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                    <text>History and Current Status of Underwater
Cultural Heritage in Cambodia
Nady Phann

Abstract
Since early times, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most reliable
form of transportation providing passage for the movement of people, trade and culture. The first
glimpses into the maritime past of Cambodia begin from the legend of the founding of the Khmer
Kingdom of which there are various versions. Archaeological evidence of Cambodia’s maritime past can
be seen submerged in its waterways. For example, a shipwreck loaded with artifacts was recently
discovered in territory of the Cambodian sea. Many other wrecks have been reported along the various
inland waterways of the country, and have yet to be examined.
It is only now, however, that Cambodia is beginning to progress and build its capacity in
maritime archaeology, after the country became the first, and only, Southeast Asian Country to ratify the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. This paper seeks to present a description of important
recent works carried out in the whole country, particularly the survey, as well as define gaps relating to
the preservation and management of maritime archaeological resources.

Geographical Context
Cambodia has a long history as a country with an important maritime background. It is
situated in Southeast Asia, forms part of the south portion of the Indochinese
peninsula. It is bounded on the north by Laos, on the east and southeast by Vietnam,
and on the west and northwest by Thailand. In the southwest, Cambodia is bordered
by the Gulf of Thailand with a coastline of 435 kilometres (km), which is occupied by
four provinces namely Koh Kong, Sihanoukville, Kampot and Kep. To the southeast of
the country lies the delta of the Mekong River.
The capital and largest city of Cambodia is Phnom Penh, located at Chaktomuk,
which means 'four faces' that relates to the geographical confluence of four rivers - the
Upper and Lower Mekong, the Tonle Sap and the Bassac. The city traditionally has
been a commercial centre for the Mekong Valley with facilities for transportation by air,
rail, river, and highway. It is a major river port, with an outlet to the South China Sea
through the Mekong Delta in Vietnam.
Cambodia’s most important river and waterway is the Mekong, the longest river
in Southeast Asia and the tenth largest in the world. The Mekong runs southward
through Cambodia for 486 km that passes through Phnom Penh, where it divides into
the geographical confluence of four rivers. Both the Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong
River remain the hub of Cambodia's economy, transportation, and supports fisheries,
agricultural irrigation (particularly important for rice production), in addition to cultural
activities.
There are several other important river networks in Cambodia including the
Battambang rivers (centre of the Sangke River), the Stung Treng group (the Sesan,
Sekong and Srepok Rivers), and the Sen River (Kompong Thom).

Historical Review of Waterways in Cambodia
In the past, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most
reliable form of transportation, providing passage for the movement of people, trade
and culture. Maritime relations were established early between India, China, and the
Arabs and then firmed between various parts of the coast of the Indochinese
peninsula, the Malay Peninsula and Sunda Islands in Indonesia (Molyvann 2003:6).
1

�However, well before the arrival of foreign navigators, the local populations living along
the rivers had established their own fleet of ships and had built cross-community
relationships, thanks to continual exchanges along the coasts. The river networks
provided the grid along which settlements were established and the Mekong remains
the most important natural resource in Cambodia.
The first glimpses into the maritime and waterways of Cambodia begin from the
legend of the founding of the Khmer Kingdom. There are various versions of this tale
which are beyond the scope of this paper.
The ancient city of Angkor Borei, located in the south of Cambodia, was one of
the major population centres of Funan (Pelliot 1903:295). As a result of recent
archaeological excavations at Angkor Borei, we now know that a significant population
had already settled here prior to the 1st century Common Era (CE)1 and that the
deepest layers excavated dates back to the Bronze Age and thus well before the Age
of Funan2.
Further to the southeast, another city contemporary to Angkor Borei was built on
the coast, previously known as the Gulf of Siam. This city called Oc-Eo (in present day
Vietnam) was also a Funan site, and also an important port where foreign merchants
came to settle since sea routes from India and the Malay Peninsula probably ended
here. The exterior wall of the Oc-Eo site consisted of four embankments with five
moats. The principal axis of the site was probably a canal, and the site lay at the heart
of a regional network of waterways. Aerial photographs reveal a large network of manmade waterways, which served as drainage channels and irrigation canals. This
network of canals, interconnected with each other and to other rivers, was also used
for water traffic between population centres found along the Bassac and Mekong
Rivers. In areas close to the sea, this system of waterways helped to regulate the
degree of salinization from the sea. Waterways in the Oc-Eo region seem to have run
from north-northeast to south-southwest, following the general gentle slope of the
terrain (Molyvann 2003:8-9).
The system of water management established in Funan became characteristic
of Khmer settlements and still persists in many rural areas up to the present. During
the 6th and 7th centuries CE, maritime traffic between China, Southeast Asia and India
began to shift from existing routes skirting the coasts to more direct routes across the
South China Sea from Indonesia to North Vietnam and China. Since Funan depended
heavily on maritime trade, its fortunes began to wane and power shifted to a new entity
called 'Chenla' in Chinese accounts (Molyvann 2003:42). The territory of Chenla
probably extended far to the east and included the Mekong and Tonle Sap River
valleys. When Funan was still a prosperous maritime power, the rulers of Chenla
probably were still integrated with the ruling class of Funan. However, they were not
completely dependent on maritime commerce and increasingly their sources of power
stemmed from the inland control of territory and people3.
During the Angkor period from the 9th to the 14th centuries, Khmer kings left the
Mekong River and migrated inland (Molyvann 2003:13).However, the glory and
prosperity of the Angkor civilization was, no doubt, based on its complex hydrography
and also on trade that assisted the development of the country into a great riverine
power. Numerous images on Khmer temple bas-reliefs illustrate a life settled along
1

A Georgian Calendar designation that starts at the year 1 from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth,
with additional years since added one by one.
2
see Stark, M. “Some Preliminary Results of the 1999-2000 Archaeological Field Investigation at
Angkor Borei, Takeo Province” in Udaya: Journal of Khmer Studies, (2); 2001
3
- Funan was so called by the Chinese envoys early in the third century that may be a transcription of a
local name bhnam (phnom), which means "mountain" or "Kingdom of the Mountain".Chenla (Land and
Water) are often referred to by these Chinese derived names. With the development of early Khmer
civilization these terms can be replaced by the more accurate classification of Pre-Angkorian period

2

�navigable water-courses, fishing activities and a lifestyle attesting to a long tradition of
skilled boat construction and watercraft technology.
The three major river systems flowing across the Angkor region today are
known as the Puok, the Siem Reap, and the Roluos. The Puok River, which is the
furthest west, has a contemporary catchment area measuring 670 square kilometers.
The main river is joined in its northernmost sector by a number of tributaries, and flows
southwest into the marshes of the Tonle Sap. It is probable that the Puok River
supplied water to one of the earliest known historical cities of the region (Choulean, ,et
al. 1996:6). Early in the Angkor period the river was partially diverted just below the
northern tributaries into an artificial canal known as Royal (Water) fill, to join what is
now the Siem Reap river north of the Angkorian urban complex in a village known
today.
Recent evidence suggests the Siem Reap River was in fact a canal flowing
through the urban complex with its water feeding temple moats and smaller canal
systems within the city, as well as artificial reservoirs (Choulean, Prenowitz, and
Thompson 1996: 8). This waterway was the principal water course of the capital.
Today, as in ancient times, the river continues south of the Angkorian urban complex
to flow through the modern town of Siem Reap before discharging into the Tonle Sap
near Phnom Krom.
The easternmost of the three main rivers on the plain is the Roluos. This river
was exploited to supply an early urban complex known during the Angkorian period
(see below) as Hariharalaya, and located just north of the modern town of Roluos. The
Roluos River also feeds into the marshes of the Tonle Sap. Many other streams in the
area have been modified and channeled to control the flow of water for irrigating
sloping agricultural land to the south (Choulean, Prenowitz, and Thompson 1996: 8).
The Tonle Sap flows south from the Kulen mountain range and north from its
junction with the Mekong at Cambodia's modern-day capital Phnom Penh. The river
flow naturally changes direction twice a year, alternately filling and draining the lake,
this is extremely rare if not unique in the world. The same can be said of the complex
social practices and technologies that have developed around the Tonle Sap with a
particular form of agricultural land use and 'floating' settlement having evolved along
the lake in response to this unique hydrology (Choulean, et al. 1996:10).

Historical Background
The Mekong and Tonle Sap River are not only important sources for Cambodia's
economy such as transportation, fishing, agricultural irrigation system, but are also
essential waterways that play an important role like a door toward the world. This
essentially means that these waterways are related to cultural activities. Archaeological
evidence of Cambodia’s past can also be seen submerged in its waterways.
The southern coastal riverine and maritime port of Kampot (including the town
of Kep) was an important staging point for goods and visitors to Cambodia from the
early through middle period to the French colonial era that immediately preceded the
establishment of a new maritime centre at Sihanoukville in the 1950s (Molyvann
2003:193).
Cities were developed primarily on the plain of Siem Reap-Angkor, which lies in
the basin of the Tonle Sap Great Lake. The Angkorian dynasties began in 802 CE,
when the first King of Angkor, Jayavarman II was invested with power on Phnom
Kulen. After Angkor was definitively abandoned as the royal capital in the 15th century
CE, the area today known as Cambodia became a battlefield as a result of numerous
foreign invasions. The political capital shifted frequently and the population remained
primarily rural and scattered throughout areas of the Mekong River valley.
3

�Phnom Penh was founded in 1431 CE, immediately after the Khmer kings
abandoned Angkor (Coedès 1989:22-24). The site adopted for the new capital
stretched along the Tonle Sap River. By the end of the 16th century, Phnom Penh was
a flourishing mercantile centre populated by Khmer, Chinese, Japanese, Arabs,
Spanish, Indonesians and Portuguese. In the 17th century, it had a small river port
which received ocean-faring ships owned by Malay and Batavian trade companies
(Blancot and Hetreau-Pottier 1997:29).
In the Middle Period (16th -18th century CE), the royal palace was located at
Oudong the capital during the 17th century with a river port at Kompong Luong or
'royal port' - the term 'kompong' adopted from the Malay word meaning 'landing-place'.
The French Protectorate (1863-1953 CE) was established by a treaty signed
with France in 1863. This treaty allowed Cambodia to re-establish commerce in the
China Sea via the Mekong River and use the port of Saigon (formerly, the ancient
Khmer city of Prei Nokor, present-day Ho Chi Minh City) in Vietnam. Under the French
Protectorate, the royal palace moved to Phnom Penh that had become a transit point
for goods imported from Thailand and Cochinchine attracting Chinese merchants and
gradually developing into an urban centre combining business with the centre of royal
power (Blancot and Hetreau-Pottier 1997:30).
The port of Sihanoukville (also known as Kompong Som) is located about 225
kilometres south of the capital Phnom Penh on the extreme south of the bay of
Kompong Som where it opens onto the Gulf of Thailand. Sihanoukville continues to
fulfil an essential role in the integration of Cambodia into the world economy. At
present this teeming sea-port hosts vessels of all types in the harbour, including
colourful local fishing boats (Molyvann 2003:192-193). The main road from
Sihanoukville to Phnom Penh has become the economic lifeline of Cambodia, as it
carries seafood, salt and a variety of imported goods to the capital city and beyond.

The Situation of Underwater Cultural Heritage
The beginning of underwater archaeology in Cambodia
In 2006, fishermen discovered a shipwreck at a depth of 20 meters in Koh Kong
province, some 210 km southwest of the capital Phnom Penh. Looting of shipwreck
artifacts occurred before the news got out. The ship, approximately 30 meters long
and 8 meters wide, has not been closely examined in terms of boat-building
technology. However, Chinese characters were found on some of recovered 900
pieces of pottery that were initially dated to the 15th or 16th century CE (Cambodia
Daily, February 10th 2006).
This event led Cambodia to begin efforts in underwater archaeology. The
Cambodian government has asked foreign partners to help salvage and bring up the
centuries-old vessel (Cambodia Daily, February 10th 2006). In 2007, the 2001
Convention was ratified by the Cambodian government. Over the next two years two
Cambodian staff were sent to attend an intensive program on Underwater Cultural
Heritage Management in Australia organized by Flinders University. Four others
participated in three successive workshops: Foundation Courses on Underwater
Cultural Heritage organized by UNESCO Bangkok and the Thai Underwater
Archaeology Division (UAD).
In 2010, the Cambodian Underwater Cultural Heritage Unit was created under
the General Department of Heritage. After the unit establishment, survey started at the
coastline and along the rivers. This program was supported by UNESCO Phnom Penh.
Some data collected from the coastline survey is still doubtful because the exact
location of the shipwrecks were not located. The verification of all data will be
4

�conducted in the next program when we will have a larger budget and can entail more
technical experts.

Other Underwater Cultural Heritage Sites
We have underwater sites which are not shipwrecks but possess artifacts or
sculptures, such as Voeun Kong and Koh Bay Samnom in Stoeng Treng province and
Thma Krae in Kratie province. These sites are submerged, near the bottom of the
Mekong Rivers. The sites are visible only one month a year during the dry season.
Voeun Kong is a relief of sculpture on rock which consists of two crocodiles, one turtle,
sun disk and full moon. In a nearby area, there is an ancient brick mound at the bank
of the rivers. Koh Bay Samnom is a small island containing some bricks and a stone
inscription. At Thma Krae there is also a stone inscription.

Training and Survey
General training on underwater archaeology research methodology is held at the office
of Cultural Heritage. The preliminary training focused on the definition of underwater
cultural heritage (UCH), its importance, the kinds of UCH, the research and survey
methodology4.The activity work plan and bibliography references were listed and
distributed to all members to conduct research on documentation and a questionnaire
was formulated for the survey in related provinces. Moreover, administrative letters
have been sent to all Departments of Culture and Fine Arts in provinces to cooperate
and collect data concerning this subject. Data collection is gathered in three ways,
research documentation, collection from provinces and the actual survey.
The preliminary survey was directed at the coast in Koh Kong province where a
shipwreck was discovered by fishermen. The mission’s objective was to train research
team members on data collection methodology. Interviews with fishermen at different
places were held. A fishermen community was assembled at a Bak Khlang commune
for information dissemination purposes that resulted in data collection.
Table 1. List of underwater sites
Site
Site Name UTM
UTM
Province
District
Location
Number
(s)
Easting Northing
1 Shipwreck
Preah
Mithapheap Near Koh Russei (GPS Boat
Sihanuk
230.70 - 26.27)
2 Boat
Preah
Stoeng Hav Around 4.5 km West of Preah
Sihanuk
Sihanuk city and 1 km in front of
La Toek Trei of Koh Rung.
3 Craft
Prah
Stoeng Have 5 km West from Praek Traeng (
Sihanuk
Praek Traeng is 9 km North East
of Preah Sihanuk City).
4 Boat
Preah
Between Koh Rung and Thma Sa.
Sihanuk
1 hour by boat from the coast.
5 Shipwreck
Koh Kong Kirisakor
20 km from Koh Sdach Coast.
6 Ship

Koh Kong

2 km from the coast of Pak
Khlong.

Koh Kong

Monduol
Seima
Srae Ambil

7 Ship
8 Shipwreck

Kratie

Kratie

in Mekong River, 2 km North of
Kratie Town.

4

This project is supported by Unesco Phnom Penh and the training is taken place at Ministry of culture
and Fine Arts in Phnom Penh, in June 2010.

5

�Site
Site Name UTM
UTM
Province
District
Number
(s)
Easting Northing
9 Ship
Kampot
Kampot
10 Wreck

12 Wreck

Phnom
Penh
Preah
Sihanuk
Koh Kong

13 boat

Koh Kong

14 Kor (T.)

Kampong
Cham

Bateay

15 Ship

Kampong
Cham

Kampong
Siem

11 Ship

Russei Keo

Location
3 or 4 km from the coast.
In front of Vat Pothi Proek

Near Koh Tang. Ship left from
Bangkok to Signapor
Botum Sakor Between Poy Lam Thean and
Island.
Botum Sakor 200m from the path of Ta ok.
Near Road national 6, located at
flood plain of Mekong main
stream.

Legislative Framework and Institution
Cambodia has no specific laws for the protection of UCH. The law on cultural heritage
protection, which was adopted by the National Assembly in 1996, focused on general
cultural heritage that states a cultural property is, “considered to be any work produced
by human agency and any natural phenomenon of a scientific, historic or religious
nature which bear witness to a certain stage in the development of a civilization or of
the natural world and whose protection is in the public interest” (Article 4). In 2002, a
Sub Decree on enforcement of Cultural Heritage Protection, focused specially on
cultural property including underwater artefacts. The decree states that cultural
property is all kinds of movable and immovable Cultural Property came from terrestrial
and underwater excavation, legal or clandestine and archaeological discoveries
(Article 4 (a)).
The General Department of Heritage has existed since 2008 and is responsible
for all tangible evidence of human activity. One of the four Departments, the
Department of Archaeology, under the General Department is responsible for
archaeological activities on land and at sea. Prior to 2008 underwater activities were
unknown.
The Heritage Police was recently created under the Ministry of Interior in close
cooperation with the Ministry of Culture. They are in charge to, “investigate criminal
actions, arrest, hold in custody and search those involved with the destruction, theft,
harboring, armed robbery, buying, selling and transport of cultural and historical
heritage. Prepare reports and send the arrested party, along with supporting evidence,
to the tribunal”. However, these forces work only on terrestrial archaeological sites.
The data gathered from the surveys related to underwater archaeology along
the coastal villages and islands help us gather information about site locations and sea
travel. Much of the information collected have not been verified thus far. We do not
know exactly either the kinds of sites Cambodia entails nor their condition? The
collected data in this paper is only preliminary5. We need the technical expertise and
equipment to verify these submerged cultural data.

5

Report is in progress of publishing

6

�Abbreviations
APSARA
EFEO
BEFEO

Autorité pour la Protection du Site et l’Aménagement de la région d’Angkor
Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient
Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient

Bibliography
Choulean, A.,
Prenowitz, E., and
Thompson, A.,
1996
Blancot, C., and
Hetreau-Pottier, A.,
1997
Cœdès, G.,
1989
Dagens, B.,
1995
Delaporte, L.,
1880
Pélliot, P.,
1903
Stark, M.,
2001
Molyvann, V.,
1999
Molyvann, V.,
.2003
Da, y.,
1995

Angkor: A manual for the Past, Present, and Future, APSARA,
Royal Government of Cambodia, Phnom Penh.
"1863-1953, une ville neuve dans un site d’occupation
ancienne" in Phnom Penh, developpement urbain et patrimonie,
Ministère de la Culture, Département des Affaires
Internationales, Paris. pp. 29-43
Articles sur le Pays Khmer, EFEO, Paris.
Angkor: Heart of an Asian Empire, Thames and Hudson and
Harry N. Abrahams, London &amp; New York,
Voyage au Cambodge, Delagrave, Paris,
"Le Fou-nan", BEFEO, tome III, Paris,
"Some Preliminary Results of the 1999-2000 Archaeological
Field Investigations at Angkor Borei, Takeo Province", Udaya:
Journal of Khmer Studies, n 2, Phnom Penh
Les cités khmères anciennes, Toyota Foundation, Phnom Penh,
Modern Khmer Cities, Reyum, Phnom Penh,
Khmer Boat-racing, Diploma in Archaeology, Faculty of
Archaeology, Royal University of Fine Arts, Phnom Penh,

7

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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia </text>
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                <text>Since early times, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most reliable form of transportation providing passage for the movement of people, trade and culture. The first glimpses into the maritime past of Cambodia begin from the legend of the founding of the Khmer Kingdom of which there are various versions. Archaeological evidence of Cambodiaâ€™s maritime past can be seen submerged in its waterways. For example, a shipwreck loaded with artifacts was recently discovered in territory of the Cambodian sea. Many other wrecks have been reported along the various inland waterways of the country, and have yet to be examined.&#13;
&#13;
It is only now, however, that Cambodia is beginning to progress and build its capacity in maritime archaeology, after the country became the first, and only, Southeast Asian Country to ratify the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. This paper seeks to present a description of important recent works carried out in the whole country, particularly the survey, as well as define gaps relating to the preservation and management of maritime archaeological resources.&#13;
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                    <text>Understanding the Bach Dang Battlefield from recent
research results
Dr Lê Thị Liên , Ms Nguyễn Thị Mai Hương , Ms Charlotte Pham, Dr Mark
Staniforth, Dr Jim Delgado, Mr Jun Kimura and Mr Randall Sasaki1

Abstract
The Mongols created the world‟s most powerful empire in the thirteenth century, conquering
China and establishing the Yuan dynasty. Their military power was in doubt, however, after failed
naval invasions in Japan and Vietnam. According to historical records, the Vietnamese tactics
used against the Mongolian Armada were designed to prevent them from reaching the mouth of
Bach Dang River by using hidden stakes that were driven into the riverbed in secrecy. Using the
large difference in tides, the Vietnamese successfully lured the enemy fleet into the trap,
destroying or capturing perhaps as many as 400 vessels. Since the 1950s, approximately 700
years after this watershed event, Vietnamese archaeologists have discovered a number of large
wooden stakes in the midst of reclaimed paddy fields along the Bach Dang River. Excavations
and research were conducted which led to the identification of several stake-yard sites believed
to be dated to the battle that took place in 1281 C.E., however, no remains of ships have been
identified to date.
In 2009, a group of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology at Hanoi, the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University, and the Maritime Archaeology Program at
Flinders University joined the archaeological investigations of these stake-yard sites with a focus
on studying the battle strategy used by the Vietnamese and identifying ship remains from the
battle. This joint paper will present an intermediate result of this international cooperative project
in maritime archaeology in Vietnam at the naval battle site related to the thirteenth century
Mongolian invasion of the country. The team has identified several new areas of concentrated
stakes and the distribution pattern may lead to better understanding of the battle and the possible
location of shipwreck sites.

Introduction
Since 2008 the international research team the Bach Dang Battlefield Research
Group, comprises of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology in Hanoi
(Vietnam), the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University (United
States of America), the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University
(Australia) and others. Over the last three years, it has conducted archaeological
survey and excavations at Bach Dang in Vietnam. This investigation of the
maritime cultural landscape encompasses the topography, archaeological
evidence and later memorials, temples and shrines associated with a historically
significant naval battle that took place there in 1288 AD2. A key part of this
research is to develop a better understanding of the battlefield with a focus on
1

The Bach Dang Battlefield Research Group
Anno Domini - are designations used to label or number years used with the Julian and
Gregorian calendars. This calendar era is based on the year of the birth of Jesus of Nazareth,
with AD counting years after the start of this epoch.
2

1

�studying the strategy used by the Vietnamese Dai Viet people. This research
involves the archaeological investigation of wooden stakes that survive from the
battle and remote sensing surveys, as well as conducting interviews with local
fishermen and farmers, in order to locate areas with possible ship remains and
related finds. The work has been designed as a comprehensive project that is
expected to grow to encompass more research issues and include other
researchers.

Context
In 1271 AD Kublai Khan, the fifth emperor of the Mongol Empire (1260-1294),
became the founder of the Yuan Dynasty in China (Gascoigne 2007:137-150;
Ebrey 1996:172-3). On several occasions, from 1274 AD onwards, Kublai Khan
dispatched armies aboard fleets of ships in attempts to expand the empire‟s
hegemony and extend his rule into East Asia (Japan) and Southeast Asia
(Vietnam). Two highly significant locations associated with these attempted
Mongol invasions have been identified – along coast of Takashima Island and in
Bach Dang River. These are places where historically important naval battles are
known to have taken place, in each case resulting in the defeat of the Mongolian
fleets by the local people (Delgado 2009; Ngo 1993:Vol.II, 61). In addition,
archaeological and material culture remains associated with the fleets and battles
have been found at both locations (Sasaki 2008; Tong, et al. 1988; Le and Ha
2005; Le, et al. 2009a; Le, et al. 2011; Sasaki 2009). One area is located off the
shores of Takashima Island in the northwestern Kyushu Islands of Japan where
Mongol invasion fleets are believed to have been sunk by a large typhoon during
the invasion in 1281 AD (Delgado 2009; Kimura 2006; Sasaki 2008; Sasaki this
volume). The other area is located on the Bach Dang River in northern Vietnam
(under the control of the Dai Viet from 1054 to 1804) where a river/estuary naval
battle took place in 1288 AD.

History of the naval battle at Bach Dang
Vietnamese historical records including Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư (Ngo 1993) and
An Nam chi luoc (Le 1961), as well as Chinese dynasty chronicles such as Yuan
Shi (Song 1976) mention the 1288 AD naval battle at Bach Dang. Later
historians, poets, and others have also written accounts of the battle (Trần 1963;
Hà and Phạm 1968; Nguyễn 1988; Phuong 2009:25; Lê, et al. 2010). Although
many accounts mention the battle, the real story is often shrouded behind myths
and legends. Detailed knowledge about the battle is limited due to the scarcity of
primary historical records. Therefore, since the 1950s and 1960s, it was realized
that a general study of the geology, geomorphology, inscriptions, legends and
archaeology was needed to more fully reconstruct the story of this event (Đại and
Diệp 1970:65).
In general terms, the history of the battle entailed the story that having
successfully taken the capital Thang Long (now Hanoi), the Mongol invaders
found themselves trapped in an empty city without supplies. They soon decided
2

�to abandon the capital and retreat, but the Dai Viet had decided to fight a
decisive naval battle with the invaders. The Vietnamese forces, under the
command of Tran Hung Dao and his generals, lay in wait for the invasion fleet
knowing that they would have to return to China through an estuary at the mouth
of the Bach Dang River. Tran Hung Dao was victorious and many of the Mongol
ships (perhaps numbering in the hundreds) were burned or lost during the battle.
The majority of historical sources agree that the principal tactic used by
the Vietnamese forces was to prevent the fleet from reaching the open sea and
trap them by using hundreds of secretly planted large wooden stakes that had
been sharpened to a point and driven into the riverbed at low tide (referred to as
stake yards). These stakes were probably covered at high tide and became
uncovered as the tide fell. This particular technique had also been used in the
area on two previous occasions in 938, when Ngo Quyen defeated the Southern
Han army, and in 981, when Le Hoan ordered stakes to be placed to block the
Song army.
The 1288 AD battle at Bach Dang River is widely considered to be a
milestone in the history of Vietnam as an independent nation and has shaped the
current culture of Vietnam. Tran Hung Dao is highly revered as the most able
general in the history of Vietnam. Since the battle, a number of shrines and
temples that worship Tran Hung Dao have been established, including in the Yen
Giang commune on Ha Nam Island. Some of these locations are related to myths
and legends associated with him. Some of these worship centers, such as the
Vua Ba Temple and the Trung Coc shrine, are large or well known (Phuong
2009) while others are much smaller and less well known. The religious aspects
of this research are important and the creation of the cult of Tran Hung Dao, his
many shrines, and his cultural impact and importance to Vietnam provide a
compelling contemporary aspect to the project.

Research up to 2005
Following the discovery of a large number of wooden stakes by local people in
the fields of Yen Giang commune (Quang Yen town), a group of researchers
from the Department of Conservation and Museums (now Department of Cultural
Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Sport and Tourism) went to Bach Dang in 1958.
They conducted a brief survey and opened three excavation trenches at the Yen
Giang site. Six stakes were found and it was believed that these were from the
1288 AD battle (Tống, et al. 1988).
In 1969 extensive survey and excavation was conducted by the
Department of History at Hanoi General University (now University of Social
Sciences and Humanities) in cooperation with local cultural officers (Đào 1969).
They excavated seven trenches covering an area of 520 meters squared (m2) at
the Yen Giang site and discovered another 32 stakes. Researchers studied the
soil profile, made a detailed examination of stratigraphy and concluded that the
area was an ancient riverbed (Đại and Diệp 1970:71-72). Then in 1976, a third
excavation was conducted at the Yen Giang site by staff from the Museum of
Vietnamese History. In addition to relocating the same cultural layer, several
3

�segments of wood were unearthed which were interpreted to be hammering tools
(Trần and Trịnh 1977).
In 1984, during construction of a dike along the Chanh River, more stakes
were unearthed, which were preserved in situ for future onsite exhibition by the
provincial authorities. In 1987 an extensive survey and excavation was
conducted by archaeologists from the Institute of Archaeology (IA) based in
Hanoi, in cooperation with experts from the Institute of Earth Sciences from the
Department of Conservation and Museums and local cultural officers. During this
fieldwork a survey of waterways and underwater rocks was conducted by canoe
along the Bach Dang, Chanh and Rut Rivers, and up to the Song Khoai area,
which was an ancient waterway and is now being used for aquaculture. The
researchers also made a general survey of the standing monuments, conducted
literature reviews and gathered oral histories of legends related to the Bach Dang
battlefield, and inscriptions and local knowledge about the tide to improve
understanding of the battlefield. Ten trenches were excavated in the Yen Giang
stake yard site and the stratigraphy was studied in detail in order to understand
the techniques used for inserting the stakes (Lê 1988; Nguyễn Công Thái 1988;
Tống, et al. 1988)
In 1995, during the digging of a fishpond, local people discovered several
stakes at Dong Van Muoi (DVM) site, which was already known to Vietnamese
researchers. The cultural officer of Yen Hung District took this chance to conduct
a test excavation (No any report so far, except the information of Mr. Lê Đồng
Sơn, Chief, Cultural sector, People‟s Committee of Yen Hung District, Quang
Ninh province). Finally in 2005, the Institute of Archaeology (IA) in cooperation
with the Department of Culture of Quang Ninh province conducted a survey and
excavation at the DVM site to identify the distribution and character of the site for
planning site conservation and protection (Lê and Hà 2005).

The current research
In May 2008 an international team of researchers from the Institute of Nautical
Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University and the Maritime Archaeology Program at
Flinders University visited Vietnam to undertake an investigation of two wooden
anchors that had been found in the Red River near Hanoi (Sasaki and Kimura
2008). While in Vietnam the team also conducted a preliminary site inspection of
stake yards in the Bach Dang area, visited museums where stakes from the
battle(s) are held and met with Vietnamese researchers, including Dr. Vũ Thế
Long and Dr. Lê Thị Liên (IA). Also in 2008, a well-preserved new stake-yard was
discovered at Dong Ma Ngua (DMN) in Hung Hoc village, when a local resident
found large clusters of stakes while digging a fishpond.
In 2009, the Bach Dang Battlefield Research Group (the team) conducted
an extensive survey in Quang Yen town and on Ha Nam Island. They were also
asked by local cultural officials to map the stakes at DMN as well as to excavate
a small area to examine the soil profile (Figure 1).

4

�Figure 1. Dong Ma Ngua 2009, Jun Kimura in the mud of the fishpond indicating
the location of a stake for total station survey purposes (Photo by George
Belcher courtesy of the Bach Dang Research project).
The fishpond measured approximately 20 x 15 meters (m) and the team
recorded the location of 22 visible stakes. The distribution pattern of these stakes
appeared random at the time of the preliminary survey. In addition, a small trench
(1m x 2m) was excavated down to a depth of approximately 3m from the surface
of the fishpond. The majority of the stakes showed a remarkable state of
preservation and their surfaces appeared almost new. The profile of the trench
exhibited several layers indicating that a series of depositional events took place
in the past. The soil profile was characterized with a deep deposit of clay
overlaying a deposit of sand, which indicates a typical estuary or a shallow river
gradually filling in. Considering the well-preserved nature of the wood, recent
depositional events may have occurred at a relatively fast pace (Lê et al. 2009;
Sasaki 2009). One of the principal research questions for this project has been to
establish accurate dates for the stake yards, which involves a program of
radiocarbon dating of samples from the stakes. Five wood samples from isolated
stakes were collected for Carbon 14 (C14) analysis and species identification.
The results of C14 analysis provided a date range around 700 years Before
Present (BP) that was in accordance with our expectations.
In 2010, fieldwork continued at the DMN site with four new trenches
opened that were later integrated into one large trench (Figure 2). Two additional
test trenches were opened in the rice fields around the DMN site to compare the
sediments in the surrounding area and to further develop our understanding of
the topographical features. As a result of the excavation, 55 stakes (plus one oar,
other wood fragments, potsherds and ceramics) were identified in the fishpond.
The position of these stakes and some important topographical features around

5

�the site were recorded and photo mosaics of the site were also produced (Kimura
and Pham 2010; Lê 2010).

Figure 2. Dong Ma Ngua 2010, overview of trench H1 (right) and trench H4 (left)
where 25 stakes were identified, photographed, analyzed and from which wood
samples were extracted. The stakes diagonally driven are facing each other.
(Photo by Nguyen Mai Huong courtesy of the Bach Dang Battlefield Research
project).
The 2010 fieldwork season focused on recording the stake distribution
pattern. The stakes were aligned in columns, orientated in various directions. It
appears that two sets of columns were driven to face each other at the upper
ends of the stakes. Some of these stakes were also driven densely to form a
wall-like feature. Similar diagonally driven stakes had also been seen in the
previous excavated stake yards (Le and Ha 2005). Although the original
dimensions of each stake are difficult to ascertain due to their deteriorated
condition, the diameters may fit to some regular range of approximately 6
centimeters (cm), 12cm, or 20cm. The bottoms of the stakes were observed and
some of them had a recess or a notch. Although this feature could not be
confirmed on all stakes, it appears that they might have been associated with the
method used to set the stakes in place. Yet, the way the large stakes were set
into the riverbed is still under debate.
Wood samples from ten stakes were sent to Forestry and Forest Products
Research Institute in Japan and the University of Forestry of Vietnam for species
6

�identification. They were identified as Meliaceae sp. (họ Xoan) or Rutaceae sp.
(họ Cam/Chanh), and another was Leguminosae sp. (họ Đậu) The remaining
samples were Shorea-Shorea (Dipterocarpaceae sp 3 samples) (họ Sao
dầu),Peltophorum dasyrachis (lim xẹt or hoàng linh in Vietnamese), Parashorea
chinensis (chò chỉ), Lithocarpus ducampii (dẻ đỏ), Dipterocarpus tonkinensis
(chò nâu), and Engelhardtia roxburghiana sp (chẹo tía). Legend suggests that
ironwood was used for these stakes and the term ironwood can be interpreted as
any hard, dense wood, which seems to correspond well with the results of the
species identification.
Through the analysis of soil profiles, it seems that the local topography at
the time exhibited a significant change in elevation with stakes driven into the
slopes of channel banks. At DMN the riverbank appears to have sloped from
east to west, which was deduced from the 1m difference of elevation that exists
between the stakes found in east and west trenches within the same sediment
layer. The sediment includes a number of thin layers, which resulted from river
deposition processes. The sediment changes from top to bottom, from clay, clay
with sand, sand, and finally sandy silt. Some layers were subdivided by subcontexts, such as tiny clamshells, large oyster shells, and degraded plant
remains. According to Doan Dinh Lam (pers. comm.), a Vietnamese geologist,
these are typical river sedimentations observed in the area; the clay in the upper
layer confirms that it results from a lesser tidal influence and from slow
sedimentation. In the lower layers, however, some of the sand layer and sandsilt layer exhibit much thicker deposit. The thick layers are identified as original
riverbed into which the stakes were driven.
A large number of artifacts were excavated, including the stakes and
wooden fragments, pottery (ceramic and stoneware), bricks and tiles. A broken
oar most probably associated with a small boat has been unearthed (Figure 3).
Several small wooden artifacts have been interpreted as wooden tie rods. Some
fragments have processing marks, such as rope holes for transportation or
probably mortised holes. The flatness of some fragments suggests that they
could be manufactured woodwork rather than stakes. Thus, it is possible that
fragments of boats or ships have been found in this area. A large amount of
degraded wood fragments and charcoal and a thick layer of blackish silt were
observed in the excavated area, which indicates the use of firing.

Figure 3. Fragment of oar (Photo by Hà Mạnh Thắng).
7

�The pottery fragments represent a wide range of dates (13th to 18th
centuries), and includes both (earthenware?) ceramic (28 fragments) and
stoneware (79 fragments). Ceramics analysis is currently ongoing but some of
the ceramics are dated to the Tran Dynasty (1225-1400), including the whitish
glazed and cracked brown glazed ceramics of the 13th-14th centuries and the
blue-and-white ceramics of the 15th-17th centuries. Some of the ceramics were
found in the same sediment layer as the stakes, and some were found in the
layers above. Although their location might have been disturbed due to the
flowing waterway, it was noticed that fragments of ceramics and stoneware
datable to 13-14th century and 15th-16th century have been found mainly from
the sandy clay layer (layer 3) and clayish sand layer (layer 4). A fragment of
Chinese Song celadon was also unearthed from layer 4. Layers 3 and 4 are
proposed to have been the riverbed during the 1288 AD Bach Dang battle (Le
and Nguyen. 2011).
Vietnamese researchers previously calculated the tide-fluctuation levels
they occurred on 8th March 1288 (Nguyễn Ngọc Thụy 1964:36; Nguyễn Duy Hinh
1988). The stratigraphy at the DMN site suggests that the riverbed in this area
was at a depth of about 5.2-5.5m during the highest tidal level and 3-3.2 m at the
lowest one, according to modern tidal levels)3. If stakes more than 3m long were
driven into the riverbed, the Mongolian ships, which have about 2.5 m of
waterline4 would not have been able to cross this area.

Conclusion
Each of the monuments, stake yards, and the ancient topography that lies hidden
beneath the modern landscape of the Bach Dang Battlefield in Yen Hung district,
Quang Ninh province reveals a part of the Vietnamese strategy to defeat the
Mongols. There are 3 major stake yards where the distribution, nature and
dimensions of the stakes have been identified and recorded: the Yen Giang, the
Dong Van Muoi (DVM) and the Dong Ma Ngua (DMN) sites. It first appeared that
the stakes might have been placed between the ancient islands and navigational
hazards in order to create an effective „wall‟ preventing the vessels from travel
through the channels and into the open sea. This was deduced from the
positions of the stake yards sandwiched between natural hazards (Figure 4). The
excavations at the DVM and DMN sites, however, seem to suggest that it was
not a simple wall that the Vietnamese created. When constructing such a wall
around the waterways and islands, one must also consider how to prevent the
3

Nguyen Duy Hinh (1988) used the 1971 data of Do Nghi Gauging station to suggest that in the
th
8 March 1288 of the Lunar calendar, the highest tidal level was 1.52m and the lowest one was 1.43m. From the datum point set up by the Bach Dang research team in DMN site, the riverbed
from excavated pit H3 is about - 3.2m deep. According to Mr. Le Dong Son (Chief of Culture
Bureau, Yen Hung district), without the dike system, during the height tidal level, tidal flow may be
more than 2m above the datum point.
4
According to Nguyen Viet, the waterline of the Mongolian ships were about 2.5m (after Tong
Trung Tin, et al. 1988)

8

�enemy from landing and taking control of the land. As a result, a more complex
arrangement of stakes may be expected.

Figure 4. Distribution of discovered stake yards in Ha Nam Island (Lê Thị Liên
2011:37, H.9 Drawing courtesy of Bach Dang Research Team)
There was an ancient waterway in the excavated area at DMN that had a
higher bank in the eastern side and was gradually silted up, as indicated by
layers of sandy silt and alluvium. The land changed from an estuarine salt-marsh
to brackish swampy area as indicated by the presence of several types of teredo
(worm) of various species and sizes. The result of pollen analysis for the DMN
site provides evidence of flora in this area, including arboreal, shrub and nonarboreal plants, fern spores and especially a diversity of mangrove plants.
Generally, although this area was always affected by sea tides, the influence was
not the same throughout history of its sediment formation, as indicated by the
presence of an abundance of mangrove pollen. Based on the ecological
characteristics of various types of mollusks, we can also see the change from
directly affected by the sea - to tidal mangrove estuary environment (Nguyễn, et
al. 2011).
Further survey work is planned for late November 2011. A remote sensing
survey, core sampling and limited test excavations will be conducted to find more
stake yards as well as possible shipwrecks. Stake yards are expected to be
buried below several meters of silt and to be in excellent condition, preserving
the original configuration of the stakes.

9

�Acknowledgements
Funding for this project has been provided by the RPM Nautical Foundation, the National
Geographic Society, the Institute for Nautical Archaeology (INA), the Australian Academy of the
Humanities, Flinders University and the Management Board of Major Cultural sites, Quang Ninh
province.

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1963, tr., pp. 60-66, Library of Anthropology Museum,
Hanoi National University of Social Sciences, Hanoi.
Xun Nghiên cứu bãi cọc Yên Giang (Quảng Ninh) lần thứ 5
Tống, Trung Tín,
Phạm Như Hổ, [the 5th research season in the Yen Giang stake yard
Phan Tiến Ba and (Quang Ninh province)], paper presented at the
Lê Thị Liên.,
Conference “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach
1988
Dang Victory (1288-1988)”, Hạ Long, Vietnam.
1988

12

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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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                <text>The Mongols created the worldâ€™s most powerful empire in the thirteenth century, conquering China and establishing the Yuan dynasty. Their military power was in doubt, however, after failed naval invasions in Japan and Vietnam. According to historical records, the Vietnamese tactics used against the Mongolian Armada were designed to prevent them from reaching the mouth of Bach Dang River by using hidden stakes that were driven into the riverbed in secrecy. Using the large difference in tides, the Vietnamese successfully lured the enemy fleet into the trap, destroying or capturing perhaps as many as 400 vessels. Since the 1950s, approximately 700 years after this watershed event, Vietnamese archaeologists have discovered a number of large wooden stakes in the midst of reclaimed paddy fields along the Bach Dang River. Excavations and research were conducted which led to the identification of several stake-yard sites believed to be dated to the battle that took place in 1281 C.E., however, no remains of ships have been identified to date.&#13;
&#13;
In 2009, a group of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology at Hanoi, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University, and the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University joined the archaeological investigations of these stake-yard sites with a focus on studying the battle strategy used by the Vietnamese and identifying ship remains from the battle. This joint paper will present an intermediate result of this international cooperative project in maritime archaeology in Vietnam at the naval battle site related to the thirteenth century Mongolian invasion of the country. The team has identified several new areas of concentrated stakes and the distribution pattern may lead to better understanding of the battle and the possible location of shipwreck sites.</text>
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                    <text>Keeping artefacts in situ and preserving them once out of
the water:
Daily questions for a conservator-restorer in marine excavations
Olivier Berger1

Abstract
Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking samples and when access is possible,
studying the naval architecture. After publication, in many cases, closing and securing the site is
possible.
Excavating a settlement or an underwater city calls first to understand the site with a nonintrusive survey. State of the art investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment
sounder, magnetometer with nuclear resonance allows us to start drawing the map of the
establishment. Diving is necessary to check details, to make stratigraphic sections, or to understand
structures. This brings up often thousands of artefacts.
Keeping most of the artefacts at the bottom of the sea and storing them in a special
underwater storage place with an inventory number is a good solution, but it is also necessary to bring
some objects in an atmospheric environment for study, as a reference or because they are too fragile,
precious or unique to be left underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the
world.
We are therefore regularly confronted with a sudden flow of artefacts literally inundating a
laboratory but also drying out its budget.
Our experience through sunken cities excavations in Egypt has taught us ways to anticipate
these waves of artefacts in needs of treatment and to adapt our policy of excavation and the
techniques for underwater conservation-restoration.

Introduction
Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking some samples and when
access is possible, studying the naval architecture. After publication of the site, it is
often possible to close it still protected and monitored. Once the work is finished, in
order to protect and preserve the site in situ, we cover the site with geotextiles. We
proceed then to rebury the ship under sediment with the water dredge. To control the
stability of the site, it is possible to measure the amount of oxygen. To control the
stability of metal artefacts it is important to measure the oxydation-reduction potential.
The procedure and the evaluation of some techniques concerning in situ preservation
are described in details in Ms Vicki Richards’ paper presented in this conference.
Site and cargo could be in situ protected. from scuba looters, by means of an
iron cage, creating a giant underwater safe, has been made in Croatia, The heavyduty cage is equipped with a large door that is always locked with occasional access
only granted to divers under strict supervision.
But if it is relatively easy to preserve small sites in situ, it is more complicated
to preserve a large settlement, not to mention an underwater city. Our main goal is to
use the least intrusive approach to study the site. Our non-intrusive survey methods
use the latest investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment
sounder, and a nuclear resonance magnetometer that allows us to undertake the
mapping of the establishment. Diving is also necessary for checking details, maping
stratigraphic sections, understanding the structures and bringing up artefacts that can
often include an amount up to a few thousand.
The archaeological community agrees nowadays that it is important to
preserve as much as possible in situ of our underwater cultural heritage. In our
1

Basel, Switzerland

�excavations we try to find a way in order to study the site while keeping most of the
artefacts at the bottom of the sea, and then store and rebury them in a special
underwater storage place. Despite these measures it is impossible to avoid having to
deal with a large amount of artefacts coming up to the surface.
Thanks to our experience with the excavation of three sunken cities in Egypt
we were able to anticipate these flows of artefacts in need of treatment and adapt our
excavation policy accordingly.

Field practice and experience
The European Institute of Underwater Archaeology (Institut européen d’archéologie
sous-marine, IEASM) lead by Franck Goddio (2008), has been excavating in Egypt
for more than ten years. We are working in the Nile delta and more precisely in
Alexandria and the Bay of Aboukir where we found, under the sea, the ancient
sunken cities of Canopus and Heracleion. The excavations cover a very large
surface. Our working area on the eastern harbour of Alexandria covers 3.5 km by 1.5
km or over 500 hectares.
Despite working in dirty water, which is polluted by the city sewage, we try as
much as we can to preserve the material we discover in situ. Up to now, more than
15,000 artefacts have been found. We were able to keep most of them in situ, in the
underwater site. Stonework was the main part of the abundant material. We also
found objects made of organic materials, ceramics, glass and various kinds of metal.
These sites are unusual because they have been abandoned following several
natural cataclysms and have not been reoccupied. The corpus of artefacts includes
mainly objects dating from the Ptolemaic Period till the end of the Byzantine Period.
The archaeological excavations benefit from a conservation and restoration
laboratory aboard a ship, thus enabling objects to be treated as soon as they emerge
from water. The first stages of conservation are thus carried out on the ship, and the
complementary treatments, which require heavier equipment, are carried out on land,
at a laboratory in Alexandria.
The majority of the stones discovered on the three sites are linked to a
structural environment like walls from buildings or docks, floor or pavement, noria the Egyptian machine used for lifting water-, columns, and other elements of
construction. These architectural stones have been preserved in situ. In some cases
a reburial under sediment was necessary to avoid physical, chemical degradation
and biological alteration. All these structures were studied, drawn, photographed, and
precisely repositioned and left at the original place where they were found.
In the eastern harbour of Alexandria, where the royal quarters were, we found
pavements and broken columns in situ. This is where our way to protect the site, and
to keep artefacts underwater with a project of an underwater museum can be seen.
The underwater museum is still a project with numerous technical questions such as
stabilising a polluted marine environment, and minimising the deterioration of
artefacts. It will be a technological prowess and the architect Jacques Rougerie will
turn our dreams into a museum under the sea.
We discovered more than one hundred stone anchors not linked to any
shipwreck. We decided to keep them in situ. We asked an Egyptian student to study
them and create a typology of the anchors, and then publish the results. These
anchors are of many types and sizes. Most of them are made of limestone. The
anchors represent a typical artefact, which is easy to study scientifically in situ.
In situ preservation is the best policy to adopt for these kind of objects.
Anchors, cannons and even amphorae can quickly overfill a storage room. Too many

�museums are crowded with the display of these kind of objects, which are heavy and
bulky. It could be now time to move away from the usual methods of excavation and
recovery towards a new way of preserving and presenting this type of underwater
cultural heritage. Some other voluminous stone objects such as milestones,
sarcophagus, worked on architectural blocs, naos are also kept in situ in their original
position. For smaller objects we have a different approach.
In one area of the ancient city of Canopus we found a large number of black
basalt fragments of sphinxes. The pieces did not fit together. It became quickly clear
that they belonged to a workshop for cutting and reusing stone. For this kind of
smaller stone objects or fragments a special technique is used. Each piece is
precisely mapped on the bottom of the sea with a Global Positioning System (GPS).
It receives a number and is lifted out of the water. It receives then a basic cleaning, is
identified, described, measured, photographed and sometimes drawn. Once all the
data are registered, the pieces are brought back to the site in a storage area.
Usually the storage places, also call “parking”, are deeper area where it will be
easy to bury the artefacts under sediment without creating an underwater hill. When
the area is full, it is covered with sediment. Another place with a new number and
with its precise localisation is then chosen as the following “parking”. Not only stones
are stored in these “parkings”, but also ceramics and metal artefacts. Storage areas
are frequently reopened to allow the archaeologists to verify, check or pick up some
objects. In doing so, a large quantity of sand has to be removed but the objects can
be easily found since they are precisely documented. All the objects keep their
number underwater with a system of plastic tags; they are packaged in a plastic net,
and secured inside plastic boxes covered with sand. The precise situation of each
artefact is noted in the database.
In order to find a way to study the inscribed artefacts and let them remain in
situ, we developed an interesting method of underwater stamping. Our discoveries
brought up some stone objects bearing inscriptions or decorations. Some of the
inscriptions are in Greek but the majority of them are in hieroglyphics. Most of these
artefacts are on very big blocks. This fact raises the question of how to study these
inscriptions when the specialists are not all divers and live in different parts of the
world? As a rule, this kind of large inscribed blocs of stone stay in situ. To allow the
study of inscriptions we started using a new method enabling us to take a print
underwater. Developed by Georges Brocot from France's Direction des recherches
archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines (DRASSM) this technique makes it
possible to have the exact stamping of the inscription.
The first step is to clean thoroughly the stone from any incrustation. A cloth
coated with a pasty silicone is then laid on the surface of the stone to act as a stamp.
The fabric is afterwards covered with a sheet of lead which is hammered in such a
way that the silicone is in contact with every detail of the inscription. The
polymerisation of this special silicone occurs in at least twenty hours. It is then
possible to remove the fabric. The inscription appears printed in negative. This
method allows also the stamping of other details such as tool traces or technological
details. This silicone membrane, the faithful reproduction of the original, can be
studied directly by the specialist epigraphist. Pictures in raking light reveal all the
details, as the original would have done.
Conserving waterlogged organic material in situ is almost as difficult a
challenge as to preserve it in an atmospheric environment. When we discover a
small waterlogged organic artefact like basketry, rope, textile or a wooden object, it is
very problematic to preserve it in situ because the stable state in which it was kept in
the sediment is interrupted. Physical deterioration such as stream flow, sand

�abrasion, biological alteration like Teredo navalis, bacterial and chemical destruction
process of the cellulose will prevent keeping a small organic object after its discovery.
Even so, we do not have the equipment to stabilise waterlogged wood, we have no
budget to treat it and no place to store or exhibit the huge pieces of wood. In most
cases we mainly have to keep the wood in situ, like a shipwreck or parts of building
construction.
The scientific interest to have the artefacts out of the water is low because the
study can be done under water. The main problem is to keep them under water
without deterioration or minimise it. When possible, we leave the organic element
partially covered with the original sediment and we avoid letting it float and move with
the current. We simply rebury the wooden artefacts under a large quantity of
sediment without any protection between the wood and the sediment. When it is
possible, we put bags of gravel or sand to serve as weight on top of the sediment.

General lines and rules for underwater conservation-restoration
Any project involving direct actions on cultural heritage requires a conservator
(Ref. definition of the profession, ICOM-CC 1984).

We still lack some methods and technology to treat a few specific types of artefacts.
It is therefore greatly safer to keep them in situ. Current technique does not allow
without risk the treatment of several artefacts such as graphitised cast iron, wrought
iron loosing his original surface, peeling or sugaring silver objects, mineralised lead,
some composite artefacts, organic material like basketry and even wood, peeling like
an onion potassium glass, cracking frit or faience, disappearing colours on faience,
etc. In some cases we are not equipped to treat a certain type of material. Or the time
spent working on one object would be scandalously high and indefensible in a
budget. Thus, instead of trying to stabilise an object out of seawater, it is sometimes
better to keep it in the environment of its discovery and to monitor its conservation in
situ. It is necessary to think carefully before lifting an object out of water. Is it possible
to stabilise it? Will there be an adequate budget? What will happen to the object after
it has been treated? And is there a definite purpose to take it out of water?
Beside a scientific purpose or from an aesthetic point of view, conservation
reasons can lead to the decision to take away an object from salty water. It is
sometimes impossible to keep artefacts in situ underwater because the artefact itself
or the information carried by the object would otherwise be lost. A rope, a basket or
a textile will not resist for a long time when the excavations are in the Nile delta with a
fast moving stream and strong erosion. One area will be covered with a huge sand
dune while a few months later the archaeological floor level will be visible.
Fishermen with their nets are frequently moving big blocs weighing several
tons over hundreds of meters. Their anchors could also simply plough an
archaeological layer or destroy a wall. Regularly, our working area with its iron tubes,
meters, positioning lines and its system of water dredge is destroyed for the same
reasons.
The pollution can be extreme. We are working in the Bay of Aboukir in front of
a chemical fertiliser factory and in the eastern harbour of Alexandria the sewage
system of a city of more than 3 million inhabitants is pouring directly over us. Our air
tanks are corroding so quickly in this aggressive environment that we can expect the
same phenomenon to attack the nearby archaeological metal items.

�Objects found under the sea are generally covered by concretions of sediment
associated with marine organisms. In Alexandria, the water is so murky that marine
organisms are covering everything in just a few days. In a few months the thickness
of the concrete deposited makes the objects unrecognizable, no detail, not even the
form of the objects can be distinguished, just a smooth relief. Even on artefacts
usually known to be biocide such as lead and copper alloy concretion can grow very
fast.
Even if the general policy is to protect and preserve sites in situ, when work
starts, archaeological material appears. Various reasons make it necessary to bring
some objects in an atmospheric environment: study, need of reference or samples,
extreme fragility, preciousness or uniqueness. It is important that these objects do not
stay underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the world on
exhibitions. Sudden flows of artefacts thus happen regularly, flooding the laboratory
with water buckets, crowding a storage room which is not big enough and absorbing
a budget too small to cover the cost of restoration and long term conservation.
It is a utopia to think of being able to study a site without having artefacts on
the surface. A conservation program is therefore absolutely necessary before starting
to work on a site. Patrice Pomey (1981:26) said, “no underwater excavation should
be undertaken without the certainty that the objects it exhumes can be treated, lest
they deteriorate and disappear.” Colin Pearson (1984:81) said, “Today, underwater
excavation without conservation, it’s purely vandalism.” This fundamental idea is not
yet a trend, and unfortunately nowadays we can still observe too many underwater
excavations without a real appropriated program of conservation.
The times when the divers were in charge of the artefacts, taking care
themselves to clean the objects with their diving knife and putting them in fresh water
for a long time is not so faraway. Unfortunately, it still exists in many excavations.
The role of the professional conservator is essential to the smooth running of an
underwater excavation. The conservator should be part of the team because the
benefits resulting from the collaboration are invaluable. It is no longer a luxury - if it
ever was - to have a conservation specialist at the site but rather a necessity.
Conservation and restoration of underwater heritage must start as soon as a
site is discovered. Conservation is not the mere application of techniques and
treatment processes but is a vital stage within the excavation. In an archaeological
excavation, it is incumbent upon the conservator to register all the information that
the objects convey. This documentation, sometimes supported by analyses, is not
the ultimate goal concerning the objects. They must also be stabilized to ensure their
survival, and sometimes, aesthetically improved for museum purposes. The
conservator specialist of underwater heritage plays an important role, although the
least visible, but the most important task is the long-term stabilization of the objects.
An essential motto is: do not settle for make-up on items, but take the time to perform
lengthy in-depth stabilizing treatment and especially for long-term preservation of
underwater heritage.

Conclusion
The objects coming from the port of Alexandria and the bay of Aboukir represent in
the conservation laboratory only a tiny fraction of what we really discovered. We
slowly changed our traditional way of excavating for a new way that emphasizes the
in situ study of the artefacts and the site itself. We manage to preserve as much as
we can the objects in situ and the integrity of the site. But it is a utopia to think it is
possible to study a site without having artefact coming onto the surface. Therefore, a

�program of conservation is an absolute necessity before to start the work itself on a
site. The professional conservator specialized in conservation and restoration of
underwater heritage is not only working in a laboratory, but also has to be involved
on the site, even before the archaeological work starts. This is an entire member of
the scientific team.
This successful collaboration is clearly visible in the results the IEASM
obtained in Egypt. Respect and protection of the integrity of the objects are parts of
the ethics of our profession. Our goal is to succeed in making the objects visible to
the general public, accessible to researchers, and stabilized to be passed on to
future generations.

Bibliography
Goddio, F.,
2008
ICOM-CC
1984
Pearson, C.,
1984
Pomey, P.,
Gianfrotta, P.A.,
1981

Egypt’s sunken treasures, Prestel.
Code of Ethics of the International Council of Museums,
Copenhagen.
“La conservation du patrimoine subaquatique“, in La
sauvegarde du patrimoine subaquatique, UNESCO, Cahier
Technique , 4, pp. 80-110.
and L'archéologie sous la mer, Fernand Nathan, Paris

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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking samples and when access is possible, studying the naval architecture. After publication, in many cases, closing and securing the site is possible.&#13;
&#13;
Excavating a settlement or an underwater city calls first to understand the site with a non-intrusive survey. State of the art investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment sounder, magnetometer with nuclear resonance allows us to start drawing the map of the establishment. Diving is necessary to check details, to make stratigraphic sections, or to understand structures. This brings up often thousands of artefacts.&#13;
&#13;
Keeping most of the artefacts at the bottom of the sea and storing them in a special underwater storage place with an inventory number is a good solution, but it is also necessary to bring some objects in an atmospheric environment for study, as a reference or because they are too fragile, precious or unique to be left underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the world.&#13;
&#13;
We are therefore regularly confronted with a sudden flow of artefacts literally inundating a laboratory but also drying out its budget. &#13;
&#13;
Our experience through sunken cities excavations in Egypt has taught us ways to anticipate these waves of artefacts in needs of treatment and to adapt our policy of excavation and the techniques for underwater conservation-restoration.</text>
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                    <text>Investigation of Abandoned WW II Wrecks in Palau
Tomo Ishimura1

Abstract
Over forty Japanese vessels were sunken in the water of Palau during WWII. Some wrecks sunk
in the shallow water at a depth of 20 meters or less and were salvaged. Other wrecks at 30
meters depth or more still remain and are legally protected by the authority of Palau Government
but are seriously threatened by illegal treasure hunters. Initial efforts to identify human remains of
Japanese soldiers were made in 2005. As part of an archaeology advisory team for the
Japanese Government I carried out underwater surveys of sunken WWII vessels in Palau. In
2010 and 2011, I conducted investigations of the WWII vessels again, together with on-shore
research on sites and features associated with the Japanese occupation period, funded by the
Takanashi Foundation for Arts and Archaeology (Japan).
The research revealed that the most of the vessels sunken in Palau were not genuine
military vessels of Japanese Imperial Navy or Army but converted vessels originally built for
non-combat purposes. These vessels were slow in speed and not well-equipped for combat
th

activity. Most of them were destroyed by American aerial bombing on March 30 1944. The
th

evening before (March 29 ) the main force of the Japanese Combined Fleet, including its
flagship Musashi, retreated from Palau. It is clear that the vessels left in Palau were abandoned
as a “third wheel” of the Combined Fleet. These abandoned-converted vessels include cargo
carriers, tankers, whaling boats and fishing boats. This implies that Japanese troops were
experiencing a difficult and desperate campaign at that time.

Introduction
Over forty WWII Japanese vessels have been identified in the waters of the
Republic of Palau (see Figures 1, Figure 2, Table 1). Most of them were
destroyed on March 30th – 31st 1944 by the United States of America’s (USA)
attack - Operation Desecrate One. This battle was a historical turning point for
Japanese occupation in Micronesia because the Combined Fleet of the
Japanese Imperial Navy lost their bases in the region, which further impacted on
defeats in the Battle of the Mariana Islands on June 19th – 20th 1944 and the

1

Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan

�Battle of Layte on October 23rd – 25th 1944. Therefore the shipwrecks of Palau
offer important evidence for understanding the historical significance of the battle
in Palau. The main aim of my research is to uncover the real situation of the
battle in Palau and document the extent of this underwater cultural heritage
(UCH) in Palau for their future protection and management.

Figure 1. Map around Palau (created by author).

Figure 2. Map of Palau and distribution of Japanese WW II wrecks, insert is map
of shipwrecks in Palau harbour (created by author).

�Table 1. Details of numbered vessels on Figure 2 (made by author based upon
the data from Bailey 1991, Tanaka 2007, and author's research)

Historical background of the wrecks in Palau
Since 1920 the Palau Islands had been a part of Japanese Mandated Territory,
along with the Mariana Islands and the Western Caroline Islands. In the wake of
the defeat over German occupation, the former colonial power over Palau, in the
First World War. The Palau headquarters of Nanyocho are the administrative
agency of the Nanyo Gunto (Micronesian islands of Japanese Mandated
Territory). Located on Koror Island, it played the role of the administrative center
for the Territory. In the wake of the Japanese walkout from the League of Nations
in 1933, Palau was also regarded as a military site in the Territory and a number
of military facilities were built on each island.
The home base of the Combined Fleet, the main force of the Japanese
Imperial Navy, was placed on the Truk Islands initially during WWII. However,
after the defeat of the Battle of Midway on June 5 th 1942 the Japanese naval

�power in the Pacific region declined. The 58th Task Force of the USA conducted
the Operation Hailstone which included air strikes on the Truk Islands on
February 17th – 18th 1944, and the Japanese forces lost two light cruisers (Agano
and Naka) and many other vessels. A week earlier the flagship Musashi, and
other major vessels of the Combined Fleet, had already retreated to Palau on
the 10th of February in anticipation of the attack by the USA forces.
The Combined Fleet regrouped their fleet in Palau. On February 29th a
scout plane of the Japanese Navy sighted a USA task force approaching to the
Caroline Islands. Shigeru Fukudome, the Chief of Staff of the Combine Fleet,
considered that the U.S. forces would initiate a landing operation to Palau so he
decided to withdraw major-force vessels of the Combined Fleet to the
Philippines to set them apart for later use (Yoshimura 1976). In the late afternoon
on February 29th the flagship Musashi, the light cruiser Taiyo, the destroyers
Urakaze and Isokaze, and the other main vessels of the Combined Fleet set off
from Palau Harbor. The rest of the vessels, such as the repair ship Akashi, the oil
tankers Iro and Sata, and a number of cargo ships, were left behind.
A two-day USA air strike named Operation Desecrate One initiated On
February 30th. The remaining vessels were completely destroyed and sunk in
the waters of Palau. Most of the wrecks of Palau are derived as a result of this
one battle.

Investigations of shipwrecks
I carried out underwater archaeological survey at six selected sites in 2010 and
2011 (Ishimura 2010a; Ishimura 2010b). Short summaries of the results are
shown as follows:

Iro
Location: West Urukthapel Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 28 meters and the
top of the forward tower is at 8 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southwest
General Information:
Type: Shiretoko Class Combined Fleet Tanker
Length: 143.25 meters

�Beam: 17.68 meters
Tonnage: 14,050 tons
Speed: 12 knots
Built: 1922 by Osaka Tekkosho
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Iro was a fleet oiler and supply ship. On March 22 nd 1944 on her way from
the Philippines to Palau a torpedo launched from the submarine USS Tunny
hitting her bow forward of the bulkheads. On March 30th 1944 she came under
fire and was bombed during the Operation Desecrate One.
Heavy structural and fire damage to the ship’s engine room, boat deck,
and stack appears to have resulted from the bomb(s). A survivor of the Iro attack
witnessed a direct hit to the stroke engine room where approximately 30
engineers were killed (interviewed by author). An anchor chain extends from the
hawsehole on the starboard side to the floor of the lagoon below. Following the
anchor chain down along the side of the ship one can see the damage caused to
the bow by torpedo. On top of the bow is a large gun mounted on a circular
platform. The gun barrel diameter is 7 inches (17.8 centimeters) and the length is
4.26 meters. A gun identical to the one on the bow is mounted on a platform on
the stern with its barrel pointing about 20 degrees towards the starboard. The
survivor of Iro related that only one of the guns was able to fire against the aerial
attack, due to lack of ammunition (interviewed by author).
In reaction to the information provided by the survivor in 2005 the team
of the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare carried out an investigation
in search of the human remains of Japanese soldiers at the Iro, especially in and
around the engine room, however, they were not able to find any (Ishimura
2005).

Akashi
Location: North Urukthapel Anchorage
Depth: Only debris are scattered at a depth of 12 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): North
General Information:
Type: Combined Fleet Repair Ship

�Length: 158.5 meters
Beam: 20.2 meters
Tonnage: 9,000 tons
Speed: 19.5 knots
Built: 1937-39 by Sasebo Kaigun Kosho
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Akashi was the first Japanese Imperial Navy vessel to be designed as a
repair ship. The ship was equipped with three large cranes and 144 German
machine tools. She was stationed at Truk, where she had been engaged in
making repairs on numerous vessels, anchored in the lagoon that had been
damaged by USA submarines or air attacks at various island bases. After being
damaged by carrier-based aircraft during the two-day Operation Hailstone air
strikes on Truk on February 17th and 18th 1944, the Akashi managed to make her
escape and limp to Palau. The Akashi could only manage about 12 knots with
the damage she had sustained.
When the USA planes initiated their attacks on the 30th March 1944 the
Akashi was anchored offshore of the northern part of Urukthapel Island in Palau
Harbor. The captain decided early to move the ship closer to shore into shallow
water for more protection against the bombs and torpedoes of the attacking
aircrafts (Bailey 1991:123). Even after the war, much of her upper foreship
superstructure and masts were above water. It is said that the Akashi was
scuttled to be a “grounding repair ship” in order to continue her duty even though
the ship was totally crippled. The Akashi was completely dismantled by a
salvage company in 1954 from which a total of 4,500 tons of scrap iron was
recovered.
At a depth of 12 meters many artifacts can be found lying on the sandy
seabed amongst the debris field; some completely exposed and others with just
pieces showing above the sand. The debris field spans around 150 meters in a
north-south direction and 20 meters in an east-west direction, displaying the
shape of the foregone vessel. A bomb crater can be seen alongside the debris
field. Artifacts that have been found and identified include compressed gas
cylinders, fire bricks, shoe soles, tires, beer bottles, ceramics and canteens.

�Amatsu Maru
Location: West Malakal Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 30 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Northeast
General Information:
Type: Tanker (converted)
Length: 153 meters
Beam: 20 meters
Tonnage: 10,567 tons
Speed: 15 knots
Built: 1943 by Mitsubishi
Owned by Nihon Kaiun
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Amatsu Maru was originally built for the private company Nihon Kaiun in
1943 as a part of the War Standard Construction Program. She was one of 15
vessels of her class that were built as Standard Type 1 TL 10,000-ton steam
tanker. She was assigned to the Combined Fleet in January 1944. She is the
largest shipwreck in Micronesia and the deepest Japanese wreck in Palau. She
was hit directly by several 1000 pound (lb.) bombs. USA Navy archives of aerial
photos taken during the attack clearly show heavy smoke rising from the engine
compartment (Bailey 1991:79), but the remains exhibit little hull damage.
The bridge was constructed of three decks. The upper-most was the
navigational deck and some instruments can still be found there. The wooden
walls and floor structures were destroyed by fire or have deteriorated over time.
At the stern the twisted remains of a circular gun platform can be seen. The gun
was a 12 cm Armstrong-type rapid firing gun but nothing remains of it.
The Amatsu Maru was salvaged partially after the war. The Fujita
Salvage Company originally sought to raise the ship but later decided to
dismantle it instead. During an attempt to cut through the plates, it is believed the
flame of a torch hit trapped gases and set off an explosion that killed two men.
Then they abandoned the salvage attempt, believing the accident to be an omen
of foreboding (Tanaka 2007:51).

�Chuyo Maru
Location: West Malakal Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 30 meters and top
of the forward tower is at 12 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southeast
General Information:
Type: Cargo ship (converted)
Length: 89 meters
Beam: 12.4 meters
Tonnage: 1,941 tons
Speed: 10 knots
Built: 1943 by Namura Zosenjo
Owned by Toyo Kisen Kaisha
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Chuyo Maru was built as a coastal freighter of the Amakasu No. 1 or Goei
Maru class. The ship was completed for the private company Toyo Kisen Kaisha
in 1943 and converted into an Army cargo ship soon after. The ship was reported
to be initially attacked shortly after 1300 hour (h) on March 30th by a 500 lb.
bomb, and on the following day an air attack hit the ship on the port side
amidship with a single 500 lb. bomb. The ship was reported afterwards to have
major fires aboard and then sank at 2000h on April 1st.
The bridge structures were burned during the bombing and have since
disintegrated, however, remains of the brass compass and ship’s telegraph can
still be seen. The engine room and boiler room is raised above the main boat
deck. Two separate sections of engine room hatches, with a cylindrical steam
condenser apparatus between them, can be found above the engine room. A
gun stands on a platform on the aft section of the boat deck. The gun is a
1.86-ton, 12 cm dual purpose “Short Gun”. This type of gun was typically placed
on ships of under 5,000 tons for anti-submarine and anti-aircraft use.
Although the exact location of this wreck was recorded, the wreck was
not considered worth salvaging after the war. She was forgotten until April 1989
when wreck hunters Francis Toribiong and Klaus Lindemann rediscovered her.
The ship’s identity was possible by the discovery of associated ceramics found

�aboard the wreck bearing the logo of the ship’s commercial owner Toyo Kisen
Kaisha (Bailey 1991:131). In May 2006 an English man illegally looted some
artifacts from the Chuyo Maru and other shipwrecks in Palau and faced two
months in jail and a fine of $ 40,000(USA) (Tanaka 2007:67).

Helmet Wreck
Location: Malakal Harbor
Depth: The ship is resting upright, at the base of a hill, with bow lower than the
stern. The bow is in 35 meters and the stern is in 15 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southwest
General Information:
Type: Cargo ship (probably converted to a minelayer)
Length: 58 meters
Beam: 9.4 meters
Tonnage: Unknown (less than 1,000 tons)
Speed: Unknown
Built: Unknown
Owned by Unknown
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Helmet Wreck, formerly known as the Depth Charge Wreck, is a rare
example of an intact shipwreck in Palau. Wreck hunter Dan E. Bailey discovered
the ship on January 18th 1990. The true name of this ship is unknown and she
was not documented in any of the navy archives. Potentially the ship was
confiscated in Southeast Asia during the war (Tanaka 2007:89).
On the aft starboard side of the ship a massive explosion tore open the
hull revealing the ribs of the ship and scattering drum-like depth charges onto
the sea floor. The exposed main-cargo-hold reveals stacks of depth charges
neatly arranged on the port side and, due to a massive explosion, scattered
around on the starboard side. Under the port upper deck stacks of helmets can
be found, now cemented together by decades of underwater corrosion. In the
starboard side of another cargo hold are stored two “Lewis-type” machine guns.
These apparently were the guns that would normally be mounted on the bases
positioned on each side of the bridge. These machine guns were not prepared

�for use by the ship’s crewmembers. There is a round aft gun platform and the
gun barrel is pointing to port amid the mangled steel of the collapsed gun mount
(Figure 3). Aboard the wreck was found a ceramic wash-basin bearing the logo
of Toyo Toki, a ceramic making company in Japan. This suggests that this ship
was renovated to some extent by Japanese.
A two-headed winch is mounted just forward on the bow. The anchor
chain extends from the port hawsehole pipe, while the starboard anchor is in its
stowed position. This suggests that the ship was anchored close to shore in a
group of small coral islets in the south of Aurapushekaru Channel, for the
protection against the bombs and torpedoes of the attacking aircraft. On an islet
near the sinking point many bullet holes can be seen.

Figure 3. Round aft gun platform of the Helmet Wreck (T.Ishimura).

Buoy # 6 Wreck
Location: Malakal Channel
Depth: The wreck is resting upright near marker # 6 at 27 meters. Deck is 21
meters deep. The hull is perpendicular to southwest slope and the bow is

�pointing to the northeast.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Northeast
General Information:
Type: Bonito fishing boat (probably converted to a submarine chaser)
Length: 30 meters
Tonnage: Unknown
Speed: Unknown
Built: Unknown
Owned by Unknown
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
This small vessel known as Buoy #6 wreck was a bonito fishing boat converted
to a submarine chaser. The original name of this ship is unknown, and she is not
documented in any of the navy archives.
A pair of outlet conduits can be seen on the portside, which is a feature
of bonito fishing boats. A circular gun platform is mounted on the bow but the gun
is missing. Two sections of superstructure can be seen amidships.
A survivor of Iro related that he was rescued by a group of bonito fishing
boats from Yaizu, Shizuoka Prefecture in Japan (Tanaka 2007:87). It is a known
fact that, not only, commercial vessels but also many fishing boats were used for
military purposes during the War. The ship of Bouy # 6 may have been a
member of such a group.

Interpretations and discussion
The research on the wrecks revealed that most of the vessels sunken in Palau
were not main-force vessels of Japanese forces but auxiliary vessels and
converted vessels originally built for non-combat purposes. The Iro was not an
original military vessel but an oil tanker and was not suited for direct combat. In
addition, the ship was old and slow in speed. The Akashi was heavily damaged
by the attack in Truk and hardly managed to escape with the other vessels of the
fleet. The other vessels were not genuine military vessels but former commercial
vessels such as cargo ships and bonito fishing boats. Some of them have not
been documented in military records. This implies that the number of military

�vessels were so insufficient that commercial vessels were used for military
purpose in the later part of the War.
These vessels were also “slow boats”. They were too slow to catch up
with other members of the fleet such as battleships, cruisers and destroyers.
They were left behind as a “third wheel” of the Combined Fleet.
Moreover, the vessels were not well-equipped for combat activity. Most
of them had only one or two gun turrets to fight against enemy aircrafts. Lack of
ammunition forced them to be engaged more difficult battles. Nonetheless, much
of the vessels anchored in the harbor and continued intercepting against
aircrafts until they sunk. Due to these factors it is considered that this was a
suicidal mission, as is the case with the “banzai” and “kamikaze” suicide
bombing attacks in battles on Peleliu and other islands in the Pacific region.
The evidence provided here demonstrates the difficulties and the
desperate campaign of the Japanese forces in the later part of the WWII. Studies
on shipwrecks and other war-associated sites will provide further evidence that
are thus far not known to exist in documents.
Underwater investigations on wrecks also indicate the importance of
documentation by underwater archaeological methods and implementation of
proper conservation management for the UCH in Palau. The vessels and
artifacts have deteriorated due to the combined causes of bombing, aging and
salvaging activities, therefore it is necessary to record the current state of
conservation of these properties. The Akashi site also needs to be protected, for
a number of artifacts are distributed in the debris field even though the vessel
itself has been removed. The Palauan government has designated the WWII
wrecks as cultural properties and protects them by law (UNESCO 2010:77);
however, some of them are still under threat by illegal treasure hunters, like the
case of the Chuyo Maru. Such looting activity is impermissible and must cease,
since it harms not only the cultural property of Palau but also the dignity of the
dead in the wrecks and the sentiments of the bereaved families in Japan.

Bibliography
Bailey, D. E.,

WW II Wrecks of Palau, North Valley Diver Publications,

1991

California.

Fish ’n Fins,
n.d.

D-log Palau (CD-ROM). Koror: Fish ’n Fins.

�Ishimura, T.,
2005

“WW II archaeology and recovery of the remains: a case in
Palau”, paper presented at Inter-Congress in 2005, World
Archaeology Congress, World Archaeology Congress,
Osaka.

Ishimura, T.,
2010a

“Research on the WW II sites and the cultural heritages of
the Japanese Mandate Territory period in Palau”, in Bulletin
of Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
2010, pp. 12-13. (in Japanese)

Ishimura, T.,
2010b

“Memories and sites of the war in Palau: archaeology and
recovery of Japanese soldier remains”, in Kindai Koko 66,
pp. 1-3. (in Japanese)

Tanaka, M.,

Palau: Underwater Spirits of the War Dead,

Namiki Shobo,

2007

Tokyo.. (in Japanese)

UNESCO,
2010

Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania (edited by Ulrike
Guérin, Barbara Egger and Vidha Penalva). Paris:
UNESCO.

Yoshimura, A.,
1976

Navy Otsu Incident. Tokyo: Bungei Shunju. (in Japanese)

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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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                <text>Over forty Japanese vessels were sunken in the water of Palau during WWII. Some wrecks sunk in the shallow water at a depth of 20 meters or less and were salvaged. Other wrecks at 30 meters depth or more still remain and are legally protected by the authority of Palau Government but are seriously threatened by illegal treasure hunters. Initial efforts to identify human remains of Japanese soldiers were made in 2005. As part of an archaeology advisory team for the Japanese Government I carried out underwater surveys of sunken WWII vessels in Palau. In 2010 and 2011, I conducted investigations of the WWII vessels again, together with on-shore research on sites and features associated with the Japanese occupation period, funded by the Takanashi Foundation for Arts and Archaeology (Japan).&#13;
&#13;
The research revealed that the most of the vessels sunken in Palau were not genuine military vessels of Japanese Imperial Navy or Army but converted vessels originally built for non-combat purposes. These vessels were slow in speed and not well-equipped for combat activity. Most of them were destroyed by American aerial bombing on March 30th 1944. The evening before (March 29th) the main force of the Japanese Combined Fleet, including its flagship Musashi, retreated from Palau. It is clear that the vessels left in Palau were abandoned as a â€œthird wheelâ€ of the Combined Fleet. These abandoned-converted vessels include cargo carriers, tankers, whaling boats and fishing boats. This implies that Japanese troops were experiencing a difficult and desperate campaign at that time.</text>
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                <text>Tomo Ishimura</text>
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                    <text>Shared Heritage? Shared Responsibility?
Reflections on the role of ‘shared’ colonial heritage within
capacity building programs in the postcolonial world
Dr. Robert Parthesius

Abstract
The Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) has been involved in developing Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Programs (MUCH) in Asia and Africa since the 1990s. Although these
programs aimed for a general development of capacity and awareness for MUCH in the specific
region, often the focal point of the program was international (colonial) heritage sites. Although
understandable from the practical implication of funding opportunities and available expertise of the
international trainers, our experiences showed that this focus was not ideal for the establishment of a
sustainable policy on MUCH management in the post colonial countries.
Building on that experience CIE has developed a vision on international cooperation that
places MUCH in a broader perspective by including a platform of local and international stakeholders
in all stages of the program. Through discussions about the relevance of the MUCH sites for the
various stakeholders awareness can be raised for each other’s perspective on this type of heritage.
Since the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001
Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) explicitly promotes
international cooperation and given the reality that many MUCH sites in Asia and Africa are linked with
the past of European expansion, it is important to develop a vision on the role of this colonial heritage
that is seen by some as ‘shared heritage’ within the national, regional and global context.
This paper evaluates the MUCH programs of the CIE in Asia and Africa and hopes with this to
open the discussion on best practices in establishing a sustainable MUCH program on a local/regional
level but promotes at the same time international cooperation to be inclusive for all types of MUCH.

Introduction

From the 16th century, Dutch mariners explored the world outside Europe in the wake
of other European nations. In the space of only a few decades they built up an
international shipping and trade network. The diverse activities that derived from this
commercial expansion, military expeditions and the later colonial rule have left many
traces behind. For quite some time, the Netherlands has been interested in the
legacy of the age of Dutch and European expansion. This is seen as an important
period that is associated in the Dutch national memory with mixed feelings of pride
and shame. In many countries where the traces of this period have been preserved,
this period also forms an important marker in their history and national identity.
Netherlands policymakers introduced Mutual Cultural Heritage in the 1990’s to label
the heritage of the Dutch expansion and colonial period. This term, which can also be
translated and used as Common or Shared Cultural Heritage, has been the subject
of some debate because the remnants of a Dutch presence do not automatically lead
to mutual appreciation (Fienieg and Parthesius 2008).
The overall objective of the Dutch Mutual Cultural Heritage Policy (MCHP
2009-2012) is to, "collaborate on the sustainable maintenance and management of
common cultural heritage, on the basis of reciprocal political and substantive
involvement". The aims and the associated funds of the MCHP also provided an
excellent basis for programs focusing on the management of Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) sites like shipwrecks and maritime
installations that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the West India Company
(WIC) left behind worldwide. Since the 1990’s, the author and the Centre for

�International Heritage Activities (CIE) have been involved in the development of
MUCH capacity building programs in Asia and Africa.
Between 1998 and 2007 a program was implemented around the remains of
the VOC-ship Avondster wrecked in 1659 in the Bay of Galle, Sri Lanka. In 2007
another MUCH capacity building program was initiated in Southern Africa (Tanzania,
Zanzibar and South Africa). Although the funding still came mainly through Dutch
funds, the set-up of these programs changed from a focus on colonial heritage to a
focus on the development of a local vision on the relevance and importance of
MUCH. The Dutch Culture and Development programme turned out to be another
valuable framework (and funding source) for the set-up of more general MUCH
programs that not only focus on the remains of the European expansion but also on
the development of strategies to raise awareness for local perspectives on MUCH.
The UNESCO World Heritage Convention 1972 and the 2001 Convention formed a
framework for the international cooperation.
In this paper, the structure, results and development of some of these MUCH
programs are discussed. Specifically, the programs in Sri Lanka and South Africa are
compared in order to investigate the role that colonial/shared cultural heritage has in
the development of a sustainable capacity building program. Is it possible to use a
colonial heritage site to stimulate a local perspective on MUCH and to build capacity
in the partner country?

Sri Lanka: the Avondster project
Since the early 1990’s, a team of Sri Lankan and international maritime
archaeologists, historians and museum curators has conducted research, on request
from the Sri Lankan authorities, in the Bay of Galle and in the extensive archives in
Sri Lanka and the Netherlands. Underwater surveys have revealed an impressive
number of heritage sites, dating from the 13th century up to modern times
(Parthesius 2007).
Based on this first inventory of underwater heritage sites in the Bay of Galle,
an ambitious capacity building programme was formulated in order to establish
suitable infrastructure for the management of MUCH sites. In 2001, a Maritime
Archaeology Unit (MAU) was formed under the Mutual Heritage Centre, managed by
the Sri Lankan government agency, the Central Cultural Fund, in cooperation with
international partners in the Netherlands, Australia and Mexico, and sponsored by
the Netherlands Cultural Fund (derived from MCHP). Their first major project was
the excavation of the Avondster, one of five Dutch East-Indiamen wrecked in the
World Heritage Site Galle (for details see Wijamunige this volume).
During the 1993, 1996 and 1997 expeditions to Galle Harbor, the wreck of the
Avondster was discovered and identified (Green, et al. 1998). A survey and testexcavation in 1998 and 1999 revealed a site in an excellent state of preservation; a
rich source of material finds and historical knowledge was anticipated. The wreck site
is situated about 80 metres off the beach in about 4 metres of water. From a diving
safety perspective it was deemed suitable for training, although visibility was often
poor. The site was relatively easy to interpret underwater, enabling the
archaeologists to understand the construction techniques used on a 17th century
East- Indiaman. The Avondster was also historically well documented, which allowed
the Sri Lankan archaeologists to be introduced to historical-archaeological research.
The Avondster site was also selected because it was under threat. Due to
changes on land caused by the building of a sea wall and the channeling from storm-

�water drains, the Avondster had become increasingly exposed throughout the 1990s
(Parthesius 1998).
The Avondster project had a number of aims in addition to the survey,
excavation and conservation of the site and the artefacts. One of the primary goals
was, through the involvement of the Sri Lankan archaeologists and conservators, to
build up local capacity and the associated infrastructure, so that they could continue
with a maritime archaeology programme in Sri Lanka into the future. Another
important goal was the development of a Maritime Museum, based to some extent on
the material recovered from the Avondster but also incorporating Sri Lanka’s broader
maritime history, its sites and the people involved.

Figure 1. NAS training of the members of the Maritime Archaeological Unit,
Sri Lanka, 2001
The opportunity to conduct a professional archaeological excavation using the
highest possible standards was seen as an appropriate step to take in protecting the
site. It would also demonstrate how important archaeological information could be
obtained and disseminated to the community. The Avondster-project involved the
pre-disturbance survey of the exposed part of the site, excavation of trenches in the
bow, midships and stern areas, and the recovery of about 3,000 artefacts, an iron
cannon and a large iron anchor. In addition to the archaeological requirements, the
development of a conservation infrastructure, conservation training, and
implementation of conservation techniques were also deemed to be of equal

�importance (Parthesius, et al. 2005). In cooperation with the Conservation
Department of the Western Australian Maritime Museum, the Amsterdam Historical
Museum and The Instituto National de Antropologia e Historia in Mexico, a wellequipped conservation laboratory was built. A small team of conservators was
trained in many of the techniques required to conserve maritime archaeological
objects.
Since the inception of the Avondster-project in 1998, the primary aim of the
work carried out by the foreign consultants has been to train members of the MAU as
conservators and maritime archaeologists so that they would have the skills to
function autonomously. This aspect has been emphasized during every field season.
As part of this training, many foreign consultants with various skills have worked with
the MAU team. The use of different consultants has broadened the MAU team’s
exposure to different experiences, thereby giving them the benefit of alternative
approaches and many years of accumulated experience and knowledge. To
accompany the training provided by specialist consultants to the Sri Lankan team, a
detailed system of assessment was designed. A very significant outcome of this
project was that the Sri Lankan team collaborated with the foreign consultants who
produced a two-volume publication on the work implemented on the Avondster
(Parthesius 2007). In addition, through a UNESCO initiative, the Galle MAU served
as a regional training centre in maritime archaeology for the Asia/Pacific region with
field schools in 2006, 2007 and 2008 (http://www.unescobkk.org/index.php?id=4944).

Figure 2. Preparing a barrel for raising from the Avondster-site, Galle,
Sri Lanka, 2004

�The Avondster-project is considered a success but there is an important side
note to make that refers to the sustainability of MUCH management through wellestablished awareness and a sense of ownership. The program in Sri Lanka was
possible because a Dutch VOC vessel was under threat and we could persuade the
Netherlands Cultural Fund to invest in a capacity building programme around this
colonial shipwreck that has been labeled ‘mutual heritage’. The built capacity turned
out to be sustainable because the focus on a colonial shipwreck against the
background of the fortified city of Galle is seen as important heritage and connected
with the cultural identity of Sri Lanka.

Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) Programme in
Southern Africa
On invitation by South Africa and Tanzania, the CIE took the opportunity in 2007 to
build on the experience gained in Sri Lanka and formulated a four-phased MUCH
capacity building programme that recognized the importance of establishing a local
tradition and vision on this specific type of heritage. Key in this set-up is to bring all
relevant stakeholders together and encourage full involvement, ranging from political
commitment to community engagement. Unlike the project in Sri Lanka, the focus on
Mutual Cultural Heritage in South Africa would not be developing a framework for the
‘new MUCH programme’. For South Africa this would start the cooperation on the
wrong footing since the colonial heritage has a negative annotation. An ‘open
definition process’ started with multiple stakeholders deciding relevant subjects and
sites for a MUCH programme. A universal framework for the MUCH programme was
found in the context of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention 1972 and the 2001
Convention.

Figure 3. Surveying an intertidal shipwreck on Robben Island, South Africa, 2010.

�South Africa
Since 2007 CIE has assisted the South African Heritage Resources Agency
(SAHRA) in developing a MUCH program in South Africa. The Netherlands
involvement came about through their funding contribution to the program through
the Netherlands Culture and Development Program. South Africa contains some of
the oldest evidence of human occupation in the world and some of this evidence may
be found around its coastline and underwater. The ongoing importance, use and
exploitation of the sea and inland waterways by communities are evident today from
numerous types of sites, traditional cultural practices and customs. Many shipwrecks
from the activities of foreign explorers, traders and colonialists can also be found in
its waters. South Africa therefore contains a range of tangible and intangible heritage,
significant and relevant to contemporary communities and contributing toward the
cultural identity of the country.
The workshops organized on Robben Island in 2010 and 2011 included a
number of participants, particularly those from South African stakeholders other than
SAHRA, being educated in parts of the NAS theoretical and practical training
program. One of the aims of the practical workshops was to build-up a database of
the Robben Island MUCH sites (on land and underwater). Robben Island and its
surrounding waters contain in excess of 100 sites (many with poor provenance and
lacking documentation) and the outcomes of the practical work will assist the Robben
Island Museum in beginning the documentation and management of this component
of its cultural landscape.
Apart from the direct capacity that has been built amongst various
representatives of government agents, students, volunteers and of course the
SAHRA staff, the project has a important focus on the development of public
awareness and an African vision on MUCH. The discussions with many stakeholders
and relevant communities have led to the selection of so-called “Legacy Sites”,
representing the vision on MUCH in South Africa. They are not intended to be an
exhaustive list, they are simply ‘highlights’ to begin to describe how diverse South
Africa’s relationship with water actually is. In this stage of the programme four Legacy
Sites have been selected:
The shipwreck site of the Barrel Wreck in the Table Bay shows the strong
linkages of South Africa with an international shipping network (Sharfman
2012). It was selected as a legacy site because not only is it a good example
of a ‘traditional’ underwater archaeological site but it is relatively easy to
access and monitor, thus use for training and specialized studies can help
answer conservation and management questions regarding similar sites.
Robben Island is also linked with the international maritime connections. As a
place of isolation, it has a long history of banishment and imprisonment,
stretching back to the first settlers who brought their political opponents from
the colonies in the Far East (Deacon 1996). The fact that the site is an Island
means that almost all the activities that took place there have an inherent
connection with the ocean.
The fish weirs at Stillbaai and Arniston are an important element in the
MUCH sites because they represent the relationship of local communities with
the sea. These stonewall fish traps are of undetermined age but were used by
local fishermen for at least the past century. The fish weirs could be anything

�from 200 to 2000 years old. This poses several interesting questions regarding
traditional fishing practices and interactions between settlers and indigenes.
Lake Fundudzi has been identified as Legacy Site due to its intangible
connection with water. The lake is situated in the northeast of the Limpopo
Province and is viewed as the only natural inland lake in Southern Africa. For
the Vhavenda people, however, the lake is more than just a natural water
body, as it forms a rich heritage of folklore, myths and ceremonial rituals. It is
their burial site and is therefore sacred and believed to be the home of
ancestral spirit of the Vhatavhatsindi people who claim their ancestors
discovered the lake when they moved into South Africa from Zimbabwe
(Sharfman, 2012). The living heritage that surrounds the lake, such as the
communities’ cultural practices, could be extrapolated to a broader
understanding of African ways and means of dealing with its past, for instance
broader African religious and spiritual relationships with water. These
practices often provide a tangible element to the intangible aspects of spirits
and their mediums with water. Broader research needs to be included in the
submission as water is a central feature in the living heritage of numerous
people.

Figure 4. Lake Fundudzi, Limpopo, South Africa, 2010.

Considerations and conclusions
As emphasized by the Avondster-project, sustainability in a country or region is only
possible when a capacity building programme has been put together in collaboration
with the relevant stakeholders (political, academic and bureaucratic). To obtain this, it
is important that an awareness of the different values of maritime and underwater
cultural heritage (MUCH) is appreciated between all stakeholders. It is in that context
also necessary to create and implement practicable measures to stimulate public

�awareness. This can be achieved in part through community engagement
programmes, which implement MUCH projects for the benefit of contemporary
communities. In addition to reviving or helping to maintain traditional cultural
practices and protect and preserve indigenous sites in less developed countries, one
of the benefits could be an economic gain through the re-use of UCH and through
tourism managed by the local community.
Cultural heritage sites from the colonial period, that have been labeled Mutual
Cultural Heritage from the Dutch perspective, take a prominent position in both Sri
Lanka and South Africa. Through the nature of the European expansion, many of the
remains of this period (e.g. port cities, harbor installations, fortifications and
shipwrecks) can be considered MUCH sites. The fact that they are located in
prominent places and that the Netherlands consider it Mutual Cultural Heritage,
doesn’t mean automatically that the partner countries may also consider it important
heritage linked with their own cultural identity.
Sri Lanka and South Africa are different in that respect. In Sri Lanka the built
heritage of the so-called Dutch Period (1640-1796) is considered heritage of ‘Dual
Parentship’. The World Heritage Site Galle is considered as the highlight of that
heritage. The wreck of the VOC-ship Avondster does not fall under that concept. It
was in a sense new heritage because before its discovery in 1993 neither the
Netherlands nor Sri Lanka were aware of its existence. Placed in the context of
Galle, but not as a product of Sri Lanka-Dutch design, the Avondster-site was
considered Mutual Cultural Heritage instead of heritage of Dual Parentship.1 This
concept made the Avondster very suitable and reciprocal for research and for the
development of capacity and heritage management strategies for this site. However,
it kept the perspective on the MUCH sites in the whole of Sri Lanka very narrow.
The context for cooperation in South Africa was totally different. Cultural
heritage plays an important role in the development of the ‘New South Africa’ after
the first democratic elections of 1994. Cultural identity is key in the nation building
process after the country was divided and scattered under the Apartheid regime
(1948-1994). Although the authorities are acting very responsibly towards the
inclusion of the cultural heritage of the former repressors, it is clear that VOC
heritage is not generally and popularly linked with the South African cultural identity.
Consequently these types of sites could not be a starting point for the set-up of a
capacity building program. The cooperation was therefore centered on the technical
assistance that international experts could bring to the development of MUCH
management in South Africa. Since stimulating the development of a local vision on
MUCH is a key activity in the CIE’s capacity building vision, this element was also
included in the programme. The sometimes-heated discussions during the
workshops on the relevance of MUCH for South Africa led to a vision on the heritage
that expressed the relationship of the communities with the sea and water in general.
The identification of the four Legacy Sites shows how inclusive this vision is.
The work that is in progress on the Legacy Sites has only scratched the
surface of the rich and diverse MUCH of South Africa. A great deal of work is still
required. This will entail an examination of the challenges of redefining MUCH and
the collecting of data to describe and analyze the sites. With diversification of the
scope of MUCH comes the question of fitting MUCH into the heritage themes that are
currently significant in South Africa. Is the new approach to MUCH relevant, and how
are the identified sites relevant to all South Africans? The field has moved beyond
1

Ironically the site can be considered as heritage of Anglo-Dutch dual parentship since the Avondster
was a captured and modified ship from the English East India Company.

�the confines of “physical sites”, “maritime” or “underwater” cultural heritage towards
an integrated and holistic, seamless study of heritage associated with varied bodies
of water within which tangible and intangible heritage can be explored. This is a very
exciting process of reciprocity in which we could assist with the transfer of technical
skills and knowhow, and where together we created a platform of discussion in the
region that has led to a unique vision on ‘water heritage’ from an African perspective.

Bibliography
Deacon, H.,
1996
Fienieg, A.,
Parthesius, R.
2008
Green, J. N.,
Devendra, S. and
Parthesius, R.,
1998
Dutch Mutual
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Policy (MCHP)
2009-2012
Parthesius, R.,
1998
Parthesius, R.,
Millar, K., Jeffery,
B.,
2005
Parthesius, R.,
2007

Parthesius, R.,
2010
Sharfman, J.,
Masuku-Van
Damme, S.L.,
Parthesius, R.
In print
UNESCO
fieldschool
2006-2008

The Island, A History of Robben Island, David Philip
Publishers, Cape Town.
“Heritage trails: International cultural heritage policies in a
European perspective”, in (ed) Gert, Oostindie, Migration and
cultural heritage in the Dutch colonial world, KITLV Press,
Leiden
Report for the Sri Lanka Department of Archaeology Galle
Harbour project 1996–1997 archaeology, history, conservation
and training, Special Publication No. 4, Australian National
Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, WA Maritime
Museum.
Common Cultural Heritage Policy Framework 20092012, AVT09/BZ93771
http://awad.kitlv.nl/home/show_news/71?page_name=news
Archives and Wreckes: Australian-Dutch co-operation. in
Green, J (ed) The Ancods colloquium. 68-74.
“Preliminary Report on the Excavation of the 17th-Century
Anglo-Dutch East-Indiaman Avondster in Bay of Galle, Sri
Lanka”, in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 34, 2
pp. 216-237.
Excavation report of the VOC-ship Avondster, The AngloDutch East-Indiaman that was wrecked twice in Ceylon,
Centre of International Heritage Activities special publication
No. 1, Amsterdam.
Dutch Ships in Tropical waters. The development of a
shipping network in Asia 1595-1660, Amsterdam University
Press.
New Perspectives on Maritime and Underwater Cultural
Heritage in South Africa. Cape Town 2012 (in print)

http://www.unescobkk.org/index.php?id=4944

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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>The Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) has been involved in developing Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Programs (MUCH) in Asia and Africa since the 1990s. Although these programs aimed for a general development of capacity and awareness for MUCH in the specific region, often the focal point of the program was international (colonial) heritage sites. Although understandable from the practical implication of funding opportunities and available expertise of the international trainers, our experiences showed that this focus was not ideal for the establishment of a sustainable policy on MUCH management in the post colonial countries.&#13;
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Building on that experience CIE has developed a vision on international cooperation that places MUCH in a broader perspective by including a platform of local and international stakeholders in all stages of the program. Through discussions about the relevance of the MUCH sites for the various stakeholders awareness can be raised for each otherâ€™s perspective on this type of heritage. Since the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) explicitly promotes international cooperation and given the reality that many MUCH sites in Asia and Africa are linked with the past of European expansion, it is important to develop a vision on the role of this colonial heritage that is seen by some as â€˜shared heritageâ€™ within the national, regional and global context.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>The Belitung Wreck Site After
Commercial Salvage In 1998
Agus Sudaryadi

Abstract
The Belitung Shipwreck Site, located at 17 meters (m) depth in Belitung waters, Indonesia, is a shipwreck
site containing Tang Dynasty (AD 618-906) cargo that was lifted by private salvage companies, Limited
Corporation/Perusahaan Terbatas (PT). Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration Company in 1998.
1
The salvaging process was done without involving Indonesian State archaeologists. The shipwreck is an
Arab or Indian vessel that includes 60,000 artifacts from the Tang Dynasty. In 2005, the artifacts sold to
Singapore Sentosa Leisure Group.
In 2010, the Office for Cultural Heritage Preservation of Jambi conducted the first underwater
archaeological survey at Belitung Shipwreck site in order to find out the conditions of the site after the
salvaging operation. The result shows that the site is extremely ravaged, with unidentified ceramic
fragments spread out in a radius of ± 20 square meters (m²). It seems clear that the ceramic fragments
have been removed by the company then thrown back into the sea because considered non-commercial.
Meanwhile, the structure of the actual shipwreck was not found. It was only a big hole with 6 m wide and
15 m long, which seems to be where the ship may have settled. The remnants are now just a few small
wood fragments and a sizable chunk of wood, this maybe the mast-step. The Belitung Shipwreck is
recognized worldwide as an extremely valuable find in Indonesian waters. Preservation efforts are
needed to remind future generations that the shipwreck site very important for underwater archaeology in
Indonesia. Some preservation efforts that can be done are legal protection, site rehabilitation, and
establishing a maritime museum in Belitung Regency. The last of which efforts have initiated two years
ago with the aim to preserve artifacts from Belitung shipwreck site and other underwater sites in Bangka
Belitung Province.

Keywords: Belitung, Tang cargo, Shipwreck site, Preservation

Introduction
The Fantastic selling price of the cargo of De Geldermalsen salvaged by Michael
Hatcher in Riau water has stimulated businessmen in Indonesia who want to try their
luck to get treasure. It encouraged the government to form a National Committee, one
of its responsibilities is to manage licenses, salvage, and exploitation. One of the
salvaged shipwrecks is Belitung Wreck or popularly known as the Tang Cargo. The
company which salvaged it was PT. Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration, a
German company. The company carried out excavation work at the site in September
and October 1998, and continued in April 1999 (Flecker 2001:335). The process of
salvage was done without involving archaeologists or Indonesian researchers.
The Belitung wreck is the first archaeological evidence for direct trade between
the western Indian Ocean and China. A remarkable portion of the ship’s hull survived.
The hull planks were stitched together, with no sign of wooden dowels or iron fastening.
The keel is 15.3 m long, a keelson, stringers, ceiling planks, and thwart beams still in
1

The term salvage is associated to random removal of ship parts or cargo for their reuse or sale;
excavation is the term used for scientific methodology in the removal of heritage objects

�place. The majority of the surviving cargo consisted of ceramics from the Changsha
kilns2 of China. Primarily bowls and ewers, but also a smattering of figurines and jarlets.
Other significant finds from the wreck include white-ware from the famous Ding Kilns,
and Yue wares3 from Zhejiang Province, several rare pieces of high-fired blue and
white, lead ballasts, some pieces of resin which would come from Sumatra, pillowshaped silver ingots, and a number of gold vessels (Flecker 2001:336-345).
How is the Belitung Wreck now? Only fragments of tile remain and useless cuts
of wood on the site. They are scattered about the seabed in 17 m depth to the west of
Belitung Island. The identified cuts of wood are not known from which part of the wreck,
if at all, the may have originated. Potentially, a propped-up wood chunk is the maststep. A long sand pit indicates the site of the shipwreck where it was found by the
salvagers. What should be done with the ruins? This shipwreck is the only known ship
from the 9th century Anno Domini (AD) that has been found. It needs preserving.

Belitung Wreck now
The location of Belitung Wreck site is in the Western Belitung Island. Its geographical
location includes Batu Itam (Black Rock) village area, Sijuk district, Belitung regency,
Bangka Belitung Archipelago province. To get to the site, we can start from Batu Itam
beach about 3 km (1.8 mile) or from Nusantara port in Tanjung Pandan city, from which
the distance is 8.8 km (5.4 mile). The visibility is quite good at around 5-7 m.

Figure 1. The Location of The Belitung Wreck (Google Earth)
The result of the survey done in November 2010 shows that the salvaging of the
Belitung Wreck left broken jar and bowl ceramics. The scattered fragments of jars and

2
3

Changsha kilns located in Hunan Province where the ceramics produced
a porcelain that the ancient Chinese likened to snow because of its delicacy

�bowls are in about 20 m2 surrounding the wreck site. It seems that the fragments were
lifted then thrown away again into the sea because of their broken condition.

Figure 2. Fragment of Jars and Bowls in Seabed
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)
Meanwhile, the ship itself can not be found again. There are only some small
wood chunks left. The sinking of the ship in the seabed left a trace in the form of 6 m
wide and 15 m long hole with orientation South West – North East. In the hole, there are
many small fragments of tile and a part of the ship which is identified as the mast-step
(Manurung 2010:8).

Figure 3. a small wood fragment
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)

�Figure 4. The wood predicted as the mast-step
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)

Preservation Efforts
The condition of Belitung Wreck is unknown so far after salvaging in 1998. We have no
data about its. As a consequence, there have not been any preservation steps taken.
There are many factors that cause this, some of which are unavailable human
resources (see Wahjudin this volume) and the preservation of underwater sites has
never been done before in Indonesia. Due to that case, in my opinion, the preservation
that can be done is legal protection, it becomes the collection of maritime museum and
a site rehabilitation is needed.

a) Legal Protection
UCH protection in Indonesia is very neglected compared with land cultural heritage.
The salvaging of De Geldermalsen (The Nanking Cargo) incident in Riau Archipelago
waters by Michael Hatcher in 1985-1986 has stirred up government and society (Utomo
2008:20-21). The auction 140,000 tiles and 225 bars of gold was held by Christie’s in
Amsterdam totaled US$18 million. The Government reacted by implementing
Presidential Decree No. 43 of 1989 on the National Committee for Salving and
Exploiting Valuable Objects Retrieved from Shipwreck (henceforth referred to as the
National Committee). The National Committee’s duty is to manage the licensing of
survey, salvage, and exploitation4. The laws which protected Indonesian culture
heritage at that time was Monumenten Ordonnantie (Netherland Law) No. 19 of 1931
(Staatblad 1931 No. 238) then changed into Monumenten Ordonnantie No. 21 of 1934
(Staatblad 1934 No. 515).

4

Until now, The Indonesia Government has issued three Presidential Decree, Presidential Decree No.
43/1989, Presidential Decree No. 107/2000, and Presidential Decree No. 19/2007. Now the National
Comitte Chairman is Ministry of Marine and Fisheries.

�From the salvaging of Geldermalsen’s cargo, Indonesia got neither financial nor
non-financial award. The result of the auction was not done clearly, meanwhile the
process of lifting, packing, conservation, and auction did not involve Indonesian
archaeologists at all. Thus, there was no data, documentation nor improvement of
underwater archaeologists’ knowledge in Indonesia. One of the more horrendous
consequences of the event is that an Indonesian archaeologist is considered dead, his
body thus far not found, who was active in the investigation of locating the
Geldermalsen. He was an alumni of an underwater archaeologist training course held in
Thailand in 1985 and 1986 (SEAMEO Project of Archaeology and Fine Arts). That
incident left deep pain for Indonesian archaeologists and a gap in the knowledge on
Indonesian UCH.
To replace the old ineffective law in the Law No. 5/1992 was issued concerning
culture heritage objects. The weakness of Indonesian law has been exploited by the
looter and the salvaging of UCH. The cargo which is known as Belitung Wreck has been
desalinated, conserved, and researched in New Zealand. The cargo taken out of the
country against the rule. The auction conducted by Christie’s with a total earnings of
US$32 million. The agreement that obliged the salvagers to share half the value was
broken with only US$2.5 million delivered in total (Rachel 2009; Sofian 2010:21).
In 1999 salvaging by Michael Hatcher occurred again to a shipwreck in Gaspar
straits which is known as Teksing Cargo. The major findings were blue and white
ceramics about 18th – 19th century AD produced in Dehua Kiln in Fujian Province. Not
only ceramics, from the cargo found cannon, objects of brass and copper, watches,
china ink container, folding knife, and incense burner (Widiati 2007:35). They were
shipped to Australia in 43 containers. All the cargo of the ship was sold by Nagel
auction in Stuttgart, Germany in November 2000. It sold 350,000 ceramics at a total 7,2
million deutsch marks (DM). The Indonesian government got only 2 million DM and only
1,000 ceramics (Wahjudin 2003:17).
The forming of National Committee did not reduce the illegal salvaging of UCH.
During 2005 – 2011 there have been eleven cases. Meanwhile, survey and legal
salvaging were only 26. Of all the incidents, there was only one successful
archaeological excavation namely the Cirebon Wreck salvaged by PT. Paradigma
Putera Sejahtera cooperate with Cosmix, Belgia. The process of salvaging was done
systematically under the supervision of government officials. There were 500,000
ceramics, objects of gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, bottle, glass, beads, coin, and
precious stones (Utomo 2008:35-60).
Law protection toward UCH in Indonesia has changed by the issue of Law No.
11/2010 on Culture Heritage. This new law is more firm in managing the discovery of
culture heritage in the water and the repercussions for bringing it abroad. There are
heavy punishments for those who break the law. The explanation about that is as follow:
Discovery
Government is obliged to bring about discovering of objects, building, structure and location
predicted as Culture Heritage.
The discovery of culture heritage or predicted as culture heritage can be done individually by
excavating, diving, and/or lifting in the land and/or in the water.
The discovery as meant in Verse (1) and (2) can only be done through research with caring about
belonging right and location authority.

�Everyone is prohibited to carry out discovery of culture heritage or predicted as culture heritage
by excavating, diving, and/or lifting in the land and/or in the water as meant in Verse (2), except
with license from government or local government with its authority. (Article 26, Versus 1-4)

Carrying
Foreigners and/or law institution can not possess and/or dominate culture heritage, except
foreigners and/or foreign law institution that live and inhibit in Indonesia territorial;
Foreigners and/or foreign law institution as meant in Verse (1) is prohibited to carry Culture
Heritage, either all or a part of it, out of Indonesia territory. (Article 14, Verse 1 and 2)
Culture Heritage, either all or a part of it, can only be brought out of Indonesia territory for the
sake of research, cultural promotion, and/or exhibition;
Everyone is forbidden to bring Culture Heritage as meant in Verse (1), except by Minister
Permission . (Article 68, Verse 1 and 2)

Punishment
Everybody without governmental license or local government bring about discovery of Culture
Heritage as meant in Article 26 Verse (4) is punished by sending to jail at least 3 (three) months
and the longest is 10 (ten) years and/or fined at least Rp. 150,000,000,- (one hundred and fifty
million rupiahs) and the most is Rp. 1,000,000,000 (one billion rupiahs). (Article 103)
Everybody without ministry licence, bring Cultural Heritage out of Indonesia territory as meant in
article 68 Verse (2) is punished by sending to jail at least 6 (six) months and the longest is 10
(ten) years and/or fined at least Rp. 200,000,000,- (two hundred million rupiahs) and the most is
Rp. 1,500,000,000,- (one billion and five hundred million rupiahs). (Article 109)

How is the law protection of underwater culture heritage in Indonesia? still a lot of
shipwreck site is not determined yet. Whereas, in Law No. 5/1992 about Culture
Heritage Objects Verse 11 states, “Government determines the finding of Culture
Heritage Objects or objects predicted as Culture Heritage Objects as meant in Article 10
Verse 1 about the site with its border”. Government Regulation No. 10 of 1993 about the
implementation of Law No. 5/1992 about Culture Heritage Objects Article 24 Verse (1)
states, “ in conserving Culture Heritage Objects Government decides the site”.
Meanwhile Law No. 11/2010 has changed the determining of Culture Heritage
becomes national and local government’s responsibility. According to verse (1):
Regent and mayor issue the determining of Culture Heritage status 30 (thirty) days the longest
after the recommendation is accepted by experts team which states the object, building.
structures, location and/or geographic space unit which is registered as Culture Heritage.
Regency and municipality government convey the result of determining to Provincial Government
and continued to the central government. (Article 35)
Government and local government can bring about the ranking of Culture Heritage based on the
importance to be national ranking, province ranking, and regency/municipality ranking based on
recommendation from Culture Heritage Expert Team.(Article 41)

The determination of Belitung Wreck site as a possible site is due to survey result
data (Manurung 2010:8-9). It was done after 12 years since its salvage. Before that, the
obstacle of determining the location of the underwater site was lack of survey, so there
was no underwater site data available that could aide in its identification.

�Legal protection of the Belitung wreck and other underwater sites would need to
be followed by marking the protect sites, both on land and at sea. The sign is installed
on land are information board. The board provide information about the history of the
particular wreck and layout of the site, but will also carry a strong conservation
message, stressing the legal protection, and the responsibilities of divers when visiting
them. The board installed adjacent to the slipway at a harbor from which divers access
to a shipwreck. While at sea, the location of shipwreck with an installed buoy. The buoy
is moored with rope/chain which is bound around the cement block in the seabed. On
the cement block, there is a bronze plaque of the writing relating its lawful
determination.

b) Maritime Museum
Since two years ago the Indonesian government prepared to build a maritime museum
in Belitung Island. At that time, there were 8 hectares of land available for development.
The choosing of Belitung Island as the location of maritime museum is quite
appropriate due to the amount of shipwrecks around the seawater territory of Bangka
and Belitung Island. Noted since 1950-1878 43 ships sank in the Gaspar straits and
surroundings, including Gaspar Island, Karang Coope, Karang Beldeveree, Karang
Arang Marai (Pramono 2005:85; Tangkilisan 2009:10). Wreck site found by
Arqueonautas from 2007-2010 include 27 sites located at a depth of 6 m to 53 m.
Condition of the sites has been largely heavily disturbed and looted. Seven sites are
European shipwreck from the 19th century AD. Two of them are believed to be the
location of Alceste5 and Forbes6 (Mirabal 2008: 28; Mirabal 2011:30)
Indonesia has 275 museum with only two categorized as maritime museums.
They are the Museum Bahari in Jakarta and Museum Bahari in Ende, Flores. However,
the museums do not have underwater heritage collections. Museum Bahari in Jakarta is
Culture Preserve building inherited from the Dutch government. The building was used
by Dutch government officials as storehouse to keep, choose, and pack Indonesian
commodities. Museum Bahari of Jakarta was officially opened on 7th July 1977. The
collection exhibited in the museum consist of various kinds of classic Vereenigde OostIndische Compagnie (VOC) boats, Indonesian traditional boat, and models of modern
boat. It also includes the equipment of sailing such as navigation tools, anchors,
lighthouse models, and many kinds of cannon. It displays sea biota collection (fish in
Indonesia’s seawater), technology of traditional boat building, and folklore of Indonesian
fishermen customs. The museum exhibits Indonesian Navy dimension, cartography,
maritime kingdom heroes and figures, and photos of the voyage of Koninkelijitke
Paketvaart Mattscappi KPM) ship. Museum Bahari in Ende collects sea biota in Nusa
Tenggara area. The total collection amounts to 22,000 kinds.
The Maritime Museum in Belitung must build a new building. Ideally, the
architecture of the building reflects Indonesian culture, like the shape of the ship,
Indonesian traditional building, history of Indonesian maritime, or Indonesia’s sea
potential . However, based on the comparison of maritime museums in Osaka Maritime
5

The English ship was on voyage to China with a famous ambassador on board. The ship was wrecked
on this reef which now bears its name, Alceste Cliff (Wells 1995:94)
6
Forbes is a English country trading ship which sank on November during its voyage from China to India
(Ibid.)

�Museum, Japan, Western Australian Maritime Museum, Fremantle, Australia and
Maritime Museum of Chicago, USA, the maritime building in Indonesia needs to
consider the concept of developing modern architecture. For the collection, museum
needs to add the collection of (1) Indonesian Maritime History, (2) Indonesian Maritime
Culture, (3) Sailing technology and safety, (4) Variation of water transportation, (5) Port
and shipping (6) Various kinds of weaponry, tools and social material cultures related to
territorial defense and security (Supardi 2009:8-13).
Problems with the collection that came from the Belitung wreck is most of the
objects have belonged to the Singapore Artscience Museum. Indonesian Government
has only 39 ceramics which are in the National Museum. For that we need to do a good
negotiation so that Indonesia government to get additional artifacts the Belitung wreck.
Artifacts from Belitung Wreck will also be the collection the Museum Timah in Belitung
but most of the ceramics is broken. Other ceramics are in private collections and their
number is unknown.

c) Site Rehabilitation
As illustrated above the rest of the site is only the scattered fragments of ceramic jars
and some unprovenienced wood. I think that site should be preserved in a way
rehabilitated. According to Indonesia Big Dictionary, rehabilitation is the recovery to
previous condition (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia 1990:737). So in this paper,
rehabilitation means the recovery to condition before the salvaging.
The consideration factors to do the rehabilitation of Belitung Wreck are :
1. Important underwater site as the proof of sailing in 9th century AD
2. The location is near Belitung island
3. It is located about 17 meters deep
4. It can be developed for under water tourism resorts and complete the maritime
museum
Site rehabilitation activity is the reordering of scattered objects on the seabed and
the returning the land objects to the sea. The land objects are the fragments of ceramics
in a villa which used to be a basecamp when the salvaging took place and the seizure
of court given to the Museum Timah in Belitung. In addition, it is needed to make the
imitation from the pieces of the ship and other objects. Belitung Wreck Site
Rehabilitation is expected to support society’s curiosity after visiting the maritime
museum. They conduct diving tourism to know the situation under the sea. There are
two spots that can be diving tourism destination which are the location of sunken ship
and the reef that cause the sunken ship.

Conclusion
Belitung Wreck is one of underwater site salvaged without involving Indonesian
archaeologists. Since it was salvaged not many people has known the condition of the
site. It is different from the objects exposed in permanent exhibition or travelling
exhibitions. It causes amazement and also controversy as lifting is considered an
infringement of the 2001 Convention.
Belitung Wreck site can be an example of how salvaging is a loss of objects to
National governments. More importantly the information of the site was lost due to there

�being no report submitted to the Indonesia government on the salvage operations or
any of the conservation or auction follow-ups. There were only pieces of ceramics and
planks of wood left on the seabed. It would have been best if the shipwreck site had
been approached as a research and preservation activity; with the inclusion of scientific
considerations and the preservation/monitoring of in situ objects. In my opinion it is
much better to excavate only some objects designated to be exhibited in museums
while leaving the rest in situ.

Bibliography
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2003
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1995
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http://idlethink.wordpress.com/2009/07/14/curating-theoceans-the-future-of-singapores-past/
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                <text>The Belitung Shipwreck Site, located at 17 meters (m) depth in Belitung waters, Indonesia, is a shipwreck site containing Tang Dynasty (AD 618-906) cargo that was lifted by private salvage companies, Limited Corporation/Perusahaan Terbatas (PT). Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration Company in 1998. The salvaging  process was done without involving Indonesian State archaeologists. The shipwreck is an Arab or Indian vessel that includes 60,000  artifacts from the Tang Dynasty. In 2005, the artifacts sold to  Singapore Sentosa Leisure Group. &#13;
&#13;
In 2010, the Office for Cultural Heritage Preservation of Jambi conducted the first underwater archaeological survey at Belitung Shipwreck site in order to find out the  conditions of the site after the salvaging operation. The result shows that the site is extremely ravaged, with unidentified ceramic fragments spread out in a radius of Â± 20 square meters (mÂ²). It seems clear that the ceramic fragments have been removed by the company then thrown back into the sea because considered non-commercial. Meanwhile, the structure of the actual shipwreck was not found. It was only a big  hole with 6 m wide and 15 m long, which seems to be where the ship may have settled. The remnants are now just a few small wood fragments and a sizable chunk of wood,  this maybe the mast-step. The Belitung Shipwreck is recognized worldwide as an extremely valuable find in Indonesian waters. Preservation efforts are needed to remind future generations that the shipwreck site very important for underwater archaeology in Indonesia. Some preservation efforts that can be done are legal protection, site rehabilitation, and establishing a maritime museum in Belitung Regency. The last of which efforts have initiated two years ago with the aim to preserve artifacts from Belitung shipwreck site and other underwater sites in Bangka Belitung Province.&#13;
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                    <text>Traditional island Southeast Asian watercraft in Philippine
archaeological sites
Ligaya S.P. Lacsina1

Abstract
The seas of island South East Asia have long been an aid rather than a hindrance to movements within
the region and among close neighbours. Many shared cultural traits show evidence of maritime
connections within the region. As has been revealed by archaeology, historical accounts and
ethnography, a boatbuilding tradition likewise emerged out of island Southeast Asia. At least three
examples of such watercraft have been identified in Philippine archaeological sites, all of which predate
Spanish colonization. While the remains of these sites were documented and recorded, little
comprehensive research has so far been done from these sites to form a cohesive study on the ancient
maritime culture in the Philippines and interactions with its Southeast Asian neighbours. This paper seeks
to present the known examples of Southeast Asian boats in the archaeological record, ethnographic and
regional parallels, and discuss the potential of future inquiries into revealing more of the Philippines’
maritime past.

Introduction
The seas of island South East Asia have long been an aid rather than a hindrance to
movements within the region and among close neighbours. Archaeologists have
revealed ample evidence of the active maritime networks in the region that existed from
at least 5,000 years ago, at the beginning of the Austronesian migration that spread
throughout all of insular Southeast Asia and most of the Pacific (Bellwood 1985;
Bellwood 1991; Bellwood 1995; Bellwood and Dizon 2005; Horridge 1995; Reid 1988;
Ronquillo 1998; Scott 1994; Solheim 1988; Solheim 2006). As pointed out by linguists,
archaeologists, and anthropologists, shared cultural traits such as language, agriculture,
animal husbandry, and pottery-making are evidence of the Austronesian maritime
connection. Likewise a boatbuilding tradition emerged out of island Southeast Asia but
scarcely addressed in archaeology and history subjects.
Based on a 17th account by a Spanish priest in the Philippines, Alcisco Alcina
(1668 translated by Horridge 1982), boatbuilding at the time was shown to favour the
shell-first technique of joining planks edge-to-edge using wooden dowels and lashed
lugs. Similar construction techniques are in evidence from regional neighbours, such as
southern Taiwan (Hornell 1920; Horridge 1982), Indonesia (Horridge 1982), and
Malaysia (Evans 1927; Manguin 1993). In some parts of Indonesia the tradition still
persists despite the presence of modern influences (Horridge 1982). In the Philippines
at least three sites have been discovered which confirm the historical information and
show that this technique was used in the archipelago hundreds of years prior to the
European contact in the 16th century Common Era (CE).

1

Museum Researcher I, Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines

�This paper seeks to present the known examples of Southeast Asian boats in the
regional parallels of the archaeological and ethnographic record, as well as discuss the
potential of future inquiries into revealing more of the Philippines’ maritime past.

Traditional island Southeast Asian Watercraft
Studies have shown that active trading networks within island Southeast Asia began
during the Neolithic period at least 5,000 years ago (Bellwood 1985; Bellwood 1991;
Bellwood 1995; Bellwood and Dizon 2005; Horridge 1995; Reid 1988; Ronquillo 1998;
Scott 1994; Solheim 1988; Solheim 2006). Long distance sailing technology in the
region must have appeared much earlier, with the peopling of Australia through
Southeast Asia some 40,000 years ago (Green 2006). Early insular Southeast Asian
vessels were built shell first (Manguin 1993). Their construction used the lash-lugged
technique to fasten ribs to planks. The planks were joined to each other by either
sewing or edge pegging with wooden dowels. Pierre-Yves Manguin (1993) has posited
that plank sewing was an earlier technology that was eventually replaced by dowel edge
pegging. A decade earlier, Adrian Horridge (1982:56-57) argued the need for metal
tools to drill the holes needed for edge pegging with dowels while the sewing technique
did not. Doweling was thus a later development. We see however, that in several
instances plank sewing still persisted at the time the practice of dowelling had been
established. Metal was not used for joinery in traditional Southeast Asian boats
(Horridge 1982; Manguin 1993; Scott 1981).

Historical accounts
Very few historical accounts have been found to exist describing the boats in the
Southeast Asian region, much less the techniques utilized in their construction. An 8th
century Chinese text by a Chinese monk described a large sailing kunlun bo (Southeast
Asian ship) more than fifty meters long and carrying more than 1,000 people (Manguin
1993:262). The kunlun bo used several layers of planks and coconut bark fibres to bind
its parts together (Manguin 1993:262). A 14th century CE Chinese document written by
Wang Ta-yuan observed boats in Madura that used split rattan to fasten the wood
together and cotton wadding to plug seams (Scott 1981:6).
More detailed accounts were produced with the coming of the Europeans in the
16th and 17th centuries CE. Portuguese 16th century CE accounts described Sumatran
trading ships, referred to as jong (or jonque) as being larger than their own and able to
carry 1,000 passengers (Manguin 1993). The planks and frames of the jong were
fastened exclusively by wooden dowels. The ship’s hulls were sheathed, had multiple
masts and used quarter rudders (Manguin 1993). Antonio Pigafetta, who chronicled
Ferdinand Magellan’s voyage to Southeast Asia, wrote in 1521 of outrigger boats using
wooden dowels (Pigafetta MS 1522 in Blair and Robertson vol 33:225; Scott 1981:6). In
1526, Andres de Urdaneta described rowers positioned over the outriggers that
extended over the sides of the vessels (Scott 1981:6, 16-17) .
The most comprehensive account of boatbuilding techniques of the time was by
Alcina, who in his 1668 writings described the step by step shell-first construction of a
large plank boat in the Visayas, Philippines (Alcina 1668 in Horridge 1982:5-29; Scott
1981:11-17). After preparing a keel connected by mortise to the stem and stern posts,

�carved planks with protruding lugs were attached edge to edge by wooden dowels. The
shape of the garboard strakes determined the size and form of the boat. When several
strakes were attached the partial boat was allowed to dry completely for one to two
months. After this period, the boat was dismantled and refitted tightly. Flexible ribs were
lashed to drilled holes in the lugs and to thwarts which were added to strengthen the
boat crosswise. Alcina described plank boats that used bamboo outriggers, at least one
tripod mast and quarter rudders. During that period Alcina noted that the use of double
outriggers was seen only in the Philippines though single outriggers were used with
canoes of the Pacific islands (Horridge 1982:22, 56-57).
The Alcina manuscript is a valuable resource for the thorough descriptions of
boat construction methods, boat types, tools, and terminologies used in 17th century
Philippines.

Archaeology
The oldest example of a Southeast Asian boat in the archaeological record was
discovered in Pontian in the Malay Peninsula and dated to 260-430 CE. The Pontian
boat is characterized as being sewn-planked and lash-lugged(Manguin 1993:256).
Wooden dowels were also used, presumably to keep the strakes from sliding. Manguin
(1993) considers the combined Pontian boatbuilding techniques of sewn planks,
dowelling and lashed lugs to be of a transitional boatbuilding tradition between the
earlier tradition of sewn planks and lashed lugs and the later tradition of edge pegging
and lashed lugs.
Other examples of sewn plank boats were found in Indonesia, particularly in
Medan, North Sumatra and Sambirejo and Kolam Pinisi in South Sumatra (Manguin
1993:). Recovered from the sites were badly degraded planks. The boat in Medan was
dated to the 12th-14th centuries CE based on associated ceramics (Manguin 1993). The
Sambirejo timber was radiocarbon dated to 610-775 CE. Wood remains at Kolam Pinisi
were radiocarbon dated to 434-631 CE (Manguin 1993).
Numerous types of boats have been noted throughout the islands of the
Philippines since the historical period (see Orillaneda and Ronquillo this volume). Boat
and ship remains found and studied in Philippine archaeological sites however have
predominantly been of South China or European origin. Only a few remains have been
found to display characteristics of island Southeast Asian design.
Butuan boats
In the mid-1970s, the so-called Butuan Boats were discovered under flood deposits in
Butuan City, southern Philippines (Peralta 1976). According to reports and articles over
the years, a total of nine Butuan boats were found accidentally during infrastructure
works or by the probing rods of pot hunters in search of wooden coffins containing
valuable grave goods (Clark et al. 1993; Green et al. 1995; Ronquillo 1987; Ronquillo
1997; Salcedo 1998; Scott 1981). An additional two boats may have since been found
(Cembrano 1998) though this has yet to be confirmed.

�Figure 1. The remains of Butuan Boat 1 on display at the Balangay Shirine in Butuan
City (photo by author).
Only three of the boats have been studied archaeologically and recovered: boat
no. 1 (figure 1), currently on display in the Balangay Shrine in Butuan City which is
adjacent to where it was recovered; boat no. 2, which has been partially reconstructed
and is on exhibit at the National Museum in Manila; and boat no. 5, which is currently
undergoing restoration and conservation treatment at the Balangay Shrine. A few
timbers and broken planks of boat no. 4, which were recovered by pot hunters, are also
stored at the Shrine. Most of boat no.4 however remains in situ. The three
archaeologically excavated boats were radiocarbon dated to 320 CE, 1250 CE, and
1215 CE, respectively (Ronquillo 1987). While the 900 year disparity of boat no.1 with

�boats no.2 and no.5 has been cause of some uncertainty. The Butuan boats are
undoubtedly the oldest water craft in Philippine archaeology (Cuevas, et al. n.d.;
Ronquillo 1987; Salcedo 1998).
Though the remains of the vessels are incomplete, they are calculated to
average fifteen to twenty meters in length, three to five meters in beam, and exhibit
several of the building techniques described by Alcina with edge joined planks and
lashed lugs (Alcina in Horridge:9-14; Scott:13-14). Planks of the Butuan boats were cut
and carved from a single piece of timber and attached by scarfed joints to winged stem
or stern pieces (Clark et al. 1993; Cuevas et al. n.d.). Though round or flat bottomed
and using a center plank, they are frequently referred to as balangay (or balanghai),
which use a true keel or dug-out keel (Scott 1981).
Gujangan wreck
The heavily looted Gujangan wreck was found in the waters off Gujangan Island, Sulu
province, southern Philippines (Cuevas, et al. n.d.). The wreck, dated to the 15th-16th
century CE based on its ceramic cargo, was only briefly inspected by archaeologists in
1998 (Cuevas, et al. n.d.). Plank remains show drilled holes along its sides and bored
lugs, indicating the edge pegging and lashed-lug construction technique. They are
remarkably similar to the Butuan boat planks (figure 2).The Gujangan hull was left in
situ, though several pieces of timber were recovered for sampling.

Figure 2. Gujangan wreck plank showing a drilled lug and holes for dowels (Photo by
author).
San Isidro wreck
In 1996, in the waters of San Isidro, Zambales province in the northwest Philippines, a
vessel approximately 15 metres long carrying Ming Dynasty Chinese ceramics (circa
16th century CE) was discovered. It was postulated that the San Isidro acted as
transport service for larger vessels that were unable to moor closer to shore. Though
much of the hull was obscured by cargo and concretions, small pins were observed
(Cuevas et al n.d.). The San Isidro plank remains (figure 3) indicate that it may have

�been clinker built with dowels and sewing (Santiago 1996). This, however, needs to be
verified by additional site inspections.

Figure 3. Drawing of San Isidro plank remains (Goddio 1996).
The San Isidro keel and planks were recovered for documentation, but returned
to the site and reburied due to the difficulty of waterlogged wood conservation (F.
Goddio pers. comm. 2011; Rey Santiago pers. comm. 2010).
Other sites
Preliminary studies are underway for the remains of a round bottomed boat recently
exposed by erosion in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur in the Northern Philippines (see Faylona et
al. this volume). Interviews with the local community indicate that the boat is a biray (or
viray), a traditional sewn-plank boat of northern Luzon estimated to be around 100
years old (Pamela Faylona pers. comm.; Germelina Goulart pers. Comm. 2011).
At least two other underwater sites in Mindoro and Marinduque in southern
Luzon are reported to be balangays (Brian Homan pers comm 2010), but have not been
fully examined.

Contemporary examples
A few island Southeast Asian boat builders have continued practicing traditional
techniques long after the introduction of western-boat and shipbuilding practices
(Horridge 1982). It has been through the study of contemporary Indonesian boat
builders (Horridge 1982: 49-55), for example, that numerous clues were taken to help
interpret the fragmented and deteriorated timber found in archaeological sites (Horridge
1982; Manguin 1993; Scott 1981).

�In Batanes, the northernmost Philippine province, the tataya is built shell first.
Ricardo Galang (1941) described it as carvel built without the use of any iron nails. It is
edge pegged and fastened by lugs to frames with rattan lashing. The tataya is
remarkable in contemporary Philippine boats because it does not make use of
outriggers. Austronesian speakers of southern Taiwan make use of the same boat
technology, demonstrating the continuing cultural ties between the two locations
(Cuevas et al n.d.; Galang 1941; Horridge 1982).
Recently, in a project called Voyage of the Balangay, a group of Filipino
adventurers sailed replica balangays modelled partially after the Butuan boat remains
and built by traditional Sama-Badjao boat builders of the southern Philippines (Voyage
of the Balanghai 2010). The first replica, named the Diwata ng Lahi, was completed in
less than two months in mid-2009 using traditional tools with the exception of electric
powered drills. The Diwata ng Lahi travelled from Manila to Mindanao sailing along the
country’s western coast. Two more balangays were built, and the three vessels, sailing
without outriggers, travelled throughout the southern Philippines, before sailing to the
rest of Southeast Asia and back. The entire voyage was completed in early 2011. The
Diwata ng Lahi is currently on display at the National Museum in Manila.
The balangays were built using dowels to fasten planks together. However,
unlike the Butuan boats which used one piece of wood for each plank, the balangays
used several scarfed timbers to form the strakes. This was due to the scarcity of
suitable hardwoods (Rey Santiago pers. comm. 2011). Consequently, dowels or metal
fastenings, rather than lashings were needed to directly join the frames to the planks to
increase strength. Unlike the Butuan boats, the balangays were built with keels and
used stem- and sternposts rather than winged ends. During the voyage, when repairs
were needed and wooden dowels were unavailable, iron fastenings were used.
Many traditional boat builders of island Southeast Asia have begun to adapt
modifications to their building techniques, as illustrated in the Voyage of the Balangay
project, either out of necessity or to simplify work. Traditional boatbuilding in the region
is thus rapidly declining. In the Philippines, it is interesting to note that where traditional
boatbuilding has persisted are in the remote extreme northern and southern parts of the
country (Abrera 2009; Cuevas, et al. n.d.).

Future research
Future research should involve the re-examination of traditional island Southeast Asian
watercraft remains in Philippine archaeological sites. Specific goals should include the
radiocarbon dating of the unexcavated Butuan boats, precise recording and
documentation of the unexcavated Butuan boats and the hulls of the San Isidro and
Gujangan wrecks; and to make a thorough comparative study of the remains.
Field research would entail, at least, partial excavation of the sites in order to
expose portions of the hulls enough for documentation. There is however, the inclination
by a number of groups, to recover at least one of the remaining Butuan boats for the
purpose of exhibition and raising public awareness on the importance of the boats in the
Philippines’ maritime heritage. If this is the case, a tremendous amount of resources for
the treatment and conservation of waterlogged wooden remains is required.
Discussions with the Butuan branch museum staff suggested that boat no. 4 would be

�the best option for excavation and recovery based on observations made when it had
been partially exposed by pothunters (Lacsina 2011). The other boats may be test
excavated to determine their condition and to assess whether more extensive
excavation is merited. As the remaining sites are not monitored and within private land,
boats no.7, no.8, and no.9 have likely been greatly damaged by pothunters or during
fishpond construction, illustrating the dangers of leaving known boat sites unprotected.
A significant amount of knowledge can still be attained with the archaeological
study of the remaining Butuan boats. Thorough documentation and recording of the hull
remains would entail the excavation of the sites in order to expose portions of the hulls.
Wood samples would have to be taken for dating purposes as this could confirm or
refute the early 320 CE date of boat no.1.
The greatest challenge in archaeological excavation in the Butuan area is the
high water table, which is less than 1 meter from the ground surface. In previous
excavations, water pumps were utilized almost continuously.
There is also the considerable problem of determining the exact locations of the
remaining boats. A recent site visit showed that exact and precise locations could not be
confirmed as this was attempted by memory (see Stead and Dizon this volume). At
least two of the boats, no.6 and no.8, were either inaccessible due to heavy vegetal
growth or had been disturbed when fishponds were constructed in the area. The
location of boat no. 9 is not marked on site maps and is likewise unknown to the present
staff of the branch museum. The site of boat no.7 bore evidence of pot hunting
activities, with a number of open excavation pits visible.
Probing the ground with the use of metal rods or sonda, as practiced by
pothunters when the boats were first found in the 1970s and 1980s can be used to
confirm the presence and extent of the sites in preparation for archaeological
excavation. Remote sensing technology may also be utilized for more accurate results
but at a much greater expense.
Neither the Gujangan nor San Isidro sites have been re-examined since the initial
investigations more than ten years ago. At this point, their present conditions are
unknown. The boat remains off the Mindoro and Marinduque islands must also be
located and examined, as with other reported old boat sites. Surveys may be taken
throughout the Philippines for finding other instances of traditional watercraft remains.

Discussion
Philippine maritime archaeology has thus far focused on international trade networks
and ceramic studies, having put much emphasis on preserved cargo of which
thousands of pieces have been found from single sites. The study of Philippine ship and
boat technology from archaeological sites, however, is a topic that can benefit from
more thorough studies. In spite of the presence of archaeological resources, very little
research has been done with the aim of comprehensively investigating the traditional
Southeast Asian boats in the Philippines. The existing research on the Butuan Boats,
for example, was meant to be only preliminary in nature, pending more comprehensive
studies in the future that have yet to occur. The San Isidro and Gujangan wrecks have
likewise not been suitably utilised to enrich knowledge of Philippine maritime culture.

�The data that will be generated from the research will add significant understanding to
indigenous Philippine and island Southeast Asian boatbuilding techniques.

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“Notes on the Remains of an Old Boat Found at Pontian” in
Journal of the Federated Malay States Museum 12, 93-96.
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�“The Outrigger Canoes of Indonesia”, in Madras Fisheries
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Alcina Ms and the Lomblen Whaling Boats, Trustees of the
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Historical and Comparative Perspectives, ANU Press, pp.1431995
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                <text>The seas of island South East Asia have long been an aid rather than a hindrance to movements within the region and among close neighbours. Many shared cultural traits show evidence of maritime connections within the region. As has been revealed by archaeology, historical accounts and ethnography, a boatbuilding tradition likewise emerged out of island Southeast Asia. At least three examples of such watercraft have been identified in Philippine archaeological sites, all of which predate Spanish colonization. While the remains of these sites were documented and recorded, little comprehensive research has so far been done from these sites to form a cohesive study on the ancient maritime culture in the Philippines and interactions with its Southeast Asian neighbours. This paper seeks to present the known examples of Southeast Asian boats in the archaeological record, ethnographic and regional parallels, and discuss the potential of future inquiries into revealing more of the Philippinesâ€™ maritime past.</text>
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                    <text>Literary &amp; Archaeological Evidence of Early Seafaring &amp;
Navigation Technologies in India
S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty1

Abstract
India is situated at the central point of the ocean that washes on its coast on three sides, seemed
destined very early for a maritime future in the region. Both literature and archaeological works of the
region are providing ample evidence about the early sea routes and maritime trade activities of the
region. Vedic literature, one of the early existed texts, has provided copious references about the
early seafaring. There was a time in the past when Indians were the masters of the long distance
seaborne trade. They built ships, navigated the sea, and held in their hands all the threads of
international commerce, whether carried overland or via sea. The archaeological excavations of
several Indo-Saraswathi, the first civilization in the region, sites and many others have also
conclusively demonstrated advance maritime activities right from the third millennium Before Christ2
(BCE). During the early historical period (second BCE to second CE) several coastal towns, both east
and west coasts of peninsular India, had international trade and commerce. The subject matter for
the present discussion are based on glimpses of the regional seafaring and navigation technologies
mentioned in the available early indigenous literature of the Sanskrit language, as well as
archaeological records.

Key words – Vedic literature, Sanskrit, Rigveda, Matsya yantra
India has all required geographical feature suitable for water transportation, which
has been utilized by human since the ancient times to the present day. It is situated
at the central point of the ocean (see Map).

Figure 1. Map of India's geographical location, the red arrow extends from its most
western coast to its eastern border (by author).
1

Prof &amp; Geoarchaeologist, SCSVMV University, Enathur, Kanchipuram – 631561., India.
Email- sramakrishna.pisipaty@gmail.com
2
A designation of the Gregorian Calendar, from the year -1 and continuing backwards from the year
of the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth. Common Era - abbreviated as CE, is an alternative
designation for the calendar era, traditionally identified with Anno Domini (abbreviated AD), both
systems are numerically equivalent. BCE - Before the Common Era, an alternative to BC (Before
Christ).

�The rivers flow from the Greater Himalayas and other Ghats, further provide the
intra-connection within the region to the coast. From the region many advanced traits
were evolved for the first time in the history of mankind. Among them is a vast
amount of literature developed by the Sindh region around 2000 BCE. This has been
a major source in reconstructing the past on various aspects. It may be true that the
Sanskrit literature is only existing early literature. Early Indian literature has appeared
in two major groups depending on the language – one is in Sanskrit language and
other group of literature is in the regional dialects of that period (Mujumdar 1996;
Datta 2006). Literature in Sanskrit language is grouped in to two types of texts – one
related to Veda origin; and the second category is classical literature (Keith 1993). In
the former group of text, of Sanskrit language, according to scholars Rigveda is an
early text and complied around 2000 BCE (Kochhar 2000). It may be noted that the
vast Indian literature has oceanic depth. For the present study evidence related to
the early India seafaring have been restricted to the Rigveda and a few other early
text along with archaeological data unearthed from various Indo-Saraswathi sites.
According to various scholars the Rigvedic compilation and the late phases of the
Indo-Saraswathi civilization (around 2000 BCE) were happened almost in the same
period (Kochhar 2000; Talageri 2000).

Allusions to Early Maritime Activity in Sanskrit Literature
In Sanskrit literature constant reference is made to merchants, traders and men
engrossed in commercial pursuits. The oldest evidence on record is supplied by the
Rigveda which contains several references to sea voyages undertaken for
commercial purposes (Table I). The word "navy", or related word, has its origin from
the Sanskrit word Navgatih, potentially the word "navy" derived from the word nou
meaning boat.
From Sanskrit language Samudra is usually translated as "ocean and/or
sea" and the word itself means "gathering of waters". The term Samudra occurs 133
times in the Rigveda, referring to oceans (real, mythical or figurative) or large bodies
of water as well as to large Soma vessels (RV 6.69.6). However, the Samudra is
never said to flow in the Rigveda, but it receives all rivers (RV 6.36.3; 8.44.25).
The Rigveda also describes the Sarasvati River as a river that flows to the ocean
(RV 2.41.16-18) and, "is pure in her course from the mountains to the sea" (RV
7.95.2). Rigveda (1.71.7) describes the seven great rivers seeking the Samudra. All
rivers flow to the Samudra but are unable to fill it (RV 7.33.8). It also says that the
Samudra is the eldest of the waters (Samudra jyestha) and that the goal of the rivers
is to reach the Samudra (RV 7.49).
One passage (RV. I. 25,7) represents Varuna, the rain God who has full
knowledge of all sea routes. In another context (RV. I.56,2) it speaks of merchants,
under the influence of greed, going abroad on ships to foreign countries. Another
verse (I. 56.2) mentions merchants whose activities know no bounds, who go
everywhere in pursuit of gain, and frequent every part of the sea. The seventh
mandala (book) (VII. 88. 3 &amp; 4) alludes to a voyage undertaken by Vasishtha and
Varuna in a ship skillfully fitted out, and their, "undulating happily in the prosperous
swing". A verse in first mandala/book, which is the most interesting passage (RV.
I.116. 3), mentions a naval expedition on which the Tugra, a King (mentioned in
Rigveda) sent his son Bhujyu against some of his enemies in the distant islands.
Bhujyu, however, is shipwrecked by a storm, with all his followers, on the ocean,
"where there is no support, no rest for the foot or the hand", from which he is

�rescued by his twin brethren, the Asvins (Rigvedic Gods), in their hundred-oared
galley. The Panis in the Vedas and later classical literature were the merchant class
who pioneered to unknown lands and succeeded in crossing oceans and rivers
between many regions and diverse nations. The Phoenicians were no other than the
Panis of the Rigveda (RV X.108). They were called Phoeni in Latin which is very
similar to the Sanskrit Pani.
From the above verses show that the people credit Varuna (rain God in
Rigveda) with knowledge of the ocean routes and the versus describe naval
expeditions having occurred by the time of the Rigveda compilation (around 2000
BCE). It may also appear that the Vedic culture was a maritime culture, the Vedic
people lived by the sea for some time before the hymns of the Rigveda were
composed.
Rigveda articulation of sea voyages include (I. 97.8), "Do thou convey us in a
ship across the sea for our welfare". “As a ship crosses the river (or sea), Agni takes
us across to safety” (RV I. 97.8). Besides these examples there are numerous
allusions in the Rigveda to sea voyages and to ships with a hundred oars. According
to the text, “all the universe rests within your nature, in the ocean, in the heart, in all
life” (RV IV. 58. 11).
Manu Smriti is the oldest law book in the world. It is written in Sanskrit and
lays down laws to govern commercial disputes. Its references, of concern for this
paper, are to sea borne traffic as well as inland and overland commerce (MS I-XVIII).
The Ramayana refers to the Yavan Dvipa and Suvarna Dvipa (Java and
Sumatra respectively) and to the Lohta Sayara or the Red Sea (Buck (ed) 1976 (rp)).
In the Kishkindha Kandam (4,40) in Ramayana Sugriva, the Lord of the Monkeys,
gives directions to monkey leaders for the quest of Sita (wife of Lord Rama and the
main female character in Ramayana), and entails all the possible places including
islands where Ravana could have concealed her (RY 4.40.34,37,38 &amp;45). In
Ayodhya Kandam there is a passage which hints at preparation for a naval fight, thus
indirectly indicating thorough knowledge and universal use of waterways (RY 2.52).
Construction of overpass on sea to reach island Srilanka, is another example of early
navigation and sea exploration from India to the other regions (RY).
The well known story of the "churning of the ocean" (Samudra
manthan or Ksheera Sagara Mathanam in Sanskrit language) in the Mahabharata,
Vishnu purana and Bhagavata purana is not without significance (Wilson 2006; Mani
1975). According to the story, all kinds of herbs were cast into the ocean and
fourteen Ratnas (gems or treasures or most important) were produced from the
ocean during churning and were divided between asuras and gods. The list of
Ratnas in the scriptures are ranges from 9 to 14. This is further indicating the
exploitation and extraction of natural resources from the sea by the people of the
region.
Moreover, the most interesting passage in the Mahabharata is that which
refers to “a large ship with machinery and all kinds of weapons of war that is able to
defy storms and waves” (Buck 2004 (rp)). Ancient texts such as Vishnu
Puran (around fifth century CE) and the Periplus of the Eruthreanean Sea (a mid-1st
century date is now the most commonly accepted) vividly describe the tidal range
and its uses in navigation practice. The fabulous literature of India is also replete with
stories of sea voyages by Sindh regions.
The Jatakas (JS), Buddhist scriptures in Pāli language (other than Sanskrit
language) are also providing information about the merchantization and navigation
through the sea. Some very definite and convincing allusions to sea voyages and

�sea-borne trade are also contained in the vast body of Buddhist literature, which are
generally taken to relate themselves to a period of one thousand years beginning
from 500 BCE (Viggo Fausbll (ed). 2010). The Baveru Jataka without doubt, points
to the existence of commercial intercourse between India and Babylon in preAshokan days (before second century BCE) (BJ 313; Moorkerji 1999). There is
another to consider, a Prakrit text on ship-building named Angavijja written in the
Kushana period (around second century BCE) and edited in the Gupta period
(around fifth century Common Era (CE)). This text enlists about a dozen names of
different types of ships, such as Nava, Pota, Kotimba, Salika, Sarghad, Plava,
Tappaka, Pindika, Kanda, Katha, Velu, Tumba, Kumba and Dati. Some of these
varieties of ships such as Tappaka (Trappaga), Kotimba and Sarghad have also
been mentioned in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. They are considered to be very
large ships capable of sailing along the coast as well as in deep sea (Vincent 1998).
Tamil literature of a few centuries before and after the present era, which was
composed in the southern part of India, especially Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai
also testify to this great overseas trade.

Technologies
Yuktikalpataru of Bhoja gives a detailed classification of ships. There were two kinds:
ordinary (Samanya) ships comprising those used in inland waters; and special
(visesa) meant for sea journeys. The largest of these called ‘Manthara’ measured
120 cubits (1 cubit = 45.72 centimeters) in length, 60 in breadth and 60 cubits in
height. During the days of the composition of Yuktikalpataru (around ninth century
CE), it appears that ship-building was highly advanced. It explains how to build ships
(YK 81-82), ship types (YK 89), sizes (YK 90-95) and materials (YK 83-87), including
suitability of different types of wood. Bhoja has advised the builders of the sea-faring
ships not to join the plants with iron as, in this case, the magnetic iron in sea water
could expose the ship to danger (YK 88). To avoid this risk, he suggests that planks
of the hull's bottom should be held together with the help of substances other than
iron (YK 88). According to the literature ships could carry crews numbering between
100 to 600. Out of regard for passenger convenience and comfort the ships were
well furnished and decorated. Gold, silver, copper and compounds of all these
substances were generally used for ornamentation and decoration.
The magnetic compass was first used in India around 1800 BCE, for
navigational purposes at sea, and was known as ‘Matsya yantra’ (which roughly
translates to fish machine), because of the placement of a metallic piece shaped
into a fish in a cup of oil (Prakash 2008).
Yantra Sarvaswa (All about machines) composed by Maharishi Bharadwaj
and other sages is another resource book in the Sanskrit language commemorates
early Indian technologies. Vaimanika Shastra (YS), the extant text is claimed to be
only a small (one-fortieth) part of a larger work, four planes
called Shakuna, Sundara, Rukma, and Tripura are described in greater detail. The
Tripura Vimana in Vaimanika Shastra (see plate 1) described a hi-tech vessel which
could have been use in three natural environments - air, water and land (Josyer
1973).

�Plate 1. Hi-tech vessel which could have been use in three natural environments air, water and land (Josyer 1973).

Archaeological evidence
From the archaeological horizon, the representation of ships on a seal and coin
indicate maritime activities, there is enough evidence to show that the people of the
Sindhu region carried on trade, not only with other parts of India, but also with Sumer
and the centers of culture in Western Asia, Egypt and Crete (Behera 1999).
At Lothal a tidal dock, believed to have been built during Indus Valley
Civilization (2300 BCE), near the present day Mangrol harbour on the Gujarat (west)
coast is an example of early Indian seafaring. According to Rao (1979, 1985; 1987;
1991) the dock has been used in two stages: at the first stage it was designed to
allow ships 18-20 meters long and 4-6 meters wide, at least two ships could
simultaneously pass and enter easily; in the second stage the inlet channel was
narrowed to accommodate large ships but only single ships with flat bottoms could
enter. The terracotta models of a boat from Lothal and engravings on Indus seals
give some idea of ships going to the sea (Rao 1979, 1985).
Further, the Indus Valley ports were set up to trade overseas with
ancient Mesopotamia (the land between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers
corresponding to the regions of modern Iraq, northeastern Syria and southeastern
Turkey) and Arabia along the Gulf of Cambay. These ports trans-shipped much
sought after Indian products from upriver cities along ancient Indus Valley rivers to
the world market (Moorkerji 1999). The distance from the mouth of the Sindhu river
to Mesopotamia was approximately 2000 kilometers (km), and probably covered by
Sindhu merchants from sites such as Dholavira and Mohenjo-daro by sailing along
the coast to various ports of the Arabian Gulf and Mesopotamia.
From the above information one can note concrete evidence about the
seafaring and technology involved in the construction of vessels in ancient India.

�Further, there was a time in the past when Indians were the masters of the
seaborne trade of Europe, Asia and Africa (Chanda 1977). They built ships,
navigated the sea, and held in their hands all the threads of international commerce,
whether carried overland or by sea. Indian traders sailed their ships not only on the
Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf, they also ventured into the Red Sea and even
into the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea (Vincent 1998). From the very beginning
Indian traders had a very fair knowledge of all the ancient oceans and seas of the
populated world (Radha 1912). The Egyptians called India ‘God's land’ because
India was, in those days, very culturally developed (Prasad 1990). The priest of
ancient Egypt required vast quantities of aromatic plants for burning incense; and
frankincense, myrrh and lavender were also used for embalmment. Herodotus
(around 425 BCE) has left us a sickening description of the great number of spices
and scented ointments of which India was the center (Marincola 2003). Beauty
products from India also attracted the women of Egypt and the cosmetic trade was
entirely dependent on imports chiefly from India (Prasad 1977). The Pharaohs of the
fifth and sixth dynasties made great efforts to develop trade relations with the land of
Punt (Prasad 1977). Knemphotep made voyages to Punt eleven times under the
captainship of Koui (Mitra 2007), these expeditions were organized and financed by
the celebrated Queen Halshepsut.
The vast extent of Indian cultural influences, from Central Asia to the north to
tropical Indonesia including Philippines in the south and from the borderlands of
Persia in the west to China and Japan in the east, has shown that ancient India was
a radiating central civilization. Its advanced cultural thoughts, art and literature were
destined to leave deep marks on the races wholly diverse and scattered over the
greater part of Asia (as defined by the ‘United Nations geoscheme for Asia’).
The most valuable of the exports of India was silk, which under the Persian
Empire is said to have been exchanged by its weight in gold. It is evident that there
was a very large consumption of Indian manufactures in Rome (Warminton 1974).
Roman coins in large quantities are found in places in India (Gupta 1965; Singh
1988), whence beryl, pepper, pearls and minerals were exported to Rome (Begley &amp;
De Puma 1992).
The chief articles of export from India were spices, perfumes, medicinal herbs,
pigments, pearls, precious stones (like diamonds, sapphires, turquoise and lapis
lazuli), animal skins, cotton cloth, silk yarn, muslin, indigo, ivory, porcelain and
tortoise shell (De Silva 1970). The chief imports were cloth, linen, perfume, medicinal
herbs, glass vessels, silver, gold, copper, tin, lead, pigment, precious stones and
coral (Chanda 1977).
Some important verses from Rigveda, quoted in the above text
(first in Verses in Romanized Sanskrit Font (transliterate) and original text in
Sanskrit)
vedā yo vīnāṃ padamantarikṣeṇa patatām |
veda nāvaḥ samudriyaḥ ||
वेदा यो वीनां पदम�त�र�ेण पतताम |
वेद नावः समु�ियः ||
(RV I. 25. 7)
Tam gurtayo nemannishah parinash
Samudram na sancharane sanishyavah

�Patim dakshasya vidathasya nu saho
Grim n a vena adhiroha tejasa
तं गूतय
� ो नेम��नषः पर�णसः समुिं न संचरणे सिनंयवः |
पितं द�ःय !वदथःय नू सहो िग�रं न वेना अिध रोह तेजसा ||
(RV I.56.2)
tughro ha bhujyumaśvinodameghe rayiṃ na kaścin mamṛvānavāhāḥ |
tamūhathurnaubhirātmanvatībhirantarikṣaprudbhirapodakābhiḥ ||
तुमो ह भु)युम�*नोदमेघे रियं न क�-न म.वानवाहाः |
तमूहथुन/िभरा0म�वतीिभर�त�र�ूु!2रपोदकािभः ||
(RV I. 116.3)
ā yad ruhāva varuṇaśca nāvaṃ pra yat Samudramīrayāvamadhyam |
adhi yadapāṃ snubhiścarāva pra preṅkha īṅkhayāvahai śubhe kam ||
vasiṣṭhaṃ ha varuṇo nāvyādhād ṛṣiṃ cakāra svapā mahobhiḥ |
stotāraṃ vipraḥ sudinatve ahnāṃ yān nu dyāvastatanan yāduṣāsaḥ ||
आ यद 4हाव व4ण- नावं पर यत समुिमीरयावम5यम |
अिध यदपां सनुिभ-राव पर परे ङख ईङखयावहै शुभे कम ||
विस;ं ह व4णो ना&lt;याधाद र!षं चकार सवपा महोिभः |
सतोतारं !वूः सु�दन0वे अ=ां यान नु दयावःततनन यादष
ु ासः ||
(RV VII 88. 3 &amp; 4)
vedāyovīnāṃpadamantarikṣeṇapatatām|
veda nāvaḥ samudriyaḥ ||
वेदायोवीनांपदम�त�र�ेणपतताम|
वेद नावः समु�ियः ||
(RV I. 25.7)
dviṣonoviśvatomukhātināvevapāraya|
apa...||
sanaḥsindhumivanāvayātiparṣāsvastaye|
apa ... ||
द!वषोनो!व*तोमुखाितनावेवपारय|
अप...||
सनःिस�धुिमवनावयाितपष�सवःतये |
अप ... ||
(RV I. 97. 7 &amp; 8)

�Strengthened with sacred offerings, Indra-Visnu, first eaters, seRVed with worship
and oblation,
Fed with the holy oil, vouchsafe us riches; ye are the lake [Samudra], the vat that
holds the Soma.
(RV 6.69.6)
sūryasyeva
vakṣatho
jyotireṣāṃ
samudrasyeva
mahimā ghabhīraḥ |
vātasyeva prajavo nānyena stomo vasiṣṭhā anvetave vaḥ ||
(RV 7.33.8)
ekācetat
sarasvatī
nadīnāṃ
śuciryatī
ghiribhya
ā
samudrāt
|
rāyaścetantī bhuvanasya bhūrerghṛtaṃ payo duduhe nāhuṣāya ||
(RV 7.95.2)
aghniṃ viśvā abhi pṛkṣaḥ sacante samudraṃ na sravataḥ sapta yahvīḥ |
na jāmibhiRVi cikite vayo no vidā deveṣu pramatiṃ cikitvān ||
(RV I.71.7)
taṃ
sadhrīcīrūtayo
vṛṣṇyāni
pauṃsyāni
niyutaḥ
saścurindram
|
samudraṃ na sindhava ukthaśuṣmā uruvyacasaṃ ghiraā viśanti ||
(RV 6.36.3)
indrāviṣṇū
haviṣā
vāvṛdhānāghrādvānā
namasā
rātahavyā
|
ghṛtāsutī draviṇaṃ dhattamasme samudrah sthaḥ kalaśaḥ somadhānaḥ ||
(RV 6.69.6)

Table 1. Some important words related to Sea &amp; Seafaring from Early Sanskrit
Literature
Sanskrit words
Transliterate in English
Translation into
Suitable term
(Romanized Sanskrit Font)
English

ÌÌ¥Ì:
ÌÌÍ¥ÌFÒ
ÌÌ¥™Ì˜Ì
Æ
²Ì˜ÌÙ‡Ù:
²Ì˜ÌÙ‡ÙO
Ì˜Ì Ì˜ÌÆ
²Ì Ì
²Ì˜ÌÙ‡ÙÌ:
Ì¥Ì–
Ì¥Ì–

N¡VAÅ

Ship

-

N¡VIKA

Belonging to a
Sailor, pilot

-

Navigable,
accessible by a boat
or ship

navigation

sea

-

SAMUDRAGAMAN
AM

Voyaging by sea

-

SAPTA SAMUDR¡Å

7 oceans Lavana,
ikshu, sura, ghrita,
dadhi, dugdha, jala

-

NAVABANDHANA
K¢LAÅ

A nail to tie up a
ship

Anchor

N¡VYAM

SAMUDRAÅ

�Ì ŒÌ ÌFÒÕ
¡Ô:
¥ÌÌTÌ¥ÌµÌ
˜ÌÆ
²YÌÜ¡Ô—
²YÌÜ¡Ô—
ÌÌOÌ:
FÂÒÍ Ì ÌH
Õ: FÒSÌÊ:
ÌÌ¥ÌTÌ¡Ô˜
ÌÆ
¥Ì UÌ–ÌW
Ó—ÌÌOÌ:
ÌÌOÌ:

Wind cloth

Sail

Expanded area

Hull

K®NIPA¶AÅ
KAR¸AÅ

Curved blade

Rudder

N¡VATALAM

Bottom of a Ship

Keel

Navigation

sextant

V¡TAVASTRAM

STH£LABH¡GAÅ

V¤TTAÀA´GABH¡
GAÅ

Abbreviations
Jataka Stories(JS)

Jataka Stories in Theravada Buddhism. (Ed) Appleton, N.
2010. Ashgate Publishing Ltd. England.

Manusmrith (MS)

http://sanskritdocuments.org/all_pdf/manusmriti.pdf

Ramayana(RY)

Buck, W. (ed),1976 (rp) University of California press.
England.
http://www.valmikiramayan.net/

Rigveda(RV)

Rigveda http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/Rigveda/

Yukti Kalpataru(YK)

Yukti Kalpataru. 1917. Calcutta oriental series no 1.

Vimanika Sastra(VS)

The Vimanika Shastra: Ancient Manuscript on the
Constructionand Use of UFOs. Forgotten Books

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                <text>Literary &amp; Archaeological Evidence of Early Seafaring &amp; Navigation Technologies in India</text>
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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>India is situated at the central point of the ocean that washes on its coast on three sides, seemed destined very early for a maritime future in the region. Both literature and archaeological works of the region are providing ample evidence about the early sea routes and maritime trade activities of the region. Vedic literature, one of the early existed texts, has provided copious references about the early seafaring. There was a time in the past when Indians were the masters of the long distance seaborne trade. They built ships, navigated the sea, and held in their hands all the threads of international commerce, whether carried overland or via sea. The archaeological excavations of several Indo-Saraswathi, the first civilization in the region, sites and many others have also conclusively demonstrated advance maritime activities right from the third millennium Before Christ  (BCE). During the early historical period (second BCE to second CE) several coastal towns, both east and west coasts of peninsular India, had international trade and commerce.  The subject matter for the present discussion are based on glimpses of the regional seafaring and navigation technologies mentioned in the available early indigenous literature of the Sanskrit language, as well as archaeological records. &#13;
&#13;
Key words â€“ Vedic literature, Sanskrit, Rigveda, Matsya yantra </text>
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                <text>S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty</text>
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                    <text>An overview of shipwreck explorations in Goa waters
Sila Tripati1

Abstract
Since the beginning of maritime archaeological research in Indian waters, marine records housed
in archives of India and abroad provide details of the shipwrecks and the loss of Indian ships in
foreign waters. Information on more than 200 shipwrecks in Indian waters has been gathered
from archival records and attempts made to explore in Goa, Lakshadweep and Tamil Nadu
waters. These shipwrecks are dated to the post 16th century AD. Shipwrecks were explored off
Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef and Amee Shoals in Goa waters. Sunchi Reef and St George’s
Reef were wooden hulled sailing ships whereas Amee Shoals was a steel hulled steam engine
shipwreck. Sunchi Reef exploration led to the recovery of guns, barrels of handguns, storage jars,
Chinese ceramics, elephant tusks, hippopotamus teeth, iron anchors and other items that are
evidence of Indo-Portuguese trade and commerce in the 17th century. Exploration off St
George’s Reef uncovered timber and terracotta artefacts such as column capitals, drums, ridge
tiles, roof and floor tiles and chimney bricks The bricks and tiles have the distinct inscription of
Basel Mission Tile works 1865. Amee shoals exploration revealed the remains of a steel hulled
steam engine shipwreck in which boilers, boiler bricks, and engine parts were found. The stamps
on the flanges and the name on the firebricks suggest a British origin, dating from the 1880s or
later.

Keywords: Shipwreck, Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef, Amee Shoals, Goa,
Portuguese, Basel Mission Company

Introduction
The geographical context of this paper lies centrally in Goa. The city is located on
the central part of the west coast of India. It has its western boundary along the
Arabian Sea and eastern border along the Western Ghats. Chandrapura
(Chandor) on the bank of river Paroda, (a tributary of the Zuari) was the oldest
port of Goa. The discovery of Roman coins and amphorae sherds from Pilar near
Gopakapatana port indicates that Roman ships were called in ports of Goa
during the Satavahana period (Costa 1997:24-30). The Shilaharas and
Kadambas were maritime powers and had trade contacts with West Asia and
East African countries (Gune 1990:117-136). The depiction of a naval battle in
the memorial stones (l2th-13th centuries) exhibited in the Archaeological
Museum, Old Goa, reflect the maritime activity of this region (Rajagopalan
1987:35; Sila Tripati 2006:88-96). During the Portuguese regime, Old Goa was
the main centre of commercial activities and garrison. The Nau Cinco Chagas,
Galeao Bom Jesus, Madre de Deus and Nau S. Joao Baptista ships were built in
the Old Goa shipyard (Mathew 1988:304).

1

National Institute of Oceanography, Council of Scientific &amp; Industrial Research, Dona Paula,
Goa 403 004 (India), Email: sila@nio.org

1

�Shipwrecks in Goa Waters
Evidence on pre-Portuguese shipwrecks in Goa waters is limited. An inscription
source mentioned Guhalladeva-I, from 980 to 1005 Anno Domini2 (AD), sailed
from Chandrapura to Somnath, Gujarat on the West coast of India (Oriente
Portugues 1938:6-18). The mast of the ship broke off and he took shelter at
Gopakapatana port. The stranded king was helped by Mohammed, the chief of
the Arab traders (Hanjamananagar) in Goa (Gune 1979:95; Moraes 1990:17172). Portuguese records held in the archive India House, Lisbon mention
Portuguese shipwrecks. A. B. Souza (1930:54-57) has compiled a list of 806
ships that sailed from Lisbon to India between 1497 and 1612, among them 20
ships ran aground, 66 were shipwrecked, 4 captured by the enemy, 6 burnt, 285
remained in India while 425 returned to Portugal. Archival records emphasise
that a majority of Portuguese ships were wrecked in the shallow waters off Goa
mainly due to hidden reefs, sandbars, severe storms and lack of proper
maintenance. However, these records do not provide exact locations of
shipwrecks the Centro Nacional de Arqueologia Nautical e Subaquatica CNANS,
Lisbon has listed the Portuguese shipwrecks along the Indian coast based on
archival and archaeological sources (Alves, et al. 2007:97-119).
The Portuguese ships wrecked in Goa waters were namely the following:
S. Cristovam wrecked in a storm on l7th August 1594 while returning to Goa; The
nau Santo Andre left Lisbon on l7th February 1607 and reached Goa in May
1608 but wrecked off Goa. The Nossa Sra Dos and Remedios sank off Goa on
28th January 1616 in a storm, people were saved but cargo was lost (Gudigar, et
al. 1995-6:45-48). Twelve Portuguese ships, en route to Calcutta (Kolkata) from
Goa sank near Aguada Bay due to an unseasonable storm in 1648 (Boxer
1960:35-54); Five Portuguese sailing ships namely Santa Helena (1654-55), Sao
Joao Evangelista (1652-53), St. Francisco and St. Thome set sail to Goa from
Portugal, but only two ships reached the coast of Goa but were wrecked in a
storm on 10th March 1651 (Esparteiro 1974:93). Findings of shipwreck
explorations off Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef and Amee Shoals are recorded
here. The nature of the seabed floor, water current patterns, water depth and
visibility vary from site to site.

Sunchi Reef
Sunchi Reef region is shallow, full of laterite boulders and in a high-energy zone.
The shipwreck remains were located in 3 to 6 meters (m) water depth and
scattered over a large area (Figure 1). The survey identified and recovered cast
iron guns, a iron shot, a barrel of a handgun, various types of stoneware sherds
(Martaban pottery), Chinese Blue on white sherds, glass bottle bases, elephant

2

Designation used to label or number years used with the Julian and Gregorian calendars. This
calendar era is based on the year of the birth of Jesus of Nazareth, with AD counting years after
the start of this epoch.

2

�tusks and hippopotamus teeth, metal handle and dressed granite stone blocks
(Figure 2; Sila Tripati, et al. 2004:1238-1245).

Figure 1. Location of shipwreck exploration sites (Sunchi Reef, St George's Reef
&amp; Amee Shoals) off Goa waters (Tripati, et al. 2004; Tripati 2004; Tripati, et al.
2003b; Tripati, et al. 2010 respectively)3
3

The findings of Sunchi Reef such as ivory, hippo teeth, pottery, Chinese ceramics, handgun,
glass bottle bases; some bricks, tiles and other terracotta artefacts of St Georges Reef; and boiler

3

�Figure 2. Cast iron guns, elephant tusks, hippopotamus teeth, handgun, Chinese
and stone ware sherds and granite blocks found from Sunchi Reef shipwreck
(Sila Tripati, S. N. Bandodker, and Sheikh Ali Karim (2000-2006).

bricks and flanges of steam engine shipwreck of Amee Shoals have been collected and displayed
at NIO.

4

�Each cast gun is about 2 m long. Their exteriors are overgrown with
barnacles, mussels and heavily concreted. The muzzles of two guns lay
horizontally on the seabed whereas the other two were oriented towards the
seabed. The guns have swivels on both sides but do not have any lifting rings.
The iron shot found west of the guns is 1.218 grams (gm). Its surface has an
uneven-flaking nature and its shape is slightly conical at the top, flat at the base.
Cracks formed after retrieval was due to dehydration and the interior was fully
rusted. Marine water in the shot was subsequently removed in the lab. The brass
barrel of a handgun 56 centimeter (cm) long and weight 2.200 kilogram (kg) was
half buried below the granite blocks. The barrel has two notches, one is intact
and the other is broken, these are meant for fixing screws to the wooden part of
the gun. It has a screw thread at the back for attaching the firing mechanism. The
gun and other parts attached to the barrel are missing. A two fluked, long iron
anchor found on the southern side of the guns had fallen between laterite4
boulders. Similar anchors were discovered off Aguada and also resemble the
anchors kept in the Archaeological Museum at Old Goa and Goa State Museum,
Panaji (Sila Tripati, et al. 2003a: 97-106).
The exploration led to the recovery of eight elephant tusks (65 to 32 cm in
length) only partially visible in the seabed. Among them two were inscribed, one
has three Roman letters “ICM” and the other has some geometrical designs.
Nine hippopotamus teeth of different sizes have turned brownish in color. The
elephant tusks and hippopotamus teeth have turned soft, brittle, flaky and
degraded because of burial in marine water for more than 300 years.
Stoneware sherds consisting of rims with loop handles, bases, lids and
fragments buried in the sediment and crevices of laterite boulders were also
recovered. The paint and glaze coat has been washed out on some whereas a
dark brown glaze coat can be noticed on others. All these sherds belong to
storage jars. In addition to the loop handles on rims, the sherds with dark brown
glaze also have raised dots around the neck and floral designs.
Thermoluminescence dating purports the pottery is 360+40 years old. Chinese
ceramic sherds with blue on white designs were also found. A number of dark
green square and round glass bottle bases were retrieved on which marine
growth is present. In addition a number of dressed granite blocks of varied sizes
scattered randomly were noticed at the site. They were possibly used as ballast
(Sila Tripati 2004:19-29).

St George's Reef
St George's Reef is situated on the eastern side of Grande Island (Figure 1) and
the shipwreck lies in 15 m water depth. The wreck contains a collection of
terracotta building materials such as chimney bricks, roof, ridge and floor tiles,
column capital and drum (Sila Tripati, et al. 2003b: 111-120). Bricks and floor
tiles are inscribed “Basel Mission Tile Works 1865”. Bricks are made of white
clay, moulded, the obverse is inscribed and the reverse is plain (Figure 3). A
4

Clay formed by weathering of rocks in a tropical climate, composed chiefly of iron and aluminium
oxides

5

�Corinthian type of hollow capital, closed on one side, was found. All artefacts are
well burnt and made of well-levigated clay. The timber remains of the ship found
near the reef has groove marks on the upper side whereas the lower side is plain
and U-shaped. Carbon14 dating (114.3+1.5%) of the timber suggests that the
wreck is 115 years old. Anatomical analysis indicates that the timber belongs to
the Lagerstromia microcarpa syn Lagerstromia lanceolata species, whose trade
name is benteak (Sila Tripati, et al., 2005:1022-1027).

Figure 3. Terracotta artefacts and timber collected from St George's Reef
shipwreck (Sila Tripati, S. N. Bandodker, and Sheikh Ali Karim (1999-2000).

Amee Shoals
Amee Shoals lies on the south of Sunchi Reef, close to the Marmagao bay
(Figure 1), and the shoals have extended in a larger area with varied depths
(Ambre 1991:113-115). The exploration revealed a steam engine shipwreck and
boilers, boiler bricks, water tank, flanges, and copper pipes were noticed at 6 to 9

6

�m water depth. Three boilers made of wrought iron were found close to each
other, approximately 4 m in height with single riveted lap joint5. Each boiler has
three furnaces and a row of heat exchanger tubes, and stay tubes. Manholes and
safety valves of the boilers are undamaged. Among nine furnaces of three boilers
only one is intact (Sila Tripati, et al., 2010:182-189), while the other eight have
been destroyed by local divers robbing brass and copper objects (Figure 4).
Different sizes of bricks are placed in various directions in many layers inside the
furnaces then a metal flange is fixed on the opening.

Figure 4. Boilers, boiler bricks, water tank and hawser of the steam engine
shipwreck noticed off Amee Shoals, Goa (Photographs: Sila Tripati, (2006-2008).
5

The connection of edges of plates by single row of rivets.

7

�The bricks inside the furnace resist heat, provide insulation and prevent
cracking due to heat exposure. Bricks are made of clay consisting of silica and
alumina. The binding material used to join the bricks is made of equal quantities
of fireclay and finely crushed firebrick mixed with water to a make mortar. On the
obverse some bricks of Amee Shoals have the stamp mark “FURNA…”, followed
by illegible words. Below this marked “B 84”. There are no marks on the reverse.
Brick sizes vary in measurement. Numerous bricks are still in the boilers and
others are scattered nearby. A circular flange of 52 cm diameter with eight holes
probably used on the front side of the furnace boiler was found. The other flange
could be of an oil tank found near the boiler. It has two stamp marks namely
“SOUNDING” and “No. 3 TANK6”. A water tank measuring 4 x 1.65 m, probably
used for recirculation of water from the condenser (Sila Tripati 2008:1-19), lay
close to the boilers. The tank has a reinforced steel frame with plates on all four
sides. Two horizontal pipes are fitted inside and the tank is highly corroded.
Water tanks were a common feature in steam engine ships. The bow section
hawser hole of the ship has a large lip edge. The hatch door which would be part
of the steam drive system, designed for heavy duty and withstand heat, was
noticed near the boilers.

Discussion and Conclusion
Human errors in navigation, submerged rocks and inclement weather have
caused most of the shipwrecks in Goa waters. Strong currents during ebb tide
reduce visibility and affects survey work.
The shipwreck in Sunchi Reef lies in a high energy zone not conducive to
preservation of shipwreck remains. The location evidently represents that the
ships struck the submerged rocks and subsequently sank. Except pottery, guns,
shot, granite blocks no remains of the ship have been observed. The finding of
iron guns, anchor and other artefacts suggest that the Sunchi Reef shipwreck
could be a wooden-hulled cargo sailing ship not of Indian origin. The Sunchi Reef
shipwreck findings are indicative of trade and commerce between Goa and the
Portuguese empire as mentioned in the literature (Ahmed 1991:146-156). Sunchi
Reef wreck is the oldest wreck so far surveyed in Indian waters and the first
Portuguese shipwreck explored and detailed.
The discovery of St George’s Reef wreck has elucidated the history of the Basel
Mission Company and its trading activities with India. The findings suggest that
the vessel came either from Mangalore or Calicut because the mission had a
number of tile factories between Malabar and South Canara however the mission
had established the first tile factory at Jeppo, Mangalore in 1865 (Raghaviah
1990:35). The underwater exploration and metal detector survey did not reveal
any metallic anomalies at St George’s Reef. It appears that the ship could have
been a wooden hulled sailing craft. The thermoluminescence dating of pottery
6

A metal dipping rod with graduations for checking the fluid levels in the tank is often called
sounding. These were common till the introduction of gauges.

8

�(360+ 40 years) and radiocarbon dating of ivory shows an age of 740 ± 130 yrs
with a calibrated age range of 740 to 560 years Before Present (BP), in view of
these dates it is suggested that the Sunchi Reef shipwreck could be dated to the
Portuguese period (early 17th century AD), whereas the radiocarbon dating of
the timber (114.3 + 1.5%) of St George's Reef shows the wreck is more than a
century old.
The steam engine shipwreck of Amee Shoals imparts significant
information about this ship-style development and technological aspects,
because the introduction of steam ships brought to an end the sailing ships. This
is the first steam engine shipwreck that has been observed in Goa waters and
could have occurred while approaching or disembarking from Marmagao port.
One of the possible causes for shipwrecks in shallow waters off Goa could be an
inadequate knowledge of bathymetry of the region. The preliminary exploration
indicates that Amee Shoals shipwreck could be of a single ended scotch boiler,
steel hulled, triple expansion steam vessel. These boilers, manufactured during
the 1880s, are the last phase of development of fire tube boilers, later replaced
by diesel engines. The shape and size of three scotch boilers suggest the ship
could be 100 m in length and the wreck could be dated to 1880 AD or later.
Possibly, this could be a steel hull with wooden superstructure.
Explorations off Goa waters suggest that this region possesses rich
potential for shipwreck archaeology, requiring further in-depth exploration which
may bring new evidence on the maritime and shipwreck archaeology of Goa. In
the absence of such reports the artefacts described in this paper provides new
information on this aspect.

Acknowledgements
The author is thankful to the Director Satish Shetye and Project Leader K. H. Vora for their
encouragement. Thanks also to the my colleagues of the Marine Archaeology Centre for help in
field work; S. N. Bandodker and Sheikh Ali Karim for photographs, Ravindra Uchil and S. B.
Chitari for preparing the drawings. This is NIO’s contribution No: 5061.

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11

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                    <text>Shipwreck Site and Earthenware Vessels in the
Philippines:
Earthenware vessels of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
Kazuhiko Tanaka and Eusebio Z. Dizon

Abstract
Eighteen shipwreck sites had been identified and researched in the Philippines by 2003 (Dizon
2003). The main goods of the cargos of these ships were porcelain wares and stoneware jars
which had been produced in kiln sites in China and Mainland Southeast Asia such as Vietnam,
Thailand and Myanmar (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996; Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993;
Valdes 1993). Many scholars have been interested in these porcelain wares and stoneware jars.
Beside these porcelain wares and stoneware jars, earthenware vessels were also found
in the shipwreck sites. However, only a few scholars have paid attention to earthenware vessels
found in shipwreck sites. One of whom is Amalia de la Torre (1993; 1996), she conducted the
study of earthenware vessels found in the San Diego Shipwreck Site. Earthenware vessels found
in the shipwreck sites are often not goods for trading or bartering but for daily utensils of the
people on a voyage (de la Torre 1993; 1996).
The Pandanan Shipwreck Site is one of the rare shipwreck sites dated around the middle
of the 15th century, its rarity is presumably because the Chinese imperial court totally banned
private trading during this period (Sakuma 1989). Allison Diem (1996) has already conducted the
study of glazed ceramics such as porcelain wares and stoneware jars found in the site and
identified as wares produced in kiln sites in central Vietnam (Binh Dinh Province). However, she
did not conduct the study of the unglazed earthenware vessels. Consequently there is no
significant documentation of the earthenware vessels excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
The writer believes that earthenware vessels of the shipwreck sites are also very
important artifacts which sometimes indicate daily lives of the people on board and the possible
route of the ship and the trade, even though they are easily neglected. In this article, the writer
will point out the similarity of the forms of globular pots with a spout excavated in the Pandanan
Wreck Site, the Lena Shoal Wreck Site and the Calatagan Sites (the terrestrial sites) in Batangas
Province (Tanaka 2005). On the basis of this similarity, the sailing route of the Pandanan ship will
be discussed in this article.

Introduction
A number of scholars have been interested in and studied porcelain and
stonewares excavated in shipwreck sites (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996;
Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993; Valdes 1993). This is because porcelain and
stonewares are the main surviving artifacts among the cargoes.
Meanwhile, earthenware, which has also been excavated in shipwreck
sites, has received less attention. In the Philippines, only de la Torre (1993,
1996) conducted the study on such kind of artifacts excavated in shipwreck sites.
Earthenwares excavated in a shipwreck site have a different character from
porcelain and stonewares. In many cases, earthenwares were employed by crew
members and passengers for daily lives use and passengers (de la Torre 1993;
de la Torre 1996), whereas the latter are the goods for trades.
Furthermore we would like to consider the possible routes of the ship on
the basis of earthenwares excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site.

�Location of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site (Figure 1)
The western part of the Philippines is composed of Palawan Island and adjacent
small islands. This island stretches in an orientation from northeast to southwest.
The southernmost part of it faces the northernmost part of Borneo, although
there are several small islands between these large islands. The strait between
these large islands becomes a passage from the South China Sea to the Sulu
Sea and vice versa.
The Pandanan Island is located near the southern tip of Palawan Island
(Figure 1). It is 9.6km long and 4km wide quadrangular small island. The
shipwreck site is located about 250 meters off the northeast coast of the island
(Dizon 1996:64).

Figure 1. Large scale location of Pandanan shipwreck site and related sites.

Discovery and Archaeological Research of the Pandanan
Shipwreck Site
The Ecofarm Resource Inc. runs a pearl farm in the sea around Pandanan
Island. Pearls are cultured in a quadrangular basket the inside of which are
divided into parts. The baskets are tied to a rope in the sea. One day in 1993,
Mr. Gordirilla, who works in the Ecofarm Resource Inc., noticed that one basket
was missing (Honasan 1996:14). He looked for it at the bottom of the sea around

�the farm. During his search of the pearl basket, he accidentally found the
shipwreck site. It is now known as the Pandanan Shipwreck Site (Honasan
1996:14). He informed the manager of the farm, Mr. Efren T. Anies about the
shipwreck. Then Mr. Efren T. Anies informed the accidental discovery of the
shipwreck site to the National Museum of the Philippines on June 9, 1993. The
National Museum conducted the archaeological excavation of the site from Feb
17 to May 31, 1993 (Dizon 1996:64).

The Wreck of the Pandanan Site
The wreck was found at the bottom of a coral cliff, covered with sand and mud
(Dizon 1996:70). The remaining portion of the ship is estimated to be about onefourth of the whole body of the ship. The size of the ship was estimated to be 25
to 30 meters long and about six to eight meters wide. It was pointed out that
there were the typical holes in the divisions of the bulkhead for the purpose of
letting water pass through it to be eventually pumped out. Two possible reasons
were presented why only one-fourth of the body of the ship had remained. One is
the infestation of the exposed wood by the tropical sea worms; and the other is
the rapid movement of the under-water current (Dizon 1996:70). Eusebio Dizon
(1996:70) identified the origin of the ship as possibly from Vietnam or southern
China from its cargo as well as from particular details of ship construction. Dizon
also pointed out that 70% of the artifacts found from this site were from presentday Vietnam (Dizon 1996:70).

Artifacts found in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
There were 4, 722 artifacts found in the Pandanan Wreck Site. These are divided
into six categories on the basis of kind of artifacts: earthenwares, porcelain,
metals, coins, glass artifacts and stone tools. In this section, the artifacts except
earthenwares are summarized.

Chinese porcelain and stonewares
Chinese Porcelain are composed of blue-and-white wares and white wares
produced in Jing-de-zhen kiln and celadon wares produced in Longquan kiln.
The stonewares were produced in kilns in Fuchien Province and Guangdong
Province in southern China. The blue-and-white wares are composed of saucers,
bowls, large bowls and small jarlets. White wares are two pieces of gourdshaped pouring vessels, one of them has dots of an iron pigment. Celadon wares
are composed of dishes with a floral flaring rim, bowls with lotus design, saucers
and stemmed cups. The stonewares produced in Fuchien and Guangdong
Provinces are brown glazed six eared jars with a dragon design.

Porcelain of northern Vietnam
Porcelain of northern Vietnam are blue-and-white wares produced in Chu Dau
kiln in northern Vietnam (Dizon 1996:99). These are composed of bowls, dishes
or saucers, pots, jarlets, covered boxes and water droppers.

�Porcelain and stonewares of central Vietnam
Porcelain and stonewares of central Vietnam were thought to have been
produced in the Go Sanh kiln in Binh Dinh Province in Central Vietnam. These
are composed of celadon saucers or dishes with an unglazed ring portion at the
inside.

Porcelain and stonewares of Thailand
Porcelain of Thailand is composed of a large bowl with a fish design drawn in
iron pigment inside. Stoneware of Thailand is a blackish brown glazed four-eared
large jar. The former was produced in the Sukhothai kiln, the latter was produced
in the kilns along the Noi River.

Metal artifacts
Metal artifacts are divided into bronze artifacts and iron tools. Bronze artifacts are
composed of two small canons, one lamp, one scale balance, one mirror, one
covered box, one disc, one fish hook, one ferrule and five gongs. Iron tools are
composed of one sword, one knife and over 60 cauldrons (Dizon 1996:68).

Coins
Several Chinese coins were found in the wreck site. One of them was identified
as a coin which had been made during the rule of Emperor Yung Le
(reign:1402~24)(Dizon 1996:66).

Glass artifacts
Thousands of glass beads were found in a storage jar (Dizon 1996:66; Cayron
2006).

Stone tools
Stone tools were composed of 21 grinding stones. These stones were either
used for honing metal blades or for food processing.
The main cargos of porcelain and stonewares are the products in
Vietnam. Dizon mentioned that about 70 % of artifacts had been produced in
present-day Vietnam (Dizon 1996:66).

Date of Sinking of the Pandanan Ship

Dizon (1996:72) thinks that the date of sinking of the ship is at the middle of 15 th
century, because most of the ceramic cargo belongs to this period, although
porcelain found in the site ranges from the Yuan Dynasty (1271~1368) to the
Ming Dynasty (1368~1644).
Two Japanese scholars also mentioned the date of the ship sinking.
Kenichi Morimura (1996) thought that it is from the middle of the 15 th century to
the late 15th century on the basis of dates of tombs in China with associated
Chinese porcelain similar to the porcelain found in the wreck site. These are a
celadon dish with a flaring rim made in Longquan kiln and a small jarlet with a

�peony design produced in Jing-de-zhen kiln. The former was found in a tomb
with a gravestone with an inscribed date of 1444 (Morimura1996:112). This is the
tomb of Wei Yuan and located Yongxiu County in Jingxi Province. The specimen
similar to the latter in shape and design was found in a tomb with an inscribed
gravestone dated to 1437 (Morimura1966:112). This is the tomb of Zhu Panshi
and located in Xinjian County in Jiangxi Province.
Ko Mukai (2003:96-98) sequenced the black glazed four-eared jars made
in Thailand, and from this, thought that the Pandanan ship was
contemporaneous to the wreck of the Royal Nanhai found off the eastern shore
of the Malay Peninsula, the wreck found off the Ko Khram Island in the Gulf of
Thailand and the Feature no. SK01 at the Kyonouchi area in the Shuri Castle
Site in Okinawa, Japan. He thought that all of them belonged to the middle of the
15th century (Mukai 2003:96-98).

Earthenwares of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
These are 301 earthenware vessels and fragments found in this site. The
earthenwares of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site are divided into five categories by
type: pot, lid, jarlet, pouring vessel and stove.

Figure 2. Eartenware Jarlet (1), Pot (2), Stove (Type1)(3) of the Pandanan
shipwreck site.

Pots
There are four pieces of whole and restorable pots. One pot has a decoration
and the other three pots are plain.
The decorated one has a carination at the middle of the body and an out-turned
rim. The rim diameter is 15.6 centimeters. The height is 10.8 centimeters. The
maximum width of the body is 17.2 centimeters. The decoration was executed

�from the neck to the upper part of the body by a pronged tool. Two parallel
vertical lines are incised from the neck to the upper part of the body with about 7
to 8 millimeters intervals. The lower ends of these incised parallel vertical lines
are bordered by an incised horizontal wavy line. Some parts from the rim to the
upper portion of the body were covered with soot, indicating this pot was used for
cooking on the ship.
One of plain pots has polishing marks on the surface of the bottom. They
were executed in only one direction all over the surface of the bottom. The pot
has an out-turned rim. The rim diameter is about 13.7 centimeters. The height is
8.2 centimeters. The width of the bottom is 13.2 centimeters. This pot is a
relatively small one. The outer surface of it, except the bottom, is covered with
soot.
The other plain pot with accession no. 3684 is a relative large one. It has
an out-turned rim and a rounded bottom. The rim diameter is about 17.1
centimeters. The maximum width of the body is about 17.7 centimeters. The
height is around 10.8 centimeters. The outer surface from the rim to the curved
potion of the body is covered with soot.
Another plain pot with an accession no. 3044 has also out-turned rim and
a rounded bottom. The rim diameter is 14.8 centimeters. The maximum width of
the body is 19 centimeters. The height is 14.5 centimeters. The outer surface
from the rim to the angle-body is partially covered with soot. The bottom is also
partially covered with soot.

Lids
There are three whole lids. All of them have a similar shape. They have a
concave top portion and a convex bottom portion. They have a small knob at the
center of the concave top. Two of them have a knob with a flattened top of the
knob, the other one has a knob with a rounded top. There are two sizes. One is
11.8 centimeters to 11.9 centimeters in diameter. The height is 2.6 to 2.7
centimeter. The other is 14.3 centimeter in diameter. The height is 3.0
centimeters. Three of them have a lot of reddish brown small particles in the
paste. These three lids are thought to have been made in Thailand on the basis
of the characteristics of the shape.

Jarlet
There is one piece of jarlet. It has an out-turned short rim, a short neck and an
ellipsoidal body. The rim diameter is 6.8 centimeters. The maximum width of the
body is 10 centimeters. The height is 6.5 centimeters. The joining trace of a neck
part and a body part is evident. There are also horizontal traces of wiping at the
rim and the neck.

Pouring vessels
There are two pieces of pouring vessels. One is almost a complete one. The
other lacks the rim and the neck. Only the body, the bottom and a lower portion
of a spout remained.

�The almost complete one has an out-turned short rim, a short neck and a
spherical body. The outer surface of the bottom has a dimple at the center. There
is a horizontal applique ridge at the upper portion of the body. The bottom is well
polished. This pouring vessel is very similar to one of the pouring vessels (KT
Slipped and Polished, Form D-I-C) excavated in the Calatagan Site in Batangas
Province in Luzon by Fox (Main and Fox 1982:27).
Another pouring vessel has only the body, the bottom and the lower
portion of the spout. The shape of the body is ellipsoidal. The upper part of the
body is relatively flat. There is a distinctive shoulder. The center portion of the top
of the body is a little bit higher than the outside part. Then there is a 3.1
centimeters diameter hole. It is thought that the neck portion was joined at this
portion originally. However, that portion is already missing. The outside of the
bottom is slightly hollow and has a concave shape. The inside of the bottom has
a convex shape. The maximum diameter of the body is about 16 centimeters.
The height of the remaining body and bottom is about 9.7 centimeters. The
diameter of the broken hole at the center of the upper part of the body is about
3.1 centimeters. The width of the spout is 7.3 centimeters at the joining portion to
the body.

Figure 3. Earthenware Stove (Type 2) of the Pandanan shipwreck site.

Stoves
A stove has two sections. One is used to put the pot on top of it and the lighted
firewood are placed underneath. The long end of the firewood stretches to the
other section where the cook can handle the firewood to keep the fire under
control.

�The first type (Type 1) (Plate 1:1~3):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the first type has a shape like a fan.
The adjacent part for burning firewood is a half-cut cylindrical shape. Three small
cleats are put on the top of this cylindrical shaped wall. The ringfoot is attached
to the bottom. The total shape of the stove of this type is similar to the stove
excavated in Sta Ana Site in Manila (Fox and Legaspi 1977:Figure 8).

Figure 4. Earthenware Stoves of the Pandanan shipwreck site.
The second type (Type 2)(Plate 1:4~6):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the second type is quadrangular.
This part is edged with low walls.
The third type (Type 3)(Plate 1:7~9):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the third type is also quadrangular.
This part is also edged with low walls. Meanwhile, the part for burning firewood is
a cylindrical shape with an quadrangular large cut-out at the front part. Therefore,
the top of this part is like a ring. Three small cleats are attached on this ring.

�Discussions
The following things are already revealed on the observation of earthenwares
excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site.
 As mentioned before by Dizon (1996:67), there is a pouring vessel (a
globular pot) similar to the pouring vessel (the globular pot) excavated in
the Calatagan Sites in Batangas Province in Luzon (Main and Fox
1982:Figure 72); at least three kinds of stoves; and pots were used for
cooking because all of them have soot on the outer surface.
 One type of stove, whose shape of the section for handling the firewood to
keep the fire under control is like a fan, is similar to the stove excavated in
Sta Ana Site in Manila (Fox and Legaspi 1977:Figure 8).
 Two other types of stoves have the quadrangular shapes at the section for
handling the firewood to keep the fire under control. Stoves with the
section for handling the firewood of quadrangular shape were excavated
in the Butuan Sites in northeastern Mindanao (Cembrano 1998:Figure 10).
 There is the pot with an incised design whose design elements are similar
to the those of the pot excavated in the Calatagan Sites in Batangas
Province in Luzon (Main and Fox 1982:Figure 84-(b)).
 There is a pot whose polishing marks on the bottom is similar to the pot
excavated in the Calatagan Sites in Batangas Province in Luzon (Main
and Fox 1982:Figure 5:Type III of Base Polish).

Concluding Remarks
There are several earthenwares excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site,
which are similar to the earthenwares excavated in the Calatagan Sites in
Batangas Province, Luzon Island: a pouring vessel, a pot with incised design and
a pot with polishing marks at the bottom. In addition, there is a stove whose
shape is similar to the stove excavated in Sta Ana Site in Manila. The Calatagan
sites in Batangas Province and the Sta Ana Site in Manila revealed the stoves
similar to the stove of Type 1 of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site. However, these
sites did not revealed the quadrangular stoves like the stove of Type 2, which is
similar to the stove found in the Butuan Sites in Northeastern Mindanao.
Meanwhile, the Butuan sites did not revealed the stove of Type 1. It seems that
the stoves have the local characteristics. In addition, the Calatagan Sites
revealed celadon dishes (Fox 1959: Plate 90, 91) made in Binh Dinh Province
which were one of main cargoes of the Pandanan Ship. This fact suggests one
possibility of the route of the ship. That is the ship had passed near Batangas
area before the ship sank off the Pandanan Island, since Dizon’s view via south
route (Dizon 1996:70) is still another strong option. Further archaeological
excavations of the terrestrial sites in Southern Palawan is awaited. Until then, it is
also probable that the Pandanan ship might had been trading too in Calatagan
and Sta Ana and even Butuan.

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Earthenware vessels of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site</text>
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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>Eighteen shipwreck sites had been identified and researched in the Philippines by 2003 (Dizon 2003).  The main goods of the cargos of these ships were porcelain wares and stoneware jars which had been produced in kiln sites in China and Mainland Southeast Asia such as Vietnam, Thailand and Myanmar (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996; Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993; Valdes 1993). Many scholars have been interested in these porcelain wares and stoneware jars.&#13;
&#13;
Beside these porcelain wares and stoneware jars, earthenware vessels were also found in the shipwreck sites. However, only a few scholars have paid attention to earthenware vessels found in shipwreck sites. One of whom is Amalia de la Torre (1993; 1996), she conducted the study of earthenware vessels found in the San Diego Shipwreck Site. Earthenware vessels found in the shipwreck sites are often not goods for trading or bartering but for daily utensils of the people on a voyage (de la Torre 1993; 1996).&#13;
&#13;
The Pandanan Shipwreck Site is one of the rare shipwreck sites dated around the middle of the 15th century, its rarity is presumably because the Chinese imperial court totally banned private trading during this period (Sakuma 1989). Allison Diem (1996) has already conducted the study of glazed ceramics such as porcelain wares and stoneware jars found in the site and identified as wares produced in kiln sites in central Vietnam (Binh Dinh Province). However, she did not conduct the study of the unglazed earthenware vessels. Consequently there is no significant documentation of the earthenware vessels excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site &#13;
&#13;
The writer believes that earthenware vessels of the shipwreck sites are also very important artifacts which sometimes indicate daily lives of the people on board and the possible route of the ship and the trade, even though they are easily neglected. In this article, the writer will point out the similarity of the forms of globular pots with a spout excavated in the Pandanan Wreck Site, the Lena Shoal Wreck Site and the Calatagan Sites (the terrestrial sites) in Batangas Province (Tanaka 2005). On the basis of this similarity, the sailing route of the Pandanan ship will be discussed in this article.&#13;
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2831">
                <text>Kazuhiko Tanaka</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="2832">
                <text>Eusebio Z. Dizon</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2833">
                <text>November 2011</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="25">
        <name>Asia-Pac Session 4</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
