof. Yoshiro Watanabe of Kagoshima University, and all
other friends who worked together.
References
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (Ed.), 2012. The Database of
Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Nansei
Islands. The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka (in
Japanese).
Kagoshima University and Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group,
2010. The Report on Underwater Cultural Heritage around the Nansei Islands in Fiscal
2009. The Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies, Vol. 3:5-31 (in Japanese).
Kagoshima University and Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group,
2011.The Report on Underwater Cultural Heritage around the Nansei Islands in Fiscal
2010. The Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies, Vol. 4: 36-59 (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Higa, N., and Sakihara, T., 2005. A Stone anchor found underwater near
the Anchi Beach in Sesoko Island, Motobu-cho. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa
Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Vol.3: 61-70 (in Japanese）.
Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2007. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites (I) – Volume
on Okinawa-honto and Surrounding Islands. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological
Center, Naha (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2009. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites (II) – Volume
on Miyako of Yaeyama. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, Naha (in
Japanese).
Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2010. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites (III) – Site
Map Volume. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, Naha (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., 2011. Attempt of Discovering Underwater, In Miyakojima City Board of
Education (Ed.) Report on Management Plan of Nationally Designated Place of Scenic
Beauty “Higashihennazaki”: 163 -168, (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Miyagi, H., Arakaki, T., Yamamoto, Y., and Watanabe, M., 2013. Research
Studies of Ginama Foreign Shipwreck sites in Kunigamison, Okinawa, Japan. Bulletin of
the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Vol.6: 31-53 (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Yamada, H., Sakihara, T., Nakajima, T., Miyagi, H., and Watanabe, Y.,
2012.The Report of an Underwater Cultural Heritage tour in Kumejima- The Project of
‘The Museum of Underwater Cultural Heritage’. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa
Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Vol.5: 19-36(in Japanese).
12

�Miyagi, H., Katagiri, C., Arakaki, T., and Higa, N., 2004. Preliminary investigation into
discovering sunken ships in the Southwest Islands: Underwater artifacts and marine
transportation. Bulletin of the Archaeological Study of Okinawa, Vol. 2: 43-60 (in
Japanese).
Miyagi, H., Katagiri, C., Higa, N., and Sakihara, T., 2005. Preliminary investigation into
discovering sunken ships in the Southwest Islands (II): Underwater artifacts and
marine transportation. Bulletin of the Archaeological Study of Okinawa, Vol. 2: 81-108
(in Japanese).
Nakamura, S., 1994. Stranded site of Indian-Oak. In Chatancho Board of Education
(Ed.), Chatancho no Iseki, p. 22 (in Japanese).
Ono, R., Katagiri, C., Sakagami, N., Kan, H., Miyagi, H. and Yamamoto, Y., 2013
Present and future of the Underwater Cultural Heritages in the Yaeyama Islands:
Perspective from the recent research of Yarabuoki, Proceedings of Yaeyama Museum,
Vol. 22: 20-43 (in Japanese).
Sakishima Culture Research Institute (Ed.), 2009.Report of the Joint Research Project
on Nagura Shitadaru Underwater Site. Sakishima Culture Research Institute, Ishigaki
(in Japanese).
Tezuka, N., (Ed.), 2005.Structural Analysis of Traded Ceramic Production and Demand
in Medieval Japan, Nakano-hama Beach in Kumejima Island, Okinawa, Fiscal 2003.
Research Report. Aoyama Gakuin University College of Literature Department of
History, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Tezuka, N., (Ed.), 2008.Structural Analysis of Traded Ceramic Production and Demand
in Medieval Japan, Nakano-hama Beach in Kumejima Island, Okinawa, Fiscal 20062007 Research Report. Aoyama Gakuin University College of Literature Department of
History, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Toma, S., and Sakuda, I., 1999. The remains Collected at the Mouth of the Shirase
River in Kume Islands. Bulletin of Culture Division Education Department Okinawa
Prefectural Government, No.15: 25-32(in Japanese).
Ukenson Board of Education (Ed.), 1999.KurakizakiKaitei Underwater Site.(in
Japanese).
Watanabe, M., 2009. Report 1, Research Report on Underwater Heritage in Nansei
Islands Vol. 6, document research Fiscal 2009. The Journal of Underwater
Archaeological Studies, No.3: 28-29 (in Japanese).
Biography
Chiaki Katagiri is the chief curator of the Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art
Museum. He was born in Nagano, Japan in 1976, graduated from Okinawa
International University in 1999 majoring in archeology. From 2000 to 2011, he worked
as a Specialist in Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center and appointed to current
post in 2011. He is specializing in anthropology of the islands, carrying out
anthropological and archaeological fieldwork throughout Asia. He has been actively
13

�engaged in investigation and research of underwater cultural heritage in Ryukyu
Archipelago. His papers include Research Studies of Ginama Foreign Ship Wreck Sites
in Kunigamison, Okinawa (2012).
Yuji Yamamoto is an underwater photographer participating in several projects by
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, as well as many other underwater
heritage projects. Having graduated from Fukuoka University, he was taking pictures of
Paris-Dakar Rally and F-1 races. He has participated in the investigation of Takashima
Underwater Remains since 1998 and successfully photographed parts of the ship hull,
tetsuhau, a helmet, the bundle of arrows of Mongolian Invasion discovered in muddled
water. His pictures are published serially in the diver’s monthly magazine “Gekkan Diver”
since 2014.
Yumiko Nakanishi is an archaeologist working at Osaka Prefectural Government. She
obtained M.Phill in Archaeology at Cambridge University in 2001 and is currently a PhD
candidate, specializing on heritage management and public archaeology, as well as the
final phase of Kofun Period in Kinki region of Japan. She is an Expert Member of
ICOMOS Committee for Archaeological Heritage Management (ICAHM). Her publication
includes, Theory and praxis of Cultural Heritage Studies in England, Journal of Heritage
Studies, Vol. 1: 47-5; The Great East Japan Earthquake and cultural heritage: towards
an archaeology of disaster, Antiquity, Vol. 87: 258-269.

14

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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi</text>
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                <text>The Ryukyu Archipelago is located at the northwestern Pacific, between the islands of Formosa and Kyushu of southern Japan. It consists of 199 islands of all dimensions and the total range of its accurate distribution lengthen is approximately 1,200 km. Since the first human beings settled down on the archipelago during the Pleistocene, they have been living close by the sea there.  The local populations have recognized maritime resources as a main and important nutritious food since the prehistoric era, while the Ryukyu kingdom used to be prosperous unprecedentedly in terms of seaborne oversea trade among Japan, China, and Southeast Asia.  In the Ryukyu archipelago, the distributional survey of underwater cultural heritage has lately been conducted by the Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group, the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, and Kagoshima University, in order to assess its numbers, typologies, actual conditions, and so on.  According to the research, 235 sites of underwater or maritime cultural heritage have already been confirmed: 9 shipwrecks, 33 submerged ports, 15 places where boat cargos are scattered on the seabed, 72 places where old boat cargos and other remains are found along the coasts, 30 stone anchors and cargos on land, 28 quarries, 45 stone tidal weirs, and 3 salt works. In 2011, as a result of the survey, an underwater cultural heritage presentation or guidance tour was carried out in Kume Island.  Presumably, this experimental trial will lead the public to having the sense to acknowledge and protect underwater cultural heritage in the future.</text>
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                <text>Chiaki Katagiri</text>
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                <text>Yuji Yamamoto</text>
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                <text>Yumiko Nakanishi, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/15/2014</text>
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                    <text>Stone Tidal Weirs, Underwater Cultural Heritage or Not?

Akifumi Iwabuchi
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Tokyo, Japan, 135-8533
Email: iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp
Abstract
The stone tidal weir is a kind of fish trap, made of numerous rocks or reef limestones,
which extends along the shoreline on a colossal scale in semicircular, half-quadrilateral,
or almost linear shape. At the flood tide these weirs are submerged beneath the sea,
while they emerge into full view at the ebb. Using with nets or tridents, fishermen, inside
the weirs at low tides, catch fish that fails to escape because of the stone walls. They
could be observed in the Pacific or the Yap Islands, in the Indian Ocean or the east
African coast, and in the Atlantic or Oleron and Ré Islands. The UNESCO’s 2001
Convention regards this weir as underwater cultural heritage, because it has been
partially or totally under water, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years; stone
tidal weirs have been built in France since the 11th century and a historical record notes
that one weir in the Ryukyu Islands was built in the 17th century. In Japan every weir is
considered not to be buried cultural property or cultural heritage investigated by
archaeologists, but to be folk cultural asset studied by anthropologists, according to its
domestic law for the protection of cultural properties. Even now in many countries stone
tidal weirs are continuously built or restored by locals. Owing to the contemporary trait, it
is not easy to preserve them under the name of underwater cultural heritage.
Sometimes their bases were constructed several hundred years ago while their upper
parts were repaired very recently.
Key words: stone weir, tide, fish trap, underwater cultural heritage, 2001 Convention

Introduction
The stone tidal weir is a kind of fish trap, made of numerous rocks, boulders, or reef
limestones, which extends along the shoreline on a colossal scale (Fig. 1), in
semicircular, circular, half-quadrilateral, horseshoe, keyhole, or almost linear shape. At
the flow tide it is completely submerged beneath the sea, while at the ebb, in particular
during the spring tide, it gives its entire figure on the tidal zone. Then, fishermen step
into such weirs in order to catch fish, which fails to escape from them owing to the stone
walls, by hand or with small fishing gears such as hand-nets or tridents (Fig. 2).
Occasionally, some opening spaces between stone walls or tunnels under each wall are
cut through a weir for the purpose of being drained water easily and being gathered
preys; outside such spaces or tunnels, fishing nets, gratings, or basket traps are usually
1

�set. The passive fishing gear of stone
tidal weir, which operates only on the
strength of tidal amplitude, is different
from the active fishing gear of fish
fence

or

trapped

chamber,

which

guides the fish into the specially
arranged ends or labyrinths where they
are trapped (Gabriel et al., 2005).
Fig. 1 Stone Tidal Weir in Japan. (A. Iwabuchi)

Usually, however, we cannot draw a
hard and fast line between those two

kinds of gears. Some stone tidal weirs have pectinate fish fences which project from
their walls, and some have labyrinths at their outer tips.
A Wide Distribution
Stone tidal weirs could widely be observed all over the world, viz. in tidal zones of
western Japan, southern Korea, Formosa, Southeast Asia, Micronesia, Polynesia,
Melanesia, the Indian Ocean, and Europe. In Kyushu Island and its adjacent small
islands of western Japan, stone tidal weirs are named ishihibi or sukki. Around Ariake
Bay of Kyushu Island, approximately 200 weirs did exist around 1707, and then until
recently no less than 100 stone tidal weirs were still on active service. The most famous
one was ‘Bora-zukki’ or ‘Mullet Tidal Weir’, which was filled up innumerable mullet in
1881; there is a stone monument in commemoration of this event on the seashore near
this stone tidal weir’s ruin. In the Ryukyu or Okinawa Islands, they are named kaki,
which used to number about 100 (Iwabuchi, 2012a). In 1972, there were 27 stone tidal
weirs around Kohama Island: 7were still on active service, 11 were abandoned, and 9
were left only their traces. Other than the last 9 disappeared weirs, however, it is said
that many small stone tidal weirs which has already faded completely out from sight
seem to have existed before. In this isle of the Ryukyu Islands some stone tidal weirs
have semicircular shape and some have linear one. The length of stone walls varies in
stone tidal weirs; the longest wall is approximately 800 m, while the shortest one is 200
m (Yano et al., 2002). Generally in Japan, including this isle, stone tidal weirs are
owned not by professional fishers but by local peasants.
2

�In southern Korea, the stone tidal weirs
are

called

dŏksal,

sŏkpangryŏm,

sŏkchŏn, or wŏn. Although they used to
be important at Korean traditional fishery,
their number has already decreased to
an extreme. Around Jeju Island in the
Korea Strait, 4 stone tidal weirs are still
being used, in particular, for the sake of
catching anchovies. In Formosa around
the Penghu Islands, there are still
approximately 500 stone tidal weirs
named chioh-ho. In terms of their types,
they could be divided into three. The first
consists of traditional semicircular or
horseshoe-shaped stone tidal weirs. The
second is composed ofstone tidal weirs,
each of which has several pectinate Fig. 2 Japanese Fisher. (A. Iwabuchi)
short stone walls extended inward from
an original stone wall; these short walls serve for driving fish as well as for dividing a
stone tidal weir into several parts with each family’s fishing right. The last type is stone
tidal weirs, each of which has at its tip a labyrinth as fish trap. In the Penghu Islands, the
golden age of stone tidal weirs, which used to one of the most important fishing
methods at coastal villages there, was 100 years ago, but their economic or social value
has already been diminished mainly because of modern onshore fishery. Nowadays
their touristic and educational purposes are more stressed (Tawa, 2007). In Southeast
Asia, stone tidal weirs are reported to be in the Philippines, Thailand, and Indonesia. In
the Philippines, the stone tidal weirs named atob around the Visaya Islands already
existed at the beginning of the 20th century, and then still in the 1970’s new weirs kept
being built or old weirs kept being restored (Tawa, 2007). Eastern Indonesia seems
perhaps to be the world-centre of stone tidal weirs:

3

�Stone walls in tidal areas can be used in a similar manner, as is done in Indonesia
(western Flores). There, a wall is built in the shallow water parallel to the sea shore.
As in some of the Japanese stone walls, there are passages through which the fish
can enter with the flood, but they are prevented from escaping on the ebb tide. The
outlets are closed and the fish remain in the water-filled channel behind the walls
until they are collected (Gabriel et al., 2005).
In Indonesia, fish fences set in the form of labyrinths, made of brushwood, are
ubiquitous on tidal zones, and stone tidal weirs as primordial type of such fish fences
are still widely used; new ones are also continuously built by locals, in particular, when
famine strikes maritime settlements. Almost all islands of Micronesia, including the
Caroline, Palau, or Gilbert Islands, used to have millions of stone tidal weirs around
them. In the Chuuk Islands the stone tidal weirs are named maai and in the Yap Islands
aech. In the former, there are three types, i.e. conventional semicircular type, tennis
racket-shaped one, and inverted keyhole-shaped one. In the last type, the seaward
open side of each weir seems to be closed by fishing nets or trap baskets when the tide
is on the ebb. In the Yap Islands, the stone circle of the Chuuk’s second type is
transformed into the boomerang-shaped or arrow-shaped stone circle, inside which
people catch fish at the ebb. There, however, some do not have ‘racket’ shafts lying
perpendicular to the shoreline. In olden times, moreover, there inverted triangular stone
weirs seem to have existed; as the outward bottom of each triangle did not possess any
stone walls, locals set nets or trap baskets when the tide was outgoing (Tawa, 2007).
They say that possibly more than a thousand years or more ago these weirs were built,
and from 700 to 800 stone tidal weirs have been documented (Guérin et al., 2010), but
with reducing island population after Europeans arrived those stone tidal weirs began
falling away into disuse. At the end of the last century, many seemed to have been
abandoned and never been repaired again.
In the Hawaii Islands, the stone tidal weirs are called loko ‘umeiki. There, there are also
many fishponds named lokokuapa, of which shapes are entirely similar to conventional
stone tidal weirs. Some fishponds are built across the mouth of a small bay or between
two points of land, and some semicircular-shaped ones are built independently on
seashores in order to be raised fish such as mullet or milkfish. Contrariwise, each stone
tidal weir is surrounded by a low wall that is submerged at the high tide and has opening,
4

�walled on each side like lanes, leading in or out of the weir (Nishimura, 1981). In
Rarotonga Island of the Cook Islands every tidal weir is also used as fish trap into which
fish is driven toward nets between boulders by locals, although its detail is not clear.
There it is named pā (Takeda, 1993), which originally means an eel weir in the Maori
language. The Maori of New Zealand uses even today stone walls for their eel fishery;
these are not artificial, but built by nature by the strong wave of the sea (Gabriel et al.,
2005). Around many islands in Torres Strait as well as around Cape York at Melanesia,
numerous stone tidal weirs could be observed, and they represent the most obvious
fishing technique utilized in this area.
On the eastern aspect of the large fringing reefs of a few of the western islands,
but notably in the eastern islands, long low walls of unworked boulders of stone
were built, or rather piled up, to a height of three or four feet. These walls enclosed
large irregular areas of the reef, graz(W.), sai (E.). During the north-west monsoon,
when the sea is calm on the lee-side of the island, large numbers of fish swim over
the walls at high tide, they are prevented by the low night tide from escaping and
so fall an easy prey (Haddon, 1912).
Of the Eastern Islands around Darnley Island there are 34 stone tidal weirs, and in
Stephens Island there are 23. Some have at their tips protruding navels without
labyrinth where a lot of fish gather at the ebb (Barham, 2000). Similar navels are
reported from stone tidal weirs of the Ryukyu Islands or of southern Korea. Around the
Indian Ocean, much information upon stone tidal weirs is not available. It is said that
the Mascarene Islands (Yabuuchi, 1978) and the Lakshadweep Islands have stone tidal
weirs. In the latter, the stone tidal weirs are called padhi; as their open ends face the
lagoon while the seaward ends are usually closed, fish that tries to leave the lagoon
during receding tide enters and remains in the enclosure. They are family owned
properties which are acquired by inheritance (Anand, 1996). Along the East African
coast, there seem to be stone tidal weirs. Coast Bushmen and pastoral Hottentots are
reported to have constructed and used stone tidal weirs (Nishimura, 1981). Near the
towns of Stilbaai and Arniston in South Africa there are stone tidal weirs (Parthesius,
2011), but the relation between these weirs and ones by Bushman and Hottentots is
obscure. Along the western coast of Africa, stone tidal weirs are constructed by natives,
such as Guineans (Gabriel et al., 2005), but we do not really know much about them.
5

�There are many stone tidal weirs in
Scotland (Bowens, 2009) or in western
France. Ré, Aix, and Oleron Islands off
the western coast of mainland France
would be the European centre of stone
tidal weirs. In Oleron Island there were
about 40 stone tidal weirs at the end of
the 19th century (Bithoneau et al.,
1993), while in Ré Island there were
something

over

beginning

of

30
the

weirs

at

the

15th

century,

approximately 140 in the latter part of
the 19th century, and only 14 at the end
of the 20th century. A French stone tidal
weir is named l'écluseàpoissons and
weirs are les éclusesàpoissons, but all
tidal weirs have their own proper
names. The largest stone tidal weir at

Fig. 3 ‘Mouffet’ in Ré Island. (A. Iwabuchi)

Ré Island, whose length is about 1000
m, is named 'Mouffet' or 'Skunk' (Fig. 3), and the smallest one, whose length is about
300 m only, is 'Le Petit-Port' or 'Small Port'. Every weir is collectively owned by local
peasants who catch fish at time assigned as separately with a hand-net or a trident
inside his weir sometimes in the daytime and sometimes at night. One stone tidal weirs
named 'La Belle-Pointe' is equipped a metal basket trap, as replica of an old wooden
basket, on the outer side of a drain gap between the stone walls (Fig. 4). Fish caught is
only for domestic consumption; it is never on the distribution channel to commercial fish
markets (Iwabuchi, 2002).
Stone Tidal Weirs and the UNESCO’s 2001 Convention
Article 1-1 of the UNESCO’s 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage provides that ‘underwater cultural heritage’ means all traces of human
existence having a cultural, historical or archaeological character which have been
6

�partially or totally under water, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years. First of
all, all stone tidal weirs are partially or totally under water periodically, and so they do
correspond to the first half of the above definition. However, not all stone tidal weirs are
more than 100 years old. Indigenous people in Southeast Asia or in the Pacific are still
constructing new weirs every day. Owing to ecological conditions, nonetheless, they
seem not to build stone tidal weirs on completely virgin tidal zones. They always build
them exactly on traces for old weirs or, at least, on tidal zones which used to have
millions of old stone tidal weirs.

These days, in other words, most locals are, not

constructing, but repairing old weirs every day. According to A. C. Haddon, no native
within the memory of man ever made a stone tidal weir around Torres strait, and all they
can do now is to repair them (Haddon, 1912).

Fig. 4 ‘Le Petit-Port’ in Ré Island. (A. Iwabuchi)

It is within the bounds of possibility that only the lower parts or stones of a new tidal weir
or its basement are more than 100 years old. However, it is extremely difficult to guess
7

�how old even its base is, mainly because no written historical material is recorded for
almost all stone tidal weirs. Some anthropologists insist that the stone tidal weir itself is
considered a very old fishing method, and some existing today date back to early
Neolithic times, and even to the pre-Sapiens phase of human evolution (Nishimura,
1968). It is true that contemporary foragers are also using a kind of stone tidal weir.
Canadian Eskimo, for example, uses not only fish traps but also stone tidal weirs named
haput’. This horseshoe-shaped weir is built at a river mouth. Its stone wall seems to be
extremely low, in comparison with Taiwanese or French walls, but it is completely
submerged at the high tide and then at the ebb foragers go into the weir, which has
depth 60 cm only, to catch charr. Similarly, northwest coast Indians used to build stone
tidal weirs, in particular, at river mouths (Stewart, 1993). It is said that Australian
aborigines also use stone tidal weirs. Impounding shallow enclosure of boulder fences
were formerly in use among them, although Hornell classifies this technology as fish
trap, not as stone tidal weir (Hornell, 1950).
Nevertheless, stone tidal weirs among primitive foragers are rather smaller-scaled than
modern tidal weirs observed in Japan, Formosa, or France. Very few written records
say that the large-scaled stone tidal weirs were all constructed during the feudal age. In
Ré Island, stone tidal weirs were started to be constructed at the 11th century or at the
Middle Age (Boucard, 1984). In Kyushu Island of western Japan their golden age was
around 1707; the local feudal lord imposed corvée to the peasants to construct or
restore large-scaled stone tidal weirs. In the Ryukyu Islands, there is one historical
document written in 1824 telling us that a female priest who was granted an official
court rank by the lord of Ryukyu kingdom mobilized commoners by royal decree to build
a stone tidal weir whose length was about 1200 m around the 17th century (Nishimura,
1975; 1981). In Korea and Formosa, there is no evidence that the class of rulers played
a large role in constructing stone tidal weirs, but usually all the villagers seem to have
turned out in full force for restoring or building them. Without substantial labour power, it
would not have succeeded in constructing large-scaled stone weirs. In the Hawaii
islands as well, the remarkably well-preserved chain of offshore fishponds is a leftover
of local chiefs, and the ponds are raised fish to feed the ruling class (Nishimura, 1981).
Indeed, for example, the Torres Strait Islands do not have any feudal systems, but at
8

�least the society is not a band-based foraging one but a horticultural chiefdom. At those
coastal hamlets there seem to have been powerful builders or chiefs who had mobilized
villagers in order to construct or repair stone tidal weirs (Haddon, 1912). Building stone
tidal weirs might have something to with the population growth as well as with the
pressure on food production, with which people in power had normally to cope. In the
Yap Islands, the peak of stone tidal weirs seems to have been at the beginning of the
19th century, when they had the largest population. These stone tidal weirs at the
chiefdom level would not look directly to link up with ones at the band level, although
their method and concept could ‘take place sometimes in antiquity’ (Barham, 2000).
Judging from instances from the Far East and the South Pacific, it is morally certain that
almost all stone tidal weirs, or at least their bases, all over the worldat present might
have been constructed more than 100 years ago. Perhaps, however, weirs which we
could see these days could date back only to not more than several hundred years ago,
not to more than 100 thousand years.In short, most stone tidal weirs may not be objects
of prehistoric character, but important human sites, structures, buildings, or artifacts
together with their archaeological and natural context.
How to Protect Stone Tidal Weirs
Although stone tidal weirs are still being constructed or restored in remote regions on
the earth, they are quickly disappearing, being destroyed, or being abandoned, in
particular, in civilized countries. Nowadays, first of all, stone tidal weirs cannot catch
fish as much as in olden times, because of the intensification of modern fishery on their
outsides. Owners of stone tidal weirs are normally local peasants, while onshore fishing
are conducted by professional fishers who think weirs as fish stealing traps or as
shipping obstacles.

Secondly, the modern coastal management for tourism or for

industrialization is not always happy with stone tidal weirs which occupy the huge area
of tidal zones. For many hotels or fishers stone tidal weirs are only eyesores and real
pains in the neck; in actual practice tourists’ water motorcycles as well as commercial
fishing boats sometimes split on stone tidal weirs. On the contrary, however, the new
movements, in which locals make good use of stone tidal weirs for tourism or for activity
aimed at enlivening coastal communities, have just begun on grassroots levels,
although they are still minor. In France' Association de défense des eclusesà poissons
9

�de l'île de Ré'or in Japan ‘Ishihimi Summit’ has been organized to plan events, for
instance, so tourists could experience fishing inside stone tidal weirs, or to restore old
weirs jointly.
On national levels, on the other hand, the conservation activity or management of stone
tidal weirs as underwater cultural heritage has not been started yet. Even in France,
which has already ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 Convention, we have never heard that
the Département des recherchesarchéologiquessubaquatiqueset sous-marines were
doing research upon stone tidal weirs in western France. In Japan, some stone tidal
weirs are under the control of the domestic law for the protection of cultural properties,
but they are not to be buried cultural property, which is normally studied by
archaeologists, but to be folk cultural asset or cultural landscape, which is always
studied by anthropologists or by folklorists. Famous Mongolian shipwrecks of northern
Kyushu Island are, of course, designated as buried cultural property. In 2006, owing to
the bureaucratic sectionalism, not the Agent for Cultural Affairs, but the Fisheries
Agency was designated two stone tidal weirs in Japan as selections of 100 historical
and cultural heritage sites and heirlooms related to fisheries and fishing villages which
we would like to hand down to future generations. However, both central government
offices would not plan to excavate either bases of any stone tidal weirs or traces of their
old ruins to identify, for instance, when they were built or how large they used to be,
because no Japanese civil servant regards them as study object of archaeology, i.e.
underwater cultural heritage.
Conclusion
In Japan a research group from Waseda University, Tokyo, which was directed by an
anthropologist, started its academic investigation upon stone tidal weirs in 1956, which
might be the world-first comprehensive field survey on them. However, no introductory
book to underwater archaeology does not mention this important research. On the
other hand, all books give the detailed description of the Swedish Vasa project which
began in the same year. Even in Japan, no underwater archeological booklet treats this
historical research activity, while all do the salvage of the wreck of Kaiyo-maru at
northern Japan which began in 1974. Besides as for stone tidal weirs themselves, only
two introductory books to underwater archaeology have referred to them unusually: one
10

�is in English (Bowens, 2009), and the other is in Japanese (Iwabuchi, 2012b). Indeed,
underwater archeologists have not much been interested in stone tidal weirs, partly
because they have been or are concerned about conventional shipwrecks, and partly
because stone tidal weirs have mainly been studied, not by archaeologists, but by
anthropologists, by folklorists, or by geographers. As mentioned before, nevertheless,
the stone tidal weir does be true underwater cultural heritage according to the
UNESCO’s 2001 Convention. Stone tidal weirs are as important as shipwrecks such as
the Uluburun or the Sinan ship.
References
Anand, P. E. V., 1996. Fishing Methods in Lakshadweep. Infofish International, Vol. 3:
57-65.
Barham, A. J., 2000. Late Holocene Maritime Societies in the Torres Strait Islands,
Northern Australia. In S. O’Connor and P. Veth (Eds.), East of Wallace’s Line, Balkema
Publishers, Rotterdam: 223-314.
Bithoneau, R., and Morisset, C., 1993.

Les éclusesàpoissons de l'îled'Oleron. Les

Cahiers d'Oleron, (2nd edition), Vol. 10: 5-9
Boucard, J., 1984. Les éclusesàpoisonsdansl'île de Ré. Rupella, La Rochelle.
Bowens, A., (Ed.), 2009. Underwater Archaeology. Blackwell, Oxford, (2nd edition).
Gabriel, O., Lange, K., Dahm, E.,and Wendt, T., (Eds.), 2005. Fish Catching Methods of
the World, Blackwell, Oxford, (4th edition).
Guérin, U., Egger, B., and Penalva, V., (Eds), 2010. Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Oceania. UNESCO, Paris.
Haddon, A. C., 1912. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits, Vol. 4 (Arts and Crafts), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Hornell, J., 1950. Fishing in Many Waters. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Iwabuchi, A., 2002. Stone Tidal Weirs at Ré Island of Western France. Proceedings of
the Lecture Meeting at Tokyo University of Mercantile Marine, Vol. 50: 45-48 (in
Japanese).
Iwabuchi, A., 2012a. Stone Tidal Weirs. In Asian Research Institute of Underwater
Archaeology (Ed.), The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of
Underwater Archaeology: the Nansei Islands, the Asian Research Institute of
11

�Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka: 97-99 (in Japanese).
Iwabuchi, A., 2012b. The Sea Possessing Cultural Heritage. Kagaku-dojin, Kyoto (in
Japanese).
Nishimura, A., 1968. Primitive Fishing Methods. In A. Smith (Ed.), Ryukyuan Culture
and Society, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu: 67-77.
Nishimura, A., 1975. Cultural and Social Change in the Modes of Ownership of Stone
Tidal Weirs. In R. W. Casteel and G. I. Quimby (Eds.), Maritime Adaptations of the
Pacific, Mouton Publishers, The Hague: 77-88.
Nishimura, A., 1981. Maritime Counterpart to Megalithic Culture on Land. Journal de la
Société des Océanistes, Vol. 37: 255-266.
Parthesius, R., 2011. Shared Heritage? Shared Responsibility? In M. Staniforth, J. Craig,
S. C. Jago-on, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific
Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 Nov. 2011, Manila: 641-651.
Stewart, H., 1993. A Tidal Stone Weir in the Arctic. The Historical Review, Vol. 128: 6479 (in Japanese).
Takeda, J., 1993. Offerings from the Sea. Shiosai, Vol. 9: 48-51 (in Japanese).
Tawa, M., 2007. Stone Tidal Weirs. Hosei University Press, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Yabuuchi, Y., 1978.

A Basic Written Material of Fishing Anthropology and its

Complementary Study. Kazama-shobo, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Yano, T., Nakamura, T.and Yamazaki, M., 2002.The Stone Tidal Weirs in Kohama Island,
Ryukyu. Waseda Studies in Human Sciences, Vol. 15 (1): 47-83 (in Japanese).
Biography
Akifumi Iwabuchi is professor of Marine Culturology at Tokyo University of Marine
Science and Technology, being also a director of the Japan Society for Nautical
Research and ARIUA, ICOMOS-ICUCH delegate for Japan, and INA research associate.
He received his PhD from the University of Oxford in 1990. His publications include The
People of the Alas Valley (Clarendon Press, 1994) and The Sea Possessing Cultural
Heritage (Kagaku-dojin, 2012). His university, UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unit
win Network member, is the only one academic institution, teaching and studying
nautical archaeology, inside Japan; to PhD candidates from foreign countries the
governmental scholarship schemes are available.

12

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                  <text>Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi</text>
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                <text>Stone Tidal Weirs, Underwater Cultural Heritage or Not?</text>
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                <text>The stone tidal weir is a kind of fish trap, made of numerous rocks or reef limestones, which extends along the shoreline on a colossal scale in semicircular, half-quadrilateral, or almost linear shape. At the flood tide these weirs are submerged beneath the sea, while they emerge into full view at the ebb. Using with nets or tridents, fishermen, inside the weirs at low tides, catch fish that fails to escape because of the stone walls.  They could be observed in the Pacific or the Yap Islands, in the Indian Ocean or the east African coast, and in the Atlantic or Oleron and RÃ© Islands. The UNESCOâ€™s 2001 Convention regards this weir as underwater cultural heritage, because it has been partially or totally under water, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years; stone tidal weirs have been built in France since the 11th century and a historical record notes that one weir in the Ryukyu Islands was built in the 17th century.  In Japan every weir is considered not to be buried cultural property or cultural heritage investigated by archaeologists, but to be folk cultural asset studied by anthropologists, according to its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties.  Even now in many countries stone tidal weirs are continuously built or restored by locals. Owing to the contemporary trait, it is not easy to preserve them under the name of underwater cultural heritage. Sometimes their bases were constructed several hundred years ago while their upper parts were repaired very recently.</text>
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                <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/15/2014</text>
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                    <text>A Chinese Perspective on the International legal scheme for the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage

Liu Lina
School of Law
Xi’an Jiaotong University
China
Email: liulina223@gmail.com
Abstract
With 18,000 km of coastline and plentiful streams and rivers, China has an extensive
underwater cultural heritage (UCH), which preserves Chinese history and maritime
civilization under the ocean as a kind of “time capsule”. After 20-years of development
of underwater archaeology and the protection of UCH, China has set up a brand-new
national protection system. This contribution first discusses the new development of the
Chinese UCH legal system in the 21th century in three aspects: legal subject, legal
object and legal content. Further it discussed the tremendous challenges faced by the
Chinese legal system. Meanwhile, since its entry into force in 2009, the UNESCO
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001
Convention) has been gradually approved by more and more influential States who hold
various and abundant UCH items. Part two explains the UNESCO 2001 Convention as
the International Cooperation Scheme for Protection of UCH. Part three examines, from
the Chinese perspective, the advantages and obstacles for a State that ratifies the
UNESCO 2001 Convention. There is a final conclusion that argues that through the
UNESCO 2001 Convention diverse national legal protection systems of the UCH have
converged into an international cooperation legal instrument.
Key words: Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH); the Chinese UCH legal system;
UNESCO 2001 Convention; International legal scheme; “Coordinating State”

Introduction
New developments and the challenges for the protection of UCH in China
In 1986 an astonishing auction named “the Nanking cargo (Geldermalsen shipwrecks)”
was held in the Netherlands. The auction contained more than 100 gold ingots and
thousands of Chinese export porcelain from the "Geldermalsen" that had sunk in about
1752 in the South China Sea, and salvaged by Michael Hatcher. The auction raised
more than £10 million (Jörg, 1986). The Chinese authorities were shocked to notice that
there were no provisions in the Chinese legislation that addressed the salvage of UCH
1

�or to claim ownership of the UCH. In the same year, the Chinese Government decided
to develop the capacity for underwater archaeology and it established the Underwater
Archaeology Research Institute under the Chinese History Museum (now the Chinese
National Museum). In 1989, the State Council passed legislation entitled the
Regulations of the P. R. China on Protection and Administration of Underwater Cultural
Relics (1989 Chinese UCH regulation).
After more than 20 years of development Chinese authorities established a wholly new
UCH administrative protection mechanism, aimed at providing professional protection
for the entire UCH in China. The State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SACH) is
responsible for managing and protecting all kinds of national cultural relics, including
UCH. After that the National Conservation Center for Underwater Cultural Heritage
(NCCUCH) got full confirmation from the SACH in order to fulfill its functions, especially
in developing the national UCH excavations, conservation, research and cooperation
with local governments and local underwater archeology institutes. There are mainly
four regional UCH protective administration offices: the Ningbo Office in the Zhejiang
province, the Fujian Office in the Fujian province, the Wuhan office in the Hubei
province, and the Qingdao office in the Shandong province.
The development of Chinese UCH legal system
The appearance of local legislative subjects
It is the local government that refines related local UCH regulations and formulates
feasible operational guidelines after 2008. The Fujian province and the Guangdong
Province contain most various UCH items in China, such as Nanhai I shipwreck, Nan’ao
I shipwreck and Banyangjiao (Reef) I shipwreck. In 2009, the Fujian Provincial People's
Congress revised the Fujian Province Protection and Administration of Cultural Relics
Regulations by adding a new chapter on the protection of UCH, which was the first local
regulation relative to UCH in China. In the same year, the Guangdong province enacted
the Guangdong Provincial measure for the implementation of the P. R. China on
Protection of Cultural Relic, which set up a new “underwater cultural relics reserves” in
Art. 26 in order to protect scattered UCH objects along its continuous coastline.

2

�The particularity of the legal object
In addition to wrecks, sites, artifacts and human remains, the “Chinese Maritime Silk
Road Sites” and “Ming and Qing Dynasty Coast Defense Sites” are unique kinds of
UCH in China. “The Chinese Maritime Silk Road” once provided unprecedented access
by ancient China to the most distant destinations reached by maritime trade. And it can
be seen as a promotion of friendly relations linking East and West. The "Maritime Silk
Road" in China embraces four aspects: the ancient ports, oceanic routes, cargos, and
wrecks, each of which has specific and abundant contents. These four aspects
interrelate systemically in order to form the Chinese traces of marine exploitation ---- the
said “Chinese Maritime Silk Road”. The “Ming and Qing Dynasties Coast Defense Sites”
are the defense constructions and facilities erected by Chinese authorities in order to
prevent invasion m of the Chinese territorial sea and coastal areas in Ming and Qing
Dynasties (from 1368 to 1800AD). These coast defense sites are situated throughout 13
provinces, including Macao, Hong Kong and Taiwan, and are being actively considered
by China for nomination as World Heritage sites.
The extending of legal content in protection UCH
The UCH protection began with the national UCH survey, which now extends from the
coastline to internal waters, the territorial sea and the contiguous zone. The UCH survey
from 2007-2011 covered the Bohai Sea, Yellow Sea, the East China Sea (including the
Taiwan Strait), the South China Sea (including the Chinese jurisdiction area in
the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands). They are all situated adjacent to China,
and in the internal waters of China. It was a comprehensive and scientific national
survey of UCH, named as the third national cultural relics investigation project. There
are 108 supposed UCH sites. SACH and NCCUCH established the South China Sea
UCH office and the Paracel Islands archaeological workstation in 2012.
Excavation, preservation, protection and management are the main tasks of protection
of UCH. With 20 years’ experience of UCH protection, the Chinese authorities are
gradually forming different but more appropriate protecting approaches for each UCH
site in China. Take Baiheliang UCH site for example, which is the world’s
oldest hydrological inscription in the Yangtse River. After considering the Baiheliang
UCH conditions, Chinese authorities decided to build a submerged museum for
3

�preservation of its UCH in situ, which is now the symbol of a submerged museum in the
world (UNESCO Museums and Tourism, 2013). Another example of protection of UCH
in China is the Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck, located in the Paracel Islands. Chinese
authorities had to scientifically excavate (from 2006 to 2008) and conserve these
cultural relics on land for preserving its scientific and archeological value in a good
condition. After the excavation of the Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck, the NCCUCH and
CACH started the preliminary experimental study on the conservation of ceramics,
metal and wooden relics from Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck. The Chinese National
Museum and the CCUCH organized more than 10 training courses on diving skills,
methodology of underwater archaeology, and the UCH conservation since the 1980s.
Now, the CCUCH and archaeological team in the coastal cities in China have been able
to fill the gaps left open over decades.
Challenges in China’s UCH legal protection
Firstly, from the 1980s, looting and illicit trafficking were rampant in the South China
Sea. China’s underwater relics attract a growing number of Chinese fishermen who
dived for these riches (Yanhong, 2011). With the development of underwater technology
and human understanding of the deep ocean, different marine exploration companies
from all over the world came to the South China Sea for salvaging and exporting relics
along the Maritime Silk Road. “The Nanking Cargo” auction in Christie's in the
Netherland’s was the main cause leading to the 1989 legislation. In April 2011 the
Chinese authorities investigated UCH in the Paracel Islands and reported that 26 UCH
sites (more than 50% of the UCH sites in the Paracel Islands) had been illegally
destroyed and excavated. What is worse, there is a reasonable suspicion that some
neighboring countries deliberately damaged Chinese UCH in the South China Sea. For
instance, a Ming-dynasty shipwreck located near Huangyan (Scarborough Shoal) was
commercially excavated and destroyed by two 2000 ton foreign vessels (Yanhong,
2011). Secondly, a huge number of Chinese UCH outside the Chinese territory was not
preserved under the national legal UCH protection system. A frequent type of UCH
were merchant ships of the British East India Company that once frequently carried
Chinese goods, shipping out of South China Sea bypassing the Cape of Good Hope to
Europe and even to Africa. In the Atlantic, Pacific and Arctic oceans a variety of
4

�shipwrecks prove this fact, such as the Mauritius shipwreck in the Cape Lopez of the
Gulf of Guinea, the Manila galleon casa in the Gulf of California of the USA, the
Goteborg shipwreck in the Swedish bay, and the Prince de Conty (France) in Loscat,
Mediterranean (Chumming, 2003). In addition to shipwrecks that contained Chinese
goods, Chinese experts discovered more and more Chinese shipwrecks outside China’s
territory, such as nine Chinese shipwrecks in Lamu Islands, Kenya (Underwater
Archaeology Research Centre, 2012). Thirdly, the Chinese UCH items are traded, sold,
bought or bartered as commercial goods in eminent auctions. The most famous auction
was the said “Nanking Cargo” in Christie's, Amsterdam in 1986. Then there was “The
Vung Tau Cargo” auction in Christie's (Amsterdam) in 1992, “The Diana Cargo” auction
in Christie's in Amsterdam in 1995, the “Tek Sing” (the China’s Titanic) auction in
Stuttgart, Germany in 2000, and the “Made in Imperial China” auction in Sotheby's
(Amsterdam) in 2007(Christie's Auction Catalog , Amsterdam).
China has carried out the conservation of UCH for over 20 years and accumulated
certain experience in practice and in theoretical research. The content, object, subject
and the methods of protection of the UCH in China has changed a lot, but the national
legislation is not effective in preventing illegal salvage or illicit export of the UCH outside
the Chinese territorial sea. This is the proper time to explore the view on UCH outside of
China, and to research an international legal approach to the protection of the UCH.
The UNESCO 2001 Convention: the International Cooperation Scheme for
Protection of UCH
The UNESCO 2001 Convention, at the present time the most complete legal instrument
for the protection of UCH, is far from being a powerful and popular international
Convention. However, as the offshoot of the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS), it indeed provides an effective international cooperation
scheme for protecting UCH in different maritime areas, which does not change the limits
of maritime areas or of the maritime power and jurisdiction of coastal states. Although
the two principles of the UNESCO 2001 Convention, the principle of in situ preservation
as the first option and the principle of non-commercial exploitation are based on the
recognition of significance of the interplay between the UCH, its history and its context,
5

�this article aim to focus on the cooperation scheme which established the valuable and
effective international legal instrument for Member States.
UCH International Database
Each State Party to the UNESCO 2001 Convention has the obligation to share UCH
information with other States Parties concerning UCH. According to Art.19, that
includes: discovery of heritage, its location, UCH excavation or UCH recovery contrary
to this Convention. Therefore, the Secretariat of the UNESCO 2001 Convention
suggests that States Parties submit to it national authority information to establish a
worldwide UCH database. States parties are also able to disseminate UCH information
to other appropriate regional, international databases, such as MACHU (to make
information about our common UCH accessible to researchers, policymakers and the
general public, originated by the European Union’s Culture 2000 program,), NAVIS I,
NAVIS II (an open database of ancient ship supported by the European Commission
Directorate General X), Shipwreck Asia Database (a regional shipwreck database,
classified by the geographical regions, supported by the Toyota Foundation).
The UCH Reporting and Notification System
States Parties have a different reporting and notifying obligation in different maritime
areas. But in the territorial sea or the archipelagic waters, the coastal States have only a
soft obligation (“should”) to inform the flag State or other States with an effective link
with UCH, with a view to protecting State vessels and aircrafts (Art. 7). In the Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ), on the Continental Shelf (CS) or in the Area, each State Party
have a definite obligation to report the UCH discoveries and activities to that other State
Party accordingly, or to all other States Parties (in Art. 9 and Art. 11).
UCH Coordination States scheme
The UCH Coordination States scheme is regulated by Articles 9 to 12 of the UNESCO
2001 Convention. In the EEZ or on the CS, the “coordinating State” is the State Party in
whose EEZ or on whose CS UCH is located “unless the State Party expressly declares
that it does not wish to do so”. In that case the “coordinating State” is that which is
based on a cultural, historical or archaeological link to the concerned UCH. By the same
rule is to be decided a “Coordinating State” in the Area to issue all necessary
6

�authorizations for agreed measures on behalf of all interested States Parties. The right
of a “Coordinating State” is to implement measures of protecting UCH, cooperation and
consultation among States Parties and conduct their decisions.
Assessment of the desirability and feasibility of UNESCO 2001 Convention in
China
Benefits for China to protect Chinese UCH
The UNESCO 2001 Convention sets up reciprocal obligations between Member States
and it designs at the same time UCH protective rights for its States Parties. Without this
legal instrument States would be entitled only to a limited jurisdiction and sovereignty in
their EEZ and on the CS according to international law. And in the Area, the doctrine of
international law on freedom of the high seas provides that activities related to UCH
found in the Area are to be governed by the flag State. First, UNESCO 2001 Convention
entitles coastal States in Art.8 to protect UCH within their contiguous zone. In case that
China becomes a State Party to this Convention, it would acquire a positive right in its
favour to initiate activities on UCH in its contiguous zone, more than defensive activities
to prevent removing UCH from contiguous zone in UNCLOS Art 303 (2). Secondly, the
UNESCO 2001 Convention entitles States Parties to take all practicable measures to
prevent immediate danger to UCH in the EEZ and on the CS. According to the
UNCLOS, the coastal State and other States share different rights and jurisdiction, as
governed by its Parts 5 and 6, while the UNESCO 2001 Convention can be seen to
expand the traditional rights of coastal States. As a State Party to UNCLOS, China
regulated the marine sovereign rights in the Law of the People's Republic of China on
the Exclusive Economic Zone and the Continental Shelf (China EEZ and CS Law)
mainly “for exploring, exploiting, conserving and managing natural resources” and “for
conserving and managing the trans-boundary population, highly migrating fishes,
marine mammals (in Art. 3 and Art. 6) in its EEZ. And the 1989 Chinese UCH regulation
does not provide for the UCH protective provisions based on different marine zones.
However UCH cannot be defined as a natural resource or a fishery activity. Hence, the
Chinese authorities are now not entitled to take measures for prevention of immediate
danger of UCH according to current Chinese national laws or regulations. If China
becomes a State Party to the UNESCO 2001 Convention, it will be able to take any
7

�practicable and necessary measures or request other States Parties to handle looting or
trafficking activities that happen in the Chinese EEZ in South China Sea. What is more
important, the Operational Guidelines (draft) also provides possibility of cooperation of
States Parties with other intergovernmental organizations, for example with Interpol, in
order to prevent UCH excavations or recovery contrary to this Convention.
Last but not least, the UNESCO 2001 Convention provides the effective international
cooperation mechanism for all States Parties in protection of UCH. China should take
advantage of the information-sharing forum (Art. 19), such as MACHU, to collect
information with other State Parties about any Chinese shipwrecks discovered outside
Chinese territory. Otherwise, underwater archaeology and UCH management are still
recent sciences, especially for training of underwater archaeologists. China should ask
the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body for developing of Chinese UCH excavation,
management and protection methods, even for academic training on underwater
archaeology, such as the Unit win network.
Conformity with the existing Chinese UCH laws and regulations
After consideration of the domestic relevant legislation and regulations, it can be
concluded that there will be no conflicting clauses in the context of the currently ratified
international cultural heritage agreements upon China’s ratification of the UNESCO
2001 Convention (including the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and
Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property,
ratified

in

1989,

the

1972

Convention

concerning

the

Protection

of

the

World Cultural and Natural Heritage ratified in 1985, the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention on
Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects ratified in in 1996, the 2003 Convention for
the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage ratified in 2004 and the
2005 Convention

on

the

Protection

and

Promotion

of

the Diversity of Cultural Expressions ratified in 2007. Only the purpose of the
International Convention on Salvage (1989) is contrary to UNESCO 2001 Convention.
But recognizing the nature of UCH, China made a reservation on its Art. 30(1)(d)
upon its ratification in 1993: China reserves the right not to apply the provisions of this
Convention, “when the property involved is maritime cultural property of prehistoric,
archaeological or historic interest and is situated on the sea-bed”.
8

�China only needs to review the principle of non-commercial exploitation in its national
regulations in the light of the UNESCO 2001 Convention. The main problem is in the
1989 Chinese UCH regulation. It sets up the rule of exploitation and excavation
activities of UCH in Art.7 in the way that: “archaeological exploration and excavation
activities with respect to underwater cultural relics shall have, as their objective, the
protection of cultural relics and scientific research … with approval by SACH”. It seems
a prefect provision for regulating the excavation of the UCH for protection of cultural
relics and scientific research. But according to it the objective of exploitation should be
for instance scientific research under commercial excavation, such as the early
excavation of RMS Titanic (Zekala, 2012). Therefore, the 1989 Chinese UCH regulation
should confirm and clarify that any activities directed at UCH shall not consist of
commercial exploitation or excavation.
Conclusion
The UCH protection is a recent scientific as well as legal issue for every nation. After
analyzing the new developments in China, it becomes obvious that isolated national
UCH legal systems still face problems in the effective protection of UCH. Every State
should realize the significance of the exchange of the UCH legal and technical
information for national underwater cultural resources. The 2001UNESCO Convention
provides for its States Parties an effective international cooperation scheme. Therefore,
individual inadequate national legal protection systems for UCH are destined to result
into a cooperating international legal protection system. After evaluating the desirability
and feasibility of the UNESCO 2001 Convention in China, it is beneficial for a State, like
China, to protect national UCH under the legal instrument of the UNESCO 2001
Convention.
Acknowledgements
The author first likes to express her appreciation to “The China National Social Science
Fund” which supported her “Research on Jurisdiction and Ownership of Chinese UCH
(Project No. 13CFX094)”. The author also gratefully acknowledges valuable comments
from Prof. Vladimir Đuro Degan on a previous version.

9

�References
Christie's Auction Catalog , Amsterdam,
http://www.sunkentreasurebooks.com/catalogs.htm, accessed 30, Dec.,2013
Chunming, W., 2003. Shipwrecks around China marine zone----Ancient sailing boat,
ship technology and cargo. Jiangxi University Press, China.Jörg, C. J. A., 1986. The
Geldermalsen History and Porcelain. Kemper Publisher, Groningen.
Matthew, E. Zekala.,2012. Liability and Salvage: Titanic Jurisprudence in United States
Federal Court, p1103,
http://law.lclark.edu/live/files/11855-lcb163art8zekala.pdf, accessed 20 Dec 2013.
Regulations of the P. R. China on Protection and Administration of Underwater Cultural
Relics promulgated by Decree No. 42 of the State Council of the People's Republic of
China on Oct 20, 1989.
UNESCO, ‘Museums and tourism’,
&lt;http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/museumsand-tourism/&gt;, accessed on 20 Dec. 2013.
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/researchand-training/unitwin-programme/#c492115, accessed 20 Dec. 2013.
Underwater Archaeology Research Centre (China) et al., 2012. Major Discoveries of
Sino-Kenyan Cooperative Underwater Archaeological Survey in Coastal Areas of Kenya
in 2010. Journal of National Museum of China, Vol. 8: 88-99.
Yanhong, Cai., 2011. Grouping and well-organizing is the new trend of illicitly excavating
UCH in China, Legal Daily, Beijing, (15 Dec, 2011).
Chunming,Wu., 2003. Shipwrecks around China marine zone----Ancient sailing boat,
ship technology and cargo, Jiangxi University Press, China.
Biography
Liu Lina graduated with Master of Law from Aberdeen University, UK, and PhD in law
and Governance from Xi’an Jiaotong University, China. Liu is a lecturer at Xi’an
Jiaotong University. Liu is currently engaged in a national research project entitled
“Research on Jurisdiction and Ownership of Chinese UCH” supported by The National
Social Science Fund of China.

10

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                  <text>The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.&#13;
This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. </text>
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                <text>A Chinese Perspective on the International Legal Scheme for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>With 18,000 km of coastline and plentiful streams and rivers, China has an extensive underwater cultural heritage (UCH), which preserves Chinese history and maritime civilization under the ocean as a kind of â€œtime capsuleâ€. After 20-years of development of underwater archaeology and the protection of UCH, China has set up a brand-new national protection system. This contribution first discusses the new development of the Chinese UCH legal system in the 21th century in three aspects: legal subject, legal object and legal content. Further it discussed the tremendous challenges faced by the Chinese legal system. Meanwhile, since its entry into force in 2009, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001 Convention) has been gradually approved by more and more influential States who hold various and abundant UCH items. Part two explains the UNESCO 2001 Convention as the International Cooperation Scheme for Protection of UCH. Part three examines, from the Chinese perspective, the advantages and obstacles for a State that ratifies the UNESCO 2001 Convention. There is a final conclusion that argues that through the UNESCO 2001 Convention diverse national legal protection systems of the UCH have converged into an international cooperation legal instrument.</text>
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                    <text>New approach to protect the underwater cultural heritage in Sri Lanka

Sanath Karunarathna
Department of Archaeology (Regional Office - Southern Province)
Galle, Sri Lanka
Email: sanathgalle@yahoo.com

Abstract
In 2001 the Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development passed a bill in
the Parliament of Sri Lanka entitled the “Long–Term Management of Maritime Wrecks
and Underwater Cultural Heritage of Sri Lanka”.. A committee, known as the Inter
Ministerial Committee chaired by the Secretary of the Ministry of Fisheries, was formed
to give effect to the bill. Four general meetings have been held and many important
decisions have been taken, including stopping salvage and destroying wrecks. This is a
very important step towards protecting of the UCH in Sri Lanka. Apart from this, the
draft amendment for the Antiquity Ordinance no 9, 1940; brought into effect in 2012,
provides that any vessels that had run aground more than one hundred years ago, or
built more than one hundred years ago, shall be considered underwater cultural
heritage. An amendment brought in 1998 for the same ordinance had extended the
meaning by adding “found in the Sri Lankan waters”, bringing greater protection for
UCH in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Navy is assisting by giving coverage for protection as
a whole and it was strengthened with the request of the Director General of
Archaeology for stopping any attempt to destroy UCH in our waters. A newly formed
department for protecting coastal zones is well educated for the prevention of any
harmful activity on UCH. There are several other rules and regulations related to the
protection of UCH in Sri Lanka, which will be covered in this paper.
Key words: Sri Lanka, Underwater Archaeology, Heritage, Management, Trincomalee,
Mannai, Godawaya

Introduction
Sri Lanka, which has been known around the world as a beautiful island in the Indian
Ocean, was also famous for its naval activities since the beginning of the 1st century AD
and its recently discovered, 2,000 year old archaeological evidence. It is interesting to
note here that carbon dating technique has confirmed that the sunken ship which was
recovered from the Godawaya area is more than 2000 years old. The maritime
archaeological heritage of Sri Lanka is enriched as the famous maritime silk route
between Europe and Asia went past this island. As mentioned above there were several
1

�important harbors along the coastal belt. Some of these well-known ports are Mannai
(Mannar)

Trincomalee,

Galle

and

Godawaya.

According

to

the

established

archeological evidence, the maritime activities of this island were intensified after the
colonization of the country. Most shipwrecks that have been found along the coast
belonged to the Dutch and English period. The maritime exploration of Sri Lanka was
started by the well-known scientist and author, Sir Arthur C Clarke and some of his
colleagues in the 1960s. As such, the No. 9 ordinance of the Maritime archaeology of
1940 did not mention maritime archaeology. Moreover, the extent of the maritime zone
was also officially decided and declared in 1976 by the Maritime zone law No. 22 which
was ratified by the State Council. Until then, there was not any decision taken of
ownership of the maritime resources in this area (The Act No. 73 of the cultural property
in 1988).
By taking all these things into consideration, the government introduced a new
ordinance in 1976 called the Cultural Property Bill no. 73. It bans the exportation of any
cultural property from Sri Lanka. Also it requires approval from the commission of
archaeology for exporting any registered cultural property out of the country. Even today
this law is valid and it functions under the Ministry of Cultural and Arts. So according to
the law, any archaeological property situated on land as well as in the sea is regarded
as a cultural property of Sri Lanka and so it is prohibited to export them. Also according
to clause 2(1) in the first chapter of the Archaeological Ordinance of no. 9 in 1940, even
where archaeological property in situated on private land, it nevertheless belongs to the
State. If the person wants to keep it as his property he must prove ownership of that
property. So, according to this clause it is a punishable crime to keep for oneself
archaeological property which was from the territorial sea or removed from a ship.
As there were some shortcomings in the main ordinance, it was revised again in 1998
by introducing the revised bill of the 194 ordinance. Basically, the sub-clause of the
second clause of the 194 ordinance was revised. In the main ordinance, the territorial
sea had not been regarded as part of the territory of Sri Lanka. It only mentioned the
word

“vilaka” (in

a lake). Now it has been revised

by using the

word

“deshayesamurdayathula” (inside the territorial sea of the country). So according to the
Maritime zone law of No. 22 in 1976, the “deshayesamurdhayathula” means the
2

�territorial sea area belongs to Sri Lanka. As such, the archaeological ordinance provides
the power and authority to protect and look after all the monuments and other
archaeological artifacts in the country. Another revision was made to this bill. The
phrase “the constructions made before 1850” was changed in order to cover
constructions made more than one hundred years ago. So the relevant Minister could
declare those constructions as the monuments from a Gazette notification, with the
recommendation of the Director of Archaeology. According to the clause of this Act, a
shipwreck in the sea could be declared a monument, including ships which were sunk,
or built, more than one hundred years ago, and are regarded as archaeological
monuments because a shipwreck is an immovable object. When a ship is sunk it is
regarded as stuck at that place forever and can therefore be regarded as a monument.
The artifacts found from the sea, however could be moved to another place. Also it
doesn’t do any harm to its content by doing so. So, if we could make sure the relevant
artifact is made before 1815 AD, it surely could be regarded as an artifact under the
define terms. In 1998, the AIA law (Archaeological Impact Assessment) was introduced.
According to this law, the relevant authorities who are going to start a new project
should get an archaeological impact assessment done with the help of the Department
of Archaeology before starting any project. The expenses for this assessment should be
paid by the project itself, allocating about 1% from the total cost of the project. The
Department would give its approval to carry on the project after assessing the result of
it. They could apply conditions also if necessary.
The revision of clauses of 43A and 43B has greatly helped to protect the cultural
heritage on the land and at sea. For instance, many archaeological assessments have
been done in the recent years, before starting several big projects such as the harbor
airports and highways.
In 2012, measures were taken to revise the Archaeological Ordinance again. The
necessary drafts has been done and presented to the parliament for its approval.
Because of this revision, the authority which was vested on the Minister to declare a
construction as a monument which was built more than one hundred years ago has
been removed and included that authority into the ordinance directly. It would help
further to protect the artifacts in the land and also in the sea. Moreover, another very
3

�important rule has been introduced. The fine that could be charged for an offence
relating to destroying the artifacts have been increased from 50,000 to one million
rupees and a two year prison sentence has been made mandatory.
So, it must be emphasized and reiterated here that the Sri Lankan government is very
serious about protecting the archaeological heritage and has already taken very
important and strict measures to affect this policy. On top of all these ordinances and
laws, a new law has been introduced by the president and cabinet in 2011. According to
this new law, it is prohibited to dissemble the parts of a shipwreck. The Minister of
Fisheries and the Aquatic Resources presented a cabinet paper called, “Long term
management of maritime works and underwater cultural heritage of Sri Lanka”.
According to its directions, a new committee, called the inter-ministerial committee, was
established. Approval must be sought from this committee if anyone wants to remove
any sunken ship. Whilst the authority may give directions, it has to be done with the
consent and recommendation of the archeological department, navy, ministry of
fisheries and NARA (National Aquatic Resources Research &amp; Development Agency)
The following institutions are represented on the committee:
1. Ministry of defense
2. Ministry of National heritage
3. Ministry of cultural and arts
4. Ministry of fisheries
5. Ministry of Ports and highways
6. Ministry of economic development
7. Ministry of environment
8. Ministry of social services
9. National Aquatic Recourses Agency
10. Sri Lanka Navy
11. Department of Coastal Guard
12. Sri Lanka Police
If anyone wants to remove a shipwreck they must make a written request to the
committee. Committee decisions are final and absolute. Only one of these organizations
has to object to a proposal to remove a shipwreck, for that proposal to be denied. So, it
4

�is clear the decision would be taken by deeply considering national interest. Sri Lanka
has clearly understood the importance of working collectively to protect the underwater
cultural heritage. Also, all the governmental institutions have the authority to control the
removal of the relevant ship wrecks which is under their field of activity. Even according
to the rules of the Navy, the Ministry of Fisheries, and the Coast Guard, it is illegal and
prohibited to remove anything from the seabed and bring them to the shore without their
permission. When we consider of all these measures it is very clear that Sri Lanka has
already taken strict measures and implemented tough laws to protect the UCH. The
relevant ordinance and acts have been revised several times whenever it is necessary
and the penalties for the offenders also have been increased. It is important to note
here that all the governmental institutions which are relevant to this field have come
together to work as a group to achieve common goals. Because these laws and
committees have placed such a high standard on our maritime culture, maritime
technology is taught as a prominent subject in most universities in Sri Lanka. It will help
to broaden the knowledge, understanding and the attitude of the younger generation
about this field. Several high level official discussions also have been done to ratify the
UNESCO convention. All these things related to this subject are coordinated by the
division of the underwater archaeology of the Department of Archaeology, Ministry of
National Heritage and the Maritime Archaeology Unit of the central cultural fund which is
under the authority of the Ministry of Cultural and Arts. They are all doing a wonderful
job to share the knowledge and their practical know how with academics.

References
Antiquities act, No.o9 of 1940.
Antiquities (Amendment) act, No: 24 of 1998.
Antiquities act Amendment –draft 2012.
Cultural Property act, No: 73-of 1988.
Nara act, No: 54 of 1981.
Fisheries act, No 2 of 1996.
Merchant Shipping act, 1972.
Sri Lanka Port Authority Act, No 51 of 1979.
5

�UNESCO Convention.
National principles of Archaeology in Sri Lanka.
Coast Conservation act, No 57 - of, 1981.
Maritime Zones Law, No: 22 of 1976. Cabinet Paper on.
Long term management of underwater cultural heritage in Sri Lanka, No:
11/0127/532/004 of 2011.
Convention on the Protection of the Under Water Culture Heritage, 2001.
Biography
Sanath Karunarathna is a Maritime Archaeologist in Sri Lankan, working as a Regional
Exploration Officer in the Department of Archaeology of Sri Lanka. He is a visiting
lecturer at the University of Ruhuna. He began Maritime Archaeological work in 2004
with the Avondster Project. Sanath participated in the UNESCO Maritime Archaeology
field Schools held in 2006 and 2007. He is currently based in Galle working with the
Archaeological Diving team of the Maritime Archaeology Unit. He has done NAS Part 1
and participated in the first foundation course in Thailand 2011.

6

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                  <text>The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.&#13;
This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. </text>
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                <text>New approach to protect the underwater cultural heritage in Sri Lanka</text>
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                <text>In 2001 the Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development passed a bill in the Parliament of Sri Lanka entitled the â€œLongâ€“Term Management of Maritime Wrecks and Underwater Cultural Heritage of Sri Lankaâ€.. A committee, known as the Inter Ministerial Committee chaired by the Secretary of the Ministry of Fisheries, was formed to give effect to the bill. Four general meetings have been held and many important decisions have been taken, including stopping salvage and destroying wrecks. This is a very important step towards protecting of the UCH in Sri Lanka. Apart from this, the draft amendment for the Antiquity Ordinance no 9, 1940; brought into effect in 2012, provides that any vessels that had run aground more than one hundred years ago, or built more than one hundred years ago, shall be considered underwater cultural heritage. An amendment brought in 1998 for the same ordinance had extended the meaning by adding â€œfound in the Sri Lankan watersâ€, bringing greater protection for UCH in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Navy is assisting by giving coverage for protection as a whole and it was strengthened with the request of the Director General of Archaeology for stopping any attempt to destroy UCH in our waters. A newly formed department for protecting coastal zones is well educated for the prevention of any harmful activity on UCH. There are several other rules and regulations related to the protection of UCH in Sri Lanka, which will be covered in this paper.</text>
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                <text>Sanath Karunarathna, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Protecting the Underwater Cultural Heritage
in the waters surrounding Hong Kong
Steven Gallagher
Associate Professor of Practice in Law
Professional Consultant
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
Email: stevegallagher@cuhk.edu.hk
Abstract
Since its colonial founding in 1841 Hong Kong has been a vibrant centre for
international trade and commerce. Its strategic location at the head of the Pearl River
made it a perfect location for maritime trade. Before this the waters surrounding Hong
Kong’s 200 plus islands were the notorious hideouts of pirates seeking to plunder the
rich merchant vessels trading between China and its South East Asian neighbours. The
waters around Hong Kong are only now being fully explored for their cultural heritage.
Professionals and amateurs are seeking the resting places of infamous pirate wrecks
and the wrecks of their victims. Harbor developments and sea fortifications are being
examined. However, the continued expansion of Hong Kong as a trading centre and
the shortage of land for development places many underwater areas that may have
significant heritage information at risk. Developments and land reclamation in the world
famous Victoria Harbor have raised concerns locally and internationally. The building
and expansion of the Chek Lap Kok Airport and the building of the Hong Kong-MacauZhuhai Bridge have given archaeologists opportunity to discover evidence of Hong
Kong’s underwater cultural heritage but have also raised concerns regarding its damage
and destruction. This paper considers the protection Hong Kong’s laws provide for the
underwater cultural heritage in the face of threats from building projects, reclamation,
increased traffic in established sea routes and the establishment of new commercial sea
routes.
Keywords: Hong Kong, underwater cultural heritage, law, Guangdong, legal framework

Introduction
Archaeologists have discovered evidence of human occupation of Hong Kong dating
back 6,000 years to the Neolithic period (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013).
Discoveries suggest that Hong Kong has always been a sea trading area with the
concentration of its population on its coastline e.g. Lantau, Sai Kung, Tuen Mun and the
Kowloon Peninsula. Hong Kong’s position at the mouth of the Pearl River, close to the
trading port of Guanzhou (previously Canton), made it useful for the trade in tea, silk,
1

�porcelain and eventually opium. The many islands and the rich trade passing through
these waters have also made the area a haven and rich plundering waters for pirates.
The Portuguese, the first Europeans to pass regularly through these waters, referred to
the islands of Hong Kong as ‘the islands of thieves’. The problem of piracy in the area
led to the Great Clearance Order of 1661–69, when the inhabitants of coastal
Guandong were ordered to move inland to prevent them from having any contact with
pirates and perhaps providing aid to them. The area of Hong Kong was virtually
deserted and only a small proportion of the original residents are said to have returned
when the Emperor rescinded the order (Hayes, 1974). However, the coastal settlements
around Hong Kong gradually re-established and benefitted from the opening up of
Canton for the tea and opium trade (HSU, 2000); the islands of Hong Kong became
watering, victualing and smuggling points. Piracy also continued with notorious local
pirate chiefs controlling vast fleets in these waters, for example Cheung Po Tsai (17961820). After the First Opium War (1839-1842) the British took Hong Kong Island as a
Crown Colony and it became the base for European trade in the area.
Archaeological and historical study of the underwater cultural heritage in Hong
Kong
The importance of the sea to the history and development of Hong Kong and the
cultural heritage of the people oft is reflected in their beliefs and custom; for example
the prevalence of Tin Hau temples and the dragon boat festivals which occur throughout
the region. The recognition of the importance of Hong Kong’s maritime history is
reflected in two dedicated museums (Maritime Museum and the Museum of Coastal
Defence) and legislation such as the Protection of the Harbour Ordinance (Cap. 531),
which recognises that ‘the harbour is a special public asset and a natural heritage of the
Hong Kong people’ (Society for the Protection of the Harbour Ltd v. Town Planning
Board [2004] 1 HKLRD 396).
Discoveries of evidence of Hong Kong’s maritime cultural heritage have been made
during the development of the infrastructure of Hong Kong including a Ming Dynasty
(1368-1644 AD) shipwreck that is now located within the High Island Reservoir.
Archaeological investigation during the building of the new airport at Chep Lak Kok,
2

�Lantau Island, has resulted in evidence of coastal settlement in the region. Although no
thorough archaeological exploration of the waters of Hong Kong has yet been carried
out, in 2009 the Lord Wilson Heritage Trust, provided financial support for the Hong
Kong Underwater Heritage Group to analyse and consolidate data for 300 Hong Kong
sites in a wrecks database (Jeffery et al., 2013). Concern for underwater cultural
heritage is driven by the problems related to the shortage of land in Hong Kong. Hong
Kong consists of approximately 1,104 km2 (426 square miles) of land including over 200
islands. Its hilly terrain results in only some 25% of its landmass being developed for
habitation with concentration mostly along the coastline. Official population figures of
seven million people make it one of the most densely populated areas in the world
(Census 2011). The constant reclamation of land from the sea, infrastructure projects in,
under or over the sea, and the huge amount of sea traffic in the area endanger the
underwater cultural heritage.
The legal framework for the protection of underwater cultural heritage in Hong
Kong
Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
and operates under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ political system, which permits the
region to use the common law until 2047. Hong Kong claims territorial waters to a
distance of 3 nautical miles (5.6 km). Although there are many statutes which may
indirectly affect the protection of underwater cultural heritage in Hong Kong, there are
two statutes which form the basis of protection for underwater cultural heritage in Hong
Kong: the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance (AMO) (Cap. 53), which provides the
basis for all statutory protection of cultural heritage wherever situated in Hong Kong;
and the Environmental Impact Assessment Ordinance (Cap. 499). The Antiquities and
Monuments Ordinance was gazetted in 1971 and came into effect in 1972. AMO
therefore predates the common usage of the term “cultural heritage” and so refers to
“relics”, “antiquities” and “monuments”. AMO provides “for the preservation of objects of
historical, archaeological and palaeontological interest and for matters ancillary thereto
or connected therewith”, to be effected by way of designating ownership in relics and
declaration of “any place, building, site or structure” as a proposed monument or
monument. Although AMO expressly refers to discovery as including finding in Hong
3

�Kong ‘in, on or under land or sea’ (s. 2), Amo was drafted when the limitations of
underwater archaeology and the appreciation of underwater cultural heritage meant that
the protection of the underwater cultural heritage was only cursorily considered, which is
apparent as subsequent sections only refer to land: e.g. ss 2, 2A, 2B, 3, 5 and 8. The
Environmental Impact Assessment Ordinance was gazetted in 1998 and has from its
implementation been interpreted as necessitating consideration of the impact of
proposed development of the seabed on cultural heritage. This interpretation was
strengthened in 2007 after the Chief Executive’s Policy Address identified the protection
of heritage and the requirement of Heritage Impact Assessments (HIA) as policy
initiatives. The protection afforded the underwater cultural heritage in Hong Kong will be
considered under two headings: protecting underwater cultural heritage from
unauthorised excavation and removal, and protecting underwater cultural heritage
before and during development.
Protecting underwater cultural heritage from unauthorised excavation and
removal
AMO places restrictions upon the searching for and excavating of sites, antiquities and
relics, and specifies what must be done when an antiquity is discovered either
accidentally or after deliberate search. Whenever an antiquity is discovered, the
discoverer or any person who knows of the discovery must report the discovery to the
Authority, presently the Secretary for Development (s.2), or to a designated person,
identify the antiquity or supposed antiquity if requested to, and take all reasonable
measures to protect the antiquity (s.11(1)-(3). A designated person includes, ‘(a) the
officer in charge of a police station; (b) a police officer of or above the rank of inspector;
and (c) any person specified by the Authority by notice in the Gazette’. The person
making the report of the discovery of an antiquity may be paid a reward by the Authority,
with the prior approval of the Chief Executive (s. 11(4)). AMO further provides that no
person may ‘excavate or search for antiquities’ unless they have a licence to do so
(s.12a). Licences are granted by the Antiquities and Monuments Office under the
direction of the Authority.

4

�AMO (s.2) defines an antiquity as:
a. a relic; anda place, building, site or structure erected, formed or built by human
agency before the year 1800 and the ruins or remains of any such
b. place, building, site or structure, whether or not the same has been modified,
added to or restored after the year 1799.
Although this definition was arrived at with terrestrial discovery in mind the provisions
also apply to underwater cultural heritage predating 1800 as discovery may be ‘in, on or
under land or sea’ (s. 2). Once an antiquity has been discovered and reported to the
Authority, the Authority may designate it a proposed monument and or declared
monument. The protection AMO provides is not restricted to places, buildings, sites or
structures predating 1800, however, as AMO provides that the Authority may declare
any place, building, site or structure a proposed monument (s.2A).Declaration lasts for
12 months with the possibility of extension for a further 12 months (s.2B). Furthermore,
the Authority may declare any place, building, site or structure “to be a monument,
historical building or archaeological or palaeontological site or structure if the Authority
considers it ‘to be of public interest by reason of its historical, archaeological or
palaeontological significance” (s.3). The “place, building, site or structure” may be ‘in, on
or under land or sea’ and is usually referred to as a “declared monument”.
The status of “proposed monument” or “declared monument” provides protection for the
site and anything contained within it. AMO empowers the Authority, with the prior
approval of the Chief Executive, to authorise the fencing, repair, maintenance,
preservation or restoration of any proposed monument or monument, and the excavate
or search for relics in any proposed monument or monument and the removal of any
relics thereby discovered (s. 5 (1)).These powers are limited when interfering with the
property rights of owners or occupiers of the proposed monument or monument (s.5(3)).
Compensation may be paid to the owner or occupier of monuments or proposed
monuments if the Authority exercises these powers (s. 8). The Ordinance provides a
restriction on excavation and interference with any proposed monument or declared
monument by way of a permit scheme (s. 6). The scheme prohibits, amongst other acts,
the excavation, carrying on of building or other works, depositing earth or refuse on or in
5

�a proposed monument or monument, and the demolishing, removing, obstructing,
defacing or interfering with a proposed monument or monument, except in accordance
with a permit granted by the Authority. Anyone refused a permit to carry out these acts
may appeal to the Chief Executive within 14 days of notice of the refusal by the
Authority. The Chief executive may confirm, vary or reverse the refusal. The Chief
executive’s decision is final. Once a site is designated a proposed monument or
declared monument no person may use a metal detector there to excavate and search
for antiquities unless they have a licence from the Authority for these purposes
(s.12aa).Furthermore no person may remove any relic ‘hitherto undiscovered from a
proposed monument or monument, or collect or remove any object which he supposes
to be a relic from the site of its discovery’ unless they have a licence which permits them
to do so for the protection of the relic or supposed relic (s.12b).
Section 2 defines "relic" as:
a. a movable object made, shaped, painted, carved, inscribed or otherwise created,
manufactured, produced or modified by human agency before the year 1800,
whether or not it has been modified, added to or restored after the year 1799;
and
b. fossil remains or impressions…
Every relic discovered in Hong Kong after the commencement of the AMO belongs to
the Government of Hong Kong, although the Authority may disclaim ownership of the
relic on behalf of the Government when common law principles would then apply (s.10).
The licensing scheme (s.13 (2) provides that a licence may only be issued if the
Authority is satisfied that the licensee ‘has had sufficient scientific training or experience
to enable him to carry out the excavation and search satisfactorily; (b) has at his
disposal sufficient staff and financial or other resources to enable him to carry out the
excavation and search satisfactorily; and (c) is able to conduct, or arrange for, a proper
scientific study of any antiquities discovered as a result of the excavation and search.’
A licence may be granted for a renewable period of 12 months (s.13 (3)), to enter land
for the purposes of excavation and searching (s.14), it is accepted practice for such
licences to be issued for marine exploration. A license may be cancelled but the
6

�licensee must have the opportunity of making representation as to why it should not be
cancelled (s. 15). An applicant or licensee may also appeal by way of petition to the
Chief Executive within 14 days of a decision to refuse or cancel a licence: (s. 16). It may
include such conditions as the Authority considers appropriate, e.g. the conduct of any
excavation and search, the reporting, mapping and documenting thereof, the use of a
metal detector, the preservation of materials discovered, their removal, examination and
return, and the making and delivery of casts, rubbings, squeezes and other
reproductions’ (s. 13(6)). AMO provides penalties for those who: knowingly make ‘a
false statement to the Authority or to a designated person as to the situation or
circumstances of the discovery of an antiquity’; do not report the discovery of an
antiquity; excavate or search for antiquities without a licence (including the use of metal
detectors (as proscribed in s. 12aa)); do not identify an antiquity they have reported if so
requested; wilfully obstructs the Authority, or any designated person authorized by him
(s. 19(1)). On conviction the offences carry maximum penalties of HK$5,000 and
imprisonment for 6 months.
There is a presumption in criminal and civil proceedings that any relic or alleged relic
proved to be in Hong Kong after the date of commencement of the Ordinance was
discovered in Hong Kong after the date of commencement of the Ordinance (s.
20(1)).The possessor of the relic or presumed relic must prove that the relic or
presumed relic was in their possession or the possession from someone from whom
they obtained possession for six years before the commencement of the proceedings or
was imported into Hong Kong (s. 21(1)). AMO also provides more serious offences of
excavating, carrying on building or other works, or depositing earth or refuse on or in a
proposed monument or monument; or demolishing, removing, obstructing, defacing or
interfering with a proposed monument or monument. These offences are punishable on
conviction with a maximum fine of HK$100,000 and imprisonment for 1 year.
The definition of antiquity limits the protection of undiscovered sites and artefacts to
those predating 1800. However, the designation of a site as a proposed monument or
declared monument will protect the site from any excavation or the removal of any
object. Any wreck postdating this period and not subject to statutory designation may be
subject to the law of salvage. The Merchant Shipping (Collision Damage Liability and
7

�Salvage) Ordinance (Cap. 508) incorporated the International Convention on Salvage
1989, but Hong Kong has adopted the Reservation permitted in article 30(1) of the
Convention, as specified in the Ordinance s 9 and Sch 1, Pt2, para 2(1)(a), that the
provisions of the Convention do not apply ‘when the property involved is a maritime
cultural property of prehistoric archaeological or historic interest and is situated on the
sea-bed.’ Such property will be subject to the pre-existing Hong Kong common law of
salvage. The Hong Kong Government is entitled to all unclaimed wreck within Hong
Kong’s territorial waters, except where the right has been granted to some other person
(Pierce v Bemis, The Lusitania [1986] QB 384).
Protecting underwater cultural heritage before and during development
The most worrying prospect for those concerned with the underwater cultural heritage in
Hong Kong’s waters has been the continued expansion of Hong Kong into the sea and
the major capital projects which have been undertaken in the seas. Contractors with the
best intentions may never realise they have damaged underwater cultural heritage or
may only realise there is an artefact or site which should be reported when major
damage has already been inflicted on the integrity of a site. This concern has been
reflected in Government policy to protect underwater cultural heritage. This policy has
been described as “An excellent example of proactive management of underwater
cultural heritage with relation to seabed development…” (Coroneos, 2006). The
protection afforded underwater cultural heritage that may be damaged by building and
development projects in Hong Kong is afforded by the Environmental Impact
Assessment Ordinance (EIAO). Implemented in 1998, the EIAO specifies in its
Technical Memorandum that Heritage Impact Assessments (HIA) should be carried out
at the early planning stage of any required development. The EIAO specifies in
Schedule 1 Interpretation that ‘environmental impact’ for a designated project includes
an on-site or off-site change that the project may cause in the environment on cultural
heritage or a structure, site or other thing that is of historical or archaeological
significance’. Schedule 1 also defines a "site of cultural heritage" as “an antiquity or
monument, whether being a place, building, site or structure or a relic, as defined in the
Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance… and any place, building, site, or structure or a

8

�relic identified by the Antiquities and Monuments Office to be of archaeological,
historical or palaeontological significance”.
The EIAO Schedule 2 designates projects requiring HIA, which include: reclamation
works (including associated dredging works) more than 1 ha in size with a boundary
which is less than 500 m from the nearest boundary of an existing or planned site of
cultural heritage; dredging operation which is less than 500 m from the nearest
boundary of an existing or planned site of cultural heritage; sewage treatment works
with an installed capacity of more than 5000 m3 per day and a boundary which is less
than 200 m from the nearest boundary of an existing or planned site of cultural heritage;
a sewage pumping station with an installed capacity of more than 2000 m3 per day and
a boundary which is less than 150 m from an existing or planned site of cultural
heritage; a drainage channel or river training and diversion works which discharges or
discharge into an area which is less than 300 m from the nearest boundary of an
existing or planned site of cultural heritage; All projects including new access roads,
railways, sewers, sewage treatment facilities, earthworks, dredging works and other
building works partly or wholly in a site of cultural heritage. Schedule 4 provides that any
environmental permit granted may specify timing phasing or mitigation measures to
mitigate the impact of a designated project. Mitigation measures include “processes,
systems, practices, procedures or technologies for the conservation, preservation or
protection of …sites of… cultural heritage importance”. The requirement for HIA was
extended by the Chief Executive’s Policy Address of 2007 to cover any public works.
Those undertaking HIA are required to engage “a qualified marine archaeologist” to
“…identify whether there is any possible existence of sites or objects of cultural heritage,
for example shipwreck, within any seabed areas that would be affected by the marine
works of the Project” (Coroneos, 2006). The Technical Memorandum, Annex 19,
provides ‘Guidelines for assessment of impact on sites of cultural heritage and other
impacts’. These Guidelines explain that methodologies for assessing impact may vary
depending on the site, and that there is ‘no quantitative standard in deciding the relative
importance of these sites, but in general, sites of unique archaeological, historical or
architectural value will be considered as highly significant. ’The Guidelines provide what
must be done when undertaking the HIA:
9

�1. Baseline Study: to compile a comprehensive inventory of places, buildings, sites
and structures of architectural, archaeological and historical value within the
proposed project area; and to identify possible threats of destruction in whole or
in part of sites of cultural heritage arising from the proposed project.
2. Methodology: information should be assembled to assess the sites to provide
detailed geographical, historical, archaeological, ethnographical and other
cultural data. Sources for the assessment should include public records,
published papers, ‘records, archival and historical documents as well as oral
legends. ’If these sources prove inadequate then field surveys and site
investigations shall be conducted to assemble the necessary data.
3. Impact Assessment: the presumption is for ‘preservation in totality’. However, if
site constraints and other factors permit only partial preservation then ‘this must
be fully justified with alternative proposals or layout designs which confirm the
impracticability of total preservation.’ Total destruction is the ‘very last resort’ and
‘shall only be recommended with a meticulous and careful analysis balancing the
interest of preserving the archaeological, historical, architectural and other
cultural values as against that of the community as a whole.’
4. Mitigation Measures: mitigation measures shall not be used to avoid total or
partial preservation.
These general requirements for undertaking HIA have been further refined for
underwater purposes by the Antiquities and Monuments Office’s Guidelines for Marine
Archaeological Investigation specifying the tasks necessary for a successful HIA,
colloquially referred to, as Coroneos notes, as “the Four Commandments”:
Task 1 Baseline Review;
Task 2 Geophysical Survey;
Task 3 Establishing Archaeological Potential;
Task 4 Remote Operated Vehicle (ROV)/Visual Diver Survey/Watching Brief.
The Baseline Review is the equivalent of the Baseline Study. The Geophysical Survey
is usually conducted by marine geophysical contractors. These two tasks then feed into
Task 3, Establishing Archaeological Potential, which identifies, or isolates, anomalies or
10

�areas of archaeological potential. If no anomalies or areas of archaeological interest are
found then Task 4 is not required. Otherwise Task 4 requires the use of ROV and/or
visual divers, depending of the nature of the anomaly or area of archaeological potential,
to investigate. If archaeological material is discovered then the Antiquities and
Monuments Office must be notified to seek guidance on its significance and the
preparation of appropriate mitigation measures.
Conclusion
Hong Kong’s framework for the protection of underwater cultural heritage is relatively
simple and seemingly effective. The development of Hong Kong’s coast and seabed is
undertaken with a requirement for heritage impact assessments specifying high levels
of investigation and protection by professional archaeologists. Generally, no one is
allowed to search for antiquities in Hong Kong’s waters without a permit from the
Secretary or Development. Any chance discovery of an antiquity must be reported to
the Secretary for Development. Any relic discovered belongs to the Hong Kong
Government. Once a site is identified then it may be protected by designation as a
proposed monument or declared monument. Of course there is room for improvement
in the legal framework protecting the underwater cultural heritage in Hong Kong. For
example AMO could be updated in language and provisions to specify the importance of
underwater cultural heritage. Further measures may be implemented to protect
underwater cultural heritage in line with policy statements from Beijing that China will
bring its domestic laws into line with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage (FU, 2003).
References
Census,
2001.
Retrieved
20
Janary
http://www.census2011.gov.hk/pdf/summary-results.pdf

2014.

From

The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. China Unearthed, Soaring Phoenix Rising
Dragon, Celebratory Exhibition for the 50th Anniversary of the Chinese University of
Hong Kong. The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, Hong Kong.
Coroneos, C., 2006. The Four Commandments: The Response of Hong Kong SAR to
the Impact of Seabed Development on Underwater Cultural Heritage. In R. Grenier, D.
Nutley, and I., Cochran (Eds.), Heritage at Risk Special Edition, Underwater Cultural
11

�Heritage at Risk, International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), Paris: 4648.
Retrieved
20
January
2014.
From
http://www.international.icomos.org/risk/2006/fulldocan.pdf
FU, Kuen-Chen, 2003. A Chinese Perspective on the UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. International Journal of Marine and
Coastal Law: 109-126.
Hayes, J., 1974. The Hong Kong Region: Its Place in Traditional Chinese
Historiography and Principal Events Since the Establishment of Hsin-an County in 1573.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 14: 108–135.
HSU, Immanuel C. Y., 2000. The Rise of Modern China. Oxford University Press,
Oxford.
Jeffery, B., Li, M. L. H., Wong, P. P-K., Ho, L. W-C., Chan, T. S-M., Chow, G. S-M.,
Chan, R. K-Y., 2013. Recording and Documenting the Underwater Cultural Heritage of
Hong Kong, Stage 1: a community maritime archaeology project. International Journal
of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 42 (2): 412- 419, retrieved 20 January 2014. From
http://www.hkuhgroup.com/cms/
The Maritime Museum and the Museum of Coastal Defence, retrieved 20 January 2014.
http://www.hkmaritimemuseum.org/
1.php

;

http://hk.coastaldefence.museum/en/section1-

Biography
Steven Gallagher is an Associate Professor and a Professional Consultant, The
Chinese University of Hong Kong. He was called to the Bar of England and Wales in
2006 by Gray’s Inn after many years as an antiques dealer. Steven has taught Equity
and Trusts for undergraduate level and masters’ students in England and Hong Kong,
and on the Juris Doctor program in Hong Kong. In 2014 Steven began the first Cultural
Heritage Law course in Hong Kong. Steven’s cultural heritage research interests include
issues involving human remains, and the traffic in cultural heritage such as ‘wreck’
porcelain.

12

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                  <text>The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.&#13;
This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. </text>
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                <text>Since its colonial founding in 1841 Hong Kong has been a vibrant centre for international trade and commerce. Its strategic location at the head of the Pearl River made it a perfect location for maritime trade. Before this the waters surrounding Hong Kongâ€™s 200 plus islands were the notorious hideouts of pirates seeking to plunder the rich merchant vessels trading between China and its South East Asian neighbours. The waters around Hong Kong are only now being fully explored for their cultural heritage. Professionals and amateurs are seeking the resting places of infamous pirate wrecks and the wrecks of their victims. Harbor developments and sea fortifications are being examined. However, the continued expansion of Hong Kong as a trading centre and the shortage of land for development places many underwater areas that may have significant heritage information at risk. Developments and land reclamation in the world famous Victoria Harbor have raised concerns locally and internationally. The building and expansion of the Chek Lap Kok Airport and the building of the Hong Kong-Macau-Zhuhai Bridge have given archaeologists opportunity to discover evidence of Hong Kongâ€™s underwater cultural heritage but have also raised concerns regarding its damage and destruction. This paper considers the protection Hong Kongâ€™s laws provide for the underwater cultural heritage in the face of threats from building projects, reclamation, increased traffic in established sea routes and the establishment of new commercial sea routes.</text>
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                    <text>A Model Law to Implement the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage and its Possible Application in Plural Legal Regimes in Pacific
Small Islands States: A Case study of Solomon Islands
Craig Forrest1 and Jennifer Corrin2
Centre for Public
International and Comparative Law
TC Beirne School of Law
University of Queensland
Brisbane
Australia 4072
Email: c.forrest@law.uq.edu.au1
Email: j.corrin@law.uq.edu.au2

Abstract
A strategy for promoting the adoption of the Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage, is the adoption of a Model Law; one that also promotes
uniformity, consistency and ease of use. This, however, is a challenge in the Pacific.
Solomon Islands, for example, like most Pacific island nations, has a plural legal
regime. That is, customary law operates in conjunction with the common law, a legacy
of Solomon Islands’ colonial past. Legal pluralism raises significant difficulties for the
protection and management of cultural heritage, and is especially challenging when the
maritime areas beyond the low water mark are involved. This paper considers the
barriers to protection of underwater cultural heritage raised by legal pluralism and the
further difficulties encountered when considering Solomon Island’s possible ratification
on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. It
considers whether a Model Law might be a useful tool in this endeavour.
Keywords: Underwater cultural heritage, Convention, 2001, Law, Legal, Framework,
Pacific, Solomon Islands,

The underwater cultural heritage of Solomon Islands
The very nature of Pacific Island peoples means that Solomon Islands has a rich
maritime heritage. Unfortunately, few underwater remains of pre-colonial vessels have
survived, though terrestrial examples exist (van Tilburg, 2011). Indeed, the largest water
craft in the British Museum is a war canoe from New Georgia (Hess et al., 2009).
Nevertheless, other heritage, such as underwater caves and sacrificial sites used for
shark or crocodile worship, are numerous, especially in the coastal waters of certain
1

�islands, such as Malaita (Lidimani, 2011). There are also submerged islands and
villages, inundated by the changing sea levels as well as in the construction of artificial
islands such as Langa Langa Lagoon and Lau Lagoon in Malaita Province and Roviana
Lagoon in the Western Province (Guérin et al., 2010). Perhaps the most famous historic
shipwreck in Solomon Islands is that of the Boussole, commanded by Jean-François de
Galaup, Comte de La Pérouse, lost in 1788 off the island of Vanikoro. The best known
wrecks in Solomon Islands, however, are those of the Second World War. So numerous
are they that the waters between Guadalcanal and Savo and Florida Islands are known
as Iron Bottom Sound. The Protection of Wrecks and War Relics Act 1980 restrict
access to (including diving) and interference with these vessels (and aircraft) and
associated objects, subject to obtaining a licence from the relevant Ministry (Corrin and
Forrest, 2013). Such a license is only to be granted to a person who can satisfy the
Minister that they are competent and properly equipped to carry out excavation or
salvage operations in a manner appropriate to the historical importance of the wreck.
Further, limited protection is provided by the Protected Areas Act 2010. This Act defines
areas which may be declared as protected to include an area which possesses
significant ‘cultural resources’ or ‘merits protection under the Convention Concerning
the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage’ [s 10(1)]. No other national
legislation protects the remaining body of underwater cultural heritage in Solomon
Islands, and beyond its territorial sea, a problem the 2001 Underwater Cultural Heritage
Convention is designed to address.
The Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage
The Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage came into force
in 2009, almost eight years after its adoption, and currently only has 45 States parties.
Moreover, of these 45 States, few have significant underwater cultural heritage (UCH)
within their waters, and even fewer are significant maritime powers that have lost
vessels in the oceans of the world. The reasons for the slow take up of the Convention
have been dealt with elsewhere (Dromgoole, 2013) but include debate concerning the
consistency between the Convention and the 1982 UN Law of the Sea Convention
(Cogliati-Bantz and Forrest, 2013); the lack of immunity offered to wrecked sovereign
vessels; and the non-application of salvage law. That said, recent ‘ratifications’ do
2

�include maritime States such as France and those with significant wrecks in their
waters, such as Belgium, who together with States such as Spain, have an important
impact on the manner in which the Convention will ultimately be implemented and
applied. It is hoped that more States will follow the lead of these recent ratifications, but
for the Convention to be effective, it requires much broader participation by States,
particularly in geographical regions such as the Asia-Pacific. The Convention provides
an agreed minimum standard for recovery of UCH and sets out the jurisdictional
structures and core principles upon which the regime is built, such as noncommercialisation of this heritage, supremacy of in situ preservation, and the
encouragement of non-intrusive and non-destructive public access. But above all, the
Convention is based on the principle of State co-operation. Without such co-operation,
protection beyond the territorial sea is difficult, if not impossible. Accordingly, the
Convention can only work if all the States with an interest in a particular wreck, for
example, are party to the Convention. This problem is exacerbated in the Asia-Pacific
region given the close proximity of many different island nations, and the ability to avoid
one jurisdiction and use another as a safe-haven when directing activities at UCH.
The Convention is somewhat unusual in its structure with an Annex as an integral part
of the Convention. Whereas the Annex addresses archaeological standards in some
detail, the Convention itself is designed to set out principles, rights and duties that
require implementation, and detail, from each ratifying State. The Convention is not a
self-executing convention in the sense that is does not provide rights and duties that
can easily be incorporated into a State’s national legal system without some form of
implementing legislation that provides a detailed protective regime. The Convention, in
seeking to harmonise principles, merely provides the skeleton or framework and each
State is required to add body to that structure. There is therefore a tension inherent in
the implementation of this Convention: the need for harmonisation across jurisdictions
given that the Convention is structured on the basis of State co-operation, whilst at the
same time giving States the freedom to implement the Convention in ways that make is
workable in that particular State. The great difficulty then is to identify the best
mechanism through which these international norms, binding on each State, may be
translated and transformed into a national protective regime that is effective as the basis
3

�for State co-operation. One possible mechanism is the use of a model law that can play
a transformative role, particularly within a particular geographical region.
The transformative function of a Model Law
A model law is a legislative text that is recommended to States for enactment as part of
their national law (Faria, not dated). Model laws are used to harmonise and unify law,
and have been used by a range of international organisations, including UNESCO, UN
Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) and the International Institute for
the Unification of Private Law (UNIDROIT) (Siehr, 2012). Essentially the model law sits
somewhere on the spectrum between the generality of the norms of international
conventions and the specificity of the national legislation. It plays a mediating role in the
transformation process from international norms to national law. The extent of that
process is dependent on where in that spectrum the model law is to sit. And that is
dependent on a range of factors, including the States involved in the drafting of the
model law, the specificity of the international norms themselves and the differences in
the legal structures of various implementing States (particularly in the same
geographical area where this is important to the international context, as it is in this
case). The use of model laws in this transformative role has been championed for a
number of reasons. By having a more detailed agreed upon instrument, the
implementation of the intentional norms is more likely to be applied, interpreted and
enforced consistently between jurisdictions (Pistor, 2002). Moreover, the resulting
national legislation is also more likely to achieve quality measures of legislation such as
its enforceability, consistency, comprehensibility, transparency and accessibility
(Poloko, 2012; Muylle, 2003). It also saves time in that the national drafting process is
shortened through the collective drafting of the model law. It also allows for the pooling
of expertise, particularly where the subject matter of the international norms may be of a
technical nature; as is the case with the Annex of the Convention. This is perhaps
particularly pertinent in the Pacific, given the limited number of technical experts as well
as the limited number of experienced legislative drafters. This has led to a general
failure to introduce legislation in many Pacific Islands State to meet their obligations
under regional and international conventions. This shortage prompted the member
States of the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, of which Solomon Islands is one, to
4

�establish a legal drafting unit within the Forum Secretariat in 2006. Its core mandates
include provision of legislative drafting assistance to Forum countries in relation to
national legislative agendas and in response to the Pacific Plan and any other relevant
initiatives. There is already a precedent for the drafting of model laws by the Unit, as in
2008 it completed a Regional Model Law on Customs. Prior to the establishment of the
Unit, the Forum Secretariat was a partner in the drafting of the Model Law for the
Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Expressions of Culture in 2002. Solomon
Islands has not yet developed national law based on this model (Pacific Islands Forum
Secretariat; not dated).
The use of model laws in drafting national legislation does, however, have
shortcomings. Model laws that lie close to national legislation in terms of specificity may
lack a certain amount of democratic legitimacy. It is “a legislative process which may be
far removed from those which it affects and in a sense negates trends towards bringing
government closer to the people by way of regionalisation and devolution” (Poloko,
2012). The risk lies in implementing a model laws that achieves international uniformity
but lacks efficacy in the national legal system. As such, in drafting a model law,
consideration needs to be given to the difficulties that might arise in giving national (or
even local) effect to the resulting national legislation. Whilst a model law is not, in itself,
a legislative instrument, and therefore need not be duplicated in its entirety in the
implementing legislation, any divergence will undermine the very purpose of the model
law: uniformity and harmonization. Nevertheless, it has the advantage of flexibility and
the ability to accommodate national variation in its implementation (Faria, not dated).
The drafting of a Model law
The quality of the national legislation that implements the model law is naturally
dependant on the quality of the model law itself. In drafting the model law, consideration
must be given to the criteria used to ascertain the legislative quality: being its
enforceability, consistency, comprehensibility, transparency, plainness, accessibility and
clarity (Poloko, 2012; Muylle, 2003). This then will also impact on the generality or
specificity of the model law. These criteria would have to be applied in the drafting of a
model law implementing the Convention in the Pacific.
5

�1. Enforceability: the model law would need to take into account the practical consideration
needed to give effect to the Conventions’ articles.
2. Consistency and Comprehensibility: the model law would need to be drafted using
concepts, language and structures that give effect to the international morns but which
are also consistent with national legal structure and legislation and can be understood in
that national context. In geographical area such as the pacific, this might necessitate a
more abstract generalised model law that take into account the differences in national
legal structures.
3. Transparency and Accessibility: requires the involvement, or at least consultation,
between the drafters of the model law and those responsible for the national drafting and
administration of the implementing legislation.

These cautionary points are particularly pertinent in the Pacific, and particularly in
relation to States such as Solomon Islands. As a case study, Solomon Islands provide a
cautionary seascape within which to consider the use and application of a model law to
implement the UCH Convention.
Implementation in legally pluralistic States: Solomon Islands
Solomon Islands, like most other Pacific Island nations, has a plural legal regime. State
law co-exists with customary laws, which are largely unwritten. Customary laws have
been given formal recognition in the Constitution, but do not depend on the State for
their validity. For many Solomon Islanders they are the only laws they will ever
encounter. There is a stark distinction between State law and customary laws. In the
customary sphere, the distinctive features of the ‘legal’ and ‘social’ orders are
inextricably intertwined. The State system, on the other hand, is based on the common
law, which is a foreign model. Its laws and legal institutions are largely legal transplants.
There is a longstanding debate in transplant theory as to whether it is only rules that are
transplanted or whether it is law and its surrounding culture. It has been argued that the
success of a transplanted law depends on the type of law involved, with culturally
specific laws being the least likely to succeed (Kahn-Freund, 1974, 5-6). In the context
of Solomon Islands, the objection to transplants is well stated by Gatu:
A Solomon Islander is a unique Melanesian, and whatever laws or regulations
are passed should be made to suit the Melanesian lifestyle. ... Too often both
6

�expatriates and Melanesians (especially politicians) make the same mistakes
over and over again by trying to implant or impose foreign laws and concepts on
Melanesians and expect them to adhere to such changes with a wave of the
magic wand (1977: 98)
Model laws are subject to many of the same objections as legal transplants, in that they
are not drafted specifically for a country. However, unlike transplants, a model law is not
intended to be applied blindly, without modification or supplementation to accommodate
local circumstances. However, like transplants, model laws are particularly problematic
in plural legal regimes. It is not only the cultural setting of the law that may differ, but
also the legal setting. Each of the two legal systems may prescribe a different rule for
the same situation. Each may also differ in its approach to process and proof, the
appropriate relief and the penalties which may be imposed. Enforceability may also be
an issue, particularly given the logistics of Solomon Islands. In practice, particularly in
remote areas, traditional leaders may be the only effective authority.
Where legal systems overlap, care must be taken not to introduce laws which will
exacerbate tensions between the different systems. This is particularly the case where
State and customary norms are radically different, which may well be the case in
relation to cultural heritage. The complexities arising from legal pluralism in this area are
well illustrated by the disagreement of State and traditional authorities over ownership of
the land (or sea) on which tangible cultural heritage is situated or through which it may
be accessed. The State law is contained in the Land and Titles Act (Cap 133) and the
common law, constituted by decisions of Solomon Islands courts. The Act
acknowledges the supremacy of customary laws in relation to customary land (which
constitutes 87% of the total land area). It states that, ‘The manner of holding, occupying,
using, enjoying and disposing of customary land shall be in accordance with the current
customary usage applicable thereto, and all questions relating thereto shall be
determined accordingly’ [s 239(1)]. However the legislation does not expressly state
whether ‘customary land’ includes reefs or foreshore, and recourse must therefore be
had to the common law on this point.

7

�Unfortunately, the cases are conflicting. At one time, the High Court regarded the issue
as governed by the common law, and accordingly, areas below high watermark were
regarded as belonging to the Crown (Allardyce v Laore 1990). However, according to
the latest High Court decision (Combined Fera Group v Attorney General 1997) reefs
and foreshore may be under customary management if it can be proved that this was
the case prior to 1 January 1969. This means that if customary owners have undisputed
evidence that they owned an area on which cultural heritage is situated or accessed
before that date they may be able to establish a legal right to ownership. Customary
laws differ significantly from place to place in Solomon Islands, so it is not possible to
state categorically what these laws say about reef and foreshore. One fundamental
point of difference is that ‘ownership’ is not an adequate term to describe the rights and
obligations of members of customary society regarding their land, which are intimately
bound up in an intricate web of relationships. The customary concept of land-holding
recognises multi-layered rights of ownership and use. It may be more accurate to refer
to ‘rights to use’ than to ownership, but even this does not give the full picture (Corrin,
2008). What can be said is that customary land tenure includes tenure of the land below
high water mark. Such tenure carries with it the right to control the use of the marine
area and resources, including heritage resources. Solomon Islands Law Reform
Commission has considered this matter in some detail. The Commission’s 2012 report
recommends amending the definition of customary land in the Land and Titles Act to
include land below the low watermark up to the limit of Provincial boundaries ([1.26]). It
also recommends abolishing the need to prove ownership prior to 1 January 1969 and
relying on proof of current customary usage ([1.26]). To date, these recommendations
have not been implemented. If implemented they will have significant consequences for
the national government in attempting to implement the Convention in its territorial
waters below the high watermark. Another important aspect of legal (and cultural)
pluralism to be taken into account is the authority of traditional chiefs, who play a rule
not only in making, but also in administering and enforcing customary laws. The
Constitution of Solomon Islands puts an onus on Parliament to legislate for the inclusion
of traditional chiefs in provincial governance (s 114).

8

�Provincial governments
It is also important to bear in mind that legislative reform in Solomon Islands may be in
the form of national or provincial legislation. Provincial governments may make laws in
the form of ordinances on matters devolved to provinces or ‘incidental to or
consequential on’ such matters (s 31(1)). Devolved areas include ‘Historical remains’
(Provincial Government Act 1997, Sch 3, para 2). In the original Act, passed in 1981,
the Protection of Wrecks and War Relics Act 1980 was excluded from the devolved
powers. The extent of this exclusion is unclear, but this is now academic as it does not
appear in the 1997 Act. Provincial Ordinances only have effect within the province, and
provincial governments are specifically precluded from making laws affecting Solomon
Islands’ international obligations (s 31(4)). Nevertheless, given the political and practical
importance of provincial governments, it is important to bear their role in mind when
drafting model laws. It is also necessary to take into account the existing provincial
initiatives. Guadalcanal and Western Province both have policy frameworks on culture,
although these are fairly rudimentary (Guadalcanal Policy Statement on Culture 1987;
Western Province Policy on Culture 1989). However, five provinces have Ordinances
providing some degree of protection for cultural heritage. These are the Guadalcanal
Province Protection of Historic Places Ordinance 1985; the Malaita Province
Preservation of Culture Ordinance 1995; the Makira-Ulawa Council (Prevention of the
Sale of Traditional Artifacts) Bylaws 1977; the Temotu Province Preservation of Culture
Ordinance 1993; and the Western Province Preservation of Culture Ordinance 1989.
The Moli Ward Chiefs Council Ordinance 2010 provides a more recent and locally
specific example of a piece of sui generis legislation, drafted within Guadalcanal
Province to regulate the use of ‘traditional practices or heritage’. This is defined to
include, ‘song, chant, dance costume or clothing, ritual, ceremonial object or practice,
folklore, painting, carving, art, weapon, architecture, traditional knowledge and any other
authentic activity or object attributed to the customs and traditions of Moli Ward.’
Conclusion
While sui generis legal solutions are always the preferred option, the drafting of a Model
Law for the implementation of the Convention in the Pacific has much to offer. It is both
9

�resource and time efficient and its inherent flexibility in its transformative role is capable
of addressing individual State’s particular circumstances. That’s said, the drafting a
Model Law with sufficient flexibility to address the distinctive features of a State such as
Solomon Islands is not without significant challenges. Solomon Islands’ rich cultural
heritage, illustrated by its linguistic and tribal diversity (there are, for example, 65
different languages in Solomon Islands), and the peculiar nature of its legal and social
systems, requires input from Solomon Islanders as well as from technical experts on
maritime archaeology and the functioning of the Convention.
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Siehr, K., 2012. Model Laws for Implementing International Conventions - The
Implementation of the 1970 UNESCO Convention on Cultural Property. Max Planck
Private Law Research Paper No. 12/25.
Solomon Islands Law Reform Commission., 2012. Review of the Law that Applies to
Land below High Water Mark and Low Water Mark (Solomon Islands Law Reform
Commission, 2012).
Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. Legislative Drafting, retrieved 8 January 2014, from
http://www.forumsec.org/pages.cfm/political-governance-security/legislative-drafting/.
Van Tilburg, H., 2011. Historic Period Ships in the Pacific Ocean. In A. Catsambis, B.
Ford and D. L. Hamilton (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, Oxford
University Press, Oxford
Watson, A., 1976. Legal Transplants and Law Reform. Law Quarterly Review,Vol.79- 84
Biography
Craig Forrest is a reader in law and Director of the Marine and Shipping Law Unitat the
University of Queensland. He was a member of the South African UNESCO delegation
that drafted and adopted the 2001 Convention and has participated in a number of
UNESCO workshops on the implementation of the Convention. In 2013 he assisted in
drafting a Model Law for the implementation of the Convention in the Caribbean. He is a
member of the International Law Association's Cultural Heritage Law Committee and is
editor of the Australian and New Zealand Maritime Law Journal.
Jennifer Corrin is Director of the Centre for Public, International and Comparative Law,
University of Queensland, and currently an Australian Research Council Future Fellow
undertaking research on law reform and development in plural legal regimes. Jennifer
has published in the areas of South Pacific law, customary law, human rights, court
systems, evidence, land law, constitutional law and contract. Current projects include
the status of French law in former colonies; carbon rights in Melanesia; and legal
pluralism and theories of law. Jennifer is on the Editorial Boards of the Journal of Legal
Pluralism, and the Journal of South Pacific Law.

11

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                  <text>The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.&#13;
This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. </text>
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                <text>A strategy for promoting the adoption of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, is the adoption of a Model Law; one that also promotes uniformity, consistency and ease of use. This, however, is a challenge in the Pacific. Solomon Islands, for example, like most Pacific island nations, has a plural legal regime. That is, customary law operates in conjunction with the common law, a legacy of Solomon Islandsâ€™ colonial past. Legal pluralism raises significant difficulties for the protection and management of cultural heritage, and is especially challenging when the maritime areas beyond the low water mark are involved. This paper considers the barriers to protection of underwater cultural heritage raised by legal pluralism and the further difficulties encountered when considering Solomon Islandâ€™s possible ratification on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. It considers whether a Model Law might be a useful tool in this endeavour.</text>
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                    <text>Lacustrine battles carried out by the Mexica people:
Use of war canoes in Tenochtitlan
Mariana FavilavVázquez
UNAM
México D.F. 04340
México
Email: mariana.favila@gmail.com

Abstract
There have been multiple studies in relation to the political, military and ritualistic
confrontations between ancient societies, which have been carried out to address the
problem of war in pre-Hispanic times. In particular, we are interested here in
approaching the problem of the existence of an armed navy which participated in the
confrontations that took place in the lake that surrounded the Mexica capital, before and
during the process of conquest, in order to propose some guidelines which may help us
to understand the complexity that hardly looms, in relation to these lake battles. By
turning our attention to the spatio-temporal context that interests us, the Mexica in the
Late Post Classic period on the island of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco, we have found
evidence regarding the fact that the canoes, in this sense, seem to have worked as a
specialized mechanism within this context, providing huge advantages to its users for
defense and offense during the fighting tactics involving both land and water
confrontations.
Keywords: Mexica, canoe, navigation, war, lake, Mexico, Spain, nautical, archaeology

Introduction
It is possible to identify in the case of Mesoamerica, some examples of scenes where
we can recognize boats driven by what could be described as armed commandos; such
is the case of sheets 75 and 80 of the Nutall Codex, where Lord 8 Deer, with his half
older brother, Lord 12 Movement, join the Lord 4 Jaguar in his expedition to conquer the
Gulf Coast, by navigating in what appears to be war canoes (Jansen, 1997).There are
many interesting scenes represented in Maya vases photographed by Justin Kerre
where we can observe diverse deities fighting against marine monsters in their canoes
(Grofe, 2007). Another example is the mural paintings found in several Chichén Itzá
buildings; in the interior walls at the Warriors Temple were discovered two murals which
were reconstructed by Earl Morris in 1930: Attack on a town and captive holding and
Coastal town (Staines, 2004). Many of the Mexica examples will be described in the
1

�next lines. As we can see, the use of canoes in different kind of water battles in
Mesoamerica is unquestionable, nevertheless, in the case of the Mexica, there has
been a constant discussion regarding the existence or inexistence of what could be
described as an armed navy (Bravo, 2005; Hassig, 1992). Starting from this point and
with the evidence presented in the next lines, we propose that there was no such thing
as a specific Mexica navy, but one armed body capable of using both land and water
with the purpose of fighting. And yet so, those canoes used in war activities, were also
part of the complex military system in which they functioned as attack and defense
mechanisms, and not only functioned as a mean of transportation. Such seems to have
been the relevance of the boats in the pre-Hispanic context that in the 04v sheet of the
Mendocino Codex there is a scene where some Mexica warriors were murdered by
Chalco people, who also took the trouble to destroy their canoes. From the matter
exposed above, we make the next questions to the available information: which was the
logistic in the Mexica fleet? How were their boats? Is it possible to characterize a naval
Mexica tradition that confronted the Spanish maritime tradition? We will try to develop
some answers to this and also formulate some others that we can’t answer yet.
What has been said about the Mexica lake battles?
Let us now consider the space and time context, which interest us: the Mexica society
during the Late Post classic period in the Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco Island. We have
already mentioned that any attack to the population within the lake probably demanded
a considerable military effort, war material and specialized resources both by them and
by their enemies (Goñi, 2008). The written sources made by the witnesses soldiers of
the battles, or by some of the chroniclers such as Fray Diego Durán or Fray Bernardino
de Sahagún, give us a vast amount of information about the functioning of what has
been described as the Mexica fleet. Fray Juan de Torquemada, for example, tells us
about this the following:
[…] the Mexica ns, not only did they exercised in making boats, to run along the
lagoon, leading far ahead in the fisheries and hunts within it, contracting with all
the people, filling with supply their city, but also they garnished their boats and
canoes, exercising themselves in the things of war, by water, understanding that
from now on it would be necessary to be right and provided in the military art,
2

�since they always needed to free their city, by the force of weapons (Torquemada,
1975-1983: 151).
The chronicles written by Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Hernán Cortés, have been
studied before by historian Isabel Bravo Bueno, who took their stories as primary
sources so she could describe the war activities in which canoes were the protagonists
(Bravo, 2005). In relation to this subject, author Ross Hassig has established that
tactical use of the boats could have resolved logistics problems, by minimizing transport
costs and time, this for the towns in the lakeshore and also for the people living in the
island, which were also rapidly reachable (Hassig, 1990). In our case, in order to
approach the subject, we will expose other examples of lacustrine battles which are
described in colonial sources; this will allow advancing some initial guidelines in our
conclusions.
Battles carried out by Mexica before and with the arrival of the Spaniards:
recognizing some tactics in the lacustrine warfare
The first fight against Culhuacan
Regarding the confrontation that Mexica

had with the Culhuacan people before

Tenochtitlan was established, when the leader of the second ones, Achitometl,
recognized his daughter flayed in a ritual organized by the Mexica , Fernando de
Alvarado Tezozómoc described in his Mexica n Chronicle, a specific moment when
these found themselves cornered in the lake (Tezozómoc, 1980). In order to save
themselves it was necessary that they ran away navigating in some cane rafts built in
that precise moment. This passage has been drawn in the Aubin Codex; where there
are four characters sailing in the above mentioned rafts. What is interesting about these
is that in the Mexica yotl Chronicle, Tezozomoc tells another version of the same facts,
where the Mexica s crossed the lake by sailing in their own shields:
Culhuacans then pursued the Mexica ns, by throwing them to water, and when
they were thrown here they conquered a place called Acatzintitlan, when
Culhuacans got angry, then perhaps they hid in the water. Then when they
were pursued by the Culhuacans, they crossed in here sitting on their shields
(Tezozómoc, 1998: 58).

3

�There is a painting in the 11 sheet of the Azcatitlan Codex where this scene is
represented, and where we can observe the Mexica sailing their chimallis1.Both
versions present different perspectives about the matter of our concern due to the fact
that the ability to construct rafts in the first version lets us know that this people already
carried with them some kind of knowledge about the use they could give to canoes and
how to appropriate the lake. On the other hand, Pablo Escalante Gonzalbo has
developed the possibility that the second version involving the shields may be related
with some European stories that may have arrive to the hands of both the authors of the
written and the painted versions. We must remember that indigenous identity in the XVI
century was not isolated from the European Renaissance humanist culture. In the
version where the escape is carried out with the use of the defensive weapons (the
chimallis or shields), seems to be related to a crucial episode in the history of Rome in
which the people had to defend themselves from the Etruscans. Escalante refers to
author Andrea Alciato and his oeuvre Emblemata, a popular text from the time of
Renaissance humanism that was studied in rhetoric classes at universities in the
colonial Mexico (Escalante, 2008).Here we will emphasize the following: based on the
story told by Tezozómocin respect to the fighting between Mexica

and Culhuacan

before the foundation of Tenochtitlan, and those images in the codices referred to
above, we may at least say that in the memory of the mestizo author and those tlacuilos
(painters) who created the pictorial documents it is possible to infer the need to transmit
an episode in the early colonial discourse, where before the establishment of the
Mexica capital a basic handling of some form of water transport is recognized at a time
of military confrontation.
The Tenochcas fight against Cuitlahuac
It is important to also mention the military campaign which Mexica ruler, Itzcóatl, made
against the people of Cuitlahuac, an island between Xochimilco and Chalco. Fray Diego
Durán actually describes how by the times of Itzcoatl, the Mexica already had many
enemies since they were so tenacious thanks to their control of the lake (Durán,
1967).The reason why the Mexica

confronted Cuitlahuac is that Xochitl Olinqui,

Cuitlahuac’s tlahtoani (governor), felt offended after the Mexica invited Cuitlahuac’s
women to dance in honor to Huitzilopochtli. And so a war started, and Mexica soldiers
4

�had to fight in the lake and won the battle. There were other successful conquers by
Itzcóatl in Tenayuca, Tepanohuayan, Toltilan, Cuauhtitlan and Xaltocan, and Isabel
Bravo Bueno has attributed this success to the use of the canoes which benefited the
logistics and tactics of the war (Bravo, 2005).
The clues to identify who were those that fought in the canoes
One of the arguments that makes it harder to recognize the organization of an armed
group exclusively created to fight in the lakes, is the fact that there are some historical
passages that describes how the abilities of the average people were used during
lacustrine battles. It seems that in some cases, the warriors who fought in land were
transported in the canoes by skilled rowers during the fight, and also that the same
fishermen and bird hunters took part when it was necessary, maybe to make up for the
lack of a group specifically trained to combat in the lake. During Axayacatl’s rule in
Tenochtitlan, a bloody battle occurred between Tenochcas and Tlatelolcas, when these
last ones found one of their dikes completely destroyed, preventing the transit of
canoes. Tlatelolco’s ruler, Moquihuixtli, tried to convince the Huejotzingas and
Tlaxcaltecas that all together should fight the Tenochcas, though the first ones denied
participating in such wile, the ruler decided to continue with the affront. Before the fight,
the king Moquihuixtli summoned more than a thousand young fisherman and bird
hunters from Tlatelolco, in order to create an effective army against the Tenochcas.
Previous to the battle, the governor tested them by faking a great bird hunt in the lake.
This seems to surprisingly reveal some kind of training in the operation of the canoes
and the practice of attacks (Durán, 1967:254-255).
This story was written by Fray Diego Durán, and in it we could glimpse the possibility
that in effect, young fishermen were trained or at least selected by how they managed
their weapons and canoes. By following this reasoning we dare to question: Perhaps
this story alludes to the eternal condition of the Mexica as hunters and lake fishermen?
We must remember they were such even before arriving to the Mexico Lake, according
to their own history. We need to consider that relation between men and lacustrine
environment had already been developed before Mexica people arrived to the Basin of
Mexico. It seems to be, that trough all their history, the need to be constantly identified
with a society that could dominate the water bodies (since that group that started its
5

�journey from the mythical city of Aztlan was formed by skilled fishermen) would justify
their settlement choice in the Tenochtitlan Island. Their way of life was clearly
impregnated by a lacustrine identity, and so they created for themselves a history
according to that essentially aquatic universe (Espinosa, 1996).
The last battle in the lake: Mexica people against Spaniards and their indigenes
allies
The main information about the lacustrine battles that took place around the Island of
Tenochtitlan is available directly in the Spanish Chronicles. Nevertheless we must
remember that not all of them were eye witnesses of the events, and those who were
had a tendency to exaggerate some of their data in order to fulfill a specific purpose.
One thing is sure, and this is that the Spanish soldiers rapidly realized they were in
major trouble since the most effective mean of movement in the lake were the canoes
(Goñi, 2008). Among the first mentions regarding this way of transport, we found one
where Hernán Cortés lets us know that they were used to immediately escape from
Tenochtitlan the minute the Spaniards arrived.
[…] certain Spaniards got into some high rooftop, where they could subjugate the
entire city, and saw how all natural disarmed her and ones, with their properties,
they entered the lake with their canoes, they call acales and others went up to the
mountains (Cortés, 2002: 137).
From this passage we also obtained the information related to the canoe name in
Nahuatl, according to the Vocabulary of Fray Alonso de Molina they were named acalli
(Molina, 2008). About those canoes utilized in the battles, there seems to have existed
at least two types. One of them with no difference between the flat fore and aft as it is
possible to observe in the 45 sheet of the Lienzo de Tlaxcala. The other type is a
reinforced canoe, with wood boards integrated in such a way they worked as shields to
protect the soldiers from fire and attacks as Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Isabel Bravo
Bueno lets us know (Bravo, 2005):
[…] and since the musketeers and the crossbowmen shoot those who went in
canoes, they had them well armed with wood boards, and behind these
boards, they were kept well (Díaz del Castillo, 2007: 299-300).

6

�And so, they were two ways of protection used by the warriors: their own shields
integrated into the canoes as it is observed in the sheet 45 previously named, or well,
the wood boards as observed in the 154 sheet of Florentine Codex. Regarding the
attack tactics, the same kind of tricks developed in land were used in the lakes.
Sometimes sunken traps were used to plunge enemy boats and other times by faking
runaways and then returning to attack (Bravo, 2005). There is also an interesting
description by Sahagún where an attack tactic consists in the coordinated action of two
pairs of warriors, each one with an eagle warrior and a jaguar warrior. Together in a
canoe they travel fast against the enemy; then the other couple does the same, not
without first hiding the insignias which are described to be carved in the boats. This may
lead us to think that the warrior’s boats had an easily recognizable distinctive:
When the Mexica n warriors saw what they were doing and plotting, then they
started to think what they would have to do. And after they thought it, right away
there comes a boat; very slightly they went rowing and put it on the wayside.
There was not any badge to be seen, since they were well covered. Right away
comes another canoe. Also with careful and excuses they were rowing. And
then again two boats come: and thus they were four (Sahagún, 1975: 785).
The only pictorial example related to the passage above mentioned is in the 41 sheet of
the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, where it can be observed a scene where Hernán Cortés arrives
to Texcoco. On the upper left sector of the image there is a canoe with the bow carved
in the shape of the head of what could be an eagle. It is important to reinforce the idea
that the battles that took place around the Island implied that land and lacustrine attacks
became a unity. From the combination of both armed bodies it has been deduced that
army included with no doubt, naval war. Even author Ross Hassig uses the term in
Nahuatl, chimalacalli in order to refer to this armed body, even though the Molina’s
Vocabulary does not register it. Actually, this word appears constantly in the twelfth
book of Sahagun’s oeuvre, referring to the ships that had an integrated defense
dispositive, those war canoes previously described. In that case it would make sense
that Hassig used this word to describe a “naval militia” inside the Mexica army, although
this one may not have really existed.

7

�In order to conclude
We must indicate that we agree with historian Isabel Bravo Bueno about the fact that for
now it is possible to say that those who lived in the lake surroundings, this means,
fishermen, bird hunters, rowers and those who had the abilities to navigate the canoes,
were also capable to form part of this “Mexica n navy” that troubled so much the
Spaniards in their attempt to conquer Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco (Bravo, 2005; Favila;
2011). And so, we have tried to delineate some of the ways and tactics that took place
during the lacustrine battles. Regarding the existence or not, of a military body
specifically created to attack by water, with the historical sources analysis and the
pictographic evidences, it is not possible to reach a conclusive answer yet. But we do
believe that some clearance is reached if we take into account that the naval militia that
Ross Hassig referred to, may actually indicate the existence of those war canoes, or
maybe, the author was using the term chimalacalli2in its plural condition (sometimes a
word in Nahuatl does not need a grammatical mark for plural) and for this reason he
assumed the existence of the armed navy. We must not forget also, that according to
written sources, those who navigated the war canoes were actually rowers dedicated to
this (Sahagún, 1975), and not properly the warriors. Finally, we believe there is still
much to say about the canoes with badges, since there is still much to rescue from the
many references to lacustrine battles in the old texts. In general, it seems to be that
canoes may have played a role as one of the symbols of the Mexica control around the
lake region, since they carried the capacity to dominate and rule the lacustrine basin,
giving shape to a particular way of life which allowed the success of a society that
managed to appropriate the lake.
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Carlos Ausejo and Alexandra Biar for the invitation to be part of the
Pre-Hispanic Navigation session, and also to the APCONF 2014 planning committee for
accepting my proposal to be part of the program.
Endnotes
1

Accordingly with the Vocabulario… of Fray Alonso de Molina, chimalli refers to some

kind of shield (Molina, 2008).

8

�2

Perhaps this word is also related to those versions mentioned above where the Mexica

s fought the Culhuacans, and because of that they had to navigate in their shields.
References
Bravo, I., 2005. La guerra naval entre los aztecas. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl, Vol. 36:
199-223.
Cortés, H.,2002. Cartas de Relación. Editorial Porrúa, México.
Díaz del Castillo, B.,2007.Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España.
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Durán, D., 1967. Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de la Tierra Firme.
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Escalante, P., 2008. Humanismo y arte cristiano-indígena. La cultura emblemática entre
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Goñi, G., 2008.Las conquistas de México y Yucatán. Instituto Nacional de Antropología
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en el siglo XVI. Editorial Alianza, México.
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�Jansen, M., 1997.La Princesa 6 Mono y el Héroe 8 Venado: una epopeya mixteca.
Historia del Arte de Oaxaca, Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca, México: 211- 237.
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castellana. Editorial Porrúa,México.
Sahagún, B.,1975. Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España.Editorial
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México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, México.

Biography
Mariana Favila Vázquez is an archaeologist who graduated from the National School
of Anthropology and History (ENAH), and is currently studying her master’s degree in
Mesoamerican Studies at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), with
specialization in Mesoamerican Archaeology. She has developed some studies
regarding the Pre-Hispanic navigation in Mesoamerica and coordinated some
seminaries concerning this subject in order to expand the interest between degree
students.

10

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                  <text>Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions.&#13;
During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent.&#13;
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Use of war canoes in Tenochtitlan</text>
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                <text>There have been multiple studies in relation to the political, military and ritualistic confrontations between ancient societies, which have been carried out to address the problem of war in pre-Hispanic times. In particular, we are interested here in approaching the problem of the existence of an armed navy which participated in the confrontations that took place in the lake that surrounded the Mexica capital, before and during the process of conquest, in order to propose some guidelines which may help us to understand the complexity that hardly looms, in relation to these lake battles. By turning our attention to the spatio-temporal context that interests us, the Mexica in the Late Post Classic period on the island of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco, we have found evidence regarding the fact that the canoes, in this sense, seem to have worked as a specialized mechanism within this context, providing huge advantages to its users for defense and offense during the fighting tactics involving both land and water confrontations.</text>
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                    <text>Hollowing out the canoe: a reflection of the society

Luz Elena G. Cervantes
Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH)
Distrito Federal, Mexico, 04360
Mexico
E-mail: luz_elena_c@hotmail.com
Abstract

The dugout canoe is an important element in a lot of maritime societies all over the
world. It’s not only a small boat made by hollowing a tree with particular characteristics,
but it is the reflection of the society in which the canoe was made. A canoe represents
the interaction of ideology, tradition, economics and purpose, as well as environment
and material resources. Mexico is no exception; the canoe was the best aquatic
transport in pre-Hispanic communities, both for coastal and inland waters. So, the
canoe can bring us a lot of archaeological information about pre-Hispanic cultures, its
traditions and its environment.
It is impossible to access the social explanation of the canoe if we are not able to
describe it formally. So, a registration strategy will give us the possibility to store data for
a social explanation of the boat. In addition, using this strategy, it is possible to
accumulate general and specific data from which it can be proposed a typology of
dugout vessels. This research is a step forward of a typology proposal for dugout
canoes in Mexico, which aims to grow as more canoes are found, both in archaeological
contexts and inside public and private institutions, museums and private collections.

Key words: Americas, dugout, ethnography, methodology, Mexico, nautical

1

�Introduction

The presence of water bodies as part of the ancestors life, made them to develop ways
to take advantage of these resources. They needed a transport that allowed them to
travel through the water. In most of the maritime communities, the canoe was the
aquatic transport by excellence, for both, coastal and inland waters. This is the case in
many of the pre-Hispanic communities in Mexico. Usage of the dugout canoe, the one
made by hollowing out a single wooden trunk, has great importance in pre-Hispanic
societies, as it is reflected on written and pictorial sources of information, as well as the
preservation of several specimens found in actual communities. Therefore, the canoe
could provide us with much archaeological information about pre-Hispanic cultures, as
well as of their traditions and environments.
How can the canoe be the reflection of the society in which it was built?
The dugout canoe is an important element for maritime societies all over the world. It’s
not only a small boat made by hollowing a tree with particular characteristics, but it is
the reflection of the society in which the canoe was made.
For this, Adams (2001) mentioned that the manufacturing process observed in each
canoe, reflects the complex social activity around this. The boats can be seen as a
manifestation of the maritime needs and aspirations of society, this is achieved by
considering the characteristics that represents the interaction of ideology, tradition,
economics, purpose, environment and material resources, which are reflected in the
shape, structure, appearance and use of each vessel.


In terms of ideology and tradition, Adams notes that on the boat you can see a
set of ideas about what ships mean for society, the importance they have and
how they should be designed and constructed. That's why they have their own
characteristics in terms of the design parameters and the ways in which they
carry out various aspects of construction. In this work, despite failing to fully
understand the tradition of a canoe, due to the scarce archaeological information
about dugout canoes in Mexico, it can be observed similarities and differences in
the physical properties of these vessels, which helps us to infer periods and
2

�geographic regions in which the canoes were built. It is like this how we can
identify "types" of boats and with these, building traditions.


The economy, understood in terms of manpower and wealth can be reflected in
the construction of vessels, both in size and materials used, and specific
characteristics of the boat. These features have a close relationship with the
material resources and with the purpose.



The purpose, understood as the function of the boat, is also observable in the
physical characteristics of the vessel. The canoe has multiple functions in the
indigenous life: transportation (of people, goods, materials, and ideas), resource
exploitation (hunting and fishing), ceremonies, rituals and military confrontations.



Regarding the environment for which the boat is manufactured, it is reflected in
the dimensional characteristics of the vessel, as if a boat is built for lakes or
protected coasts, you will not need the same properties of stability and
robustness that you need for a boat built for open water. Similarly, the canoe has
architectural features which are defined by the place for navigation.



Finally, material resources, both natural and manufactured. This means that the
available resources in part determine the size of the vessels, and also provide
properties relating to the buoyancy and shipload capacity. That is how the
material resources maintain their close relationship with the purpose of the boat.
Similarly, manufactured material resources (such as tools) define some specific
manufacturing features of the canoe; it is another feature that can provide us with
information about timing and place of construction.

It is impossible to access the social explanation of the canoe if we are not able to
describe it formally. So, a registration strategy will give us the possibility to store data for
social explanation of the boat. In addition, registration under this strategy, it is possible
the accumulation of general and specific data, from which it can be proposed a typology
of dugout vessels.
How to approach the canoe?
There are some specific problems in Mexica n archaeology which has resulted in an
underdeveloped study of the canoes. A common problem has been to consider the
canoe as a perishable material, and other important issue has been the inability to
3

�recognize the different objects frequently found in archaeological contexts. Because of
this, it is very difficult to study the dugout canoe from an archaeological approach.
While the lack of specific studies can be explained from the apparent absence of
materials in archaeological contexts, there are different strategies with which to have a
closer knowledge about the manufacture of canoes of indigenous tradition and with this,
try to give a social explanation around the canoe. In addition to the ethnography and the
study of written sources, you can use the direct study of dugout canoes located in
museums, institutions and private collections, from which to obtain information about
their manufacturing. Also, with this strategy, a classification can be developed based on
the specific construction elements of each canoe, generating increasingly complex
types. This is why apart of this strategy, a recording methodology which allows us to
formally describe the canoe and recognize both their manufacturing characteristics,
including structural elements, and the way it was manufactured, is proposed.
This methodology is divided into four stages:
A) The first is to fill a description and identification form of each canoe. These forms
were made in the context of the methodology proposal described here. The information
recorded in the files is as follows:


Identification canoe information.



Type of vessel.



Traditional Name.



Information on who performs the registration



Registered date.



Identification of photographs and drawings.



Location (institution or individual custody, responsible and place of origin)



General measures (Length, Width and Depth)



Building materials.



General method of construction.



Number of stems.

4

�

Nailing.



Diameter of the wick stick
(sail propulsion)



Evidence of manufacture.



Evidence of construction
elements.



Evidence of propulsion.



Decoration.



Repairs.

Fig. 1 Axes for the Topographic survey, based on the



State of preservation.

Anderson’s lines. Author: Luz Cervantes



General Sketch.

B) The second step is to make a record as detailed as topographical surveys. That is,
sampling point is done from calculated measurements from three axes (X, Y and Z),
which, together, make a three-dimensional model of the canoe. The distribution of these
axes is based on survey lines of Anderson (1988): Water lines, which are horizontally
distributed along the canoe, parallel to the water or flotation line; Buttock lines, which
are distributed vertically along the canoe, parallel to the major axis, and Sections which
intersect the canoe perpendicular to the major axis or length. (Fig. 1) This data is stored
in registration forms to have a good control and management.
C) The third step is to perform a specific photographic record, with which the previous
information will be complemented. For the photographic record the following strategy is
proposed. It is important to place a scale, the orientation of the canoe relative to the
bow or the stern and an identification chalkboard. Obviously, if the boat is into an
excavation context, in addition to the guidance on the bow and stern, it must be indicate
the orientation from north. The scale is needed to show the size of the canoe. The
orientation fits to better locate the features described in relation to the archived images.
And the board is the best resource for material identification; here it is included
information of where the canoe is located, the date on which it was registered, the
person who registered, and identification number of the piece.

5

�The strategy for the photographic record consists in how to take the photos. This has
been done in two phases. The first consists in photographs of general views, which is to
archive the shape and size of the boat. The second includes specific detail views to
note building elements, decorations, manufacturing marks and repairs, if they exist. For
the first phase of the photographic record, the following photographs are proposed (Fig.
2):

Fig.2 General views for photographic record. Author: Luz Cervantes



A photograph taken in front of the bow and stern, respectively, from which the
entire rim line is observed, it is taken at the height of a standing person. If the
canoe is larger, and the rim cannot be observed, shall be taken from above, with
the help of a ladder or bank.



A totally front photograph, where observe only the bow or stern and bands
perspective. This will be taken at the height of a person kneeling or squatting. If
the canoe is larger, shall be taken with the person standing.

6

�

A side view photograph of port and starboard, where canoe maximum length can
be observed. This photo is usually taken kneeling or squatting, to appreciate the
canoe in full.



A photograph taken in an isometric perspective, usually from the bow, loaded
into one of the bands. The purpose of this view is to perceive the construction
details of bow and stern height relative to the length and width of the canoe.

The second phase consists of photographs of details (Fig. 3), it is important to portray
all possible elements of construction, use and repairs. These photographs must be
taken with a scale and in a macro mode, so can be appreciated the most possible
characteristics.
D)

The

fourth

step

methodology

is

to

registration

survey

of

the

make

a

on

a

technical drawing. The purpose
is

to

provide

sufficient

information to facilitate analysis,
help

design

possible future

and

develop

reconstruction

and maintenance of the vessel.
Fig. 3 Photographs of details. Author: Luz Cervantes

The drawing must contain a
representation in plan, profile

and the body of the boat. The drawing should be clearly indicated by its size
dimensions, the scale must be indicated, it should contain a record field (identification,
date and name of the artist) and the three projections are needed to provide more
information about the canoe (Fig. 4).
For drawings of boats is proposed the scale 1:10, because at this it can be possible to
appreciate the details of the vessel, and a very large format and unwieldy paper is not
required.

7

�With these drawings, in addition to fact charts and specific pictures, it is possible to
make a comparison between canoes belonging to the recorded simple and propose
different types of boats.

Fig. 4 Example of drawing. Author: Luz Cervantes

A preview of the type proposed for the dugout boats in Mexico, which aims to grow as
found more evidence is found, both in archaeological excavations, and public and
private institutions, museums and private collections is presented in Fig. 5.
This typology is completely open to be improved or modified, as pre-Hispanic navigation
studies within archaeology, will increase.
What is happening with the canoes in Mexico?
After this analysis of dugout canoes of indigenous tradition, it is necessary to talk about
this "apparent" absence of canoes as archaeological material in Mexico. For this, two
dilemmas arise: the first of them leads us to ask if there really is an absence of any
archaeological material belonging to canoes in Mexico. If this were the case, why is
there a record of canoes with the same characteristics in other parts of the world? And
why are there archaeological features of the same material of the canoes (wood) in
many regions of the country? The second, focusing in the term archaeological material,
are there no canoes as archaeological material in Mexico? If this were the case, all the
canoes no longer used that have been abandoned in the mangroves, in shipyards, in
museums, in public institutions and in many more places should be taken into account.
Michael Schiffer considers that every element at the end of its life, assuming that is not
reused, becomes waste so it changes from its systemic context (use) to an
8

�archaeological

context

(non-use).

So,

I

believe that these “unused” canoes have not
been

studied

from

an

archaeological

perspective because they have not being
"found"

in

archaeological

underground

contexts, and they have been discarded and
not included as archaeological material.

Conclusions
As mentioned at the beginning of this work,
archaeology in Mexico has been focused on
investigations of other aspects, such as the
monumental sites, and has been ignored
small aspects, but these are of great
importance to past societies. One of these
aspects that archaeology has left aside is the
water transport in and out of the country's
land. The canoe in Mexico is considered as
the "transport by excellence" because the
water in its various forms, was distributed
throughout the country and in the case of
rivers, connects together large regions.
Thus, here is reflected the importance of
vessels in prehispanic Mexico, therefore the
registration of these at an archaeological
Fig. 5 Typology. Author: Luz Cervantes

level, requires the necessary specialization
to understand this importance.

That´s how, this work it aims to raise awareness among Hispanic culture researchers in
Mexico to the relevance of studying indigenous tradition on canoe construction and use.
At the same time, it tries to demonstrate that there are methodological tools which help

9

�us to get closer to objects and materials that unfortunately in Mexico have been
understudied due to their scarce presence in archaeological excavations.

References
Adams, J, 2001. Ships and Boats as Archaeological Source Material. World
Archaeology, Vol. 32 (3): 292-310.
Anderson, R., 1988.Guidelines for recording of historical ships,National Park Service,
U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Washington, D.C.
Béat, A., 1995.Pirogues monoxylesd'Europecentrale  construction, typologie, évolution,
us e cantonal d arch ologie (Archéologieneuchateloise), Francia.
Biar, A., 2011. La navigation Mexica Dans la lagune de Mexico : navigation et prise du
pouvoir.Thèse de Master, Université Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris, Francia.
Greenhill, B., 1976.Archaeology of the boat. A new introductory study, Adam and
Charles Black, London.
Lira, N., s/a. Canoas monóxilas en el centro-sur de Chile. Navegando sobre los árboles.
Memoria para optar al título profesional de arqueólogo, Departamento de Antropología,
Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Chile.
Schiffer, M., 1990.ContextoArqueológico y ContextoSistémico, Boletín de Antropología
Americana, Num. 22: 81-93.
Torres, L., 1964.

Tratamiento empleado para la conservación de una canoa

prehispánica, Boletín de Antropología, INAH, Num18: 10-13, México.
Wendt, C., 2007. Los olmecas, los primeros petroleros. Arqueología Mexica naNum 87:
56-59 , México.
Biography
Luz Elena G. Cervantes is an archaeologist who graduated from the Escuela Nacional
de Antropología e Historia in Mexico and she`s member of the Nautical Archaeology
Society. She has taken some courses in maritime archaeology and she has dedicated
her studies to pre-Hispanic navigation, specifically of water transport. She is making a
dugout canoes compilation, in order to form a complete typology of canoes in Mexico.

10

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During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent.&#13;
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