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                    <text>European Ships of Discovery
Filipe Castro
Texas A&amp;M University
fvcastro@tamu.edu
Abstract
The ships and boats of the 15th and early 16th century European voyages
were the space shuttles of their time, and yet we don’t know much about
them because most have been destroyed by looters and treasure hunters.
This paper will focus on a particular type, the caravel, and presents an
overview of the early European watercraft that crossed the Atlantic and
sailed along the American coasts during the first decades of the 16th
century.
Key words: caravel, 16th Century, Europe, ships, looting

Introduction
The earliest Iberian voyages into the Atlantic were carried out in the
existing ships. Soon however the need to adapt the existing watercraft to
the sailing conditions of the open sea triggered a process of evolution that
is poorly understood, but that reflects the existing cultural, scientific and
economic conditions in the Iberian kingdoms. This is an interesting
process of technological evolution that is in its earliest states of
investigation.
The main ships of the European expansion were sailing ships, mainly
caravels, naus, and galleons. Rowing ships were also used in the
European factories abroad, sometimes shipped in the holds of sailing
ships, and sometimes built in Africa and Asia, in the beginning according
to European standards, but very soon incorporating local features as they

�were understood as advantageous. This paper deals with caravels, a
versatile and small ship type that is still poorly understood.

Caravels
Caravels are among the least understood of all historical vessels.
Mentioned in hundreds, perhaps thousands of books, these ships are
associated with the Iberian exploration of the Atlantic in the 15th century,
and are considered the space shuttles of their time, allowing the
Portuguese and Spanish explorers to sail down the African coast, and
open the maritime routes to the Caribbean, the west coast of Africa, and
the Indian and Pacific Oceans. A few authors have dedicated lengthy
works to this ship type, such as Quirino da Fonseca (1934 and 1935),
Pimentel Barata (1972), Tengarrinha Pires (1980, 1985, 1986, 1988 and
1990), Malcolm Elbl (1985), Francisco Contente Domingues (1989), or
George Schwarz (2008).
Their agility is legendary, and more than 150 years after the first mid-15th
century references to the new exploration caravels, they are mentioned in
an account of a 1597 expedition to the Azores under the Earl of Essex as
fast and highly maneuverable: Whilest we thus stayed about the Rocke,
ye carvalls of Lyshbourne and of the parts thereabouts would daylie come
swarminge about us like butterflies soe neare us as that we might cast a
stone into some of them, and yet could we never catch any one of them,
soe warie and nimble they are (Gorges, 1604, transcribed by Richard
Barker, 2007).
These vessels probably originated in the Mediterranean. The Portuguese
and the Spanish probably changed and adapted this type of vessels to the
navigation along the coast of Africa. Venetian merchant and chronicler

�Alvise da Ca’ da Mosto wrote in the late 15th century: ‘...essendo le
caravelle di Portogallo i migliori navilii che vadino sopra il mare di vele, ed
essendo quelli bene in punto d'ogni cosa che gli fa di bisogno...’ (Ramusio,
1600). Ca’ da Mosto mentions eyes painted on the bow of these caravels,
something characteristic in the Mediterranean since long. He says, about
the inhabitants of the African coast: ‘...e pensavano che gli occhi che si
fanno a prova alli navilii fussero veramente occhi, che 'l navilio per quelli
vedesse dove gli andava per mare ‘(Ramusio, 1600).
This technology spread to northern Europe and the expression ‘carvelbuilt’ still refers to watercraft built with flush laid planks, nailed to preerected frames, a structural improvement that originated in the
Mediterranean and spread along the Atlantic coast of Europe and into the
Baltic, during the late 15th and early 16th centuries.
Although much has been said and written about caravels, these vessels
have never been thoroughly described in historical sources, their
representations are few and impressionistic, and no ship identified as a
caravel has been archaeologically excavated. Replicas have been built
with mixed results, never based on solid supporting information. This
paper is a tentative summary of what is known about these ships, both
from documental sources, written and iconographic, and from the
archaeological record.
Pictures of caravels labelled as such are rare but clear enough to allow
historians, already in the 19th century, to have a fair picture of what they
may have looked like. Portuguese historians Quirino da Fonseca (1934)
and

Tengarrinha

Pires

(1980)

inventoried

representations of caravels in existence.

the

most

important

Pimentel Barata (1989)

published an interesting drawing of a caravel, depicted as the signature
of a caravel master from the 15th century named João de Lião, dated to

�1488 according to the author. This drawing was first published by Avelino
Teixeira da Mota (1971, Fig. 4) who noticed that this is the earliest drawing
of a caravel, designated as such, and one of the earliest dated
representations of a stern panel, which is clearly defined (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Signature of a certain João de Lião, master of caravels, dated to
1488, on a document pertaining to the supply of hardtack to a caravel
departing to Africa. (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, CC II-I-781, in
Mota 1971)

Documental Evidence
Before 1500 we can only guess what the word ‘caravel’ means. All we
have to work with are a few textual references: medieval boats named
carávos, two 12th century Italian references to a type of boat called
Caravellum, one 13th century reference to caravelas in the chart of the
Portuguese village of Gaia, one 14th century reference in Spain, and the
15th century caravels of the Discoveries.
Auguste Jal and Corominas explored the origins of the words cáravo and
qârib, both referring to small boats, sometimes coracles. As to the word
caravellum, there is no way to tell what kind of boat the 1159 Genoese
caravellum coopertum was. These boat type appears in two Genoese
12th century documents, the first mentioned is decked (coopertum)

�serving a navis (1159), and the second (1190) is small, belonging to a
caravelator, presumably working as a harbor tender (Ciciliot, 2005). Furio
Ciciliot points out the fact that in the 12th century the word caravelum,
referring to a small boat, is masculine, and does not become feminine until
it is assimilated to a larger vessel: navis sive caravellae (Ciciliot, 2005).
Historian Malcolm Elbl mentions a 1226 reference to a Portuguese caravel
taken by English ships on a return trip from Gascogne (Elbl, 1985). He
cites the French translation Francisque Michel’s Histoire du commerce et
de la navigacion à de Bordeaux (Michel, 186). Michel mentions only ‘un
navire portugais, appelé le Cardinal’ and indicates the Rotuli Litterarum
Patentium (Rot. Litt. Pat., 10 Hen. III, m. 5) and the Rotuli Litterarum
Clausarum (Rot. Litt. Claus., 10 Hen. III, m. 27 et 14; t. II p. 89, col. 2; et
p. 119, col. 1) as her sources. The Rot. Litt. Pat., mention a ‘navem que
vocatur la cardinale’ (1971, p. 36), and the Rot. Litt. Claus. Membrane 14,
mentions an unrelated incident pertaining to wine trade with Bayonne
(1916, 5). I could not access Membrane 27 of Henry’s 10th year, and I am
not sure that all of Henry’s rolls are published.
The caravels referred to in the Chart of Gaia (1255) seem to be fishing
vessels, of which we know nothing. Square rigged vessels were rare in
the Mediterranean between the early 6th century and the mid-13th
century, and most references to caravels mention lateen sails (Bellabarba,
1999).
Some authors have proposed that caravels were mentioned in Alfonso X’s
Libro de las Leyes or Siete Partidas, as it is better known, written between
1254 and 1265. Most authors, however, agree that the passage in
question – Partida Segunda, Titulo XXIV, Ley VII – mentions haloques,
and not caravelas.

�It seems that caravels are not mentioned in Portuguese documents during
the 14th century. There is a reference to caravels in 1307. Malcom Elbl
(1985) places it in Biscay, Spain, and cites Quirino da Fonseca. Quirino
cites Auguste Jal, and places the caravels in northern Europe (1978), and
Jal (1848) is silent about the place and cites Pierre Carpentier (1766), who
does not place these caravels anywhere, and gives a source for it I could
not find: Charta an. circ. 1307.
From the mid-15th century onwards chroniclers mention caravels
engaged in the exploration of the Atlantic, and later carrying Columbus
into the New World. There are some documents describing caravels, the
best known pertaining to the caravels Niña and India, used by Columbus
in his fourth trip (Smith, 1993), or the caravelões de Arguim published by
Alexandre Monteiro (Monteiro at al., 2011). Carlos Etayo transcribed a
1450 contract for the construction of a caravel for a Catalonian mariner
named Gracia Amat with one central and two side rudders, and a length
to beam ratio around 4/1 (Etayo, 1971). Jacques Paviot and Erich Rieth
published a paper relating the construction by Portuguese shipwrights of
two caravels in Brussels, in 1438 and 1439, for the Duke of Burgundy,
Philippe le Bon (Paviot and Rieth, 1989).
Bibliographic research in Italy, where caravels probably originated, is
scarce. Lucien Bash refers to 24 caravels sent by the Republic of Venice
in 1490, with 24 men each, and 30 caravels in 1499 with capacities
between 100 and 400 botte (Bash, 2000). A botta was close to half a
Portuguese tonel, if we are to trust a 1519 document mentioned by Lane
(1964): ‘Per lettere di Sibilia delli 9 ditto erano avvisi, come a di 6 era
venuta una caravella di portata de 60 tonelle, videlicet 120 botte, a qual
era stata a discoprire le Indie (Mexico)…’(Fulin, 1881).

�Although Portuguese and Spanish historians combed the most important
European archives more than one century ago (Domingues, 2004), almost
nothing is known about caravels. Around 1600 we have the first lists of
timbers for the construction of a caravel in the Lisbon National Library
manuscript known as Livro náutico (Anonymous, c.1590), dated to the
1590s, and two cryptic regimentos by Manoel Fernandez, dated to 1616
and illustrated, but difficult to understand because the drawings are not
always represented in the same vertical and horizontal scales
(Fernandez, 1616).
Iconography is scarce and doesn’t shed light on the most important
questions. For instance, they do not tell us whether the early Portuguese
15th century caravels had a stern panel and a central rudder. Around
1500, when we have the first images and descriptions, caravels seem to
be small ships of 15 to 50 tons, built with flush-laid planking, rigged with
one, two, or three masts, all mounting lateen sails. Sometimes they
appear with a foremast rigged with a square sail (Fig. 2). Generally, the
mainmast is placed on the center of the keel, and the second and third
masts are stepped abaft it, with a small stern castle and no forecastle, a
stern panel and a central rudder.

�Fig. 2: Presumed representations of caravels in the Livro da fortalezas
of Duarte d’Armas, circa 1509. (Armas 1509/1997)
Central rudders first appear in Denmark, in the 12th century (Hocker and
Dokkedal, 2001). The earliest explicit reference to a central rudder is
probably Gracia Amat’s contract, in the middle of the 15th century. Stern
panels appear in the iconographical record after 1475, and at least in the
in 15th century iconographical record, central rudders seem to be
characteristic of square-rigged ships.
As it often happens, the word caravel designated a wide range of
watercraft, even in the 16th century: caravelas latinas, caravelas de
Alfama, caravelas redondas, caravelas de armada, and caravelões. In
some cases, we have a fair idea about the main differences between
them, and in other cases circumstantial evidence allows some provisory
hypothesis. Below are presented short description of what each type may
have looked like.

�Caravelas latinas
As already mentioned, during the 14th century they are not mentioned in
Portuguese documents.

In the mid-15th century caravels appear as

lateeners with a capacity around 50 tonéis and crews between 20 and 25
men. It looks like small caravels with 2 or 3 masts with lateen sails
endured for over one century without much change. But we don’t know
what characteristics defined a caravel, or what separated a caravel from
the other lateeners of their time.

Fig. 3: Representation of a caravel in the Retábulo de Santa Auta,
dated to c. 1517. (Photo: author)
Quirino da Fonseca mentions Braancamp Freire describing 54 caravelas
leaving Lisbon in 1488 and 1489, with capacities varying between 15 and
50 tonéis (Fonseca, 1935).
This range of capacities is compatible with other accounts, some written
much later. In 1571, in A vida e feitos de el-rei D. Manuel, D. Jerónimo
Osório, describes caravels as rather small vessels. These caravels don’t
have tops (cestos de gávea), nor their yards make right angles with their
masts, but hang, inclined, secured under the masthead, and the base of
the sail is triangular and almost touches the bulwarks. The yards, which

�are fastened to the ship’s bulwarks, are as thick as topmasts in their lower
part and have smaller sections upwards (Fonseca 1935).
Sometimes these small two- and three-masted lateeners are referred as
typically Portuguese, but José Luis Casado Soto found references to 125
caravels in the Registro General del Sello in the Archivo General de
Simancas between 1476 and 1496, and they seem to come from all over
the Iberian Peninsula.

His figures show that 45% of the caravels

registered were from Andalusia, 21% from the Cantabric region; 19% from
Portugal, 12% from the Mediterranean, and 3% from France, England and
the North Sea (Soto, 1991).
There is no mention of any possible difference between them. Were
Cantabrian and Andalusian caravels much different from each other?
How different were they from the Portuguese ones? Or how did the
Portuguese ones differed from each other?
We have a long way to go before we can say that we understand this ship
type. Iconography can provide some clues if we are to trust the
illustrations in the Atlas of Georg Braun (1541-1622), published between
1572 and 1617 (Fig. 4). The quality of the illustrations in Braun’s Atlas is
known, including the figures in local dresses. It is not uncommon for
painters and illustrators to register in the mapmaker’s guilds and work on
map illustrations when they and an opportunity (Binding, 2003 and Unger,
2010). The ship illustrations in Braun’s Atlas seem to be reliable as well,
and vary from city to city. Although no systematic study of the Atlas’ ships
has been done yet, the caravels represented in several Portuguese and
Spanish cities, in Iberia or around the world, seem plausible and accurate,
and consistent with the descriptions below.

�Fig. 4: Caravels: presumably Portuguese at São Jorge da Mina (leaf)
and presumably Spanish at Santander (right). (After the 1572 edition of
Braun and Hogengberg’s atlas)
Caravelas de Alfama
Paulo Monteiro found this reference in a Spanish late 16th century
document: ‘(…) Tambien se quedan despalmando dos caravelas
pequenas destas que aqui llaman de Alfama que las pide el Almirante
para llevar consigo…’ (Monteiro pers. comm. 2009).
Were at least some of the Spanish caravels larger than the Portuguese
ones? José Luis Casado Soto mentions a witness account of Columbus’
second voyage, Pedro Mártir de Anglería, who claims that Columbus took
17 vessels: 3 large cargo ships with tops, 12 caravels, and 2 large
caravels, with masts large enough to support tops. Nothing is said about
their rigging arrangements. Were these typically different from those of
the Portuguese caravels?
Caravelas redondas
Navarrete calls caravelas redondas ‘castellanas’. They have three masts,
the foremast mounting a square sail and the main and mizzen masts
mounting lateen sails. Quirino da Fonseca cites him: “caravels were
divided into Portuguese and Castilian, the first exclusively lateen-rigged,
could sail cinco ou seis quartas (56˚ to 67˚) into the wind, facilitating the
Portuguese routes to the African gold mines. Castilian caravels used in
their seas with square sails, or better, with a square sail on the foremast.”

�Quirino also refers to a 1512 letter from D. Fernando to Pedrarias Davilla
in Panama: ‘Yo vos mando que … se hagan luego tres o cuatro carabelas,
al modo de Andalucía, las dos, e las otras dos, pequeñas, latinas, como
las de Portugal...’ (Fonseca 1935).
In Columbus’ Diario de a bordo, transcribed by friar Bartolomé de las
Casas, the entry for August 9, 1492, famously mentions the explorer
decision to change the rigging of his caravel Pinta: ‘y adobaran muy bien
la Pinta con mucho trabajo e diligencias del Almirante, de Martin Alonso
y de los demás; (…) Hicieran la Pinta redonda, porque era latina;’(Colón,
1991).
In the 14th century Mediterranean it was common to rig two-masted cargo
vessels with a square sail on the foremast and a lateen sail on the mizzen.
Sergio Bellabarba called this rigging arrangement quadra-latina and
proposed two possible roots for the development of three-masted, shiprigged vessels, one from the two-masted lateeners and one from the onemasted square-rigged cogs, both common merchant ships in the mid-14th
century Mediterranean (Bellabarba, 1999). According to Bellabarba’s
plausible theory, both ship types at some point may have adopted a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement, the two-masted lateeners by changing
to a square mainsail, the cogs by adding a lateen-rigged mizzen mast.
The earliest representation of a ship-rigged three-masted vessel dates to
1409 and appears in a Catalonian document. It shows a cocca with a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement to which a foremast was added,
mounting a square sail (Mott, 1997). Caravelas redondas seem to have
evolved in a similar way. It looks like they were two-masted lateeners –
which show the mainmast always stepped on the middle of the keel – with
a third mast, a foremast stepped far forward. This type of vessel is

�represented in Braun and Hogenberg’s Civitates orbis terrarium,
especially in Spanish harbors. (Fig. 5)

Fig. 5. Lateeners in Lisbon, c. 1530 (detail from the Leiden view of
Lisbon, COLLBN J.29-15-7831-110-30)
Two documents dated to 1498 (before Columbus’ fourth voyage) contain
the inventories of the rigging of two caravels, Santa Clara, or Niña (60
toneles – probably not the Niña of the first voyage – and Santa Cruz, or
India, built in Hispaniola during the second voyage with the remains of the
ships lost in the hurricane that swept La Isabela in 1495.
Both these caravels had four masts, and both had square sails on the fore
and main masts, and lateen sails on the mizzen and bonaventure.
Additionally Santa Cruz had a bowsprit and a spritsail; and Santa Clara
has ‘dos botalos vno del trinquete y otro de la cont[ra]’ (Smith, 1993).
Gaspar Correia states that Vasco da Gama sailed to India in 1502 with
‘cinco caravelas latinas, que mandou muito bem concertar’ and ‘iam com
velas redondas armadas, para com elas navegarem quando cumprisse’.
He does not mention how many masts these ships had, and the
representations we have date to around 1565, more than half a century
later.

�Large cargo ships – naus or naos, caracche, or hulks, as they were known
in the Atlantic, Mediterranean, and Baltic – tend to have three masts and
square sails on the bowsprit, fore, and main masts, and a lateen sail on
the mizzen mast.
When a fourth mast appears, in the late 15th century, square sails are
always present, either on the fore and main masts, or only on the
foremast. The first type of rigging is common on larger vessels, such as
galleons, developed around 1500, or on the Spanish caravelas redondas,
such as the Santa Clara and the Santa Cruz. The second type, with
square sails only on the foremast, is typical of the Portuguese caravelas
de armada.
Caravelas de armada
It is curious to notice that in the 1550s Fernando Oliveira is skeptical about
the qualities of the caravelas de armada. In his Arte da guerra no mar he
states: ‘A mim me pareceu sempre, que caravelas de armada, não eram
tão boas como são gabadas, por serem um género de navios misturado
e neutro, e as partes que tomam de cada um dos outros géneros serem
as piores’ (Oliveira, 1555).
Later, in his Livro da fábrica das naus, Oliveira states: ‘Aqui me lembra
e quero o dizer, antes que me esqueça, que nunca me pareceu bem,
fazer da caravela navio redondo, diga cada um o que quiser, que tudo
será afeiçoado’ and ‘porque, mudando-se a forma da vela, cumpre
mudar-se a fábrica do fundo, a qual já não pode ser mudada’ (Oliveira, c.
1580).
In the middle of the 16th century these caravels were purposely built with
a forecastle and four masts, rigged with square sails on the foremast and
lateen on the remaining three, and later would be as large as 180 tonéis.

�As mentioned above, there are two regimentos for the construction of
these caravels in Manoel Fernandez treatise (1616), and they both have
two decks. We have their main dimensions:
 Folios 16 and 107: The caravel with 11 rumos (17m) of keel has
23.2m of length overall, a max beam of 6.42m, a depth of hold of
4.1 m, and a flat amidships of 2.05m.
 Folio 24 (and 108?): The caravel with 12 rumos (18.5m) of keel, has
25.5m of length overall, a max beam of 7.19m, a depth oh hold
4.40m, and a flat amidships of 2.31m.
These caravelas de armada have length to beam ratios of 3.61 and 3.55
respectively, values that are compatible with the extensive iconography,
often with reliable, albeit impressionistic, characteristics.
Caravelões
It seems that the smaller caravels were sometimes referred to as
caravelões (Pico, 1955). Alexandre Monteiro transcribed two early 16th
century documents relating to caravelões de Arguim that describe 3masted vessels with bowsprits, square sails on the fore and main masts,
and a lateen sail on the mizzen (Monteiro et al., 2011). Both caravelões
have hatch covers, so there is no doubt about the fact that they were
decked, as it should be expected in ships that are engaged in oceanic
trips. One of these caravelões had a crew (companha) of nine: pilot, six
sailors, and two apprentices. This information gives us a hint of the ship’s
dimension, if we are to believe Fernando Oliveira, who one generation
later, in the mid-16th century, states that crews should be calculated as
follows:
 Up to 10 tonéis: 2 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 10 to 20 tonéis: 3 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 20 to 30 tonéis: 4 sailors, 2 apprentices;

� Above 30 tonéis: add 1 sailor / 4 tonéis and 1 apprentice / 3 sailors.
According to Oliveira, both the master and the pilot must be counted as
sailors, thus suggesting a ship with a capacity around 42 tonéis (Oliveira,
1555).
One of these documents (1508) is particularly interesting because it refers
a bowsprit, fore and mainmasts, and a bonaventure mast with its yard.
Although there is no mention of a mizzen mast and yard, there is one
mizzen sail, and one mizzen halyard (ostaga). It is not clear whether this
is a mistake, or there were caravelões with 4 masts (Fig. 2).
Conclusion
The sample of shipwrecks of probable Iberian origin is small and the
preservation is often poor. Moreover, it is impossible to say for sure that
these archaeological remains are even remotely related to caravels. The
size, shape, structure, construction sequence, and rigging of the Iberian
caravels of the 15th and 16th centuries are far from well-understood. In
spite of the many excellent historical publications available for almost one
century in certain cases, we have more doubts than certainties when it
comes to reconstruct these mysterious ships. Most data on caravels and
other small vessels dates to the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th
centuries, more than a century after the first voyages into the Atlantic. A
small sample of measurements from contracts and technical texts
suggests that all caravels, even the Portuguese caravelas de armada,
were small vessels, that they all relied primarily on lateen rigs, and that by
the 16th century they all had stern panels and central rudders, no
forecastle, one to four masts with a minimum of two lateen rigged masts,
a low sterncastle, and no topmasts. For the Iberian Peninsula all caravels
had length to beam ratios between 3 and 4, tonnages between 50 and
150 toneles, corresponding to lengths overall between 15m and 25m.

�The archaeological record suggests that vessels of this size had similar
basic construction features and scantlings. In other words, that there was
an ‘Iberian way’ of designing and building small ocean-going vessels, of
which some were possibly caravels. However, only the full publication of
a much larger sample of shipwrecks will help shed light on this subject.

References
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(D – Caravela de meados do séc. XV). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
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Unger, Richard, 2010. Ships on Maps. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.

Biography
Filipe Vieira de Castro is Professor of Anthropology,
holds the Frederick R. Mayer II Fellowship of Nautical
Archaeology, and is the Director of the Ship
Reconstruction Laboratory at Texas A&amp;M University.
He has a degree in civil engineering from Lisbon’s
Instituto Superior Técnico, a Master of Business
Administration from the Catholic University of Lisbon,
and a PhD in Anthropology from Texas A&amp;M
University. He has conducted field work in Portugal,
Panama, Puerto Rico, Brazil, Italy, and Croatia, and his main interests are
the history of wooden shipbuilding technology and European seafaring in
the late medieval and early modern periods.

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                    <text>Underwater Archeological investigation of Bushehr
coastlines in Persian Gulf
Hossien Tofighian
Iranian center for archaeological research (ICAR)
htofighian@yahoo.com
Ramin Adibi
Archaeological Maritime Landscape Online Magazine
Ramin.adibi2012@gmail.com

Abstract:
When the Research Department of the University of Medical Sciences of
Bushehr was studying marine biomedicine around the Bushehr peninsula
they inadvertently discovered some pottery fragments. They then reported
it to the Bushehr province Cultural Heritage organization. In the summer
of 2016, the underwater archaeology group of the Iranian Center for
Archaeological Research (ICAR) surveyed the Bushehr coastlines for a
month. During this field research, we identified and recorded the
distribution of Sassanid pottery over approximately one kilometer square
in the seabed around the Bushehr peninsula. Based on findings of pottery
assemblages consisting of fragments of food storage vessels, Torpedo
amphora, and turquoise ceramic glaze; it was assessed that this
archaeological site represents the cargo of a shipwreck which sank in
shallow water near the coastline. Over time, the cargo then spread across
the seabed. We can observe the shipwreck processing in this case. At the
first season of this field research, we could not identify the remains of the
shipwreck hull but lots of fragments of torpedo shaped ceramic vessels
were recored. Relative dating proved that all of the ceramic findings are
related to the Sassanid era (224 to 651 CE). The quantity of sherds found
proved that this is in fact a shipwreck site.
Identification of the archaeological sites with torpedo shaped ceramic
vessels distributed around the Persian Gulf indicate that regional
maritime trade was widespread, in particular the Sassanid wine trade,
and that seafaring practices were occurring in one of the ancient canals
of Indian ocean. In this article, we explain about underwater
archaeological investigations of Bushehr coastlines and outstanding
ceramic findings including torpedo shaped ceramic vessels and turquoise

�ceramic glaze wares that were used in maritime trade in the Persian Gulf
during the Sassanid and early Islamic periods..
Keywords: Persian Gulf, underwater archaeology, Bushehr port,
Sassanid era, torpedo – shaped ceramic and turquoise ceramic glaze.
1. Introduction
The Persian Gulf (also Persian Sea), is a crossroad connecting all
civilizations,which is also a place of shipwrecks. Over recent years and as
a consequence of underwater archaeological investigations in the
northern shores of the Persian Gulf, a number of historical areas and
wrecked ships have been identified (Tofighian, 2014, 2014a, 2014b, 2016,
2017). Bushehr Port is one of those underwater archaeological areas in
which historical ships have wrecked. This area has a special significance
for researchers. During the field study, a number of dragon-shaped jars,
pottery containers, glazed pottery parts, and a stone anchor were found.
This underwater area, which was first identified by researchers of the
Marine Medical Center affiliated to the Bushehr University of Medical
Sciences, is within 500 meters of the shoreline of Bushehr Port and from
the Customs wharf to the building of Bushehr City Council. The site covers
a spread of pottery containers at a depth between 3 to 6 meters. Before
starting underwater investigations, the objects found were documented by
the Marine Medical Center affiliated to Bushehr University of Medical
Sciences. Given that some part of the explored pottery containers had
been identified by researchers of the Marine Medical Center, no
information of exact location of the underwater objects was at hand, but
big jars for water and food storage informed the researchers that a ship
had wrecked on the seabed. Only does the diversity of the explored
containers and their abundance show the existence of a large and
important underwater archaeological site. In addition, big jars of water and

�food storage signify the existence of a shipwreck in the seabed. The
efforts exerted by a group conducting underwater investigations and
explorations were successful in spite of difficult conditions caused by
insufficient underwater visibility and significant destruction having
imposed to the underwater area. As a result, underwater archaeologists
succeeded to explore a number of dragon-shaped jars and turquoise
glazed pottery in the seabed .
2. The research area
Bushehr Port is the capital of Bushehr Province, one of the Iranian
southern provinces. "Nadir Shah Afshar" re-boomed the current Bushehr
port in 1736. The name of this port was "Rishahr" in the ancient times.
The foundation and construction of this port date back to "Ardeshir" I of
the Sassanid. The resources referring to "Ardeshir" the Unifier mention a
port called "Bokht Ardeshir". Those resources, along with other
documents, show the significance of the Persian Gulf for the early
Sassanid kings. The significance of Bushehr Port was so great that "Bokht
Ardeshir" was connected by a road to Kazeroun and Shiraz through which
exported goods were transported to other areas. But the current Bushehr
Port with a history of 300 years was founded by Abu Mahiri, the son of
Shaikh Nasser Khan Al-Mazkur (the shipmaster of Nadir Shah and the
founder of Al-Mazkur dynasty) in 1735. The reason for the foundation of
this city was that Nadir Shah wanted to construct a port in the south of
Iran and establish navy. This port became so prosperous that was
considered as rival to Basra (Fig. 1 &amp; 2) Traces and works dating back to
pre-history (such as "Tal sabz or Tal Pitel", the Elamite period (Lian), and
the Sassanid and Islamic periods can be observed in Bushehr Peninsula.
The Castle and Port of "Rishahr", the Sassanid Cemetery in "Shoghab",
and the Sassanid "Hezar Mardan" Port are some of the monuments in this

�area. The underwater ancient area studied in the present research is
located at a distance of 500 meters from the shoreline of Bushehr Port
and between the customs dock and the building of Bushehr City Council.
This area is located at a depth of three to six meters under the sea
covering an area about 700 meters along the shore and an approximate
width of two hundred and fifty meters on the sandy bed of shallow body of
water of Bushehr Peninsula. This area has been severely destroyed
because of its proximity to the shore and the expansion of customs docks
on the one hand and military maneuvers on the other hand .

Fig.1 Location of Bushehr and the surrounding archaeological site.
(Tofighian, 2016)

�Fig.2: Location of the Underwater Archaeological site (Tofighian, 2016)
3. Methodology
The explored underwater objects are the most important instruments for
underwater investigations (Maarleveld, 1987: 35). But in investigating
shores of Bushehr Port, lowest light and water clarity was available for
divers. The area for investigations identified by the research team of the
Marine Medical Center (Fig. 3) was drawn on a base map. This area with
seven hundred meters long and two hundred and fifty meters wide was
investigated. To begin underwater investigations, the team had to identify
the starting and ending points on the seabed. With regard to permanent
water movements, identification of the points were possible only via a few
floating watermarks attached to heavy weights. The starting point of the
investigation was recorded by GPS on a boat and the first buoy was fixed

�in the area. To start underwater investigations, the two following methods
were employed:

Fig.3: The underwater archaeological team. (Tofighian, 2016)
1 .The beginning and the end of the area was determined by two buoys
(watermarks). Then, the investigators started searching along the rope
and after finishing this search round, the two buoys were displaced in the
width direction of the area and the other part of the seabed as searched .
2 .Appropriate spots of the study area were recorded by buoys and GPS.
Then, a rope was fastened to a buoy and divers started searching around
this point in circularly. After completing each round, the radius of this circle
got opener and a larger area was investigated. With regard to severe
underwater streams, diving was impossible without the rope and buoys.
In the second method, the second part of the area was conducted and all
investigated spots were recorded via GPS and drawn on the basemap .
In modern methods, the seabed are scanned via devices and techniques
such as Sonar; then the obtained pictures are interpreted on a monitor via
which underwater topologies and cultural phenomena are identified.

�Nowadays, Iranian archaeologists have no access to efficient and
advanced underwater equipment .
For better understanding of the conditions of the shores of the study area
and the possibility of identifying the potential shipwreck with regard to the
shallow body of water, the investigators imaged the study area employing
a quadcopter. Imaging from a low height in the shallow shores of the area
and with regard to possible penumbras can be effective on identifying the
traces of docks and debris of historical harbors. Thus the investigators
tried to identify possible evidence and historical findings via the
quadcopter. However, the taken pictures were not effective on underwater
archaeological investigations in Bushehr shores. In addition, the study
area was investigated via the Sonar Scanner Finger Feeder installed on
a boat. But due to smoothness of sandy shallow seabed in Bushehr
shores, the pictures obtained from Sonar were not effective. Therefore,
the only possible method for investigating those shores was that
professional divers search the seabed with under the supervision of the
Marine Medical Center of Bushehr. This method was also conducted with
difficulties .
4. Findings
The results obtained from survey investigations of the dispersion of
broken and intact pottery as well as the stone anchor indicate the
existence of an area belonging to a shipwreck in the shallow part of
Bushehr Peninsula. The objects were obtained in different time intervals
and no unity was found among them. The dragon-shaped pottery
containers were in fact middle-sized jars with horizontal handles and a
number of turquoise glazed jars as well as a number of small deposited
containers made dating the site possible (Fig. 4-6 (

�Fig. 4 (left): The remains of
torpedo amphorae in shallow
water around the southern of
Bushehr Peninsula. (Tofighian,
2016)

Fig. 5 (below): The remains of second
torpedo amphorae in shallow water
around the southern of of Bushehr
Peninsula. (Tofighian, 2016)
Fig 6 (above): Glazed
pottery, recovered from
the southern coast of
busher. (Tofighian, 2016)

�Dragon-shaped pottery jars dated back to late Parthian period to Sassanid
period as well as the two first centuries of the Islamic period in maritime
trading of the Persian Gulf for shipping valuable liquids such as olive oil,
salty fish, wine, and seeds from Iranian ports to Arabian ports of the
Persian Gulf, the Indian subcontinent, East Asian and East Africa with
bitumen-painted inside surfaces for making them water-resistant. In
addition, turquoise and green glazed pottery, as the most significant
pottery of the Sassanid period, were observed among the explored
objects which in addition to historical Iranian ports and areas of the
Persian Gulf, have been found Arabic shores, East Africa, Indian
subcontinent, and East Asia. It shows the expansion of the trading
network of the Sassanid era in the Persian Gulf .
One of the most important findings obtained from archaeological
investigations in the shallow bodies of water in Bushehr Peninsula was a
piece of oval rock with three holes (Fig.7). Unfortunately, no trace of a
shipwreck was observed. Thus only its severely destructed and sporadic
shipments were identified. Doing complementary investigations can
significantly contribute to better understanding of the real nature of this
underwater area .

�Fig .7: A stone anchor with three holes from Bushehr. (Tofighian, 2016)

Analysis and comparison of the pottery explored from the
underwater area in Bushehr Port
A large variety of pottery related to the Sassanid period were identified in
the areas around the shores of the Persian Gulf. The most important
explored pottery were the elegant orange painted pottery (Namard), grey
small pottery, kneading pottery, big ornate jars and jugs for water and food
storage, and more frequently, dragon-shaped and glazed pottery. Pottery
with honeycomb decorations are other types of the Sassanid
potteryobserved frequently in Siraf, but dating those potteryhas been
doubted by a number of archaeologists (Simpson, 1992: 296 .)
In archaeological investigations and identifications of the shores of
Bushehr Port, three intact dragon-shaped jars with bitumen glaze inside
them and a more number of broken pieces of dragon-shaped jars were
explored. In this investigation, a number of glazed pottery containers
dating back to the Sassanid era were explored as well. Dragon-shaped

�pottery explored in Bushehr Port are comparable with the instances
obtained from the Sassanid areas of the northern and southern shores of
the Persian Gulf. In addition, the number of Monochrome glazed pottery
containers can be observed among the underwater findings of shores of
Bushehr Port. This type of Sassanid pottery is comparable with a lot of
pottery obtained from Sassanid areas of the Persian Gulf as well as other
areas summarily discussed as follows.
4.1 Dragon-shaped pottery
One of the most important findings of the studies conducted on the pottery
is that all pottery obtained from northern and southern shores of the
Persian Gulf, the Indian subcontinent, and East Africa have been originally
Iranian. This pottery is mainly dragon-shaped (Simpson, 1992: 291). The
clay of those pottery in which bind materials such as abundant sand and
fine dense sand grains are used are yellow or fallow. The external surface
of containers are decorated and the inside surface is bitumen-glazed
(Connan et al. 1998). Another main characteristic of this pottery type is its
coils, cylindrical body without a neck, and a long and hollow insole
(Adamz, 1970: 100). This pottery type is also called Torpedo Fuse Point.
The bottom of this dish is called Spizfuss (Finster &amp; Schmidt, 1976: 92)
All in all, dragon-shaped jars (Torpedo) refer to those jars that have sharp
bases and relatively open mouths. They were appropriate for carrying
liquids in maritime trading. Those jars were made in different dimensions.
Their inside surfaces were all bitumen-glazed in order that nothing can
penetrate into the containers and spoil liquids. The arrangement of
amphora were very easy because of sharpness of their bases, openness
of their mouths, and the lack of necks in such a way that they did not shake
by ships’ shaking. According to archaeological studies, dragon-shaped
jars in the Persian Gulf date backs the early Parthian period to the early

�Sassanid period and the two first Islamic period (about one thousand
years) (Simpson, 1992: 291)
This pottery of has been identified in most parts of northern and southern
ports in the Persian Gulf as well as trans-coastal areas such as areas in
"Bandar Rig", "Mahrouyan", "Siniz", "Hezar Mardan", "Gurestan
Shoghab", "Rishahr", and southern shores of Bushehr Peninsula such as
areas of "Jalali", "Siraf", historical shop of Siraf, and Nay "Band" Bay. In
addition, some samples in trans-coastal areas such as Shush, Mianab
Plain of Shushtar, Galalak of Shushtar, a sample in Museum of Ancient
Iran, two samples in the Museum of London, and other samples of dragonshaped jars are comparable to those explored from underwater areas of
Bushehr Peninsula (Tofighian, 2014). In southern shores of the Persian
Gulf such as areas of Maliha, Eddor, Sohar, Jazirat al-Ghanam, Qana in
Yemen, Kush and Al-Qosur in Kuwait, East Africa, and Indian subcontinent, dragon-shaped jars were explored (Tofighian, 2014).
4.2 Turquoise monochrome glazed pottery
Well-baked glazed pottery with pepper paste and cream color made of
binders of sand and better glaze is one of the main characteristics of the
Sassanid pottery mainly made in Mesopotamia and Khuzestan (Mason &amp;
Keal 1991: 52). Glazed pottery of the Sassanid period, particularly
turquoise pottery, are mostly observed in the Persian Gulf ports of the
Sassanid and early Islamic periods. In "Mahrouyan" (Tofighian &amp; Esmaeili,
2010: 275), the area of "Jaborj" near "Genaveh Port", "Rishahr", "Najiram
(Bataneh)" (Tofighian, 2009), Siraf and a number of areas in "Hormozgan"
such

as

"Ramchah",

"Rigo",

and

"Soza"

in

"Qeshm"

Island

(Khosrowzadeh, 2006), instances of the Sassanid turquoise pottery were
explored. In shores of the Persian Gulf, East Africa, and East Asia, some
instances of monochrome glazed pottery have been explored. They can

�be comparable with the glaze pottery explored in underwater areas of
Bushehr Port .
5. Conclusion
By doing underwater archaeological investigations and explorations of
shores of Bushehr Peninsula, the following results were obtained: in
shallow water in opposite Bushehr Port, an ancient site at a depth of 3 to
6 meters was identified. During investigations and with regard to
exploration of dragon-shaped jars used for carrying wine, it was identified
that the site is probably the place of an ancient shipwreck .
In addition, investigations conducted on the broken and intact pottery as
well as a stone anchor, the following results were obtained:
a .Three intact dragon-shaped jars in different sizes in which were
bitumen-glazed were explored. In addition, more numbers of broken
pieces of dragon-shaped jars indicate a large number of jars in the
explored area. In fact, the large number of dragon-shaped jars in those
shores have been explored by local fishers. This jars can belong to the
identified ancient area in Bushehr Peninsula .
b. A big glazed jar with turquoise green, some smaller jars mainly with
pale glaze, and some unglazed small to moderate jars with four handles
were explored .
c. A large number of broken and deposited pieces were also explored.
The diverse shapes of those broken jars show the abundance of pottery
containers in that historical wrecked ship.
d. A stone anchor with three holes on its body were explored as well. This
anchor remained in the seabed because of its high weight and big size .

�According to initial studies on the pieces of explored pottery, especially
turquoise green dragon-shaped ones rooted in the Sassanid period,
dating this area may refer to the Sassanid and early Islamic periods.
According to the evidence obtained from the stone anchor, small and
moderate containers for food and water storage, and identification of a
diverse number of dragon-shaped jars, the explored area may belong to
maritime a cargo ship having been wrecked in that site. A large number
of the jars were arranged in the cargo carrying valuable liquids such as
oils and wine from Iranian ports to other destinations. Better
understanding of this area and access to their real identity require more
field studies in future .
References
Ataei, M. T. (2005). An Archaeological report on Rishahr shore in Bushehr
Peninsula. Journal of Archaeology, 1(1); 85-93.
Daryaei, T. (2004). The Sassanid kingdom. M. Saghebfar (Trans.).
Tehran: Qoqnoos Publication .
Daryaei, T. (2007). The Persian Gulf maritime trade at the end of the
ancient period. H. Kian Rad (Trans.). Irnonology Foundation. Pp. 97-122 .
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Kharg Island (1960). Tehran: National Iranian Oil Company Press.
Le Strange, G. (1994). The historical geography of eastern caliphate
lands. M. Erfan (Trans.). Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publication.
Mirfattah, A. (1995). An unpublished report of guesses about Shoghab
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Mirfattah, S. A. (1995). Shoghab Cemetery. No. 24. Pp. 41-61 .
Moghaddam, A. et al. (2005). Archaeological investigations of Minab in
Shushtar. Tehran: Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts
and Tourism.

�Rahbar, M. (1999). An unpublished report of guesses about Shoghab
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Sami, A. (2010). The Achaemenid civilization. Tehran: Pazineh .
Tofighian, H. &amp; Bastani, M. (2016). A research on funeral in the Sassanid
period. Journal of Archaeological Studies. 8 (2), autumn and winter 2016;
17-34 .
Tofighian, H. (2006). Underwater archaeology in Iran. Tehran: Samira
Publication.
Tofighian, H. (2014). Historical ports of the Persian Gulf from the Sassanid
to early Islamic periods based on archaeological and underwater
archaeological studies. Tehran: Publications of the Heritage Research
and Tourism Institute.
Tofighian, H. (2014a). An Investigation of underwater archeology of Rig
Harbor shores. Journal of Archaeological Research, 6 (4), spring and
summer 2014, pp. 121-138.
Tofighian, H. (2014b). Analysis of Architecture of ancient Siraf seaport in
the shoreal area based on submarine archaeological studies. Journal of
Archaeology Studies, 6 (1), spring &amp; summer 2014, pp. 21-38.
Tofighian, H. (2017). Research on the base of Sassanid hearths of the
Persian Gulf shores. Journal of Archaeological studies, 7(2), spring and
summer, 2016, Pages....
Vanke, R. J. (2002). The west of Iran in the Parthian and Sassanid
periods. Journal of Archaeology of the West of Iran. Z. Basti (Trans.).
Tehran: SAMT .
Vosoughi, M. B. (2005). History of the Persian Gulf and the neighboring
lands. Tehran: SAMT.
Whighthouse, D. and Williamson, A. (n.d.). The Sassanid maritime
trading. G. Aghasi (Trans.). Tehran: Arya Publication.
Williamson, A. (1972). Trading in the Persian Gulf during the Sassanid
period in the 1st and 2nd Century AH. Journal of Tehran Archaeology and
Art of Iran. pp. 142-151 .
Wilson, A. (2005). The Persian Gulf. M. Saeedi (Trans.). Tehran:
Translation and Publication Firm .
Wilson, S. A. (1969). The Persian Gulf. M. Saeedi (Trans.). Tehran:
Translation and Publication Firm.

�Adams, R 1970 “ Tell Abu Sarifa, A Sassanian – Islamic ceramic
sequence from south central Iraq “ Ars Orientals 8, , pp 78-119.
Begley. V., 1983 “Arikamedu Reconsidered “AJA 87 ,461-481.
Richard Daniel., (Eds) Rome and India: the ancient sea trade, Madison,
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Bivar.A.D.H. 1983, The Cambridge History of Iran, volume 3, Seleucid,
Parthian and Sassanid period, Cambridge.
Carter.R. 2006, Boat remains and maritime trade in the Persian Gulf
during the sixth and fifth Millennia BC, Antiquity, volume 80, issue 307:5263.
Cardi. B.De. 1972 “A Sasanian outpost in Northern Oman, Antiquity”, 46,
no 184,.
Connan, j. , R.P. Evershed, L. Biek, G. Eglinton 1998 “use and trade of
bitumen in antiquity and prehistory: molecular archaeology reveals
secrets of past civilizations. “ philosophical transactions: biological scince.
Vol 354 no 137.
Daryaee.T. 2003, The Persian Gulf trade in late Antiquity, Journal of world
History, 14(1) pp: 1-16.
Hamnstad. L., 1983, Greek wine amphorae in the Hellenistic Pottery from
Failak. Copenhagen.
Howgego C.J. &amp; etc., 1992, Greek and Roman coins from Eastern Arabia,
Arab.arch.epig, 3:183-189.
Kennet.D. 2007, The Decline of eastern Arabia in the Sasanian period,
Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 18:86-122).
Magee.P, 2005, investigating cross-Gulf trade in the Iron Age III period:
chronological and compositional data on Burnished Maroon Slipped Ware
(BMSW) in southeastern Arabia and Iran, Arabian archaeology and
epigraphy, 16: 82-92.
Mirfatah. A., 1965, Excavation report of cemetery of
Boshehr, submitted to the institute of archaeology,

Shaghabe of

Moghadam. A., 2005 “Archaeological Survey Of Mianab-e Shoshtar”
report submitted to Center of Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism
Organization; 210.
Overlaet.B, 2009, A Himyarite diplomatic mission to the Sasanian court
of Bahram II depicted at Bishapur, Arab. Arch. Epig. 2009: 20: 218–221
(2009).

�Oates. J., 1993, Trade and power in the fifth and forth millennia BC, New
evidence from northern Mesopotamia, world archaeology, 24 (3): 403422.
Oates. J, Kamilli, 1977, Seafaring merchants of Ur, Antiquity, 51:221-34
Rahbar. M., 1966, Archaeological report of cemetery of Shaghab, report
submitted to the Center of Iranian Cultural Heritage and Tourism
Organization.
Simpson, St.J. 1992 “Aspect of the arcgaeology of the sassanian period
in Mesopotamia” oxfored university,.
Stern.B, &amp; etc., From Susa to Anuradhapura: reconstructing aspects of
Trade and Exchange in Bitumen- Coated Ceramic vessels between Iran
and Sri Lanka from the Third to the Ninth Centuries AD. Archaeometry,
50, 3 (2008) 409–428.
Tomber.R, 2007, Rome and Mesopotamia importers into India in the first
millennium AD, Antiquity, 81 (314) pp 972-986.
Will, E.L. 1986. The Roman shipping Amphorae from Arikamedu “ALA
Abstracts 11.AJA 91.
Wheeler. M, 1946. “Arikamedu: an Indo – Roman trading station on the
east coast of India, pp 17- 124.
Whitehouse.D. A Williamson, 1973, Sasanian Maritime Trade, Iran, vol
11:29-49.
Biography
Hossein Tofighian Ph.D.,
A member of faculty and assistant professor of Research Institute of
Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT). His field of study is about
Sassanid period around Persian Gulf. He has been working on maritime
archaeological studies in Iran particularly underwater cultural heritage of
Persian Gulf for 15 years.

Ramin Adibi M.A.,
M.A. in archaeology and a member of 'PADI', focused on Caspian Sea
as "maritime archaeological studies", especially about Maritime Cultural
Landscape of Caspian Sea. Runs a magazine called "Archaeology of
Maritime Landscape".

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                  <text>The country of Iran benefits from having a long coastline. Sea spaces and coastlines were attractive settlements for humans throughout history. These extensive maritime landscapes have resulted in interactions between human and sea along the northern (Caspian Sea) and southern (Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman) coastlines of Iran.  Iranâ€™s rivers and lakes contain a great deal of evidence of human habitation and interaction. Due to the countryâ€™s long history of maritime culture, we can also observe sea effects on coastal communities in Iran. Maritime archaeological studies in Iran, however, are at a nascent stage. &#13;
&#13;
In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT), Iran</text>
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Higher Institute of Marlik University, Iran</text>
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                <text>Underwater Archeological investigation of Bushehr coastlines in Persian Gulf </text>
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                <text>When the Research Department of the University of Medical Sciences of Bushehr was studying marine biomedicine around the Bushehr peninsula they inadvertently discovered some pottery fragments. They then reported it to the Bushehr province Cultural Heritage organization. In the summer of 2016, the underwater archaeology group of the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) surveyed the Bushehr coastlines for a month. During this field research, we identified and recorded the distribution of Sassanid pottery over approximately one kilometer square in the seabed around the Bushehr peninsula. Based on findings of pottery assemblages consisting of fragments of food storage vessels, Torpedo amphora, and turquoise ceramic glaze; it was assessed that this archaeological site represents the cargo of a shipwreck which sank in shallow water near the coastline. Over time, the cargo then spread across the seabed. We can observe the shipwreck processing in this case. At the first season of this field research, we could not identify the remains of the shipwreck hull but lots of fragments of torpedo shaped ceramic vessels were recored. Relative dating proved that all of the ceramic findings are related to the Sassanid era (224 to 651 CE). The quantity of sherds found proved that this is in fact a shipwreck site.  Identification of the archaeological sites with torpedo shaped ceramic vessels distributed around the Persian Gulf indicate that regional  maritime trade was widespread, in particular the Sassanid  wine trade, and that seafaring practices were occurring in one of the ancient canals of Indian ocean. In this article, we explain about underwater archaeological investigations of Bushehr coastlines and outstanding ceramic findings including torpedo shaped ceramic vessels and turquoise &#13;
ceramic glaze wares that were used in maritime trade in the Persian Gulf during the Sassanid and early Islamic periods.</text>
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                    <text>An Introduction to the Maritime Construct of Khashabat in
the Persian Gulf
Mostafa Karimi
University of Tehran
Email: karimi_282@yahoo.com
Abstract
The history of maritime routes and communications in Iran dates back to
a long time ago. In ancient times, to prevent dangers for their ships such
as water thinness and thawing near coasts, the shallow depths and
narrowness of rivers at the mouth of seas, Iranians installed a mechanical
device called khashabat or Khushab (lighthouse). This maritime device
has been made out of teak wood in the form of a catapult and imperfect
pyramid. The height of a khashabat was about 40 meters above the sea
level. Its materials were pottery and stones. The watches on a khashabat
were deployed in four-arched chambers on its top. The significance of the
khashabat was because of natural disasters, the invasion of pirates, and
expiration of their fuel. Historical resources indicate that khashabats or
lighthouses in the sea exited until the 13th century. The present study is
aimed at investigating functions and significance of khashabats in
traditional cruise and the reasons for their construction. In addition, places
where this Iranian technology and engineering were used are introduced.
Key words: Khashabat, the Persian Gulf, navigation, maritime hazards,
lighthouse.

Introduction
The history of technology is just a small part of the profile of the human
civilization in their temporal visions, but it is an important part of human
culture and civilization as well. Therefore, investigating the history of
Iranian technology is very significant. Iranian culture is very rich in terms
of maritime technology and shipbuilding. Waters of the Persian Gulf,
Oman Sea, Indian Ocean, and rivers in the southwest of Iran have been
scenes for people’s navigation since the ancient times.

�According to myths, Jamshid Jam, from the Pishdadian Dynasty, built the
first ship. He also established the first “maritime rituals” and other national
rituals for leading people toward seas and navigation. He then started
sailing and navigation in seas*** and sailed from one country to another.1
(Ferdowsi, 1966:27) According to Ferdowsi’s narration, after the transfer
of government from Pishdadian to Kianian dynasties, occurrences of
events changed from Sarandib to Hamavaran. During his travel to Iran,
Kay Kavus passed Zabol (Nimrouz) and reached Makran coasts and
decided to suddenly invade Hamavaran:
“Key Kavus ordered the army to play drums and proceeded
from Nimrouz*** Then he, the King of the world, became happy
He deployed his army toward Turan and China*** and then he
invaded Makran.2
Then the king ordered shipbuilders to build boats and ships.
The king and his army boarded and passed seas a thousand
miles until they reached a land.
Key Kavus ordered shipbuilders to build abundant ships and
boats***and then he deployed his army to invade
The people of Hamavaran were informed that*** Key Kavus
and his army were invading from the Makran Sea”.3
Sailing in Iranian waters was common in the Phoenician, Elamite,
Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sassanid times, as well as during the Islamic
era. With a glance at the sailing tradition, shipbuilding and using maritime
devices have been common in Iran since the ancient times.
Many maritime and shipping instruments were created by Iranians, and
some other instruments were used by Iranian sailors who traveled to other
lands in the ancient era. Compasses, steerages, depth finders, distance
finders, measurement tools, flyers (drawings), electric pellets, and
khashabats (marine lights) were among instruments innovated by Iranians

�(Nourbakhsh,2003:75 and 81, Raein,1976:288-289). The present study
aims to investigate the functions and applications of khashabats, as one
of the most important innovations and instruments of Iranian sailing in the
shipping industry of those periods based on historical resources.

a. What is a Khashabat?
The word “khashabat” (‫ )خشبات‬which is the plural form of “khashaba” (‫)خشبه‬
means sea minarets. They are in a place behind Abbadan (Dehkhoda,
1998:9802). A khashaba literally refers to a piece of wood. It also refers
to a ship metaphorically. But generally in resources such as Murravej ulZahab of Masoudi and other geographical resources, the term khashabat
refers to a minarets of wood established as a wooden scaffold in the sea,
and the fire was lit on the top of it in a small chamber. As a result, it led
ships toward safe passages. It in fact was equivalent to a lighthouse in the
modern shipping era. Nowadays there are some maritime guides-being lit
at night by wires and power- which are called “Bayeh”, but they are floating
in the sea (Hadi, 1992:180).

b. Navigating and trading in the Persian Gulf
The maritime routes of the Persian Gulf is the most ancient connecting
maritime routes in the world. They have been connecting Central Asia to
the Middle East since several thousand years. Since the very ancient
times, Chinese, Indonesian, and Malayan, and Indian, and African, goods
have been shipped with the efforts exerted by Iranian sailors to ports in
the Persian Gulf such as Bayan (Lian), Oboleh, Riv Ardeshir, and Forat
Mishan ports and were unloaded there from where those goods were
transferred to Palmira and Syria. Sometimes windships headed toward
their destination through the bay in the west of Iraq and stretched out to

�Al-Hirah and unloaded their goods near that city which was the dock of
caravans from Badia –al-Arab.
Since that time, the Persian Gulf, as currently known for its oil reservoirs
all over the world, has been famous for connecting trade routes in the east
to the west of the ancient and modern world (Rasaei, 1972:42).
c. Reasons for the advent and construction of khashabats
To build a light to guide ships in dangerous and difficult passages, human
beings thought of fire and light; therefore, lighting and igniting wood were
some strategies for guiding ships and fleets. Then, human beings
succeeded to use viscous black liquid, also called petroleum (from Greek:
petra: "rock" + oleum: "oil".) for igniting fires in seas. However, since this
liquid was flammable, it was poured in special containers or holes were
delved in heights and it was poured into those holes and ignited (Rasaei,
1972:40)
Indeed the geographical situation of soils in the head of the Persian Gulf
was not like the present time. In the ancient time, downstreams of the
Euphrates, Tigris, and Karun rivers were separately poured into the
Persian Gulf; as a result, salty water of the sea spread out the surrounding
lands through bays stretched out near Basra even in the Sassanid era
(Rasaei, 1972:42). In addition, the Persian Gulf is more roaring than other
seas because of its shallow depth and its rugged submarine topology. The
Persian Gulf joins the Indian Ocean (Eghtedari, 1966:10).
Thus the ancient Iranians thought of finding safer routes for facilitating
navigation, preventing damages to ships, and guiding ships toward
northern parts of the Persian Gulf. As a result, they constructed a type of
maritime guide board called “khashabat” in historical resources.
In addition, in the guidebook of Rani Kia Tan, written between 785 to 805
AD, it is mentioned that Iranians constructed special towers in the Persian
Gulf and ignited them at night for guiding ships and boats. The flammable

�materials used for igniting those towers were unknown but they could be
wood or petroleum (Hadi, 1992:170).
Professor Hadi Hassan quoted from Hiret Veracqui, the author of the book
the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries that
a ship is made out of wood and a shipmaster is a human, as there are
land mice, there are water mice as well, and there are bandits as there
are pirates. In addition, there are other hazards such as typhoons and
rocks. Therefore, there were some decorated columns in the Persian Gulf
which were ignited in order to guide ships toward true destinations” (Hadi,
1992:171).
According to Muqaddasi, in 985 AD around Basra, people constructed
chambers on palm trees and ignited fire in them in order to prevent the
crash of ships with rocks. But since it was difficult to navigate in that area,
ships sailed mostly in days in such a way that shipmasters climbed decks
and watched the horizon. Then, they transferred their commands to
helmsmen to steer ships. However, when their ships got away from coasts
and reached the sea, they had to steer their ships via the sun, the moon,
and stars (Muqaddasi, 1897:17).Those khashabats were established and
worked until the thirteenth century.
The most important reasons of constructing khashabats can be as follows:
1. Specific geographic features of the north of the Persian Gulf;
2. The sea level rise in the Persian Gulf in the bay stretching out Basra
and the shallow depth of water;
3. Prevention from big ships’ grounding in muds which the Tigris,
Euphrates, and Karun rivers carried from mountains and embedded
at the mouth of the head of the Persian Gulf;
4. Determination of the shipping routes in shallow areas of the Persian
Gulf at night; and
5. Protection of commercial goods exported from or imported to the
area.

�d. Geographic range of khashabats in the Persian Gulf
In this section, the study is to investigate in which areas of the Persian
Gulf khashabats were employed.
Distribution of khashabats in the Persian Gulf until the 13th century
Darius the Great ordered that the first lighthouse be installed at the mouth
of Indus River under the supervision of Scylax. When Nearchus,
Alexander’s Admiral, sailed into the Persian Gulf in 326 BC, he was
astonished by great lighthouses. As a result, he praised the miracles he
had observed in the area in his travelogue. According to Nearchus,
Iranians’ lighthouses were installed in different parts of the Persian Gulf
(Nourbakhsh, 2003:77). The Persian Gulf was considered as a part of the
fourth gulf of the Bahr ul-Azam Sea. In the book Hudud al-Alam, The
Persian Gulf is described as “a gulf with narrow width which stretches out
Indus River” (Sotoudeh Ed, 1960:12).
Muqaddasi writes in the book Ahsan al-Taqasim that khashabats’ origin is
thought to be from Basra. They are very shallow and dangerous. Wood
columns were installed and chambers were built on top of them. At night,
the fireplaces were lit to warn them not to approach. Muqaddasi writes
also that a captain once said that there were a lot of calamities there; his
ship grounded several times. Only one ship out of 40 ones can return from
there (Muqaddasi, 1982:18).
Nasir Khusraw who voyaged to Mahrouban Harbor via Basra in a ship in
1051 observed khashabats and attributed their constructions to ancient
kings. He narrated that when they voyaged from Basra in May 1051, firstly
they boarded a boat and voyaged for four miles to reach Abbadan
(Abadan). Abbadan was close to the sea as an island with two branches.
As they approached and anchored, they saw some towers and asked

�natives what were they? They answered them that those towers are
khasbabats (Ghobadiani, 1976:161).
Soleiman Sirafi writes in the book Sequence of Histories (Silsilat ulTwarikh) that the beginning of the Persian Gulf was the area of
khashabats of Basra. That area covered Basra, Oboleh, and Bahrain.
Then, there was Laravi Sea beside which there were khashabats of
Saymur, Subareh, Taneh, Sandan, and Konbayeh regions which were
parts of India and Indus River. The beginning of the Perisan Gulf there
was maritime rugged topologies around Basra where khashabats or
konkalas had been installed. Those khashabats were constructed out of
wood in order to be guides for sailors and helmsmen. The distance from
the beginning of the Persian Gulf to the Oman Sea is about 300 miles. In
addition, the distance from Persian coasts to Bahrain is about 300 miles
(Sirafi, 2002:160).
In his observations of the Persian Gulf from 947-956, Masoudi describes
its range as follows: “the beginning of this sea starts from Basra, Oboleh,
and Bahrian where areas of khashabats of Basra are located. Therefore,
the beginning of the Persian Gulf is from khashabats of Basra, also called
Konkala, that are signs made out of wood and installed in the sea. The
distance form this area to Oman Sea is about 300 miles” (Masoudi,
1864:147).
According to the above discussions, it can be concluded that marine lights
were mostly employed at the head of the Persian Gulf. In most historical
and geographical resources, the area of using khashabats were Basra,
Oboleh, Abbadan (Abadan), Mesopotamia4 (Hamavi,1987:239), Bahrain,
Mahrouban, Siraf, and even Masqat, and Sohar5 in Oman and at the
mouth of Indus River. All in all, it can be claimed that khashabats were
constructed and established at the mouth of big rivers ending in Persian
Gulf from where muds and sediments entered the sea and resulted in

�creating bays. In the Persian Gulf where the Tigris, Euphrates and Karun
rivers reaches each other, a relatively big bay is emerged. As a result, the
sea becomes shallow. This issue results in problems for ships. Iranians
solved this problem in the Persian Gulf using khashabats. [Fig. 1]

Fig.1: Geographic range of khashabats in the Persian Gulf.
e. The structure and features of khashabats
Nasir Khusraw who visited khashabats, describes their structures:
“[t]heir columns are four big teaks like catapults with wide bases.
Their heads are narrow. Their heights above sea level are about
four feet. On their tops, there are stones and pottery containers
fastened to each other with wood. They are called khashabats6.
Some people say that they were constructed by a merchant and
some others say they were constructed by a king. Nevertheless,
they both had intentions: to save ships from getting stuck in
sediments of that area, and secondly to warn them of pirates.
When we passed by khashabats, we saw a Nabeh without any
dome. After that, were reached Mahrouban” (Ghobadiani,
1976:163).

�Hafiz-i Abru describes khashabats as follows:
“khashabats exist near Abbadan- around Basra- where marshes
and drainage of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers poured into the
sea. The distance from Abbadan to that place is about six miles.
The depth of the body of water in that area is shallow; thus ships
may be in danger. In those locations, timbers have been raised
up as catapults. The bases of those khashabats are reinforced
with a lot of pieces of wood. There are domes of pieces of wood
for watches to ignite fires on the top of those khashabats. Those
khashabats cannot be seen in days because their distances is
very far from the coast. The mouth of the Tigris River is the border
where ships must not trespass” (Hafiz i-Abru, 1996:239).
As discussed, the structural features of khashabats can be explained as
follows:
- Each khashabat (lighthouse) had four bases made of wood7. Wood
has been used as one of the materials in Iranian buildings since the
ancient time. Wood was used in chambers of royal emirates in
Shush and Persepolis in the Achaemenid era (Farsahd, 1987:730).
- In the design of khashabats, the quadrangular bases were
underwater. As they went up, the quadrangular got smaller, that is
to say their heads were smaller than the bases. This design was
adopted for the increase in the strength and resistance against
typhoons8.
- Their heights were 40 meters above the sea level.
- On the top of them, there were dome shaped and pottery-roofed
cubicles for watches.
- In their cubicles, there were places for igniting fire.
- The distance of one khashabat with another was in such a way that
when one of them was out of sight, another appeared.
f. The function and significance of khashabats in navigation
With regard to descriptions and explanations of Muqaddasi, Nasir
Khusraw, Soleiman, and Sirafi, Hafiz i-Abru, and other historians and
geographers, it can be inferred that khashabats and lighthouses were of
two types which in spite of commonalities in goals and duties, they had

�different functions. Apparently, one type of khashabats were merely used
for watches; therefore, ignition in them seems unlikely because the fire for
guiding ships must have been very big to be seen by captains. On the top
of that type of khashabats, there were some tombs and chambers as
shelters for watches. The significance of khashabats type one is in their
determination of shallow places of a body of water and the existence of
underwater big rocks. In addition, sailors and watches in those
khashabats were responsible for transferring news about the coming of
ships to officials in ports or in case of observing pirates, they informed
military bases to fight them. Therefore, khashabats had military functions
as well. [Fig. 2]

Fig. 2: The khahsbats type one. (Artwork: Nahid koohi)

�But the khahsbats type two were lacking in chambers and tombs because
fire was ignited on the top of them. However, there were some officers
responsible for igniting fire at night. The significance of this type of
khashabats was for nights because the ignited fires were for guiding ships
in order to find their ways at night and in mists, while khashabats type I
were used in days. Nevertheless, these two types both had common
function of indicating shallow places of a body of water and guiding ships.
[Fig. 3]

Fig.3: The khahsbats type two. (Artwork: Nahid koohi)

As a result, in can be concluded from the above discussions that
khashabats were considered significant in the ancient navigation.
Ferdowsi describes khashabats in Shahnama that:

�“Come to explain you what are khashabats***a wise man has
established them in waters…
When a ship observe them from a distance***and see fires
blazing out of them...
It follows the right direction as fires show***and the shipmaster
thinks so.”
Therefore, khashabats have been very significant for maritime
transportations and the development of business and trades in the
Persian Gulf in that the economic life of people living in ports and harbors
of the Persian Gulf ranging from the eastern coasts of the Tigris River to
Makran plains and Baluchistan, and from the western bank of the Tigris
River to southern coasts of the Persian Gulf and around Arab Peninsula
as well as those who were known as Babylonian, Sumerian, Arabic, Zangi
and Yemeni having lived in other parts of the region all needed the sea
and maritime business. As a consequence, residents in the coasts of the
Persian Gulf have always intended to find routes, instruments, and
technologies for ships to navigate as rapidly and safely as possible, and
one of those technologies was khashabats.

Conclusion
According to information obtained from writings and observations of
historians and geographers, navigation has been a dangerous profession
when ships are approaching coasts of the Persian Gulf. Therefore, in the
ancient times (the Achaemenid and specially Darius the Great), Iranians
constructed constructions made of wood and ignited fires for signing the
ships and warning them of dangerous and shallow parts of the body of
water in coasts. In navigation of the previous centuries, this type of
construction has been called khashabat. Those khashabats played a
significant role in navigation of the ancient sailors in that their structure
acted as lighthouses for the current sailors and helmsmen. The distance

�of those khashabats from each other was as far as when one got out of
sight, the other appeared. The most reasons and goals of constructing
those towers were as follows:
1. To guide ships at night by igniting fires on the top of them because
when the sea level went up in shallow lands, there was a danger
that ships got stuck in sediments of that area;
2. When sailors saw lights in darkness, they could find their ways
among mists and darkness;
3. They were used for watching and determining routes for ships in
days.
As observed, lighthouses and maritime signs have been one of the
innovations of ancient Iranians; therefore it can be assured that current
advanced

lighthouses

and

maritime

sings

mixed

with

modern

technologies and completed with modern advances are rooted in Iranians’
intelligence used in the Persian Gulf.
EndNotes
1
‫گذر كرد از آن پس به كشتي بر آب *** ز كشور به كشور برآمد شتاب‬
2
- ‫ شاه گيتي فروز‬،‫بزد كوس و برداشت از نيمروز *** شده شاد دل‬
3
‫ز ايران بشد تا به توران و چين *** گذر كرد از آن پس به مكران زمين‬
‫بي اندازه كشتي و زورق بساخت *** بياراست لشكر بدو در شناخت‬
‫خبر شد بديشان كه كاوس شاه *** برآمد ز آب زره با سپاه‬
4
- An island where Abadan is in its west beside the Aravand River. It
was called Mesopotamia. “Mesopotamia means in between rivers and it
is a kind of island in lower parts of Basra of which Abadan is a part”.
5
- Iranians called it “Mazun” in the ancient times.
6
- Khashbab
7
- They were mostly made of palm trees.
8
- Its design were in the form of current towers.
Bibliography:
Dehkhoda, A. A, 1998. Persian Dictionary of Dehkhoda. M. Moein and
S. J. Shahidi (Eds.). vol. 7. University of Tehran Press, Tehran.
Eghtedari, A, 1985. Form the Persian Gulf to the sea of china. Iran
Transportation Research and Publishing Company, Tehran.

�Eghtedari, A, 1966. The Persian Gulf. Franklin Publishing House, Tehran.
Farshad, M,1987. History of engineering in Iran. Amir Kabir,Tehran.
Ferdowsi, A,1966. Shahnama. J, Mohl (Ed.). vol. 1. Franklin Publication,
Tehran.
Ghobadiani, N,1976. Nasir Khusraw’ travelogue. M. Dabir Siaghi (Ed.).
University of Tehran, Tehran.
Hafiz i-Abru, Sh,1996. Geography of Hafiz i-Abru. Vol. 1. Miras Maktoub,
Tehran.
……….1960.The whole world from the east to the west. M. Sotoudeh
(Ed.). Tehran University Press,Tehran.
Hadi, H, 1992. The story of Iran's shipping from ancient times to the
sixteenth century. O. Eghtedari &amp; A. Eghtedari (Ed.). Astan Quds Razavi
Publishing House, Tehran.
Hamavi, Y,1987. Dictionary of countries. Vol. 5. Dar al-Beirut
Publication,Beirut.
Masoudi, A, 1864. Murravaj ul-Zahab. Dominard (Ed.). vol. 1. Paris
Raein, E,1976. Iranians’ navigation Vol.1. Javidan,Tehran.
Rasaei, F,1972. 2500 years on the seas. Peik Darya, Tehran.
Sirafi, S,2002. Sequence of histories: news from China and India. Asatir,
Tehran.
Masoudi, A,1864. Murravaj ul-Zahab. A. Payandeh (Trans.). Translation
and Publishing Agency ,Tehran.
Muqaddasi, A,1982. The best divisions in the knowledge of regions
(Ahsan al-Taghasism fi Maretaf al-Aghalim). Vol. 1. Company of Authors
and Translators, Tehran.
Muqaddasi, A,1897. The best divisions in the knowledge of regions
(Ahsan al-Taghasism fi Maretaf al-Aghalim). Ranking. B. (Trans.).
Calcutta.

�Nourbakhsh, H,2003. Navigation in Iran. Institute for Cultural Research,
Tehran.
Kheir Andish, A. &amp; Tabriz Nia, M,1993. Research on the Persian Gulf
(vol. 6). First edition House of Book, . Tehran.
Biography
Mostaf Karimi holds an M.A. in history, focussing on Persian Gulf Studies.
Graduating from the University of Tehran, his dissertation title is “The
historical process of maritime culture in the Persian Gulf". He is currently
a lecturer at the University of Tehran. He is the author of "Maritime Culture
of The Persian Gulf" and Co-author of the encyclopedia of the Persian
Gulf. He has written several articles about the Persian Gulf for
international and domestic magazines.

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In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT), Iran</text>
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Higher Institute of Marlik University, Iran</text>
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                <text>An Introduction to the Maritime Construct of Khashabat in the Persian Gulf </text>
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                <text>The history of maritime routes and communications in Iran dates back to a long time ago. In ancient times, to prevent dangers for their ships such as water thinness and thawing near coasts, the shallow depths and narrowness of rivers at the mouth of seas, Iranians installed a mechanical device called khashabat or Khushab (lighthouse). This maritime device has been made out of teak wood in the form of a catapult and imperfect pyramid. The height of a khashabat was about 40 meters above the sea level. Its materials were pottery and stones. The watches on a khashabat were deployed in four-arched chambers on its top. The significance of the khashabat was because of natural disasters, the invasion of pirates, and expiration of their fuel. Historical resources indicate that khashabats or lighthouses in the sea exited until the 13th century. The present study is aimed at investigating functions and significance of khashabats in traditional cruise and the reasons for their construction. In addition, places where this Iranian technology and engineering were used are introduced. </text>
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                    <text>A survey on a petroglyph illustrating a watercraft at the
hinterland site of Dehtal
Mina Safah
S iraz University
Shadi Kalantar
Tehran University

Abstract:
Dehtal is an important hinterland site, located 170 km away from the
shores of the Persian Gulf in Bastak County, Hormozgan province. Dehtal
is a petroglyph site possibly dating to the pre-Neolithic, according to
various sources of evidence such as stone tools found within the Bastak
area and the Dehtal plain. The petroglyphs themselves, however, more
likely date to the 3rd millennium BC. According to historical written
sources, the Bastak area was located on the road linking the so-called
Silk Road to the East Asia-Persian Gulf maritime trade routes.
One of these petroglyphs, which is located beside a seasonal river,
illustrates a watercraft. The image shows a round-hull, double-ended craft
with two masts and a long saturi (bowsprit). A long saturi is a characteristic
feature of a “boom” ship. Booms were used for long-distance voyages
within Indian Ocean and they are still in use today but now work with
engines.
Firstly, this article attempts to discern the shipbuilding details of the
watercraft depicted in comparison with other ship illustrations as those
found in the Maqamat al-Hariri and the vessel depiction uncovered by
Whitehouse at Siraf. Secondly, we will discuss Dehtal as a passage from
Persian Gulf to so-called Silk Road with a focus on archaeological reports
and historical written sources.
Introduction:
This article firstly, introduces a hinterland rock art site named Dehtal dated
back to a period from the Paleolithic Age to the Islamic era. This site took
its name from the nearby village with the same name. Secondly, a
petroglyph illustrating a watercraft that is situated within the Dehtal site

�will be introduced and a typology of the craft will be discussed by
comparing it with other similar watercraft illustrations. Regarding a long
Saturi (bowsprit) showed in the watercraft illustration and due to this fact
that such a long saturi is a characteristic of Boom ship, it is believed that
the namely illustration shows a Boom ship. There is no evidence for dating
the petroglyph, however, we will try to estimate it. Thirdly, the paper will
discuss the reason why a Boom ship has been drawn in an inland desert.
Rock Art site of Dehtal
Not far from the ancient village of Dehtal in Godeh area, a rock art site
of the same name has been located. Dehtal is in Bastak County at 170
kilometers north of the Persian Gulf and 110 kilometers south of Lar
(Movahhed, 1970). The pictures of this site include all the categories of
rock arts; human, animal, and plant motifs and symbols.
Most of the motifs in the Dehtal site have been carved on circle or oval
rocks made of limy sandstone with an average diameter of one meter and
a height of half meter from the ground level using Petroglyph technique in
an abstract style. Due to the climatic conditions of the area - high
temperature difference between day and night, and extreme heat during
spring and summer - some of the carved stones have been broken and
divided into two halves. There has been no research done as to the
makers of Dehtal petroglyphs. The measure of erosions and the repeat of
drawings on over each other can be a sign of the importance of this site
to the aboriginal inhabitants or being on the way of ancient roads for
centuries. So, the scattered stones of Dehtal probably were a suitable bed
for transferring the thoughts and rituals of inhabitants or recording
observations by passengers. According to archeological findings and
historical data derived from the Godeh area and Dehtal sites, the Dehtal

�petroglyphs can be dated to a period between the Paleolithic Age to the
Islamic era (Fig.1).

Fig.1: A Landscape of the Dehtal site. (Authors)
Bastak: History and historical Geography
Dehtal is located in Bastak province, regarding this, we will have a look
at the historical geography of Bastak in this part. It could help for
understanding the land and marine trade roads which connected this site
to the internal regions of Iran and shores of Persian Gulf as well as the
probable role of the commercial caravans in making the figures of Dehtal.
Bastak is one of the southern regions of Iran plateau placed between
Bandar Lengeh, Hormozgan and Larestan. In fact, Bastak, as the gate of
Fars to Persian Gulf, was on the way of commercial caravans from the
past. So, it has had the considerable economic position. Also, Bastak
always has involved in the trade and policy of the Persian Gulf. It has been
the center of governing the extensive district between Lar province and
Persian Gulf over the time, especially late three hundred years (Movahed,
1970).

�According to the historical sources, like Farsnameh Naseri, Bastak is a
new name for a bigger zone called Jahangireh (Fasaii, 1988). In fact, it
was a part of the ancient Irahistan. It is a name recorded for Larestan
within the sources of fourth to seventh H.D and encompassed the
hinterlands between Siraf and modern Bandar Abas (Vosoughi et al.,
2008). On the basis of the record of Farsnameh Ibn Balkhi, the rulers of
Irahistan had never been the subordinate of the central government,
unless there was a powerful governor in Fars (Ibn Balkhi, 1995).
Bastak as a Carrefour:
The ancient roads in Bastak and Irahistan region can be summarized as
following: 1- A caravan road started from the nearby ports of Persian Gulf
and after passing Kachouyeh, Kemshak, Tarakameh and Lamerd
reached Jahrom and continued to Shiraz. This way has been used in
flourishing of Kish Island. 2- The second road also started from the close
ports of Kish Island and get to the Larestan with passing Jenah and
Kouhaj. There are traces of caravanserais and reservoirs along this way.
3- The third road came from Lar to Tadrouyeh and finally ended to Ilud.
Also the roads of Bastak to Bandar Lengeh, Lar, Faramarzan, Godeh,
Rouydarat, Lamzan and Dezhgan are documented in 1970. All of these
routes from Bandar Lengeh to Bastak and Lar, the similar caravanserais
with a distance of three Farsang (6 myl) can be seen are mostly named
Shah A'basi (Movahed, 1970). (Fig.2)

�Fig.2: Three main ancient roads in Bastak and Irahistan region.
(Authors)
But Bastak is located on the most important route of the ancient world;
the Southern route of the Silk Road and the Sea Route of the Spice Road
(Adviyeh Sea Route). This south way separated from the east-west main
route of Silk Road passing Rey and Isfahan, reached to Shiraz and finally
after passing Irahistaan and Bastak regions ended at the port of Kish.
Then, it joined the Sea Road of Spice, connected the east and the south
of Asia through the Persian Gulf to the Europe and the Mediterranean's
shores. During this route traded different goods such as silk, spice, pearl
and so on (Reza, 1997). (Fig.3)

�Fig.3: Route 1. Part of the South way of Silk Road. Route 2.
Continuance of the Silk Road to the Persian Gulf. Route 3. Part of the
Sea Road of Spice (Adviyeh Sea Route). (Authors)
The important rivers of Bastak region are Shoor Galedar and Mehran.
These rivers originates from around the Galedar desert and finally flows
into the Persian Gulf (Movahhed, 1970; Vosoughi et al., 2008). The Shoor
River streams into Godeh region, where the Dehtal site located in. This is
a rich area in archaeological terms, containing prehistoric, historic and
Islamic sites.
Larestan and Bastak's regions are pointed during the Achaemenid
period under the names of Yaoutiya, Tāravā and Praga/Forag in
Daryush's manuscript at Biston (paragraph 5, 7, column 3) (Sharp, 2005).
Yaoutiya was probably in the south-east of Fars, i.e. contemporary
Larestaan (Fry, 2003). It is the territory that Vahizdata rioted and named
himself Bardia. Finally, he defeated against the arm of Daryush in Tāravā
and beside Praga, a town and mountain in Yaoutiya respectively (Sharp,
ibid). Tāravā located at the east of Larestan on the commercial route of

�Hormoz toward Kerman and Darab, and Praga is a region in the north of
Taram, East of Larestan and North-east of Bastak most probably
(Vosoughi et al., 2008). After the invasion of Arabs to this region, the name
of Praga changed to Farag or Forag, while it has been recorded Praga in
the geographical books of the initial times of Islam like Farsnameh Ibn
Balkhi (Ibn Balkhi, 1995)
Another historical name which could be adopted with the sphere of
Bastak is Apostana. This name has been mentioned in the book of Aryan,
as the anchorage of the navy of Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander at
325 B.C (Arrian, VIII, p. 38). We have to notice that the first part of the
word "Apostana" can be "Ab" which means water and the second part is
"stan" that means the place. So, Apostana can be "Abestan" which means
the “land of water” with its native accent Bostaneh or Bostano. One of the
features of this place mentioned in history of Aryan is being a center for
hunting pearls (pearl diving). This indication directs us to two ports with
the name of Bostano. One near the Asalouyeh port and another one close
to Bandar Lengeh (Zarinkoob, 2008). The last one located at the east of
Bastak, exactly beside the place of entrance of Shoor River to Persian
Gulf. After this time, there is no exact data from the history of Bastak
region until 656 H.D. But undoubtedly, the existent ports and roads in the
sphere of this area have had an important role in the economy of
governments over this gap. After the invasions of Mongols to Baghdad,
some of Arabs emigrates to Bastak and its environs from Basreh and
some Persian Gulf ports (Salami Bastaki, 1991).
The rulers of Irahistan and Bastak didn't totally accept the obedient of the
central government. Unless a powerful governor appeared in Fars, like
getting power of A'zad dowlah Deylami and its campaign to Irahistan for

�subduing the people of this region in the second half of fourth century (Ibn
Balkhi, 1995).
Also, the independent power of Larestan and Bastak have been
overthrown by Shah A'bas Safavi at 1009 H.D, due to kicking out
Portuguese from Gheshm and Hormuz Islands (Movahed, 1970). The
tribe of Ghavasem or Al Ghasem converted to a power at Jolphar,
contemporary Ras al-Khaimah, and started robbery of the ships on
Persian Gulf at the end of Safavid period. For a while they suppressed by
Nadershah Afshar. After his death Bani Moen, Mashayekh (ruler) of
Gheshm and Hormouz, resisted against them, but finally they had to get
help of the ruler of Bastak (Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, 1339: 125-127).
Along 1161 and 1162 H.D, in the time of the reign of Shahrokhshah in
Khorasan, the south part of Iran got into the invasion of robbers and revolt
of nomads like other regions. In this condition, Mohamd Khan Bastaki, the
ruler of Bastak, stood up against these attacks. Finally these conditions
due to supervision of the governors of Bastak and Laar on the ports like
Kong, Lengeh and Abasi, and even surveillance on far islands like
Gheshm and Kish (Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, 1960).
In the time of Karim Khan Zand (18th century) and with his sentence, a
large area from the North shores of Persian Gulf, Bandar A'bas and Minab
to Lar with some south islands ruled by governors of Bastak (Salami
Bastaki, 1991). In the time of Qajar (18th -20th century), Bandar Lengeh
became the most important port of Persian Gulf against the commercial
stagnation of Bandar A'bas and Boshehr. So Bastak raised up and
developed with locating on the way of the caravan road from Bandar
Lengeh to Shiraz (Movahed, 1970). In the reign of Pahlavies (20th
century), Bastak and its subsidiaries were still part of Larestan province

�(Vosoughi et al., 2008, vol.1, p. 106). Gradually, Bastak separated from
Larestan and changed its ranges in divisions of 1981 and 2004 (Ibid).
The Petroglyph:
The petroglyph depicts a starboard side of a double ended, almost belly
shaped watercraft (Fig.4). Double-enders are the most primarily hull
shape of the Western Indian Ocean crafts (Agius, 2008; McGrail, 2001).
Early pre-historic watercrafts depicted on Mesopotamian and Elamite
seals and seal impressions are double-ended as well.1 Also, dhows are
still in use in the Persian Gulf, except Ghanja and Baghla, which are
mostly double-ended (Al Bastaki; Paris, 1886). It can be said that prior to
the 16th -17th century A.D, the transom stern was non- existent within
Persian Gulf (Agius, 2008, Hourani, 1951).

Fig.4: The petroglyph in situ on the right (Hamzeh Qobadian) and its
drawing on the left. (Authors)
The craft illustration shows two horizontal parallel curved lines on its hull,
the three lines between the curved lines could be consider as planks, so,
the craft is obviously timber-made not reef-bundled (Fig.4). Furthermore,
the curved lines caused a perspective in the illustration of hull and makes
it more tangible. Plus to the horizontal lines, there are two vertical lines on
the outside of the hull that perpendicularly cut the horizontal lines which

�probably showing that joint planks were used to make the craft. Since
antiquity, Persian Gulf`s ship builders` ideal timber has being Saj (Tectona
grandis), it can be bent and joined to the frames, following the curves of
the ship`s sides and it is also long- lasting (Agius, 2008).
The depicted craft, has two masts. According to Bozorg, 10th century AD,
(Nakhoda Bozorg- Ibn-Shahriyar-e- Ramhormozi, 1969) 50 span of a
hand of timber was needed to build a mast.2 Each hand span is about 23
cm. (Agius, 2008), so, we can estimate that a mast was more than 100 m.
heighted. As it is mentioned above, this vessel is double- masted, if each
mast be more than 100 m, then relative to the height of the masts, its hull
– from bow to stern- must be approximately 100-150 m. so, she must be
a seagoing ship not a boat! Undoubtedly, Bozorg exaggerates in
recounting the stories but he is often honest in giving technical
information. It is said that a medieval double-masted craft required crews
of 200 (might be exaggerated) and modern ones draw about 240 kg with
crews of thirty (Whitehouse, 2009).
It can be noticed from the masts and jack- yards that the craft has lateen
sails and it is believed that lateen sail is a characteristic feature of
medieval watercrafts of the Western Indian Ocean (Hourani, 1951).
Lateen rigs are triangular and set along the craft. It permits to sail fore and
aft (parsa, 2012).
The most characteristic feature of this craft is its long Saturi (bowsprit)
which typically represents a Boom ship; the only water craft of Persian
Gulf that has such a long saturi (about 4-5 m.) is the Boom (Agius, 2008;
Eghtedari, 1966; Parsa, 2012). (Fig.5)
The boom distinguishes to two different types: for voyage, or for fishing
and pearl diving (Parsa, 2012). The voyage one is bigger with two or three

�masts (Eghtedari, 1966). The hull of a Boom, just similar to namely
petroglyph, is belly shaped and double ended which makes the craft safer
against the waves of seas and oceans. Also, its long saturi and masts
obviously show that a boom has giant rigs which makes the craft highspeeded (Parsa, 2012). (Fig.5)

Fig.5: a modern double-masted Boom ship on the right (Ethnological
Museum of Kong, Iran) and a Saturi of a modern Boom in Abadan, Iran.
(Authors)
Unfortunately, no more technical detail, such as being swan or nailed,
rudder, deck, anchor and etc., could be obtained from the petroglyph. But,
according to the characteristics discussed above (the long saturi, belly
shaped and double ended hull, being timber- made and double- masted),
it can be understood that the illustration represents a for- voyage Boom
ship. The most famous and certain illustration of Boom ship is the ones in
Maqamat-al-Hariri (13th century) which will be discussed subsequently.
(Fig.6)

�Fig.6: Two Boom ships in two different versions of Maqamat of Al-Hariri,
the one on the left is archived in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France,
Paris (Al-Hariri, 1237). The middle one archived in the Library of the
Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg (Agius, 2008) and the right one is a
graffito engraved in Siraf, Iran. (Whitehouse, 2009).
On the left side of the scene, there is a man / woman depicted riding a
horse (?). On the right, just under the hull of the ship, a fish can be seen.
The depiction of horseman is not obvious because of the erosion, neither
the fish (fig.4). The scratched lines of all described illustrations, ship,
horseman and the fish are in a same color and it shows their concurrency
(scratched lines of the petroglyphs in Dehtal turns darker over time). It
seems that this scene aims to recount a story of voyaging on the seas to
a port in South of Iran and then riding to a central city of Iran.
Comparative Consideration:
Maqamat Al-Hariri:
There are two miniatures of two different versions of Maqamat which are
believed to illustrate Boom ship (Fig.6), one at the National Library of
France, Paris (Hourani, 1959) and one at the Library of the Academy of
Sciences, Saint Petersburg (Agius, 2008). They both are obviously double

�ended with a long saturi and they both are evidently timber-made just like
what we see in the namely petroglyph. There is no doubt that the
Maqamat`s miniatures are more detailed rather than Dehtal`s petroglyph,
and the rudder, crews and even paddles can be seen but, the mutual
features between Dehtal`s petroglyph depicting ship and Maqamat`s
miniatures illustrating ships are firstly, the long saturi, secondly, being
double- ended.
Unfortunately, there are only a few pictorial evidences of medieval ships
within Iran and archaeological evidences of Perso- Arabian ships are even
less than pictorial evidences. One might say there are lots of illustrated
ships between Iranian miniatures but we should keep this fact in our mind
that these miniatures generally recount Iranian myths which are believed
to have been happened in the past, so, the artists just tried to copy the
antiquity depictions of watercrafts and rarely useful information of Iranian
medieval ships could be driven from these miniatures; In fact, it is highly
recommended to Iranian medieval artists to copy their ancestors (Beig-eAfshar, 1969). Furthermore, these miniatures were mostly done by royal
artists who were inhabitants of inland Iran and so far away from seas and
ships.
Ship Graffito of Site “K” in Siraf:
Another pictorial evidence of Iranian shipbuilding is the graffito that David
Whitehouse engraved at site “K” of Siraf3 (Fig.6). This is dated back to the
10th -11th century and it is tree-masted. As it is mentioned before, a
modern two-masted vessel of Persian Gulf draws 240 tonnes and requires
crews of thirty (Whitehouse, 2009), so, a tree-masted craft must be even
greater than a two- masted one! The ship shown in the graffito is doubleended as well as the other watercrafts that are so far introduced in this
article, but unlike the others, nor saturi neither timber planks can be

�recognized in this graffito because of the erosion. Furthermore, its hull
obviously is not belly shaped!
Belitung ship wrecked:
Archaeological evidences of Perso-Arab ships are really rare. But, in
1998, a wrecked ship has been found in Belitung, Indonesia by local
divers. The vessel was carrying the Changsha wares which were in
operation during the Tang dynasty (618-907 A.D). Belitung ship is
believed to have a length overall of 18 meters. Flecker (2001) deduced
that Belitung ship was designed for carrying light cargo and she has not
being deep-drafted! Unfortunately, no bowsprit could be recognized in
Belitung wrecked, solely it is mentioned that its stern was vertical (ibid).
So, it seems not to be much similarities between Dehtal ship petroglyph
and Belitung ship wrecked.

Dating of Dehtal Ship Petroglyph:
Maritime trade since Neolithic era within Persian Gulf is proved but,
archaeological and pictorial evidences show that the watercrafts that were
used in pre-historic era have being reed-bundled not timber-made (Carter,
2006), so, pre-historical water crafts could not be comparable with
Dehtal`s ship petroglyph. Furthermore, the Achaemenids (550- 330 B.C)
adapted Phoenician ships which were totally different from the water craft
that we discuss in this article4 (Hassan, 1928).
According to Vosoughi (2016), the history of maritime trade between Iran,
under the name of An-Xi and Far East goes back to the Parthian empire
(247 B.C- 224 A.D). In that time, because of the unsecurity of the inland
Silk Road caused by Central Asian tribes, Parthians decided to sail to Far
East. During Sasanian period (224- 651 S.D), Iranians were named Possǔ

�by Chines and they have been sailing from Persian Gulf to China and back
(Whitehouse and Williamson, 1973). Archaeological evidences such as
Sassanian glass vessels found in ports of Japan evidently proves
maritime trade between Sassanians with Far East (Priestman, 2016). To
conclude, we can`t date this petroglyph as early as pre-history, because
it is obviously timber- made, on the other hand, while we have no pictorial
or archaeological evidence of Partho- Sasanian ships, we can`t deduce
that exactly since when Boom ships were used. The oldest evidences of
Boom are the miniatures of Maqamat (13th century AD) and Booms are
still in use but they work with engine! We can`t deduce that exactly since
when Boom ships were used in Persian Gulf; so, it looks impossible to
present a dating.

Conclusion:
As it is argued above in” The Petroglyph part”, namely illustration depicts
a double-ended, belly-shaped hall watercraft which is timber-made and
has two masts and jack-yard. But the most important feature of the
depicted craft is its long saturi (bowsprit) which is the characteristic of
Boom ships. So, it can be concluded that the petroglyph depicts a Boom
ship. The oldest depiction of Boom are two miniatures in Maqamat AlHariri (13th century AD) and she is still in use in Persian Gulf but works
with engine.
Dehtal is an inland rock art site situated in Bastak province and Bastak
was located 170 km. away from the sea on the passage that connected
so-called Eastern-Western Silk Road to the Persian Gulf- Far East
Maritime route. The petroglyph scene that is discussed in this article
(including a ship and a fish under it on the write and a horseman on the

�left), probably, recounts a story of a passenger who traveled from
somewhere in the East to a port in northern shores of Persian Gulf, then
maintained his/her way to the North by riding on back of a horse and on
his/her way, passed from Dehtal.
Unfortunately, there is no evidence that helps us with relative dating but
forthcoming studies of the authors of this article on absolute dating of the
lichens may be useful.
Endnotes
1

For more information about watercrafts depicted on Mesopotamian seals
and seal impression see: Qualls, C., 1981. Boats of Mesopotamia Befor
2000 B.C, PhD Thesis, Colombia University and Makela, t.t., 2002. Ships
and Shipbuilding in Mesopothamia (CA. 3000-2000 B.C), MA Thesis,
Texas A&amp;M University, Texas
2

The height of the mainmast is a little bit less than the length of the craft
(Eghtedari, 1966).
3

For more information about the dhow`s graffitos around the Persian Gulf
see: Cooper et al., 2015. Boat and ship engravings at Al Zubareh, Qatar:
the dhow exposed? Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 45:
35-48.
4

For more information about iconography of ships of eastern
Mediterranean ships see: Wachsmann, 1998. Seagoing Ships and
Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, Texas A&amp;M University Press,
London.

References
Agius, D.A, 2008. Classic Ships of Islam from Mesopotamia to the Indian
Ocean. Brill, Leiden. Boston.
Al- Bastaki, M.A., unknown date. Sailing Boats in the Gulf Area. RTA,
Dubai.
Arrian, 1996. Anabasis Alexandri, Indica. Translated by E.Iliff Robson, vol.
2, the Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge (mass) and London.

�Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, M., 1960. Tarikhe Jahangireh va Bani A'basiyan
Bestak. Bastak.
Beig-e- Afshar, s., 1963. Qanun Al- Sover, Translated by Adel Qaziov,
Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Republic, Baku.
Carter, R., 2006. Boat Remains and Maritime Trade in the Persian Gulf
During the Sixth and Fifth Millennia BC. Antiquity, Vol. 80:52-63
Eghtedari, a., 1966. The Persian Gulf. Sina Library Publication, Tehran.
Fasaii, H. H., 1988. Farsnameh Naseri. Corrected and grazed by M.
Rastegar Fasaii, vol 2, Amirkabir, Tehran.
Flecker, M., 2001. A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in
Indonesia: First evidence for direct trade with China. World Archaeology,
Vol. 32, No. 3: 335-354
Fry, R., 2003. The ancient history of Iran. Translated by M. Rajab Niya,
Sherkat Entesharat Elmi va Farhangi, Tehran.
Hasan, h., 1928. A History of Persian Navigation, Methuen &amp; Co., LTD,
London.
Hourani, G.F., 1951. Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and
Early Medieval Times. Princeton University Press, New Jersey.
Ibn Balkhi, 1995. Farsnameh. M. Rastegar Fasaii (eds.), Bonyade Fars
Shenasi, Shiraz.
McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of The World from the Stone Age to Medieval
times. Oxford University Press, New York.
Movahed, J., 1970. Bastak va Khalij Fars. Tehran.
Paris, V.A., 1886, Collection de Plans ou Dessins de Naviers et de
Bateaux Anciens ou Modernes Existants ou Disparus. Impimeur-Libraire
de Bureau des Longitudes et de L`Ecole Polytechnique, Paris.
Parsa, A., 2012. Southern Sails: Sailing in Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
Farhang-e Nashr-e No, Tehran.
Priestman, S., 2016. The Silk Road or the Sea? Sasanian and Islamic
Exports to Japan, Journal of Islamic Archaeology, Vol.3: 1-35.

�Reza, A., 1997. The role of Iran in Silk Road until the end of Sassanian
era. Iranshenakht, Vol. 5: 198-211.
Salami Bastaki, A., 1991. Bastak dar gozargah tarikh. Bastak.
Sharp, R.N., 2005. The inscriptions in Old Persian cuneiform of the
Achaemenian emperors. Pazineh, Tehran.
Shahriyar-e-Ramhormuzi, B., 1969. The Wonders of India. Translated by
M. Malekzade, Entesharat-e Bonyad-e Farhang-e Iran, Tehran.

Whitehouse, D., 2009. Siraf: History, Topography and Environment. The
British Institute Persian Studies: Archaeological Monograph, London.
Whitehouse, D., A. Williamson, 1973. Sasanian Maritime Trade, Iran, Vol.
11: 29-49
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Miras Farhangi, Tehran.
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Hamsayeh, Tehran.
Hariri, A., 1236-1237.Les Makamat. Exemplaire orné de peintures
exécutées par Yahya ibn Mahmoud ibn Yahya ibn Aboul-Hasan ibn
Kouvarriha al-Wasiti, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris.
Zarinkoob, R., 2008. Re-knowing an Achaemenid's port in Persian Gulf.
Khalij Fars: Farhang and Tamadon, Moasseh Tahghighat va Tosee Olom
Ensani: 270-276.
Biography
Mina Safa graduated with B.A. degree in Archaeology and with M.A.
degree in History of Ancient Iran from University of Tehran. She received
a Ph.D. degree from Shiraz University in History of Iran after Islam. Her
initial interest in the field is around Art History of the Middle East,
particularly around three thousand B.C. She follows the cultural,
commercial, and political relations between neighboring civilizations and
their roles in making a final format of artistic objects and thoughts. Until
now, She worked on rock art of Homyan and Mirmelas (two ancient sites

�of west Iran) and the Deh-Tal rock art site, as well as studying the
artifacts of Jiroft (an old civilization of south Iran).

Shadi Kalantar is a MA student of archaeology at Tehran University and
at the moment working on a thesis titled “Identification, Classification and
Typology of the Water-Crafts Illustrated on the Proto-Elamite and Elamite
(3200 BC- 7th Century BC) Seals and Seal Impressions with a Focus on
their Functions” and I benefit supervising and advising of Dr. Shahrokh
Razmjou and Prof. Philip Castro.
She is also a former member of Iran national Canoe/Kayak team. Because
of this background, in her early undergraduate years, she was interested
in ancient boatbuilding and subsequently, nautical archaeology. Soon
after, Shadi started scuba diving and studying nautical archaeological
methods.
Her focus, currently is on pictorial evidences of watercrafts (rockreliefs,
seal impressions, petroglyphs and miniatures) around the Persian Gulf
and Western Indian Ocean as well as ethno-archaeological studies on
boat/ship building.

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                  <text>The country of Iran benefits from having a long coastline. Sea spaces and coastlines were attractive settlements for humans throughout history. These extensive maritime landscapes have resulted in interactions between human and sea along the northern (Caspian Sea) and southern (Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman) coastlines of Iran.  Iranâ€™s rivers and lakes contain a great deal of evidence of human habitation and interaction. Due to the countryâ€™s long history of maritime culture, we can also observe sea effects on coastal communities in Iran. Maritime archaeological studies in Iran, however, are at a nascent stage. &#13;
&#13;
In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT), Iran</text>
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Higher Institute of Marlik University, Iran</text>
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                <text>A survey on a petroglyph illustrating a watercraft at the hinterland site of Dehtal </text>
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                <text>Dehtal is an important hinterland site, located 170 km away from the shores of the Persian Gulf in Bastak County, Hormozgan province. Dehtal is a petroglyph site possibly dating to the pre-Neolithic, according to various sources of evidence such as stone tools found within the Bastak area and the Dehtal plain. The petroglyphs themselves, however, more likely date to the 3rd millennium BC. According to historical written sources, the Bastak area was located on the road linking the so-called Silk Road to the East Asia-Persian Gulf maritime trade routes. One of these petroglyphs, which is located beside a seasonal river, illustrates a watercraft. The image shows a round-hull, double-ended craft with two masts and a long saturi (bowsprit). A long saturi is a characteristic feature of a â€œboomâ€ ship. Booms were used for long-distance voyages within Indian Ocean and they are still in use today but now work with engines. Firstly, this article attempts to discern the shipbuilding details of the watercraft depicted in comparison with other ship illustrations as those found in the Maqamat al-Hariri and the vessel depiction uncovered by Whitehouse at Siraf. Secondly, we will discuss Dehtal as a passage from Persian Gulf to so-called Silk Road with a focus on archaeological reports and historical written sources.</text>
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                <text>Mina Safah </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Mina Safah </text>
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                    <text>Boat and ship Archaeology in Gilan Province (Iran)
Hossien Tofighian
Iranian center for archaeological research (ICAR)
htofighian@yahoo.com
Ramin Adibi
Archaeological Maritime Landscape Online Magazine
Ramin.adibi2012@gmail.com

Abstract
Gilan province is one the northern states of Iran which is located in south
west of Caspian Sea and has relatively long coastlines. According to
historical and geographical location of Gilan, in 2017, Maritime
archaeology group of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR)
decided to do a project as "Archaeology of maritime landscapes of Gilan
Province". Main goal of perform this project was identifying immaterial and
material of maritime culture across of Gilan province maritime landscape.
Our Research area was from "Astara" county to "Rudsar" county in Gilan
province. We were surveying about navigation and Boatbuilding in rivers,
Lagoon and coastlines of Caspian Sea. For example: in "Estil" Lagoon in
Astra county we observed a kind of Simple Watercraft which is more look
like to a Dugout canoe. During this project, we observed and investigated
about wooden boats with simple construction in different sizes that locals
called "lutka/lodka" or "Nodonbal". Nowadays, fishermen use flatbottomed, double-ended vessel (in local dialect called "karaji") that linked
to past period. So we were investigating on remains of "Ghorogh" wooden
shipwreck in "Talesh" County and wooden shipwreck "Lalehrūd" in
"Rudsar" County. We visited Traditional Wooden Boat Factory and
interviewed with locals. This article based on desk and field research on
traditional and historical boat and ship in each city of Gilan province.
Key Words: Caspian Sea, Gilan province, boat and ship.
1. Introduction
According to Iran Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization
(ICHTO) is responsible for Cultural heritage in Iran. Recently, in 2017
Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) issued a license titled

�as "Archaeological survey of maritime landscapes of "Gilan" Province
relying on pervious assessments and some Main principles of Convention
on Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage and identifying potentials in
order to do future protection measures. "Hossein Tofighian" is the director
of archaeological survey. The main goals of the Project were:
1. In Situ Preservation, as first option.
2. Obey legal protection of archaeological sites.
3. Organizational and archaeological monitoring in order to avoid of
material culture for further degradations.
4. Necessary measures about protection of sites.
5. Making Reports and documents of archaeological finds.
6. Support ratification and compliance with the UNESCO 2001 Convention
on the Protection of the UCH.
7. Protect underwater cultural heritage for future generations.
We used "Christer Westerdahl's approach" - the Maritime cultural
Landscape - that published in international journal of nautical archaeology
in 1992 for Maritime archaeological surveys in Gilan province. Because
his approach, we can get to our holistic understanding about this subject.
Our Research area was from "Astara" county to "Rudsar" county in Gilan
province. We were surveying about shipwrecks, local maritime culture,
navigation and Boatbuilding in rivers, Lagoon and coastlines of Caspian
Sea. This article derived from this project and shipwreck as a time capsule
and dating instrument mixed with historical report.
2. Maritime Archaeological studies in Caspian Sea
Based on Encyclopedia of Lakes and reservoirs: "The Caspian Sea is the
largest closed water body in the world. Five states are situated on its
banks: Russia, Azerbaijan, Islamic republic of Iran, Kazakhstan, and
Turkmenistan. The area of the sea at present equals to 0.4 million km

�making 18% of the total area of lakes of the Earth. The volume of water
equals to 79,000 km. The maximal extension of the sea from north to
south equals to 1,200 km, its width varies from 200 up to 450 km, and the
greatest depth equals to 1,025 m. The Caspian Sea accepts water of 130
rivers from the catchment area which is approximately ten times greater
than its own one (3.5 million km2) ( Fig. 1). The main feature of the
hydrological regime of the Caspian Sea is significant fluctuation of its level
which is the reason of significant damages and ecological accidents"
(Bolgov, 2012) and This is why various archaeological monuments were
inundated by the Caspian Sea water (Okorokov, 1993). Caspian Sea and
its coasts have many important aspects such as Strategic, Environmental,
social and economic (fisheries, transportation and tourism) factors. In
these days, we should have added maritime archaeological significance
to the Caspian Sea.

Fig. 1: Caspian Sea; (Rucevska and Simonett, 2006)

�There are some of historical and considerable reports that mentioned to
the Caspian Sea, include: Herodotus (5th cen. BC), Ptolemy (AD 2 cen.),
Estakhri (AD 10th cen.), Masʿudi (AD 10th cen.), Al-Idrisi (AD 12th cen.) ,
Abu Zeyd al-Balkhi (AD 9th cen.), Adam Olearius (1599-167), Jan
Janszoon Struys (1630-1694), Captain John Elton(1751), Jonas Hanway
(1712-1786), Guillaume-Antoine Olivier (1756-1814), Pierre Amédée
Jaubert (1779–1847), James Baillie Fraser (1783-1856), charles ferancis
Mackenzie

(1788–1862),

bohler(1853-?),

Grigoriy

Valerianovich

Melgunov (his travel to southern coast of Caspian sea:1858-1860), Jakob
Eduard Polak (1818-1891), Madame Carla Serena (1824-1884), Ernest
Orsolle (1858-?), Henry Binder (1886-?), Frederick Charles Richards
(1878–1932), Wipert von Blücher (1883- 1963) and etc. (Zonn and et
al.,2010; Nikouyeh, 2007). Also, we have many reports from Medieval
Islamic travel writers about Relations between "RUS" and Iran on that time
when Volga maritime route was open. Some of these writers include: "AlMas‘udi, Ya'qubi, Yaqut al-Hamawi, Gardezi, Al-Muqaddasi, Ibn Rustah,
Ibn Khordadbeh, ibn athir al jazari", particularity "Ahmad ibn Fadlan" and
current western scientists' researches such as Thorir Jonsson Hraundal
are very important for our maritime archaeological researches.
Also, in 1870, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar in "Ruznameh-ye safar-e Gilan"
mentioned a list of many different types of watercrafts which are located
in southern of Caspian sea called: "karaji"(a kind of barge), "Navid"(kind
of watercraft),"ka(e)šti ātaši"(a kind of Steamboat), "Nāv"(a kind of
cruiser), "ka(e)šti bozorg tojjāri"(a kind of Merchant vessel), "ka(e)šti
muzik"(Musical watercraft), "ka(e)šti boxār bozorg v kuča(e)k" (Big and
small Steamboat ), "Qāyeq lotke/Lodka"(a kind of Russian boat), "ka(e)šti
dudi"(a kind of Steamboat) and so on.

�Maritime Archaeological researches on coastal and marine regions of the
southern part of the Caspian Sea do not date back to long ago. For
example, a couple of them are as follow:
In the early eighteenth century, several Russian scholars wrote their
observations of stone structures in the coast of Baku. In 1840, an attempt
to locate the submerged town was undertaken. It did not succeed,
although two Russian naval brigs took part. In 1933, the Azerbaijan
Academy of Sciences conducted underwater investigations in the area by
"I. M. Djiafar-Zade" and "E. A. Pakhomov". Totally, 636 frieze fragments
with tile decorations were raised and their inscriptions deciphered. In
1961, the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Archaeology headed by L.
N. Gumilyov started exploration of the underwater part of "Derbent"
Fortress. The expedition examined about 300 m of the fortress wall
underwater. These investigations confirmed the abrupt variations of the
Caspian Sea-level (Okorokov,1993). According to "Viktor Kvachidze"
says: "in 1968, I had the idea to create an underwater archaeological
expedition in conjunction with the Azerbaijani History Museum and the first
dive was organized in 1969" (Kvachidze, 2006). The expedition lifted a lot
of very valuable material culture from the seabed some of them included:
The remains of settlements of "Bandovan I" and "Bandovan II", swallowed
by the Caspian Sea. They were found in ancient channels and on the bank
of the Kura River. Bandovan I, is ruins of "Gushtaspi" city, which existed
in the 11th-13th centuries, and "Bandovan II" is ruins of "Mugan" city (9th12th centuries), too (Ibrahimov, 2016). In 1982, underwater specialists
examined a ship which sank with the Russian Army treasury in the Bay of
Baku at the beginning of the 19th century (Okorokov, 1993). In 2000, a
fishing company observed the wrecked body of an old ship and some
objects such as samovars, porcelains and some hardware artifacts
obtained from there. Objects obtained from the shipwreck of "Amir Abad

�of Lahijan" confirmed the issue that the vessel had been a “cargo ship”.
These retrieved artifacts from the vessel were made in Russia include
porcelains made in "Kuznetsov Factory" (Mirsalehi, 2001). In 2003, it was
reported a shipwreck appeared in the north of "Zaghmarz" Village in 17
Km away from the north of "Neka" Town (Sourtchi, 2004). In
2006,"Zhenya Anichenko" published a report of her short research trip to
Azerbaijan. She wrote reasons of this short scientific trip: collecting
additional data about "Sababyil" submerged Castle based on writings of
middle-age historians, investigating submerged lands, Caspian Sea
archeological potentials and the history of this region (Anichenko, 2006).
Between 2007 and 2009, Julian Jansen Van Rensburg et al, investigated
"Tammīsheh" and "Gorgān" Underwater Walls (Rensburg and et al,
2013). In 2013, the recording form of "Ghorogh" shipwreck on Talesh
coastlines prepared and submitted to Cultural Heritage Administration of
Gilan Province. In 2016, remains of wooden ship appeared to seem that
belong to the Afsharid Era, has recently explored on "Rudsar" coasts in
"Gilan" Province (Alizadeh, 2015) (Fig 2). In 2016, the divers of the
Russian Geographical Society’s (RGS) expedition found an object, which
looked like an anchor in the Caspian Sea near the coast of Derbent.
Presumably, it belongs to one of the ships flotilla of the Peter the Great, the press-secretary of the Tatarstan branch of the Russian Geographical
Society "Irina Sadykova" says (RIA Dagestan, 2016).

�Fig. 2 (left): Maritime archaeological researches around the Caspian Sea
(Authors,2017)
3. Study area
Gilan is one of the Circum-Caspian Iranian provinces (Ostan). This
province is situated on north of Iran and located in southwestern shore of
the Caspian Sea. Gilan has about 14044 kilometers extent area and
population – 2.4 million people with 16 Counties (in Persian: Shahrestan).
Gilan connects to the Caspian Sea in north, to the Mazandaran Province
in east, to the Ardabil Province in west, to the Zanjan and Qazvin
Provinces in south. It also has borders with the Republic of Azerbaijan in
the north as well as Russia via the Caspian Sea. The main city is Rasht
and The main river is the "Sefid Rud" (Zonn and et al.,2010) (Fig 3). It has
the best type of weather and climate in Iran with a moderate and humid
climate that is known as the moderate Caspian climate. The effective

�factors on such climate include the Alborz mountain range, direction of the
mountains, the height of the area, and the Caspian Sea, vegetation
surface, local winds, as well as the altitude and weather fronts (Kazemi
Rad and Mohammadi, 2015). Our Research area was from "Astara"
county to "Rudsar" county in "Gilan" province. We were surveying about
local maritime culture, navigation and Boatbuilding in rivers, Lagoon and
coastlines of Caspian Sea.

Fig. 3: Location of "Gilan" Province.
A: "ASTARA"; H: "HAŠTPAR" (Ṭāleš ); BA: "BANDAR-E ANZALĪ"; Lh:
"LĀHIJĀN"; Lr: "LANGARUD"; Rs: "RUDSAR" (Authors,2017)
3.1 ASTARA
In 1843, "Keith Edward Abbott" mentioned: "Astara" as "dehkade dahne
kenār" which is situated in the mouth of the "Astara River". Also, Astara
hasn't any harbor and cargo of ships were unloaded via boat nearby
Astara water (Sotuda, 1995). There are many subjects about maritime
archaeological and ethnographical studies in Astara. One of them is "Estil
Lagoon". We observed a kind of Simple Watercraft which is more look like

�to a Dugout canoe (Logboat) around the Lagoon (in local dialect called
"Lodka"), Also, traces of axe observed on hull's Dugout canoe (Fig4).
Undoubtedly, dugout canoe is one of the oldest vessels (Okorokov, 1995).
According to Sean McGrail (2004): “Dugout canoe are shell-built". The
technique of Dugout canoe building as: "The trunk of a heavy tree was
carved out with a crude stone knife or axe: the men would then plug up
both ends of the hollow trunk with some form of boarding" (Agius,
2008:123). The use of this boat building technique, dated back to
Mesolithic (McGrail, 2001:11). It should be noted that boats are first known
among settled peoples-farmers and fishermen. Hunters seem to have
confined their water transport to occasional ‘vessels’, such as tree trunks,
and primitive rafts. To have confined their water transport to occasional
‘vessels’, such as tree trunks, and primitive rafts. Many such these Dugout
canoe observed and recorded in Russia, Ukraine and Latvia (See,
Okorokov, 1995; Burov, 1996). During our investigation in study area, we
observed and recorded plank boats with simple construction in different
sizes that locals called "lutka/lodka" or "Nodonbal" or "Karaji".

�Fig. 4: A. Esteel lagoon Map. (Gharibkhany,2009); B. Estil Lagoon
Dugout canoe. (Authours); C. Small Canoe. ( Holmes, 1845)

3.2

HAŠTPAR (or Šahr-e Ṭāleš “Ṭāleš City”)

A city in the western part of "Gilān" Province, center of the "šahrestān"
(sub-provincial district) of "Ṭāleš" (or Tāleš). The city is located at lat
37°48′ N, long 48°55′ E, at the head of the delta of the "Kargānrud" River
(Bazin, n.d.). Natural dynamic of "Talesh" coast area has caused
“unstable conditions” in this region during different periods. Hence,
“several water level fluctuations” in the Caspian Sea has led to “emerging
or submerging of the neighbor lands."Kargan-Rud" constitutes the biggest
Caspian Sea water basin in Western Gilan. It should be noted that there
is considerable wooden shipwreck in Ghorugh Village of Talesh County.
Here is the exact location of this vessel, according to geographic
coordinate system. It is located on the latitude of 37°51´20.88"N and
longitude of 48°57´27.77" E with the elevation of -28 below the sea
surface. The shipwreck is accessible through "Anzali-Talesh-Astara"
road. In this area, the forest is closer to the shoreline, as if the sea and

�the forest are intertwined. At the present, only some parts of the vessel’s
keel and hull are remained. it is more than 28 meters long and about 6
meters wide. It is not clear yet what method used for construction of
Ghorogh's hull. However, according to observations, a complex method,
strong timbers and wooden pieces used to construct this vessel. Also,
long and robust metal nails were used to fasten the wooden elements.
The ship’s file is prepared for national registration. It is probable this
vessel played an important role in wood trade during the Qajar era
between Iran and Russia. In 1880, "Aḥmad Ibn-x̮udāwirdī Lankarānī" in
"Ax̮bārnāma"; tārix-i Tālišān az salṭanat-i Nādir Šāh tā salṭanat-i
Muḥammad Šāh Qāǧār" said: "There was a naval warfare between
Iranian Navy and Stepan Razin". Also he mentioned: "There were some
exchanges cargo such as Timbers and Cereals from Gilan to Russia".
Also, we were investigating on remains of "Ghorogh" wooden shipwreck
in Talesh County by helishot and Details of shipwreck were mapping (Fig
5.). In these days, Fishermen use flat-bottomed double-ended vessels (in
local dialect called "karaji") in this area linked to past period. Those
watercrafts look like flat-bottomed double-ended vessels were using in 18
and 19 centuries.

�Fig. 5 (left): Photo and
drawing of "Ghorogh"
shipwreck. (Authors, 2017)

3.3

Anazali

A city and sea port as well as an Iranian naval base on the Caspian Sea
in Gilan Province (Zonn and et al., 2010). After the 1979 Iranian revolution,
the name of the place reverted to its original name of "Anzali". In 1860,
"Grigoriy Valerianovich Melgunov" reports: "The Melgunov party aboard
the "Lankoran/ Lankara" arrived off Anzali at half past the hour of eleven
in the morning on October 7, 1860. The “famed tower” of Anzali was in
plain view. The breeze did not permit the ship to draw any closer and so
the ship dropped anchor at some distance from the shore. The local karaji
came out competing among themselves to reach the ship, hoping to sell
their goods to the passengers and crew and provide transportation back
to shore. As it turned out, on that day, only two passengers were due to
disembark at Anzali, and there was no cargo to land. Even though it was
called a “town,” Melgunov observed, Anzali consisted of two villages, one
at each side of the straits that separated the sea from the lagoon. Tiny
sea shells, reeds, and shifting sand bars marked the southern approaches

�to Anzali. On each side of the straits stood a tower set in about a mile from
the water’s edge. The tower on the west or northern part of Anzali stood
some 94 feet tall and the smoke from its signal could be seen as far east
as "Piri Bazar". Anzali itself consisted of some 200 houses and 160 shops,
2 bathhouses, 3 mosques, and 3 shrines. Each house boasted a garden
often bearing citrus trees. In the southern part of the lagoon lay
"Miyanposhteh" Island, mostly covered in reeds. The inhabitants wove
straw goods, grew silk and melons, and drove "karajis".
The ships from Baku and Astrakhan, chiefly carrying consignments of coal
and petroleum, would anchor offshore opposite the Russian trading
houses, as Anzali itself did not have much of an anchorage. Melgunov
observed that Anzali had the Caspian’s worst harbor; its bottom was rocky
and storms arose in its vicinity without much warning. Steamers were
prohibited from approaching the shore and were obliged to anchor some
three miles off. The trade of Gilan, including Rasht and Anzali, according
to Melgunov, consisted chiefly of silk and fisheries. The silk, in particular,
was exported to such destinations as Constantinople in Turkey, Marseilles
in France, and Russia. Among the foreign trading houses active in Gilan
at the time were Riley and Company, which dealt in silk; the House of
Diner, belonging to a Swiss entrepreneur; and the Kavkaz and Mercury
Steam Navigation Company (Mirfendereski, 2001). During archaeological
survey around the Anazli, we observed a few Shipbuilding factories where
they are still building wooden fishing vessels in different size for navigating

�in the sea and river (Fig 6). It should be noted that, today, a number of
such these factories were decreased than previous periods.

Fig. 6: Small Shipbuilding factory. (Authors, 2017)
3.4

Lahijan

A city in the province of Gilān, located at 37°12′ N, long 50°0′ E, to the
east of the lower reaches of Safidrud at an altitude of 4 m. (Bromberger,
2012). Around the coastline of Amirabad village in Lahijan that connect
to Caspian Sea found the remains of wooden shipwreck. According to
artifact recovered confirms the vessel has used as a cargo ship. The
objects recovered from the vessel are mainly made in Russia and
include some porcelain objects made by Kuznetsov Factory (Fig 7)
(Mirsalehi, 1380).

the porcelain factory took its name from the

merchant and founder Terenti Kuznetsov. He established the factory in
1832 in Dulyovo [present Likin-Dulyovo]. Soon after, the factory’s

�products became very popular and products exclusively produced
since that time, they were known as “Imperial Porcelain Factory” in
Russia. Kuznetsov porcelain designed and produced based on Eastern
and Western tastes; so it had many customers. The factory had a wide
range of products. For example, it produced 150 different types of
lunch, tea and coffee sets and about 370 types of cups and various
types of teaspoons, butter dishes, fruit dishes, sugar bowl, ashtrays,
candlesticks, money boxes and other products (Torchinsky, 2010). The
ship’s cargo recovered in 2001 and part of the cargo is currently
displayed on Lahijan Anthropology Museum.

Fig. 7: The cargo and hull of the Amirabad shipwreck. (Mirsalehi,2000)
3.5

Langarud

A city and sub-provincial district (šahrestān) in Gilān located at lat 37°11′
N, long 50°09′ E on the Langarud River, which cuts through the city. From
1611 to 1899, Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen report: “Langroe
(Langerud) is situate in low, swampy ground, and at the time of Gmelin's

�visit, was in a ruined state; nothing but a few reed hovels were to be seen,
and a half -ruined bridge and a masque. It was near here that the remains
of the ship built by John Elton for Nadir Shah were to be seen. — Holmes'
Sketches on the Shoi'es of the Caspian. (Jenkinson et al.,n.d ). "(t)he city
owes its fame to the commercial and administrative functions it has
performed throughout history.

Located in the heart of a region that

produces rice and silk, with the nearby quarter of Čamḵāla functioning as
its commercial port, Langarud witnessed strong growth late in the 19th
and early in 20th century when Iran’s trade with Russia and Europe was
flourishing (Fig 8)(Bazin and Bromberger n.d). Chaf and Chamkhaleh is a
city in the Central District of Langarud County, in Gilan Province northwest
of Iran. The city is located on the Caspian Sea. In this area, we visited a
Traditional Wooden Boatbuilding Factory, which they are building in
different sizes that locals called "lutka/lodka" or "Nodonbal"(Fig 9).

Fig. 8 (left): River landscape of Langarud. ( Holmes, 1845) and Fig 9.
Traditional Wooden Boat Factory in Chaf and
Chamkhaleh (Authours, 2017)

�3.6 Rudsar
A city and sub-provincial district (šahrestān) in eastern Gilān. The city is
located at lat 37°08′ N, long 50°18′ E, at the place where the Caspian
coastal highway crosses the small river Rudsar or Kiārud, 14 km
southwest of Langarud (Bazin, n.d.). River "Shalman Rud" passed
through Rudsar and flows into the Caspian Sea. Around the river where
"Lalehrūd or Allah Rūd" village is suited; there are remains of a grounded
wooden shipwreck. It is very significant for archaeological research. There
are some clues in historical accounts on this matter, for example: "Jonas
Hanway" reports as titled "an historical account of the British trade over
the Caspian Sea": "Elton with locals built many warships for Nader Shah
in a place that called "Langroud". It should be noted that the site of
shipwreck is near to this location. Maybe this shipwreck belongs to
Afsharid Era? Also, we were investigating on remains wooden shipwreck's
Lalehrūd Rud in Rudsar County. Group members were recording all
details' shipwreck in a special recording form (Fig. 10). We got some
wooden samples from shipwrecks for dendrochronological studies. In
relation to this matter, we are staying in touch with international scientists.

�Fig 10. Rudsar shipwreck. (Authours,2017)
4 Conclusion
Unfortunately, over several Decades of forming maritime archaeological
studies in the world in this area of Iran is intact and need more maritime
archaeological survey. In the nascent stage of maritime archaeological
survey in Gilan province, we tried to identify maritime archaeological
potentials and some historical accounts that mentioned to maritime
spaces of Gilan province. It should be noted that in this paper we tried to
mix historical accounts with archaeological records to clarify dating
maritime culture heritage, but there are many hypotheses about seafaring
in this area based on archaeological records. According to historical
accounts, it is clear to us, there were seafaring activities in the Caspian
Sea region since AD 9th century contemporary with Opening "Volga
maritime trade" route until today. Also, it is noticed that, different kinds of
watercrafts from shell-built to skeleton-built were used in this area.

�Unresolved hypotheses of this issue move forward us to use of
Multidisciplinary Studies and international contacts.
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and the Ukraine. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 24: 33–
45. doi:10.1111/j.1095-9270.1995.tb00709.x
Okorokov, A.V. 1993. Development of underwater archaeological
investigations in Russia and the former Soviet Union. The International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 22(3), pp. 270-269.
Qajar, Naser al-Din Shah (1831-1896). Ruznameh-ye safar-e Gilan.
Emendation and annotation: Manouchehr Sotodeh, Jahangiri art and
cultural institution, gilan, 1988.
Rensburg, J. v., Caputo, F., Omrani Rekavandi, H., Sauer, W. E.,
Shabani, B., &amp; Ratcliffe, J. (2013). The Underwater Survey of the
TAMMĪSHEH and Gorgān Walls. Oxbow. British Institute of Persian
Studies Monograph, 425.
Riadagestan. (2016, September 29 ). Anchor of sunken ships flotilla found
in the Caspian Sea. Retrieved from REPUBLICAN INFORMATION
AGENCY
Dagestan:
http://www.riadagestan.com/news_en/society/anchor_of_sunken_ships_
flotilla_found_in_the_caspian_sea_/
Rucevska, I., &amp; Simonett, O. (2006). Vital Caspian Graphics 2 :
Opportunities, Aspirations and Challenges. Zoï Environment/GRIDArendal.
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tāriḵi-e Gilān Biapas, Tehran: publication of Ministry of Culture and Islamic
Guidance.

�Sourtchi, Saman. (2004). Archaeological studies on the ship aground on
the coast of the Caspian Sea. Sari-Mazandaran: Archives Cultural
Heritage and Tourism Organization of Mazandaran Province.
Torchinsky, O. (2010). Kuznetsov's "Porcelain Empire". Retrieved 14
Agust, 2015, from lastochka-fromrussiawithlove: http://lastochkafromrussiawithlove.blogspot.com/2010/01/kuznetsovs-porcelainempire.html
Westerdahl, C. (1992), The maritime cultural landscape. International
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Zonn , I. S., Kostianoy, A. G., Kosarev, A. N. &amp; Glantz, M. H., 2010. The
Caspian Sea Encyclopedia. Berlin : Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg.
Biographies
Hossein Tofighian Ph.D. is a member of faculty and assistant professor of
Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT). His field of
study is about Sassanid period around Persian Gulf. He has been working
on maritime archaeological studies in Iran particularly underwater cultural
heritage of Persian Gulf for 15 years.

Ramin Adibi M.A. has a M.A. in archaeology and a member of 'PADI',
focused on Caspian Sea as "maritime archaeological studies", especially
about Maritime Cultural Landscape of Caspian Sea. Runs a magazine
called "Archaeology of Maritime Landscape".

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                  <text>The country of Iran benefits from having a long coastline. Sea spaces and coastlines were attractive settlements for humans throughout history. These extensive maritime landscapes have resulted in interactions between human and sea along the northern (Caspian Sea) and southern (Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman) coastlines of Iran.  Iranâ€™s rivers and lakes contain a great deal of evidence of human habitation and interaction. Due to the countryâ€™s long history of maritime culture, we can also observe sea effects on coastal communities in Iran. Maritime archaeological studies in Iran, however, are at a nascent stage. &#13;
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In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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                <text>Gilan province is one the northern states of Iran which is located in south west of Caspian Sea and has relatively long coastlines. According to historical and geographical location of Gilan, in 2017, Maritime archaeology group of Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) decided to do a project as "Archaeology of maritime landscapes of Gilan Province". Main goal of perform this project was identifying immaterial and material of maritime culture across of Gilan province maritime landscape. Our Research area was from "Astara" county to "Rudsar" county in Gilan province. We were surveying about navigation and Boatbuilding in rivers, Lagoon and coastlines of Caspian Sea. For example: in "Estil" Lagoon in Astra county we observed a kind of Simple Watercraft which is more look like to a Dugout canoe. During this project, we observed and investigated about wooden boats with simple construction in different sizes that locals called "lutka/lodka" or "Nodonbal". Nowadays, fishermen use flatbottomed, double-ended vessel (in local dialect called "karaji") that linked to past period.  So we were investigating on remains of "Ghorogh" wooden shipwreck in "Talesh" County and wooden shipwreck "LalehrÅ«d" in "Rudsar" County. We visited Traditional Wooden Boat Factory and interviewed with locals. This article based on desk and field research on traditional and historical boat and ship in each city of Gilan province.</text>
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                    <text>Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological
Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage
Nevine Nizar Zakaria

Abstract
In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts
in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal
the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have
been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM)
as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts.
Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources,
it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery
dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community. It also
lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with
scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the
society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with
cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt.
Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the
Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public? How to
foster this richness past in the minds of young generations?
This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective
engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable
future of Egypt's UCH.
Key words: Egypt, UCH, public engagement
Introduction
Maritime history of Egypt dates back to thousands of years where Egypt
was at the center of the global commerce and at the axis of trade routes
linking Asia, Europe, and Africa. It's blessed with a rich maritime history
and diversity of underwater archeology holds the memories of our nation's
past and the legacy of Egypt's history that still preserved beneath the sea.
Hence, this paper is rooted in several interconnected purposes and
concerns contribute to developing understanding of maritime Egypt which
is crucial for preserving and promoting the tangible and intangible of

�maritime cultural of Egypt as living heritage. The central aim of this paper
is to propose new alternative approaches to go beyond to raise interest
among the public with maritime cultural, and foster the involvement of
local community in an awareness-raising process lead to major
endearment towards shaping the national identity of Egypt maritime.
The framework is consisting of three main sections 1) elucidate the
historical value and cultural significance of Egypt maritime; 2) define how
maritime cultural interpreted in the Egyptian antiquities museums; 3)
setting up new effective

solutions for imparting knowledge and

information of Egypt's maritime and encourage interaction and
engagement among the public.
1) The Cultural Setting
The cultural setting of maritime Egypt is commitment to two main factors;
a) maritime material cultural that's derived from the human interaction with
the seas, Nile river, lakes, etc (which is known today as maritime
archeology); b) underwater archeology that is relate to the archeological
sites submerged beneath the water in old times (Bass, 2013), taken into
consideration that most of Egypt' underwater archeological sites of the
Mediterranean Sea were originally maritime sites ( served as trading
ports) before disappearance in the waters due to seismic factors and
geological subsidence (Stanley, et al., 2007).
A) Cultural significance of Maritime Egypt
'When the Nile covers the land, only the towns are visible above the water,
and they look like nothing so much as the Aegean islands. The rest of
Egypt becomes open sea, with only the towns rising up out of it'.
(Herodotus II.97).
On the geography of the country, the Greek historian Herodotus (c. 484425 BC) called Egypt 'the gift of the Nile' (Herodotus, 1998). Egypt's

�landscape is determined by the presence of the Nile River, the largest
river in the world, stretching from Africa to the Mediterranean Sea, and
unquestionably most important element for the geography of both ancient
and modern Egypt (Rice, 2003, Shaw and Nicholson, 1995).
In addition to the riverine environment of Egypt, it has a special
geographical location overlooking the Mediterranean Sea by the north and
Red Sea by the east. With this unique nature, Egypt is considered in its
role as seafaring nation influencing and interaction with others through
well-established shipbuilding technology that permitted the Egyptians to
sail round-trip journeys as early as ancient times. (Ward, 2012).
The wealth of maritime Egypt materials (textual, iconographic, and
archeological) comes from the ancient Egyptian cultural, which is called
'Pharaonic Egypt' [ Fig. 1] with many historical and archeological
evidences provide significance data on the ancient Egyptian maritime
activities and tasks; diversity of ships and boats representations,
seafaring, sea power and naval forces operations, nautical expeditions,
shipbuilding technology, models of boats left in tombs, full-size boats
buried in the ground, mariners with their nautical titles, nautical themes
within religious practices and much more meaningful resources reveals to
what extent and variety the maritime influences on all levels of the ancient
Egyptian civilization and penetrated in every aspect of its culture.

�Fig. 1: Chronological Periods of Egypt. An asterisk (*) used to refers the
periods mentioned in text.
This has been formulated with references to:
Shaw. G. J., The Pharaoh. Life on court and on Campain, London, 2012.
Shaw, I., the Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford, 2000.
The petri Museum's Digital Egypt for Universities:
http://www.ucl.ac.uk/museums-static/digitalegypt/chronology/index.html
accessed on 10th of July 2017

�It is worth mentioning that Egypt maritime had direct impact on the
formation of the Egyptian state in Pharaonic times, as the earliest kings
used maritime forces not only to facilitate communication and trade within
Egypt and its neighbors, but also to conquer their enemies, threaten their
rivals, and to consolidate their power (Gilbert, 2008).
Egypt's shipbuilding technology was well-developed by late Naqadah II
period (Vinson, 2009) indicate considerable navigation linked Egypt with
Asia to the east and Sudan to the south. Great innovation in nautical
technology was promoted by Predynastic period, in which Egyptian kings
sent mining expeditions involving maritime forces along the Nile and cross
the Red Sea to the south of Sinai (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2]

Fig. 2: Major trade routes used by Egyptian seafarers for mining and
trade missions cross the Nile and the Red Sea's coastline during the
Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom periods. (Gilbert, 2008)
The seafaring activities is documented since old Kingdom and continued
throughout ancient Egyptian History referring to maritime Egypt contact
with the Late Bronze Age civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean and

�Aegean (Vinson, 2009). The Egyptians seafarers used both the Red and
the Mediterranean seas for military expeditions to protect Sea Power
ashore, as well as tribute and trade expeditions to obtain valuable
products (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2]
Broad seagoing ships are seen in Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt
(probably the Horn of Africa) [Fig 3] provides clear evidences of seagoing
ships arriving at Punt through the Red Sea. (Ward, 2012, Vinson, 1994,
Landström, 1970).

Fig. 3: Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt commemorated in reliefs
on her Funerary temple at Deir el Bahri, it is portray eight seagoing ships
arriving at Punt loading with products. (Vinson, 1994)
Close relationship between both Egyptian and Greek Civilizations initiated
in the Saite period through maritime trade cross the Mediterranean Sea
admitted Greek and Phoenician traders into Egypt (Goddio. and MassonBerghoff, 2016) up to the trading point of Naukratis at the east Delta.
(Vinson, 2009) [Fig. 4] .After Alexander death 332 BC, the New city of
Alexandria turned into one of the most important commercial port and

�cultural centers of the Hellenistic Mediterranean (Vinson, 2009, Vinson,
1994).

Fig. 4: Map of Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean illustrate the Greek
cities and Island involved in the foundation of Naukratis according to
Herodotus. (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016)
The eastern trade was facilitated by the construction of a canal linking the
Nile to the Red sea. subsequently, an open-water trade route between
Egypt and India has been established by the Roman period "the Red SeaIndian Ocean route" turning Egypt into nexus of a far-flung international
maritime system that tied the Mediterranean to distant ports in East Africa,
Arabia, and India (Vinson, 2009, Meyer, 1992).
(A)

Underwater Heritage

Beyond the evidences offered by the representations and epigraphy of
ancient Egypt maritime, enormous numbers of archeological remains

�submerged beneath the waters of the Mediterranean Sea and Red Sea,
contribute information on new archeological sites with all its harbours,
temples and towns that still preserved under the sea. In addition to large
number of shipwrecks that's still lie on the seabed of both Mediterranean
Sea and Red Seas.
Hence, Egypt's Underwater cultural Heritage (UCH) have been stepped
in the beginning of the twentieth century with individual amateur efforts
reflect the growing interest in Egypt's underwater archeology especially in
Alexandria (Khalil and Moustafa 2002). In late 1996, the foundation of the
Department for Underwater Antiquities (DUA) supervised by Ministry of
Antiquities (MoA) to survey and carry out topographical study for the
submerged landscape in collaboration with international institutions (Abdel-Maguid, 2012). This has been resulted in the discovery of many new
underwater archeological sites in the Mediterranean Sea, the Red Sea,
the Nile, and Lake Qarun, spans the history of different periods including
the Pharaonic, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Islamic periods (Abdel-Maguid, 2012, Khalil and Moustafa 2002 ).

Major efforts are promoted by the Institut European d’Archeologie SousMarine (IEASM) in co-operation with MoA to allocate, identify and
excavate the major ancient sites that vanished into the Mediterranean,
specifically in the Eastern Harbours of Alexandria. It led to the rediscovery
of two ancient sunken cities; Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus. (Goddio
and Masson-Berghoff, 2016). Excavations uncovered monumental
building, heads of Pharaohs, sphinxes, basins, columns, stelae, sizable
assemblage of pottery and coins, and other significant colossal artifacts
(Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016, Goddio, 2007).

�Archeological remains submerged in Red Sea indicate the wealth of UCH
of the Red Sea with considerable efforts invested by the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology (INA-Egypt) and In Situ Institute working alongside
with DUA to revealing and surveying Red Sea underwater heritage (Abdel-Maguid, 2012).
2) Define and assess the presentation of maritime materials in the
Egyptian Antiquities Museums
This approach is largely depends on How maritime Egypt exists within the
narrative structure and communication styles of the Egyptian Antiquities
museums? And how the social interaction formulation exists both within
and beyond the museums walls? In fact, the answers to these questions
have direct impact on the content, context and consequences of
interpreting maritime heritage of Egypt.
Accordingly, we need first to examine the current museums setup that
provides any context relate to maritime aspects of Egypt and obtain
baseline information upon which we could define the missing aspects,
subsequently generate creative solutions to messages communication
and interpretation for the maritime heritage of Egypt.
Egypt has different types of museums, ranging in size and activity from
main national museums to small provincial museums. They vary too in
their purpose, their collections, the ways of display, and the public they
seek to serve.
According to the programme set by the Ministry of Cultural and the
Supreme Council of Antiquities (later MoA) in 2005, the Egyptian
museums subdivided into five main categories; (1) Regional civilization
museums (2) Site museums (3) Specialized museums (4) Graeco-roman,
Coptic and Islamic museums (5) Main national museums (Hawass, 2005).

�However, this classification did not support the national identity of the
Egyptian heritage.
Doyon classify the full range of Egyptian museums by subject- type using
the five basic distinction of archeology (from prehistoric to Islamic),
history, art, ethnography, and natural history (Doyon, 2008). Compared
with the classification and types of museums that are seen nowadays
around the world, there is a specific type for maritime history and nautical
activities specialized in displaying ships, navies, military use of the sea
and all that is related to any human activity at the sea. (Bass, 2013, Neill
and Krohn, 1991).
In this view, and despite the wealth of Egypt's maritime history and the
massively intellectual resources, it lacks that type of maritime museum or
even a comprehensive gallery disseminates the cultural identity of Egypt
maritime and its legacies to the local community with well-constructed
interpretive model.
Although that a wide range of archeological objects of ships, boats, and
other related materials can be seen broadly in many galleries at the
Egyptian museums, but the composition of the archeological displays
does not elucidate the maritime heritage of Egypt at any level or reflect
the historical and geographical significance of the Egyptian civilization that
rely heavily on the development of the maritime and the utilization of the
sea power (see Gilbert, 2008).
In researching the presentation of permanent displays for boats and ships
among the Egyptian museums, two main museums become evident. One
is Solar Boat Museum (Cheops) at Giza that displaying full-size vessel
from ancient Egypt used for religious purposes. The other is that the local
regional museum of Suez; the Suez National Museum which tells the

�history of Suez Canal at ancient times, and displaying a round 1500
archeological artifacts span the full order of Egyptian history from
prehistoric period till modern times with themes highlight on the Suez as
an important port and navigational link at ancient Egypt, in addition to
remarkable collection for boats accompanied with with maps and
illustrations.
Both museums are classified as Archeological museums (Doyon), and the
thematic archeological exhibits are avoiding constructing narrative that
would inform the public about the existence of distinctive maritime cultural
in Egypt, moreover they have yet to produce any educational programmes
communicate the maritime pasts to the public.
Hence, it should be mentioning that, there is a series of exquisite touring
exhibitions for Egypt's sunken treasures occurred throughout the last
decade till present on loans to different destinations; France, United
Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, United states of America, Japan,
presenting objects of underwater excavations of IESAM in collaboration
with MoA (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016, Goddio and Clauss 2004).
A variety of remarkable collections ranging between 250-500 underwater
objects on displays in diverse venues all over the world attracting millions
of visitors with focused scope on the lost world of the pharaohs beneath
the sea and the relevant aspects of maritime Egypt.
A good example is the Sunken Cities Exhibition at the British Museum in
2016. The Exhibition's narrative aimed to explain the encounter between
ancient Egypt and Greek with understanding of the deep and meaningful
interconnection between both Greek and Egyptian Communities through
many themes highlighting on the cultural integration between Egypt and
Greek world through the Sea, religion aspects interaction, trade and
exchange cross the open water of Mediterranean Sea, Thonis- Heraclean

�and Naukratis as international ports, long history entanglement between
Egypt and Rome, Navigation of Osiris boats (Goddio and MassonBerghoff. 2016). The narrative is conveyed through a variety of
explanation materials help communicate the information to the audience.
In comparison with the local underwater venues of Egypt, there are
number of permanent exhibitions in Alexandria' museums dedicated to
display the recent excavations of underwater archeology, but without
constructive narrative for neither Egypt maritime, nor intended messages
rendering cultural/historical interpretation for the displayed objects.
The concept is focusing only on presenting the recovered objects from the
Eastern Harbour of Alexandria and Aboukir Bay and put them on display
with textual description (artifacts labels) in different venues; the renovated
Alexandria National Museum gallery presenting underwater artifacts,
thematic section at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina Antiquities Museum
demonstrate the submerged Antiquities, and part of the open –air
landscape of the Roman Theater at Kom Al-Dikka display a number of
underwater sculptures.
Noticeably, the absence of maritime identity in the exhibitions context is
related to the narrative content which avoiding the maritime scope and
subsequently affect all levels of presented information and related public
programmes. The main intention is to display the archeological materials
of maritime form archeological point of view without considering any
conjunction with the distinctive cultural of maritime Egypt.
In general, the original formulation and fundamental structure of the
display at all the Egyptian Antiquities museums derives from Egyptological
and archeological prospective (Doyon, 2008). The methods of
presentation the archeological collections rely on the repetition of certain

�themes within the multiple periods of the ancient Egyptian history following
the chorological order.
Within a larger framework of presentation maritime materials, there is an
ambitious plan to establish Underwater Museum in Alexandria's bay
supported by the Egyptian authorities and UNESCO to preserve and
exhibit the underwater heritage of Alexandria in sit (.Abd-el-Maguid,
2012).
3) Proposing innovative ways for interpreting maritime Egypt
Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the
maritime heritage of Egypt and foster this richness past in the minds of
young generations. Thus, this section aims to present approachable
alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and
develop new strategies for sustainable future for Egypt's maritime and
UCH through the following:
 Formulating an illustrative and modern shape web-site for
maritime
It is now an uncontested fact that technology is pervasive throughout our
lives; technology has become an integral part of the way that we
communicate with each another and has increasingly taken the place of
face-to-face communication (Kotler et al., 2008). We need to use these
modern technologies advancement to communicate that level of
engagement with the public and lead them gradually to embrace their
maritime cultural heritage virtually.
This approach will provide comprehensive information and broader and
more cohesive picture on the overall maritime heritage of Egypt;
subsequently will open up new opportunities for public to learn about
varied aspects of maritime and UCH in an engaging way. In fact, it will fill

�the gap for the absence of maritime museum in Egypt and will serve as a
powerful engine for regeneration both tangible and intangible maritime
heritage of Egypt.
Keeping up with what the global museums offers nowadays for their users,
and by adopting the current use of technologies and digital media
particularly the revolutionary use of both AR and VR application and 3D
modeling technology (Gutiérrez et al. 2016), this trend can take many
forms; from building a virtual maritime museum with interactive stories
arranged in chorological order (INDICAT, 2012), to diversity of meaningful
visual narratives reveal the maritime legacies and the submerged heritage
underwater arranged thematically, or virtual field trips to maritime cultural
landscape and long coastlines of Egypt, or diving virtually into the depths
of seas and encounter the treasures of the sunken cities, or using the
visualization technology to reconstruct the UCH and maritime sites and
get glimpse of lifestyles of the people in the past.
In this concern, it should referring to the remarkable efforts of IEASM in
create reconstruction for the discovered underwater cities ThonisHeracleion and Canopus, also the international harbour town of Naukratis
with its Egyptian and Greek temples (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016)
[Fig. 5].

�Fig. 5: Reconstruction of the international harbour town of Naukratis
features the Egyptian and Greek temples. (Goddio and MassonBerghoff, 2016)
These virtual experiences will promote the UCH and make it accessible to
the public. On another hand, implementing interactive visualization
technology and 3D modeling/mapping on underwater archeology will
safeguard and preserve this endangered heritage under the seas.
This approach can be achieved through active collaboration between MoA
and Center for Documentation of Cultural Heritage at Egypt (CULTNAT),
with support from IEASM and together with other local and international
cultural authorities that concerned with maritime cultural and underwater
archeology.
 Online Exhibitions for Maritime Series
Indeed, online viewing of maritime cultural heritage whether movable
(museums) or immovable (underwater archeological sites) will attract
visitors and encourage them to make actual visits, but what if the visitors
themselves share their maritime memories online?

�Online Exhibition is online display of collections with the aim of engaging
an audience that is not necessarily expert (Museum Association, 2011).
It's a new approach allow to share the museum collection through build
online exhibits with objects, and invite visitors to share their memories
(INDICAT, 2012, Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media,
2011).
This online experience is relatively affordable in comparison to other
techniques of display and considered to be interactive digital experience
allows to use social media and search to build audiences, thus, it is two –
way conversation process with the audience provide immersive
engagement to the maritime cultural (Museum Association , 2011).
In fact, these online maritime series can serve as social media platforms
help

in

building

maritime

memories

and

promote

two-

ways

communication with the local community through offering them the
opportunity to share their maritime stories and other related memories.
Hence, it can used broadly to preserve the intangible heritage and oral
history of Egyptian maritime identity and linked the public with their
maritime history as living heritage.
 Visitor Center as interpretive tool for maritime cultural heritage
of Egypt
Visitor center is a powerful tool can be used effectively in the raising
awareness process to stimulate the public towards understating their
history of both maritime and the underwater archeology. visitor center has
been identified as physical buildings located in a city or in historical and
natural sites to provide visitors with services and information, it vary from
a small building with modest services to great one with entertainment
center and even a museum. (Mohamed, 2015, Pearce, 2004).

�One of the main aspects of the visitor center is adopting interpretation
content and technological components to communicate the provided
information and related context to users (visitors, staff, and local
community) (Pearce, 2004). Due to the International Conference
organized by the Getty Conservation Institute and Paul Getty Museum in
May1995, the main role of visitor center is to prepare the visitor to enjoy
and understand the history behind the archeological site using different
interpretive tools accompanied with walking tours whether guided or
independent. (Mohamed, 2015).
Bibliotheca Alexandrina(semi-governmental institution), one of the main
cultural institute in Egypt has publish a book stressing the importance of
visitor center in Egyptian community as a crucial tool for the preservation
of archeological

sites as well as participate in the community

development (Hassan and Youssef 2008).
In this light, considering a visitor center at the coasts of both
Mediterranean and Red seas will emphasis particular interest for the local
community and enabling them to understand the precious maritime
heritage of Egypt.
In the same context, it should be referring to the ambitious project that
carried out in 2008 with the purpose of creating a network of visitors
centers in the southern region of the Red Sea, entitled; ' Visitor Center
Information Distribution Network –VCIDN' from Marsa Allam to Shalateen
within a distance of 200 km. among the overall objective of this project, it
aim to provide a deeper understanding of the cultural and marine history
environment of the Red Sea region. Despite the construction of these
networks of visitors' centers, it didn't open to the public till present. (USAID
2008).

�Another project in the Red Sea region funded by the United States
Agency for International Development (USAID) regarding the restoration
and transformation of historical ottoman fort dates back to 1571 at the
Quseir ( located on the Red Sea ashore) into heritage visitor center with
the involvement of the local communities. It served as learning center
teaching the history of the Red Sea' legacy to the local by using creative
interpretive methods ( e.g. they were able to revive the oldest fishing boat
used in the port called the Gatira and create an identical replica based on
the local’s memories). Unfortunately, after shifting this center under the
jurisdiction of MoA, it loses many of its authenticity as heritage building
due to lack of training for the staff. (Mohamed, 2015)
However, the proposed venues for creating visitor center for interpreting
the context of Egypt maritime and UCH can be located in different places;
in the Red sea coastline; underwater archeological sites of Mediterranean
Sea coastline particularly at Alexandria as a unique attraction point for
both tourists and locals; the Bibliotheca Alexandrina or Qaitbay fort -the
top-visited cultural site in Alexandria- since they both overlooking the
Mediterranean Sea; or we might consider using one of the historical
buildings in the Alexandria and transformed into a visitor center.
This visitor center of maritime cultural and UCH could enrich both locals
and tourists with a wide variety of maritime topics and encourage them to
visits museums, thus will lead them to deeper engagement with the
displays of sunken treasures collections and other related exhibitions in
the Alexandria museums.
 Cultural Network
Egypt lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with
scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the

�society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with
cultural purposes to promote and preserve maritime history of Egypt.
In this regard, we need to fostering cooperation on international scale
between MoA, Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology, IEASM,
together with UNESCO and ICOM committee for Maritime ICMM, and all
relevant stakeholders to build up a "cultural network" tasked with
developing sustainable strategies for preserving and communicating
maritime cultural heritage of Egypt. The focused actions should be 1)
Create thorough databank compiles all the UCH sites and maritime
resources of Egypt both tangible and intangible; 2) create cultural map for
all UCH sites and maritime sites of Egypt ; 3) develop methodology with
standards and guidelines for promoting social and cultural programmes to
the local community education; 4) set up implementation strategies for
disseminating explanation materials and information, as well as
collaborative projects with community participation.
 Heritage Tours and Water Adventures
By recognizing the vast submerged landscape that facing the
Mediterranean and Red Seas, daily nature cruises and heritage tours with
interpretive storytelling and explanatory materials can help the audiences
to unlock the historic past beneath the water and had immersive
engagement with maritime legacy. This might be led by museums staff,
DUA staff, trained docents.
In conclusion
Egypt's maritime cultural is rich and diverse; its tangible and intangible
aspects exerted a dominating influences on the formation and
consolidation of the Egyptian civilization and its interconnection with the
neighbors. Maritime Egypt still not defined, it is in need to identified,

�explained and interpreted as powerful tool for the Egyptian history linked
the public with their maritime national identity,

and affect on their

perception to the riverine and maritime nature of modern Egypt through
developing and delivering meaningful and engagement offerings.
Bibliography:
.Abd-el-Maguid. M. M., 2012. Underwater Archaeology in Egypt and the
Protection of its Underwater Cultural Heritage. Journal of Maritime
Archeology, Vol. 7:193–207.
Bass. G. F., 2013. The Development of Maritime Archeology. The Oxford
Handbook of Maritime Archeology. Oxford University Press. Oxford.
Doyon, W., 2008, The Poetics of Egyptian Museum Practice. British
Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, Vol. 10:1-37.
Gilbert, G.P., 2008. Ancient Egyptian Sea Power and the origin of
Maritime Forces. National Library of Australian Cataloguing. Australia.
Goddio, F. and Masson-Berghoff, A., 2016. Sunken Cities. Egypt's lost
worlds. Thames &amp; Hudson. UK.
Goddio, F. 2007. The Topography and Excavation of Heracleion-Thonis
and Eaast Canopus (1996-2006), Underwater Archeology in the Canopic
Region in Egypt, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archeology 1, Oxford.
Goddio, F and Clauss, M., 2004. Egypt’s sunken treasures. American
University in Cairo Press, Cairo.
Gutiérrez, J. M. et al. 2016. Virtual Technologies Trends in Education.
EURASIA Journal of Mathematics Science and Technology Education.
Spain.
Hassan, F. and Youssef, M., 2008, Introduction, Cultural Heritage and
Development in the Arab World. Cairo; 1-11.

�Hawass, Z.

2005, A New Era for Museums in Egypt. Museum

International 225/226. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization;7-23.
Herodotus, 1998. The Histories. translated by Robin Waterfield. Oxford
University Press. Oxford.
INDICAT , 2012.

International Network for Digital heritage E-

Infrastructure. Handbook on Virtual Exhibitions and Virtual Performances.
Khalil E. and Moustafa. M., 2002. Underwater Archaeology in Egypt. In:
Ruppe C, Barstad J (eds) International handbook of underwater
archaeology. Plenum Series in Underwater Archaeology, New York; 519–
539.
Kotler et al., 2008. Museum Marketing and Strategy. Jossy-Bass. San
Francisco.
Landström, B., 1970. Ships of the pharaohs: 4000 years of Egyptian
shipbuilding. Doubleday &amp; Company. New York.
Meyer, C., 1992. Glass from Quseir al-Qadim and the Indian Ocean trade.
Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization , Vol. 53. Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago .Chicago.
Mohamed. M. 2015. The Role of Visitors Center to Enrich the Visitor
Experience and to support the Community Development, Master of Arts
Thesis-unpublished.

Brandenburg

Technology

University

Cottbus,

German. Helwan University, Cairo.
Museum Association, 2011. Practical tips for Creating Online Exhibitions.
Neill. P and Krohn B., 1991. Great Maritime Museums of the world.
Balsam Press in association with H.N. Abrams. New York.

�Pearce, Ph. L., 2004. The functions and planning of visitor centres in
regional tourism. Journal of Tourism Studies, Vol. 15 (1); 8-17.
Rice, M., 2003. Egypt's Making. The origins of Ancient Egypt 5000-2000
BC. London.
Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media, 2011. User Guide for
Museum Professionals Instructions for Building a Website in Omeka.net
for Sharing Museum Collections and Creating Digital Exhibits.
Shaw. I and Nicholson. P., 1995. The British Museum Dictionary of
Ancient Egypt. The American University in Cairo Press. Cairo.
Stanley, J. D., Schnepp, G., and Jorstad T. F., 2007. Submergence of
archeological sites in Aboukir Bay, the result of gradual long-term
processes

plus

catastrophic

events.

In

J.

D.

Stanley

(Eds.),

Geoarchaeology, Underwater Archeology in the Canopic Region in Egypt,
Oxford Centre for Maritime Archeology 2, Oxford: 23-57.
USAID, 2008. Egypt, Life red Sea Project, Enhancing Sustainable
Tourism in the Southern Red Sea Region of Egypt, Vol. 6: Action Plan for
Sustainable Tourism in the Southern Red Sea Region of Egypt, Cairo.
Vinson. S., 2009. Seafaring. In Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich
(eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. Los Angeles.
Vinson, S., 1994. Egyptian boats and ships. Shire Egyptology 20. Shire
Publications. UK.
Ward. C., 2012. Building pharaoh’s ships: Cedar, incense and sailing the
Great Green. British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, Vol.
18: 217–32.

�Biography
Nevine Nizar Zakria, has PH.D in Egyptology (2016), member staff of
Ministry of Antiquities since (2001) till present. She has 15 years'
experience of curatorial work and museological practices, involved in the
process of developing the exhibition content of the Grand Egyptian
Museum (2004-2015). She promotes her experience in Museology
professionally by joining the international training programme of the British
Museum (2012), and extra training in 2015. She has exposed to the best
practices in the field of museums at UK, USA, Germany and India. Since
(2015) She joining Helwan University as Lecturer in Museum Studies.

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                  <text>Cultural heritage derives its value from societal contexts, and so public engagement plays an important role in growing support for, and interest in heritage. Engagement may take many forms, from awareness-raising to formal learning programmes to creating platforms for public participation in the process of heritage conservation, governance, and/or interpretation. Papers bridging theoretical and practical approaches to engagement with UCH are particularly welcome, as are papers which offer collaborative and/or participatory models, stakeholder engagement, capacity-building and development, approaches to the particular challenges of engagement with underwater cultural heritage vs other kinds of cultural heritage.&#13;
&#13;
Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc.&#13;
&#13;
The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Other relevant sub-themes include:&#13;
&#13;
* Public engagement in the management of UCH&#13;
&#13;
* Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences&#13;
&#13;
* Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability&#13;
&#13;
* Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation&#13;
&#13;
* Memory, memorials and memorialisation</text>
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                  <text>Raphael Igombo&#13;
National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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                <text>Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage </text>
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                <text>In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM) as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts.  Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources, it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community.  It also lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt.   Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public?  How to foster this richness past in the minds of young generations?   This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable future of Egypt's UCH.</text>
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                <text>Nevine Nizar Zakaria </text>
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                    <text>Antiquities Homecoming：An Experience of Rescue Team
of Cultural Relics
Tsai, Cheng Chung
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
aaa_maxwell@hotmail.com
Shuhan Guo
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
tinakashu@gmail.com
Yuping Zhang
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
1239633011@qq.com
Abstract
Through five thousand years of Chinese culture, thereare as many
ancient cultural relics as there are stars in the night sky. Much like stars,
these artefacts are scattered all over the world. For this reason, we
established a small antiquity public welfare organization. In this article, we
will introduce some details around working in this department and explore
our user experience. Some of these activites include; looking for ancient
cultural relics, finding ancient cultural relics, identifying ancient cultural
relics, and contacting a descendant of ancient cultural relics, and
negotiating with the sellers;with the ultimate goal of sending the antiquities
back to their home. We felt the sacred sense of mission by bringing
antiquities home. We also began to realize the public welfare and the
value of the historical relics are common to people all over the world.
At present, the problem of the antiquities coming home is emerging in the
various rescue operations once again. In particular, as the
nation becomes generally wealthier, there is an increase in the number of
transactions to acquire ancient cultural relics to obtain profits. In addition,
historically, overseas organizations and foreign funding agencies
have been acquiring Chinese ancient cultural relics strategically. Because
of this, bringing the ancient cultural relics back to their hometown or
museum, or returning them to their descendants has become even more
difficult. Therefore, our team has decided to create and manage the
ancient cultural relic’s rescue and homecoming project. Through which,
we will advocate that the ancient cultural relic’s protection and public

�welfare for ancient cultural relics is paramount. We will do our best to
return these ancient cultural relics back to their hometown, and let the
ancient cultural relics engage and influence the public.

Key words: Cultural relics, homecoming, descendant, collections,
cultural and creative industry

The experience of Germany how they dispose "gray antiquities"
1.1Chippindall Law
British archaeologist Christopher Chippindall and Dawid Geere began an
unprecedented investigation in 2000, using 7 international collections of
cultural relics in the collection system to verify the reliability of their source.
Officials have the collection directory with those cultural relics, which
clearly record every piece of the source.
However, of the 1396 items catalogued, up to 75% of these cultural relics
lack the source of written documents. They also found that there were
more than 500 pieces of relics lack any historical transaction record and
has been proved that no one knows why this group of cultural relics made
its debut on display in the museum. That means these exhibits illegally
posess potentially tomb-raided stolen goods. They have a startling
discovery after compared with the same marked when the exhibits on
display in different provenance. Generally, those first exhibited marked
"unknown sources" cultural relics appeared again with a clear source tag,
suggesting that these cultural relics may be a fake story. Their research
result is called Chippindall Law.
1.2 Museum admitted "gray cultural relics"
There is a hidden rule which allows cultural relics with no transparent
background in the marker. A clear experience relic which we call white

�cultural relic not only can check all previous possessors and where it came
out of that therefore it should be legal. On the other hand, an unclear
experienced cultural relic which we call black cultural relic usually came
out of the grave or was stolen out of the museum or from private collectors.
Actually, most traded relics in the market are gray cultural relics which we
do not know where they came out but still could pull wool over some
possessors’ eyes. However, archaeologists deem that gray cultural relics
are equal to the black cultural relics. In the early 1960s, the British
museum with a rich collection of relic objects bought from the market. In
1970, UNESCO issued a convention against cultural products illegally
traded, but Germany didn't become signatories until 2007. Although
Germany signed, but there were still many excuses to reject the
convention, and not to return those illegal cultural relics. Germany started
to implement a legislative correction as to ensure the innocence of its
collections. It stipulated that acquisitions in the museum should be white
relics. Baden state museum curator Eckart Cohen said "museum curator's
affection and greed of collection tend to cause them to become
accessories of illegal trade." he said "It is not innocent cultural relics
derived from an anonymous Swiss collector".
2 Antiquities Homecoming
People always marvel at the beauty of an ancient cultural relic when they
see it. However, does everyone know where it comes from or who its
owner is? Is this a clear origin of cultural relics? As we know the cases in
Germany and UK. There are many cultural relics with unclear origins. So,
a program came out .This is a program to return relics that belonged to
certain families or estates. And there is an overwhelming feeling by the
members of our organization that this is the right and just thing to do. We
plan to return objects, may they be relics to certain descendants or

�surviving families or organizations who manage familial assets we trust.
There are many reasons as to why relic objects may be in disarray or
disregarded. Our goal as a group is to preserve the legacy and spirit of
the relic objects. In doing so, we have to secure adequate funding to
purchase relic objects in existing markets that to offer prices to said
objects. We plan to setup a process by which we will discern the
appropriate prices and appraised value that we deem fair for purchase.
We will employ a mechanism that is equitable for all parties involved. We
will standard governing practices to regulate the process to ensure

�stability. An issue that will be addressed in the future is the question of
funding. We will establish a funding process for this project.

Fig. 1: Funding Process Flowchart.
3 Antiquities homecoming evaluation criteria
There are three indispensable standards for relic objects if they could be
sent back home. The first step is to ensure the antiquity has a clear and

�certain name. Or it has been recorded from other historical documents.
Second, it could be traced to a certain dynasty. The last one is to make
sure that we could find its surviving generations of the cultural relics,
family ancestral hall, museum etc. According to former experiences
certain relic objects such as famous calligraphy, paintings, manuscripts,
imperial mandate etc. could be easily up to the three standards.
After members of the project found unmistakable name on the relic object
and could know its dynasty and background, and antiquary work, they
may start searching whether there are descendants of the owner of
cultural relic have the intention to collect the family relic from their
predecessor. It could be returned to surviving consanguinity of the
owners, family ancestral hall, local museums and other related parties.
Project team members note the cultural relics "without surviving families"
if the descendants could not be found. Then the project team members
would start the next steps to find whether there are relevant museums,
temples on behalf of the ancestral temple and local administration of
cultural heritage that can collect it.

4 The circulation channels of cultural relic objects
General, people purchase cultural relics and works of art mainly as private
collections, investment of innovation company, decorations and so on. It
is important to purchase cultural relics from formal circulation channels for
antiquarians. There are three circulation channels to transaction relic
objects beyond the seas:
 Auction companies: The auction companies are considered as the
secondary transaction market. It focusses on the arts trade, as they

�have sensitive professional marketing orientation, and pay more
attention on the objects with high benefit in a short-term.
 Galleries: In the art market galleries are deemed as the primary
market. The agents would sign contracts with artists strictly, and they
have responsibility to the find, nurture and promote potential artists
and their works. One risk of investment of arts in the galleries is the
difficulty in evaluating the appreciation due to the agents would
promote on its own preferences rather than market orientation.
 Private procurement: The term of "private procurement" is relative to
the “auction companies". Though it is often misunderstood as lack of
professional evaluation, slight influence on art market and low
exchange price, so far, top six paintings with astronomical price were
unveiled from this channel for the low risks, fewer bidders, efficiency
and privacy of transaction, personalized customer services have made
it a big draw of investors.
Transaction of arts and paintings in western countries compare that in
China mainland, the program members could search relic objects in
channels below.

Fig. 2: Top six paintings with astronomical price.

� Network: In the information age, the Internet takes over a large part of
one's daily life so that cultural relics can be obtained from the Internet,
as well as the historical background of cultural relics which help us
understanding. It also became convenient sources of obtaining
information of the relic objects. The following chat integrated the
Internet purchasing channel for the project members to search.

Fig. 3: Antique markets in the Internet.

� Commercial market operations for cultural relics: This is for people
who prefer to play with, understand the cultural relics in the antiquities
market. Here are some famous commercial markets for cultural relics.

Fig. 4: Cultural relics market in China.
 Enthusiastic people informed the members: it is distinct between
private contact and warm-hearted people contact report that mainly
depend on the interpersonal connections of the team, like the posterity,
ancestral hall, temple museum which the team service before. They
will tell the project team members they inadvertently discovered the
ancient cultural relics in the market, let us work together. In general,
the project team members will be released out of the most important
introduction of "mysterious ancient cultural relics” through the
interpersonal relationships of museums, the community or union of
institutions of higher learning like the ancient cultural relics and director
of the famous temple ancestral temple. There are numerous
propaganda ways to improve the enthusiasm of the alliance like
through the network to seek the aid of enthusiasts, clubs or
organizations, or through the "human flesh search", "price set".

�Occasionally the team holds the club, in the form of a salon, lectures
to promote communication relationship between members.

5 A homecoming case of Guo Rong’s handwritten manuscript
Team members in late 2016 found a handwritten manuscript written by
Guo Rong who could be dated back to Qing dynasty, named "Confucius
in Hsiang-tang”, listing on the internet priced at 1500 Yuan by a relic
collector from Hebei province.
According to the historical recordation manifests that his family members
were very famous and many of his relatives were Jinshi(official position in
ancient China) ,and he was a Juren (official position )at that time in Henan
province. Lest the scenario of other buyers and speculators from outside
purchase this handwritten manuscript once the news of rescue and valve
of this relic object has been filtered out occurred. After the agreement of
buying this relic first by all the members, rescue plan of this handwritten
manuscript initiated. By using all sorts of medium to contact Guo Rong’s
descendants with a hope of getting this relic back to where it used to
belong, members found an article on the Internet about the big honorable
family and its members; released on the newspaper by Mr.Lu Meisong a
former director of Research Institute of Culture and History in Fuzhou City.
Through whom members found Guo rong’s great-grandson Mr. Guo Zhen,
then immediately informed Mr. Guo Zhen of his great-father’s relic object
and asked whether they have the intention to purchase the cultural relics,
Mr. Guo Zhen first told members: “because it’s hard to know the
authenticity of this undeclared cultural relic, together with many of his
family cultural relics have been removed to Lin Zexu Memorial Museum,
so there was no willingness to purchase it as a private collection... ”then

�members tried to contact other parties of the family collections of intent,
please refer to the contact members shown in the chart below.

Table 1: Willingness to retrieve Guo Rong’s relic
Name

Identity

Willingness

Guo Zhen

great-grandson

of NO

Guo Rong
Guo Yongmei

Guo

Baiyin’s NO

descendant
Sina

Blogger Guo

of”Guo’s

Baiyin’s NO

descendant

descendants”
Lu Meisong

former curator of NO
Research Institute
of

Culture

and

History in Fuzhou
city
Chen Jiyong

Lin

Zexu’s NO

memorial museum

6 Why relic objects may be in disarray or disregarded
There is an interesting phenomenon in cultural relics market that people
would buy other people's cultural relics in the commercial market rather
than collect the relics of their fathers. And descendants may sell or destroy
the inherited collections of cultural relics for various reasons leading to the

�cultural relics ending up with vicious circle of disappear or disregarded.
The ultimate purpose of establishing homecoming project by the members
is to resolve the scenario of never-ending speculation by contacting the
museum that could collect and display the relics, other public sectors, and
conservation of cultural studies, ancestral hall and surviving generations.
Project team members would try their best to preserve the legacy and spirt
of the cultural relics.
From what have been discussed about the Guo Rong’s case, it could now
be speculated that the descendants may or may take the excuse of
lacking the financial ability to afford the price. And to some extend this is
also attributed to lacking a sense of recall of their old generations due to
the functions of modern core families are not tightly connected as it was
in hundreds years ago. At that time ancestors were highly respected and
earned widely worships by their descendants. Another reason may the
owner was a traitor in history, the family members might break off all
relations with owner in order to evade from the punishments or outside
criticism about this family. So if the descendants receive the relic object
belonged to a traitor predecessor, they will bear pretty much stress form
the public. The third reason may lay in the distrust the appraisal of cultural
relics, as in this profit-driven society, everything could be faked let alone
these cultural relics with sophisticated procedure of appraisal its value, all
sorts of suspicious attitudes reflect today’s descendants pay more
attention to its physical valve rather than its old glories and the meaning
of educating and reminding their roots.

7 The indispensable explanation of using the fund-raising as the
management costs of the non-profit organizations

�All the governments in the world are making great efforts to encourage
more public-interest activities and services, and also put their endeavor to
develop the explicit rules and stipulations to make the charitable work
more efficient and use their funds more smartly to against corruption.
Taking the comparison of the two laws for example, the newly launched
Charity Law of the people’s republic of China in May, 2016（
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-03/19/content_5055467.htm) and the
regulations of charitable organizations initiated in Taiwan province May,
2006
(http://law.moj.gov.tw/Eng/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?PCode=D0050138)
about utilizing fund-raising in managing the charitable organizations and
pay the labor costs through charitable activities and other necessary
expenditures. Please look at the chart below.
Table 2: Comparison of purpose and amount of charitable assets
utilization in China mainland and Taiwan (province)
The charity Law of the People’s Charity Donations Destined
Republic of China
For Social Welfare Funds
Implementation
Regulations(Taiwan)
Chapter 6 Charitable Assets
Article 5 Fund raising groups
Article 51. The financial assets of as referred to by these
charitable organizations include:
regulations are described as
(1)Founding capital from fund-raising; below:
(2)Assets collected from fund-raising; (a)
Public
schools.
(3)Other legal assets.
(b)
Incorporated
…
Administration.
Article 60.Charitable organizations (c) Corporation who has
shall carry out charitable activities Social welfare character.
actively, use charitable assets fully (d)
Corporate
bodies.
and efficiently, apply the most Based on considerations for
necessary
principles
regarding social
welfare,
all
management fees, practice frugality, agencies/levels
of

�and cut unnecessary expenditures.
Annual expenditures for charity
activities by foundations with the
qualifications for public fund-raising
shall be no less than 70% of the
average revenue of the past three
years and the annual management
fees cannot meet the previous
regulations
due
to
special
circumstances, the foundation shall
file with which it registered and
explain the situation publicly.
Standards for annual expenditures
and the management fees of
charitable activities by charitable
organizations other than foundations
with public fund-raising qualifications
are regulated by the civil affairs
departments of the State Council
together with the treasury and tax
departments of the State Council
according to the principles stipulated
in the last paragraph.
If the expenditure and management
costs of an individual charitable
donation activity are specified in the
donation agreement, then the
agreement should be followed.

government
shall
be
permitted to accept financial
funds and gifts donations,
bestowed
by
concerned
person[s]; however, such
donations are not permitted to
be
initiated
by
such
governmental
agencies.
Exempted from this ruling, are
incidents of major disaster
[force
majeure]
and
international rescue missions.
…
Article 8 All financial funds
and gifts collected through
donations, can and must be
used only for the purposes as
listed
below:
(a) For Social Welfare
Activities.
(b) For educational &amp; cultural
affairs.
(c) For social charity affairs.
(d) For international humanity
rescue
affairs.
(e) Other relevant affairs
recognized
by
central
governmental agencies.。
…
Article
11
If
relevant
documentations provided, for
the
application
of
governmental permission for
charity donations, contents
therein were to be found to be
falsified, then previously

�granted permission is to be
annulled immediately.
…
Article 17 All necessary
administrative fees/charges
occurred
during
the
conducting
of
charity
donations activities, shall
following the tabulation limits
as
described
below:
(a) Total solicited donation
amount
under
NT$10,000,000.00:
15%.
(b) Total solicited donation
amount
between
NT$10,000,000.00
NT$100,000,000.00:
Basic
toll of NT$1,500,000.00 + 8%
of remaining amount over 10
million
NTDollars.
(c) Total solicited donation
amount
over
NT$100,000,000.00:
Basic
toll of NT$8,700,000.00 + 1%
of remaining amount over 1
Billion
NTDollars.
If solicited charity donations
are physical items [instead of
cash funds], then relevant
tabulation should be based on
the "then" current market
prices of the items concerned.

We will standard governing practices to regulate the process to ensure
stability. An issue that will be addressed in the future is the question of

�funding. We will establish a funding process for this project. Introducing
the club membership system might be a suitable way of adjusting to this
circumstance mentioned above in its future development: one has to
register a membership of the relic home returning organization and then
provide the historical information of their predecessors. Doing by this at
least shows their willingness to buy their own relics. All the information
provided will be recorded in our file system. Members have the priority
when we scrutinizing thousands of relics in this huge relics market and
then match to their owners. When undergo the scrutiny in the selecting
procession a series of reduplicative and automatic works in matching and
confirming relics and their owners and time waiting for their willingness of
buying their dispersed relics can be saved by this targeted combing
progress.
Reference
Gray, B., 1964. The export of Chinese porcelain to India.Transactions of
the Oriental Ceramic Society, Vol. 36: 21-37.
Tsai, Cheng Chung，2012. Compare present situation and analysis the
development of charitable trust in the social among British，America and
Japan，social Welfare（The theory of version），12-21
Yuan Yuan. Germany attaches great importance to the source of
legitimacy of cultural relics to say no "gray cultural relic",. Xinhuanet
http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2015-01/22/c_127407612.htm
Zong he. Gauguin painting "when will you get married" $300
million,http://epaper.bjnews.com.cn/html/201502/09/content_561752.htm?div=-1
Beijing newspaper,
The phenomenon of "hyping art works
http://finance.qq.com/a/20150413/005044.htm
Biography

in

the

market

"

�Tsai, Cheng Chung (1975-): Taiwan Kaohsiung, Zhongkai University of
Agricultural Engineering Department of social work department, the
People's Republic of China Ministry of civil society social work research
center special researcher, expert committee member of Guangdong
Provincial Civil Affairs Department social work professional team
construction, master Mentor, doctor of law, psychological counselor.
The main research direction: medical social work.
Tel: 13640211648.
Shuhan Guo (1995- ): Hunan, China. Graduate student of Zhongkai
University of agriculture and engineering, bachelor’s degree, President of
Social Work Association in ZhongKai University of Agriculture and
Engineering.
The main research direction: non-government organization management
and social work
Tel: 18813754680,

Yu-ping Zhang (1996- ), Xingning. Guangdong, China Zhongkai
University of Agriculture and Engineering, Guangzhou, Guangdong
,China.
Job: Project Team Responsible Person. The Assistant Head of the
Department of Social Work and Social Policy. The first Vice President of
Social Work in association in ZhongKai University of Agriculture and
Engineering.
The main research direction: Medical social workers and Charity
management.Tel:188-19493890, wetchat: yp1239633011,

�</text>
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                  <text>Cultural heritage derives its value from societal contexts, and so public engagement plays an important role in growing support for, and interest in heritage. Engagement may take many forms, from awareness-raising to formal learning programmes to creating platforms for public participation in the process of heritage conservation, governance, and/or interpretation. Papers bridging theoretical and practical approaches to engagement with UCH are particularly welcome, as are papers which offer collaborative and/or participatory models, stakeholder engagement, capacity-building and development, approaches to the particular challenges of engagement with underwater cultural heritage vs other kinds of cultural heritage.&#13;
&#13;
Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc.&#13;
&#13;
The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Other relevant sub-themes include:&#13;
&#13;
* Public engagement in the management of UCH&#13;
&#13;
* Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences&#13;
&#13;
* Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability&#13;
&#13;
* Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation&#13;
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* Memory, memorials and memorialisation</text>
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                  <text>Raphael Igombo&#13;
National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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                  <text>Michelle Damian&#13;
Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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                <text>Antiquities Homecoming: An Experience of Rescue Team of Cultural Relics </text>
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                <text>Through five thousand years of Chinese culture, thereare  as many ancient cultural relics as there are stars in the night sky. Much like stars, these artefacts are scattered all over the world. For this reason, we established a small antiquity public welfare organization. In this article, we will introduce some details around working in this department and explore our user experience. Some of these activites include; looking for ancient cultural relics, finding ancient cultural relics, identifying ancient cultural relics, and contacting a descendant of ancient cultural relics, and negotiating with the sellers;with the ultimate goal of sending the antiquities back to their home. We felt the sacred sense of mission by bringing antiquities home. We also began to realize the public welfare and the value of the historical relics are common to people all over the world.   At present, the problem of the antiquities coming home is emerging in the various rescue operations once again. In particular, as the nation becomes generally wealthier, there is an increase in the number of transactions to acquire ancient cultural relics to obtain profits. In addition, historically, overseas organizations and foreign funding agencies have been acquiring Chinese ancient cultural relics strategically. Because of this, bringing the ancient cultural relics back to their hometown or museum, or returning them to their descendants has become even more difficult. Therefore, our team has decided to create and manage the ancient cultural relicâ€™s rescue and homecoming project. Through which, we will advocate that the ancient cultural relicâ€™s protection and public &#13;
welfare for ancient cultural relics is paramount. We will do our best to return these ancient cultural relics back to their hometown, and let the ancient cultural relics engage and influence the public. </text>
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                <text>Yuping Zhan</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Tsai, Cheng Chung</text>
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                <text>Yuping Zhan</text>
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                    <text>Merging Museums with the Classroom: Using Collections
to Teach Maritime Archaeology
Michelle M. Damian
Monmouth College

Abstract
Although there is a growing interest in studying maritime archaeology
even at the undergraduate level, it can be a challenge to bring to life for
non-divers both the mechanics of an archaeological investigation, but also
the joy of discovery and satisfaction of identification of a wreck site. This
paper will describe possible alternative methods of recreating that entire
process through the use of museum collections. In particular, I will discuss
a project undertaken by undergraduates at Harvard University in
partnership with the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.
Students were required to choose a ship model from the museum’s
collections and, with very minimal initial information, had to research its
historical background and construction techniques, treating it as an
archaeologist would a shipwreck site. This paper will introduce the
benefits and challenges to both the students and the museums in using
this type of approach.
Key words: Collections, Ship models, Museums, Public Engagement
Project Description
While a postdoctoral fellow at the Reischauer Institute of Japanese
Studies (Harvard University) in spring of 2016, I was invited to teach an
introductory class on maritime archaeology in the anthropology
department. Even though the Boston, Massachusetts, area has a rich
maritime history, such a class had never previously been taught at
Harvard. Since my fellowship was a nonrenewable, single-year
appointment, there was no opportunity to develop a sustainable maritime
archaeology program there. The class, ANTHRO 1281, was therefore

�designed as a stand-alone introduction to the field, with no prerequisites
for undergraduates.

My two main goals for this class were to give the students as much handson experience as possible to evoke the excitement involved in maritime
archaeological fieldwork, and to emphasize the need for archaeologists to
disseminate our work to a wide variety of audiences. The challenges to
the first goal, however, were that the students were not certified divers
and even if they were, Boston in the winter months does not provide ideal
diving conditions! We were fortunate to collaborate with NOAA staff
members from Stellwagen Bank, who did an ROV demonstration one
evening at the campus pool, and with Victor Mastone at the
Massachusetts Bureau of Underwater Archaeological Resources, who
took us to a shoreline wreck site. There the students were even able to do
some preliminary mapping of an 18th century shipwreck.

While these experiences were valuable and students cited them in class
evaluations as some of the most exciting aspects of the class, they did not
provide the in-depth experience of exploring a single site over a longer
period of time. Nor are they necessarily able to be replicated in other areas
where there might not be a NOAA ROV to borrow or a convenient
shoreline shipwreck site. To provide students with at least a sense of the
research aspects of maritime archaeology, as well as to achieve the
second class goal of emphasizing multiple means of interpreting the site,
I approached the Academic Partnerships department at the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (PMAE). Located on Harvard’s
campus, the museum was founded in 1866 and is home to over 1.4 million
artifacts. As part of its mission, the museum promotes using the
collections for “unique opportunities for innovative teaching, research, and

�enrichment at Harvard” and other communities (Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology). The Academic Partnerships Department is
excited to work with instructors and make collections available to students,
and that made for a natural collaboration between the ANTHRO 1281
class and the museum.

The PMAE has in its collections over seventy different ship models, many
of which were donated to the museum in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Most of the models represent indigenous watercraft
from Asian, Oceaniac, and Native American peoples (Figs. 1 and 2). As
many of them came to the Peabody from another Boston-area museum
that was destroyed in a fire, documentation is minimal for the vast majority
of the models. One typical accession card simply reads “Chinese Boat.
Peale’s Museum, ca 1840.” Due to space limitations, very few of the
models are displayed in the public galleries.

�Fig. 1: Representative ship modelfrom the PMAE collection, No. 32-6260/D4111. (Damian)

Fig. 2: Representative ship models from the PMAE collection, No. 99-1260/52934). (Damian)

�These models became our “shipwrecks.” In class we discussed the
anonymous nature of much of maritime archaeology. Few archaeologists
know that they are working on a Vasa, a Mary Rose, or a CSS Hunley
when they discover a wreck. Instead, they encounter an often unnamed
vessel in a particular geographic region, and must identify diagnostic
features and do research to determine the type, time period, and origin of
the vessel. Students were charged with treating the models in a similar
manner, using them as substitutes for a shipwreck. Where was it from?
Who might have sailed on this kind of ship? How can we determine what
type of vessel it was? The minimal documentation for these models was
therefore not an impediment to the process, as students were required to
research and discover the answers themselves.

A second component to the museum partnership was to create an online
exhibit

for

the

Peabody

Museum

(visible

here:

https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/node/2619). In keeping with the course
goal of disseminating information to multiple audiences, students were to
not only write an academic term paper about their model, but were also
required to write several shorter, public-focused introductions to their
models that became the heart of the online exhibit. The multicomponent
assignment therefore spanned the entire semester.

Students each chose a single model as their focus. They arranged with
the Academic Partnerships office to visit the museum and investigate their
model, taking photographs and making notes and sketches of diagnostic
features. They were not meant to be researching the model maker or the
actual model itself, but instead were to treat the model as an archetype,
treating it as a shipwreck. The first assignment focused on the historic
background of the vessel, and the second on a detailed discussion of the

�ship construction features. Research was often a challenge if the only
information they had to begin with was “Chinese boat ca 1840.” As
secondary scholarship on some of these vessel types was limited,
students discovered the importance of incorporating multiple lines of
inquiry into their research, including artwork, primary source ethnographic
accounts, and even films.
Details of the students’ work can be seen on the online exhibit, but a
typical example is of work done on a model titled “War Canoe.” The
accession notes included information that the model originated in
Sarawak, Borneo (Malaysia), and referenced the Iban tribe. Using a flag
included with the model, students were able to date the ship to the late
19th or early 20th century (Gilbert). Records from European explorers
described the seafaring members of the Iban tribe as the Sea Dyak, and
students relied heavily on those sources to discern who may have used
this type of vessel and the context in which it sailed (Kimball). The models
therefore served as stand-ins for actual shipwreck sites, as the focus was
not on the individual model and its creator, but on the model-as-typicalwatercraft.

The museum aspect of the project was divided into three different
components. As these were put online for a general audience, students
were charged with writing to that public, foregoing a more traditional
academic writing style. They needed to consider how to draw their readers
in to learn more about their vessels, balancing being informative and
exciting. The first two assignments consisted of a photo of their vessel
(taken by the student), accompanied by a brief introductory paragraph and
followed by a more in-depth analysis (2 – 3 pages) of their findings. The
third assignment was to create a museum label for their boat, introducing

�the artifact to someone who might be walking past the model in a physical
exhibit. Once they had learned as much as they could about their
watercraft, they needed to consider what was most important for the
casual museum visitor to learn about their boat.

The original intent was to announce each component of the project to the
public as it was put online and solicit feedback and suggestions.
Particularly since many of the models had such limited documentation,
crowdsourcing the research in this way was one strategy that could
provide the students with more insight into their vessel. Incorporating the
public suggestions and feedback from the instructor and teaching
assistants, students needed to complete a final assignment rewriting their
publicly focused entries as a more academic term paper. This was meant
to help them again consider those multiple audiences and adjust their
communication styles accordingly. Some obstacles hindered that ideal
realization of this project, however, as I will address in the next section.

The entire project was designed to emulate the archaeological process:
the “discovery,” research, and interpretation of a shipwreck site. It
spanned the entire semester, allowing students to expand their research
as they considered the different aspects of their vessels. While some
students expressed frustration at spending “so much time” on a single ship
type in their research, I believe it was an effective introduction to the
research process for an archaeological project – particularly when some
archaeologists can spend years on a single site.

�Challenges to the Project

Because this was the first time I had taught this class, and because this
was the first time the Peabody Museum had partnered with a faculty
member to use student classwork to create an online exhibit, there was
an element of trial and error to actualizing the project. None of the
following comments are meant as criticisms of the PMAE staff, as
everyone involved was extremely enthusiastic about the collaboration,
and the Academic Partnerships staff in particular were tremendously
accommodating. Here I describe the issues that arose simply to note
potential pitfalls for future similar projects

The first issue was simply that of the actual web coding. As I myself am
not a programmer, this became an additional project for the museum’s
web developer on top of his other duties. In addition, since he was only
in-house certain days of the week, progress at putting the information
provided by the students online was sometimes slower than I had hoped.
Progress was further hindered by my own failure to clarify how best to
provide him the data. For example, for the first two assignments the
students needed to submit a stand-alone image of their boat to be used
as a cover photo, a short paragraph, and a longer paper. Initially the
students embedded their cover photos directly into the Microsoft Word
documents containing their paragraphs and longer essays, but that
became problematic for the web designer to extract and put online. We
decided on a file naming convention for both images and documents, and
had the students re-submit their files via Dropbox. Streamlining this
process took some time, and thus the public launch of the website was
delayed until both the first and second assignments were already online.

�This, then, affected the ability to promote the website and adequately
crowdsource feedback as I had initially hoped.

The second, and perhaps more striking, issue came in the form of
copyright considerations. Many of the students found different images in
their research that they wanted to incorporate into their analyses, and
therefore scanned them and included them in their papers, with proper
citations. When it came to putting those images online, however, a
question arose regarding copyright of those images, regardless of
educational fair use. According to the Academic Partnerships department,
“Each image would have had to have been reviewed on a case by case
basis, to determine whether their use was “transformative” [which would
have been impossible due to the time constraints of the class].” (Rose)
The public distribution inherent to internet display was the main concern,
as it increased the risk that the copyright holder may have discovered that
his/her image was being used without permission. It was decided that it
would be safer to remove any images that were not either in the public
domain or the students’ own photos or sketches from their papers. This
put an additional burden on both the students and the instructors, as
everyone needed to re-edit their papers and verify the ability to use any
embedded images. Students were understandably upset at needing to
delete certain images, since in many cases they referred to those sources
in their written analyses and felt that the removal would hinder the ability
to effectively convey their argument. We therefore compromised by
substituting an “image redacted” icon for the deleted images, which we
hoped would indicate to any readers that any missing information was not
due to student error.

�A final concern came from an individual student. Since the Peabody
Museum wanted to be sure that students were getting credit for their work
online, and since ideally the project would be receiving feedback directed
at individual submissions, we decided to have the names of the students
clearly associated with their web submissions. One student approached
me with concern, as she had been the victim of online stalking in the past
and did not want her name to be searchable. With her permission, we
compromised by including the student’s initials instead of her full name.

Most of these obstacles were due to the fact that this was the first time
such a project had been conceived of and carried out at the Peabody
Museum. If the museum collaborates in the future with faculty to create a
similar exhibit, or when this kind of class is taught at other institutions,
those issues have now been identified and can be corrected before the
project begins.

Benefits of the Project

The stumbling blocks noted above were of small concern when compared
with the overall benefits of doing this type of project. The Peabody
Museum staff were excited to be a part of this project not only because it
conformed to their mission, but it also allowed them to breathe new life
into old collections. As noted above, the majority of the models cannot be
displayed in the main galleries due to their size. When the Academic
Partnerships staff first brought out the models for me to view prior to
beginning the project, one exclaimed that even as a long-time staff
member, this was the first time she was viewing the models. Allowing the
students to research the vessels and create an online exhibit of the
models enabled the Peabody Museum to make those long-stored objects

�accessible to an online audience. In some cases, the students’ findings
provided additional information or called into question the museum’s
classifications of the vessels. One model, labeled a “Chinese barge,” was
actually closer to a junk, concluded two students (Barrett, McGough).

As noted above, this project allowed non-diver students to get a sense of
the type of research work and methodologies that archaeologists may
have to use when trying to identify an unknown shipwreck. Further than
that, however, many of the students found the experience valuable for a
number of reasons. Several students elected to write a brief “reflections”
post for the website, and other comments were gleaned from class
evaluations. In these writings, many students noted the benefits in
learning

to

communicate

with

various

audiences.

They

often

acknowledged that it was difficult at first to convey complex technical
information in an accessible manner, but that it became easier with
practice (Skendarian, Gerberich).

Several also appreciated that this assignment approached work on an
actual site as closely as possible within the limitations of the class. One
noted the restrictions in working with a model, since special arrangements
had to be made with the collections staff each time she wanted to view
the model. She acknowledged, however, that this was probably very
similar to limitations an archaeologist would encounter on an actual site:
repeated lengthy visits are not always possible (Lu).

Perhaps the most notable response, however, was the pride the students
took in actively contributing to the field through this project. Comments
included statements such as “knowing that my research for this project
will be available online for the public to see makes me feel as if I am truly

�a maritime archaeologist” (Lu), “I’m really glad I had the opportunity to
break new ground and contribute to the academic world of maritime
archeology with the research I conducted over the last few weeks”
(Skendarian), and “seeing our work go on an actual museum webpage
was a worthwhile finish” (Metoyer). An anonymous comment from class
evaluations further stated, “The museum project was one that allowed
such a realistic approach to maritime archeology and further enabled the
ability for some realistic learning approach. It was one of the first times
within my life that I've actually made a profound difference within the
academic world and for that reason, it was an incredible experience.”
The students’ work is still part of PMAE’s online offerings and at present
there are no plans to remove it. The class has therefore made a lasting
contribution that will remain accessible to anyone interested in maritime
history and ship construction of indigenous crafts from Asia, Oceania, and
North America.

Future Possibilities

In planning this project, I was of course tremendously fortunate to have a
museum such as the PMAE located on the same campus, with an
incredible collection of ships’ models and staff who were excited to work
with faculty and students. Obviously, this scenario is the exception rather
than the norm. That being said, there are possibilities. Local maritime
museums are likely to be interested in collaborating, and I have spoken
with a faculty member of a Georgia university who intends to undertake a
similar project in conjunction with the Ships and the Sea museum.
Furthermore, in the Spring of 2018 I will be teaching a version of this class
at my current institution, Monmouth College in Illinois (USA) – a very

�landlocked college with no ship model collection at hand. I intend to test
the idea that it should be possible to replicate this type of project with other
materials.

While

models

provide

a

tangible,

three-dimensional

representation of a vessel especially helpful for understanding elements
of ship construction, photographic or even artistic representations of ships
may be able to be used to the same effect. As some of the students noted
in their analyses, the models were not always perfect representations of
actual construction techniques either. While relying solely on twodimensional depictions of ships may be even more limiting, in other ways
it could widen the scope of discussion considerably. Instead of being
confined to the extant items in a collection, the possibilities for research
of images is nearly endless. Copyright considerations, of course, would
still need to be taken into account.

While putting up an online exhibit is ideal in that it can both reach out to a
worldwide audience and endure indefinitely, if programming or online
access is an issue a physical exhibit could be mounted with the help of
any local gallery space. Particularly if students are working with images,
all that would be needed is some wall space for mounting the photographs
and labels. At Monmouth College, I hope to make use of the resources
afforded

by

the

Museum

of

Underwater

Archaeology

(MUA;

www.themua.org) to create an online exhibit, as well as appeal to the
library for the use of gallery space to mount a physical exhibit on campus.

For an introductory class in maritime archaeology to a group of
undergraduates who may or may not have prior experience or a desire to
continue in this field of study, this type of project provides a good overview
of the process of researching and interpreting a “shipwreck.” The
satisfaction of creating an actual exhibit and contributing to the field was

�for many an exciting way to experience a taste of what maritime
archaeology is all about.

Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the Academic Partnerships staff of the Peabody
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, most particularly Diana Loren,
Lainie Schultz, Emily Rose, and Andrew Smith, for their enthusiasm and
help in making this project a reality. The students of ANTHRO 1218,
spring 2016, at Harvard University were a pleasure to work with and
deserve all the credit for researching and presenting their “shipwrecks.” I
am also in debt to Ted Bestor at the Reischauer Institute of Japanese
Studies for facilitating my being able to teach the class, Jason Ur at
Harvard’s Anthropology department for being willing to let me do so, the
teaching assistants for ANTHRO 1218, and the faculty and staff of RIJS
for providing me the opportunity to spend an incredible year there.

Works Cited
Barrett, A, and T. McGough. “Second Chinese Barge.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/node/2644 Accessed July 5, 2017
Gerberich, D. “Reflection.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Gerberich%20%20Research%20Reflection.pdf Accessed July 5, 2017.
Gilbert, C. “The Sea Dayak War Canoe: A Symbol of the Iban Culture in
the late 19th Century.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Gilbert_Museum1%20REDACTE
D.pdf . Accessed July 5, 2017.
Kimball, S. “Examining the Form and Function of an Iban War Canoe.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Kimball_museum2.pdf .
Accessed July 5, 2017.

�Lu, A. “Reflections of a Pirate Archaeologist.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Lu%20%20Reflections%20on%20Peabody%20Project.pdf . Accessed July 5,
2017
Metoyer,K.“Peabody Reflection.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Metoyer%20Peabody%20Reflecti
on.pdf Accessed July 5, 2017.
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, “Mission.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/node/97 President and Fellows of
Harvard College, 2009 – 2017. Accessed July 5, 2017
Rose, E. Personal communication. July 12, 2017.
Skendarian, T. “Museum Project Reflection.”
https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/files/Skendarian%20%20Project%20Reflection.pdf . Accessed July 5, 2017.

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National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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                <text>Although there is a growing interest in studying maritime archaeology even at the undergraduate level, it can be a challenge to bring to life for non-divers both the mechanics of an archaeological investigation, but also the joy of discovery and satisfaction of identification of a wreck site. This paper will describe possible alternative methods of recreating that entire process through the use of museum collections. In particular, I will discuss a project undertaken by undergraduates at Harvard University in partnership with the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Students were required to choose a ship model from the museumâ€™s collections and, with very minimal initial information, had to research its historical background and construction techniques, treating it as an archaeologist would a shipwreck site. This paper will introduce the benefits and challenges to both the students and the museums in using this type of approach. </text>
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                    <text>Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of
Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of
South Sumatra in Early Centuries
Eka Asih Putrina Taim
National Research Center of Archaeology
University of Indonesia
ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com
Abstract
The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime
empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does
not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements
and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics
is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities
between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was
found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing
happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have
picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early
centuries AD.
Key words: Ceramics and Archeological Findings, Southern Sumatra,
Ancient Ports
Preface
The east coast region of Sumatra Island is commonly known for seafaring
since ancient times. As a “gate route” to enter the Indonesian Archipelago,
its connected or passed by ships with destinations to and from the Yellow
Sea in the North. The peak of trade activity in east coast region of Sumatra
Island happened during the period of the Maritime Kingdom of Srivijaya.
Its vast territory covered almost all of the western part of Indonesian
Archipelago and Malay Peninsula (Kedah) up to southern part of Thailand
(Ligor).
Based on ancient inscriptions and foreign written sources, the period of
this enormous kingdom was emerging presumably in 6th until 13th

�Centuries. Yet it cannot deny, some of archaeological evidences that
found in east coast of Sumatra Island, indicated the contacts activity with
foreigner already conducted far before 6th Century. The peak of trading
activity in eastern Sumatra through the Malacca Strait at that time
appropriated with the period of “silk road” trade routes between East and
West from the 8th -11th Centuries (Wolters, 1967). In land route of “silk
road”, the traders were assessing the desert land through Central Asia,
Eastern Asia to Europe, like wise from Europe to Central Asia. However,
the sea routes in “silk routes” were sailing the routes which connected
Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf in the West to South of China, through
the Melaka strait and the East Coast of Sumatra.
Meanwhile the trade network from trade centers in the West also
expanded to the South East. The 8th -11th Centuries were expanding
period of Muslim trade along coastline of Indian Sea to China. The Ships
sailed from Mesopotamia and Persian Gulf or from Egypt and Middle Sea
(Mediterranean) to India and Malabar, continued to Srilangka, Indonesia,
Indochina, and Southern China territory. They were loaded with
commercial goods such as rocks, turtle skin, comb, and metal bars. All of
those things were exchanged for elephant trunks, rhinoceros horn, and
camphor along the Indian seashore. Whereas in China, the trade goods
were exchanged for precious things such as silk and ceramic, all of those
were going to sale in Mediterranean markets and the Indian sea became
center for the distribution of spices, perfume, aromatic ingredients, and
medicines. (Lombard, 1996)
The sea trade routes between East and West had went on far before the
arrival of the Islamic religion into Indonesian Archipelagos. Traders and
seafarers from China, Arabia and Persia had travelled using the
advantage of monsoon winds. By assessing the historical records, we

�have descriptions of their navigation network and the kind of commodities
which were traded. The journey from China to Indonesian Archipelagos
and South East Asia, at least had 3 stages period of journeys:
The first period was the 5th – 7th Centuries; the journeys were motivated
by religious pilgrimages. It is marked by Fa-shien journeying to religious
centers in India and Ceylon in 414 AD. In his returned journey to China,
he passed and stopped in Yeh Po Tie which located in the East Coast of
Sumatra. At this time, the trade commodity was limited only to luxurious
or royal goods such as: pearls, turtle skin, and religious effects such as
benzoin, perfume and other exceptional things (Wolters, 1967).
The second period was in the 7th – 13th Centuries; the sea journeys not
only were intended for luxurious and royal goods, but also for spices and
medicines.

This period was marked by the emerging of maritime

kingdoms in Sumatra such as Sriwijaya and Melayu. As we found in ItTsing’s records (677 AD), in his journey to India he stopped in Palembang,
he noticed that Palembang had already become an important port.
Another record made by another Chinese traveler, Hsu- T’ang –Shu,
mentioned that Sriwijaya had at least 14 harbors or ports and Barus were
one of its biggest one in the west coast of Sumatra, which produced
camphor and had its own administrative rules (Wolters, 1967).
The third Period was in the 14th -17th Centuries; it was the summit of
Chinese commercial activity in the Ming Dynasty. At that time the Chinese
Empire was as its acme in prosperity and leading culture. At the beginning
of the 15th century, it was a period where there was an enormous interest
from the Chinese Empire to expand its influence to overseas lands, its
trade’s become more developed and more diverse, as well as China’s
knowledge in geography had became wider and more detailed (Mills,
1969). The famous and legendary trader and envoy at this time was

�Admiral Cheng Ho or Ma Huan (1403-1430 AD). Ma Huan or Cheng Ho
noted and recorded on his journey in his journal and he wrote a book “
Ying Yai Sheng Lan” ( The Overall Survey of The Ocean’s Shores) (Mills,
1969).
Base on its chronology, ports and trade settlements along east coast
Sumatra could divide into several periods,
1. Ports which emerged in pre or early Sriwijaya period 4th– 7th C
2. Ports during Sriwijaya Period 7th – 13th C
3. Ports which existed after Sriwijaya period and at the time of
emerging of many maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as
Panai, Malayu, and Samudra Pasai, as same period with
Majapahit supremacy in East Java in 13th C.
4. Port that was emerged and developed in 18th-19th C
From all of the five stages of Chronology, the existing of the ports was the
most varied. Some of ports could survive through several periods but
there also ports which only existed only in one period and abandoned
afterward.
Archaeological researches in eastern Sumatra, supported by written
sources, is also conducted by field research through either surveys or
excavations. The results of this research revealed that most of the sites in
this area were dated back to pre- and during the Sriwijaya period in 4th 13th C. The primary indications for the existence of those ports in east
coast of Sumatra were an enormous number of ceramics found, mostly
along the line of its seashore. As well as the ceramic sherds there’s also
traces of ancient settlements remains such as bricks, poles of wooden

�house pillars, fragments of ancient ships/vessels, beads, metal and wood
relics.
Other data that we could use to explain the existence of the ports are the
shipwreck cargos, which found in Indonesian Sea, such as shipwreck from
Pulau Buaya, Bangka Belitung, and the recent finding from Cirebon Sea.
The data from these projects are very important and relevant evidences
reveal the ancient trade activity and its commodities for export and import
from other places outside of the Indonesia Archipelago. More over with
sunken ship sites, which might have same chronological assemblage,
contains a high value of large number ceramic data related to other kinds
of commodities which were also important.

The ceramics we could

identified the origin of its dated and place, and from ceramics dating we
could confirm the variation of other commodities which came from the
same period of the ceramics.
This paper tries to decipher which sites have indicated that these activities
and how their role in shipping, trade and cultural exchanges of the past by
using both written source and artifacts that found in very sites.
The Archaeological Findings And Past Ten Years New Reveals In
South Sumatra
Most of sites that indicated maritime and long distance trade activity in
early centuries are located in two provinces in southern part Sumatera,
which are South Sumatra province and Jambi province.
A. Jambi Province
The existence of ancient port in south Sumatra began with toponim of a
place called “Muara Sabak”. It’s located in Batanghari estuary. The word
Sabak could be refer to Arabian noted in 7th C called Zabag , a place that
might be located in Sumatera (L. Damais, 1964). Nowadays Muara Sabak

�is in Tanjung Jabung distrik, along with others sites that had reveals later
in late 90’s such as Lambur. Nipah Panjang, Siti Hawa, and Koto Kandis.

Fig. 1: Tanjung Jabung District in Jambi Province.
Tanjung Jabung district lies in a delta at the mouth of the Batang Hari
River, the second largest river in southern Sumatra. The lowland region
mostly consists of peat swamps. Several rivers flow into this delta, which
partly empties into the Berhala Strait, among other rivers; Pemusiran,
Lambur Luar, and Simbur Rise. Those sites located in this region are on
the banks of the river flow, both of which still exist as well as the flow of
an ancient river that has dried up. The most prominent finding on sites in
this region is the distribution of foreign ceramics which is quite dense and
evenly distributed on every surface of the site.
Ceramic findings, especially Chinese ceramics are quite dominant to the
sites in the estuary area up to Muara Jambi site in the mid-stream of the
River Batanghari. In addition to ceramics, the findings in the estuary of the
river, also a variety of other ship findings such as wooden pegs, fiber
ropes, ship fragments, metal, pottery, gold, and other findings that show
traces of settlement activities and maritime activity of past trade. Mostly

�ceramic finds in this area came from the Sung Dynasty era; 11th to 13th
Century, and consists of various kinds of white ceramics, caldrons, jars,
ewers, which came in quite fine quality.
B. South Sumatra Province
Other than Batanghari River, the largest river in South Sumatra is Musi
River. The maritime site in this province mostly scattered in the bank of
this river. South Sumatra province are well-known on its role in trade route
either in historical or archeological data.

Fig. 2: Air Sugihan Site, South Sumatra Province.
The oldest data in this region date came from the early of the 7th century
AD, known as the Srivijaya period. The sites located in the estuary of the
Musi River facing directly into the Strait of Malacca, among others are the
wetlands sites on along the edge of the east coast of South Sumatra, such
as the sites in Bayunglincir, Karang Agung to Air Sugihan, and the site of
Kota Kapur in Bangka Island. These sites clearly indicate the trace of
ancient settlements existence and maritime activities from the beginning
of AD (century 3-4 AD). In addition to the findings of ancient settlements,

�there are household appliances (grinding), pottery, beads, and metal
fragment fragments, as well as Chinese ceramic findings from Tang
dynasty by the end of 9th century AD. For the oldest ceramic find in the
eastern seaboard South Sumatra is a jug from the 6th Century Sui dynasty
found on the site of Air Sugihan.
The district of Air Sugihan lies on the south side of the delta of Musi River
on an ebb and tide, swamp area. Since 1980 was made for transmigration
settlements, canals and bridges were built to reach the villages. Since
inhabited, many archaeological findings were reported yet illegal digging
occurred around the 1990s. Preliminary surveys were conducted in 1998
and again in 2003 through to 2011, and 2013 by Indonesian National
Research Center of Archaeology. The research had identified several
sites with surface finds such in Kertamurti, Nusakarta, Banyubiru, and
canal 7. Excavations were carried on at 2007 and 2008, 2011 and 2013.
Beside the traces of ancient settlement, sites in east coast of South
Sumatra also show remains of ancient maritime activities such as; part of
the remaining ancient boats, wooden fragments of ships; oars, peg wood,
rope fibers, shoe stoves, as well as remnants of an ancient dock. Some
others finds in Air Sugihan area which indicated similarity with other sites
in South India. China Mainland and South East Asia have various beads
made of glass and stone; stamps made of glass/stone; decorated pottery;
Chinese ceramics; and metal objects.

�Fig. 3 (left):Tthe end of a wooden
boat fragment (National Research
Center of Archaeology).

C. Bangka Island
Bangka Island was used to part of South Sumatra Province, now the
island namely Bangka and Belitung have became a Province of Bangka
Belitung. The Bangka Island it self with its Menumbing hill has been known
by sealer in early centuries. The oldest written story written before
Sriwijaya about Bangka obtained in India. A Buddhist literature written in
century 3 AD (Mahaniddesa) mentions a number of place names in Asia,
among others about Swarnnabhūmi, Wangka, and Java. Swarnnabhūmi
name can be identified with Sumatra as mentioned also in the book
Milindapanca while Wangka may be identified by Bangka. More detailed
information about the picture there Bangka Island the Chinese news from
the year 1436 AD is Hsing-Ch'a Sheng-lan ( General Reports Journey at
Sea) written by Fei Hsin of a place called Ma-yi-tung lying west of Kau-lan
(Belitung) in the southern sea (L. . Damais, 1995; Groeneveldt, 1960)
Kota kapur, a prominent archaeological site in Bangka island, well known
as its inscription about the invasion to Bumijawa. The inscription was
originally thought to have come from the 7th century AD, but with the
discovery of a statue Vishnu style 4 -5 centuries AD as it is also found in
the port of Oc Eo sites in northern Vietnam. With the discovery of these
findings, it can be said Kota Kapur site has been going on around the 4th

�century AD or the period before the Realm of Srivijaya. The findings from
this site not only inscription but also remains of brick temples, with one of
it center consist about 20 ceramic bowls dated from North Song Dynasty
10th C arranged in circle row.
The island of Bangka has a strait of Bangka that connects with Malacca
Strait. In the 7th century AD, the Malacca Strait has become an important
shipping lane and crowded with the Indian region. In 2013, National
Research Center of Archaeology has revealed remnants of an ancient
dock /port on southwest shore of Kota Kapur, facing to the mouth of Musi
River, This remnant presumably as an entrance dock to Kota Kapur in
early century. In addition to the rest of the pier, around the location are
also found the remains of a large wooden boat, pottery shard, and the
remains of house poles.

Fig. 4 (right): Excavation on ancient dock
in Kota Kapur Site of Bangka. (National
Research Center of Archaeology)

Conclusion
Indonesia was presumably greatly involved in the Indian Ocean network
trade at very early period. Indonesian products such as camphor, benzoin,
cloves, and gold were demand in India and China, moreover to Middle
East, Rome and west coast of Africa. Historical evidence however

�indicates that the main emporia in western Indonesia were not located
near the producing center, but instead were in south east Sumatra (Miksic,
1979)
The oldest evidences of long distance trade route, between southern
Sumatra’s east coast to elsewhere, are the finding of ceramic jars from
the Sui dynasty’s 6t -7th century , the Arikamedu’s pottery shard of 4th 5th century, also some potteries which as the same as found in Oc Eo site
(4-5 C). In Air Sugihan site, not only the potteries but also beads, metal
works, and also amulet are similar with those found in 4th-5th century site
of Oc Eo.
From the chronology of ceramic finds, ceramic that found in Tanjung
Jabung area of Batanghari estuary are mostly latter than those found
South Sumatera east coast. It is indicated that settlements in South
Sumatra by the Musi River estuary were older (9th-10th C) than
Batanghari’s (11th -13th C). The ceramics and other artifacts such as metal
work , glass and others found in Jambi and South Sumatra sites are the
same as those found in Pulau Buaya, Intan and Cirebon Shipwreck ,
which mean all those were came from the same period and the same trade
business (Taim, 2016)
Some boat fragments found in Air Sugihan or Bangka site shown the use
of Southeast Asian tradition of boat making. Southeast Asian boat making
techniques that consist of sewn plank technique and lash lug techniques.
This technique was flourishing in Southeast Asia so it use to call as
Southeast Asian Technique, which starts in early first century (Abas,
2009).
The eastern coastal area of southern Sumatra contains several areas that
indicate long-distance maritime and trade activities. The region covers

�Jambi province, south Sumatra, and Bangka Belitung. Based on the
findings of archaeological remains, the Jambi province area relatively
younger by archeological findings than the other two regions (southern
Sumatra and Bangka). This is in accordance with the chronology of the
history of the kingdom of Srivijaya which was mentioned in Sumatra by
Coedes (Coedes, Damais, Kulke, &amp; Manguin, 2014). Wolters, an English
Historian , also said that Jambi to South Sumatra area are the suitable
and strategic location, as enter port while waiting for the best wind that
might bring the ship to east (Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, 2006)

References
Abas, N. 2009. Perahu Kuno di Situs Punjulharjo , Rembang. Berita
Penelitian Arkeologi, 23, 46–59.
Coedes, G., Damais, L.-C., Kulke, H., &amp; Manguin, P.-Y. (2014). Kedatuan
Sriwijaya. (A. G. and P. M. Veronique de Groot, Ed.) (2nd ed.). Jakarta:
Komunitas Bambu.
Damais, L. 1964. "Etudes sino-indonesiennes III. Latrascription chionese,
Holloing designation de Java. BEFEO, 52(1), 93–161.
Damais, L. . 1995. “Agama Buddha di Indonesia. In Epigrafi dan Sejarah
Nusantara: Pilihan karangan Louis-Charles Damais. Jakarta: Pusat
Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional.
Groeneveldt, W. P. 1960. Historical notes on Indonesia and Malaya
compiled from Chinese sources. Jakarta: Bhratara. Retrieved from
http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/783716
Lombard, D. 1996. Nusa Jawa ; Silang Budaya (3rd ed.). Jakarta:
Gramedia.
Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, M. C. 2006. Daerah Dataran Rendah dan
Daerah Pesisir. In Menyelusuri Sungai Merunut Waktu : Penelitian
Arkeologi di Sumatera Selatan (pp. 49–62). Jakarta: Enrique Indonesi.

�Miksic, J. N. 1979. Archaeology, Trade and Society in Northeast Sumatra.
ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Cornel University. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/302932664?accountid=13771
Mills, J. 1969. Ying-yai Sheng-lan: “The Overall Survey of the Ocean”s
Shores. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Taim, E. A. P. 2016. Keramik Muatan Kapal Karam Cirebon: Sebaran Di
Situs-Situs Arkeologi Sumatera Bagian Selatan. Kalpataru, 25 No. 1(Mei
2016),29–44.
Retrieved
from
http://jurnalarkeologi.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/kalpataru/article/view/81
Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian commerce : a study of the origins
of ʹSrīvijaya. New York, Ithaca: University Press.

About Author
Name: Eka Asih Putrina Taim
Occupation: Researcher / Doctor Candidate of Indonesian University
Affiliation: National Research Center of Archaeology/ University of
Indonesia
Address: Jln. Raya Condet Pejaten no .4, Jakarta Selatan 12510
Indonesia
Email: ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com
Specialty in: Ancient Settlement of Hindu Buddha period in Sumatra and
Ancient Ceramics

�</text>
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                  <text>Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world.  This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods.</text>
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Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. &#13;
Hong Kong </text>
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                <text>The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of  early centuries AD. </text>
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                    <text>The Blues of the Santa Cruz: A study of porcelain color
and composition
Ellen Hsieh
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA
ellenhsieh@g.ucla.edu
Christian Fischer
UCLA/Getty Conservation Interdepartmental Program
chrisfischer@ucla.edu
Bobby C. Orillaneda
National Museum of the Philippines
bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com
Abstract
For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance
analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about
period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the
characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz
shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the
Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000
ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and
Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other
wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the
Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with
similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the
blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop
or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production
variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the
characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with
portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance
spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively
homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials
procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as
expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present
significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment
composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be

�related to weathering. From an archaeometry perspective, this research
provides some insight on production standardization in Jingdezhen as well
as on subsequent modifications that can affect ceramics found in an
underwater archaeological context.
Key words: Ceramics, shipwreck, Philippines, blue-and-white, pXRF

Introduction
Chinese blue-and-white porcelain was one of the most popular
commodities during the pre-modern and early modern periods, and it was
frequently found along the maritime trade routes. Because the decorative
patterns of blue-and-white porcelain changed over time, the artistic style
of this type of material is usually the primary research focus for clarifying
dating issues. However, the chronology of Chinese blue-and-white
porcelain was established based on fine wares made mostly for the court,
and the variability of the production was relatively ignored. Regarding the
color of the decoration observed with naked eyes, there is a broad range
of “blues” on blue-and-white porcelain, ranging from blue, green, purple,
gray, and sometimes even black.1 In this research, we have used scientific
analysis to investigate the causes of the color difference among a selected
set of blue-and-white porcelain from a shipwreck. This archaeological
context provides a particular opportunity for this research: loaded in the
same boat as merchandise, a same kind of mass-produced cargo was
most likely made around the same time and was even from the same or
nearby workshops.
The artifacts were selected from the cargo of the Santa Cruz shipwreck
that sunk about ten nautical miles off the northern Zambales coast on
Luzon Island. This shipwreck is one of the representative fifteenth-century
vessels in maritime Asia (Fig. 1). The underwater excavation was
conducted in 2001 by the National Museum of the Philippines in

�collaboration with the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology.
The vessel was about twenty-five meters long and six meters wide and
was built following the so-called South China Sea Tradition of
shipbuilding. The structure itself is well preserved as 80 percent of the
lower hull was discovered and the cargo was still loaded in the 16
transverse bulkheads. A variety of materials were found in the Santa Cruz
including ceramics, metal products, glassware, wooden and stone
materials. Among these artifacts, more than 15,000 ceramics were
recovered during the campaign, including Chinese and Vietnamese blueand-white porcelain, Chinese celadon, as well as Thai and Burmese
stoneware (Orillaneda, 2008, 2016). Mainly based on the style analysis of
the ceramics, the Santa Cruz shipwreck could be dated to the Hongzhi
period in Ming China (1488~1505 CE). The discovery of the Santa Cruz
shipwreck and its cargo is an important piece of evidence for the so-called
Dongyang (Eastern Sea, from the Chinese perspective) trade route during
the “Age of Commerce” in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1988, 1993).
Additionally, the vast amount of late fifteen-century CE Jingdezhen blueand-white porcelain on board marked the end of the “Ming Gap” (Brown,
2009) and the revival of the trade of Chinese ceramics in Southeast Asia.
This research therefore, not only contributes to the general issue of color
variation among blue-and-white porcelain but also sheds light on the
production process and trade of Chinese porcelain during this particular
period.

�Fig. 1: Map of East and Southeast Asia with the location of the Santa
Cruz Wreck (left) and images taken during the excavation (right).
Materials and methods
Blue-and-white porcelain
Twelve blue-and-white dishes were analyzed with a particular focus on
the different tones and shades of the blue color (Tab.1; Fig. 2). The
porcelain ware was loaded in piles mostly at the port side of the boat, and
the dishes were distributed in bulkhead 1, 3, 5, 7, and 9 (Orillaneda, 2008).
The locations of these samples show that those from the same bulkhead
did not necessarily share similar appearance or quality (e.g. III-2001-Z2963 and III-2001-Z-3245). The selected dishes are all saucer-shaped
and of similar size: diameter of the mouth rims is about 26cm, height is
about 4cm, and the diameter of the foot rim is about 13cm. Most of them

�are entirely decorated with the same kind of casual-style patterns (e.g.,
flora and rock, deer and pine tree). The blue decoration was applied on
both the interior and exterior of the dishes. To leave the foot rim unglazed,
the transparent glaze was applied separately at the bottom of the dishes.
In many cases, the glaze applied on the bottom looks different from the
glaze in the other parts. While all dishes have been cleaned and
desalinated after the excavation, some still show shell encrustations.
Methods
Two non-invasive technologies were used in this study: portable X-ray
fluorescence (pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS).
Previous research has shown that these two techniques are suitable for
the compositional analysis of blue-and-white porcelain and details of the
settings used here for the two instruments can be found in the
corresponding paper (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For pXRF, soil mode was
used to acquire data on minor and trace elements from both the blue and
white areas while mining mode was used for major elements from the
transparent glaze. Measurements on the blue areas (glaze + blue
pigment) were all taken on the main decoration at the center of the plate.
As to the white area, due to the difference of the glaze application
mentioned above, measurements were taken on two locations: one on the
area next to the blue decoration and another one at the bottom.
Depending on the size of the ‘white’ areas, the location of the first
measurement was sometimes on the external side of the dishes.
Compositional data of the body was collected on the only dish with a bare
bottom (i.e. III-2001-Z-7026). Regarding FORS, measurements were
taken on the blue decorated areas and on the ‘white’ at the bottom
because there was not enough space for the measuring probe in between
the blue decor.

�Fig. 2: The dishes selected and analyzed in this study, with the color
references of the decorations.

�Table 1. Characteristics of the selected blue-and-white porcelain dishes

Results and discussion
Visual observations
The selected blue-and-white dishes share general characteristics
regarding size, form and decoration styles. The shape of the foot rims and
the way of applying the glaze show that the manufacturing process might
be similar. In general, the glaze is quite transparent though a bit grayish,
but for a few dishes, it shows a milky and opaque appearance that
influence the visibility of the blue pigment beneath. Cracks and dewetting
features related to shrinkage are also commonly observed. In some
cases, these characteristics are only visible on one side of the dish,
suggesting that the variations of glaze might be mainly due to firing
conditions, such as the temperature of the kilns and where the plates were
loaded in kilns. The surfaces of the glaze are weathered to various
degrees after staying hundreds of years under the sea. In some cases, it
is however hard to tell whether the opaque aspect of the plates is due to

�their inferior quality or weathering at first glance. The blue areas are
generally dull and look greenish or grayish with the naked eye. The
primary motifs are outlined and filled with light colors, whereas the small
leave patterns were drawn directly with thicker pigments favoring the
formation of darker spots after firing. Sometimes, a brownish material can
be observed on the top of those dark blue areas, which is most likely due
to weathering.
Chemical composition and production kilns
Chemical composition data obtained with pXRF on the transparent glaze
indicate that the blue-and-white plates were produced in Jingdezhen
based on the concentrations of some discriminative elements such as
zirconium, thorium and titanium (Tab. 2), a result consistent with the
stylistic analysis and historical context. Values for these elements are
close to the ones measured in previous studies despite the different time
periods (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017; Ma, et al. 2012) and such compositional
similarities could correspond to a relative constancy in the procurement of
raw materials and processing technologies from the middle to late-Ming
period. However, variations in rubidium levels, i.e. the higher values
reported in the present study, also found for the Guanyinge and other
unspecified late-Ming kiln sites (Rb: 428±78 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016; Rb:
436±84 ppm, Ma et al. 2012) compared to the lower averages measured
on Jingdezhen blue-and-white ware from the Nan’ao One shipwreck in
China (Rb: 270 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016) and sherds from the Philippines
and Indonesia (315±40 ppm, Fischer and Hsieh 2017) dated to the lateMing and early-Qing periods, might reflect some intra-site variability
among the numerous kilns in Jingdezhen.
Based on the analyzed elements2, the chemistry of the glaze measured in
the ‘white’ area, corresponds to an alumino-silicate glassy network

�containing calcium and potassium added as fluxing agents and network
modifiers. The composition of the glaze is relatively homogeneous,
independently of its degree of transparency, making it difficult to identify
the origin of the opacity which could be linked to the firing process,
underwater weathering, or both. For some dishes, calcium levels are low
and such levels, associated with lower firing temperatures in some areas
of the kiln, could indeed contribute to opacify the glaze. On the other hand,
almost invisible defects in the glaze induced by composition and firing
conditions could favor the weathering in an underwater environment as
well, and explain the lack of transparency for the glaze of some dishes.
Also noticeable are some differences in the composition of the glaze
applied to the base which shows lower calcium and higher iron and
titanium in comparison to the ‘white’ and decorated areas. Although this
trend is not systematic (see e.g. III-2001-Z-3245), it could suggest usage
of a slightly different recipe for the glaze applied to the bottom. Finally, it
can be mentioned that the desalination process was rather effective as
the levels of chlorine and sulfur, not reported here, are generally low, apart
may be for the dish with reference III-2001-Z-14679.

�Table 2. Compositional data from pXRF and FORS analysis.
Major (% oxides)
Accession N°
Spot
CaO
K2 O
III-2001-Z-256
blue
white
4.4
5.2
base
3.9
5.1
III-2001-Z-789
blue
white
6.1
4.0
base
5.5
4.0
III-2001-Z-1269 blue
white
5.4
5.0
base
3.4
5.0
III-2001-Z-2797 blue
white
6.9
4.2
base
5.8
4.3
III-2001-Z-2963 blue
white
6.6
3.9
base
5.7
4.0
III-2001-Z-3245 blue
white
5.4
4.2
base
5.5
4.3
III-2001-Z-3851 blue
white
8.1
4.1
base
6.6
4.1
III-2001-Z-5135 blue
white
5.6
4.2
base
5.0
4.7
III-2001-Z-7026 blue
white
5.9
4.2
base** 4.1
3.5
III-2001-Z-13671 blue
white
5.9
4.8
base
4.4
4.6
III-2001-Z-14679 blue
white
5.9
4.3
base
4.9
4.5
III-2001-Z-14878 blue
white
5.9
4.6
base
4.9
4.1

Selected Elements from pXRF Analysis
Minor and Trace (ppm)
Fe
Ti
Mn Rb Sr Zr
Co
Cu
2546 -- 7265 408 87 46 1276 47
2104 116 340 412 95 45
-28
84 495 403 71 58
-28
4019 128 3035 385 99 44 279 37
3585 125 348 411 97 50
-27
139 391 406 101 48
-19
2996 103 3038 385 82 57 442 54
2553 251 326 392 87 53
-33
187 254 395 62 63
-28
3375 115 1796 448 109 45 275 51
2697 116 295 408 136 40
-32
228 371 475 122 56
-37
4678 -- 3840 307 100 45 611 45
4591 -440 318 95 53
-37
95 464 326 72 59
-26
3484 -- 2150 322 111 48 343 58
2997 156 262 335 97 54
-33
133 233 334 73 63
-29
3408 -- 8910 333 94 50 1047 112
3194 148 602 331 112 49
-52
229 439 361 78 62
-32
3376 285 2011 417 106 49 186 113
3131 81 229 457 84 53
-47
151 327 492 71 58
-37
2925 105 1305 573 88 39 133 48
2835 202 240 601 92 48
-24
266 310 669 42 57
-19
3884 133 3543 392 92 50 355 56
3061 191 428 394 91 52
-49
117 398 414 66 55
-29
3416 103 2516 400 54 52 356 34
2561 214 438 391 71 50
-35
172 528 415 49 61
-27
4335 129 3169 539 84 45 166 71
3752 142 347 567 85 54
-66
255 607 655 57 66
-43

Th
11
8
17
10
10
9
11
11
12
9
-15
9
10
14
9
12
14
12
12
16
9
10
10
8
-18
12
10
13
10
8
14
21
10
13

FORS Analysis
Spectral absorptions (nm)*
Co (II)
Ni Mn(II) Mn(III)
H2O
341 421w 491vw 519w 583s 678s
-71
244 422m 491w 517m 582s 673m
--206 420m 489vw 521vw 584m 679s +++
83
57
115 424w 493w 520m 585s 676s
67
77
415 422w 491w 517m 583s 677m
107
83
281 423w 491w 521m 581s 665br ++
-54
237 423w 491w 520m 583s 677s
87
82
164 426w 491vw 522m 585s 675s ++
-86
218 421m 491w 519m 583s 670s ++
--465 421m 492w 520m 581s 672m
111
64
351 421w 490w 518m 584s 671m +
88
-701 422m 492w 522m 586s 655br
93
56

* Absorptions: vw: very weak, w: weak, m:medium, s: strong, br: broad

** body

Composition and color variations of the blue decorations
The pXRF analysis of the blue decorated areas has shown that the cobaltbased pigment contains high levels of manganese, low iron and significant
amounts of nickel as well as traces of copper. After subtraction of the
manganese and iron contribution from the transparent glaze (white area),
normalized percentages of Mn, Co and Fe are similar to the blue pigment
analyzed on other export blue-and-white porcelain produced in
Jingdezhen (Fig. 3). This compositional profile is consistent with the
results of previous studies (Chen et al., 1978; Cheng et al., 2005; Fischer

�and Hsieh, 2017; Wen et al., 2007) and also supports the use of Mn-rich
asbolite ores in folk kilns during the Hongzhi period of the Ming dynasty.

Fig. 3: Ternary plot showing the blue pigment composition based on the
relative proportions of Co, Mn and Fe.
FORS analysis provided colorimetric data using the 1964 CIE 10° XYZ
standard which were converted to visible references, confirming the
variability of the blues based on visual observations (Fig. 2). Spectral
profiles obtained with FORS on the blue decorated areas (Fig. 4, left)
show the characteristic absorptions of Co2+ in tetrahedral coordination
with the triplet located around 520, 580 and 670 nm (Ceglia et al., 2012;
Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For some plates, darker colors translate in an
overall lower spectral reflectance in the visible, but the cobalt absorptions
are always present though with variable intensities (Tab. 2). However, in
these darker areas obvious signs of weathering are often visible (Fig. 4,
right) and the associated brownish color is most likely due to an oxidation

�of Mn and Fe phases. Moreover, the grayish or blackish hue of the
decoration might be correlated with high levels of manganese in the
composition of the pigment, combined with redox firing conditions favoring
the crystallization of Mn-rich oxide phases (Wen et al., 2007). Some
analogy can be made with ‘black’ glasses containing several percent of
MnO making the glass appear black to the human eyes (Möncke et al.,
2014). Similar dark colors were also found on blue-and-white from the
Chenghua period (1465 ~1487 CE) though the amount of manganese in
the blue pigment was not analyzed (Qu et al., 2014). In the FORS spectra,
the presence of Mn-rich phases might be associated with the absorption
of Mn(II) at 420 nm and a broad but weak Mn(III) absorption around 490
nm (Tab. 2), although the latter attribution would need to be confirmed by
further research on reference materials. Finally, in the near infrared
spectral range, some plates show a strong and asymmetrical combination
band around 1910 nm which seems to be correlated to the degree of
opacity and can be attributed to the presence of water adsorbed in the
glaze and/or in the body that might result from the weathering and/or
indirectly reflect a more porous body and lower firing temperatures.

�Fig. 4: FORS spectra of the blue decorated area from selected dishes
(left) and weathering features of the glaze and dark spots concentrated
in blue pigment. (III-2001-Z-14878, right)
In this preliminary study, the variability of the blue colors of blue-and-white
porcelain from Santa Cruz shipwreck was explored by using pXRF and
FORS. Factors associated with composition, recipe and production
process as well as underwater conditions can all affect the appearance of
the excavated ware, the most critical ones being the recipe of the glaze,
the firing conditions and the weathering induced by water. The results of
the pXRF data have shown that regardless of the appearance variability,
the chemical composition of the selected dishes share the characteristics
of middle and late Ming blue-and-white porcelain produced in Jingdezhen.
The pXRF data also shed light on some aspects of production processes
of the dishes. FORS provided colorimetric data which are well correlated
with the visual perception and variability of the ‘blue’ colors. Also, the
spectral profiles and related absorptions have given some insight on the
potential causes for the darker colors. To further examine the variability of
the blue-and-white porcelain loaded in the Santa Cruz, it would be

�necessary to investigate a larger set of dishes and if possible, compare
dishes from the same pile.
Endnotes
1

It is worth noting that the Chinese name of blue-and-white porcelain is
“Qinghua,“ meaning “patterns with qing color.” And qing can refer to
colors ranging from green, blue and black.
2

For major elements, values for Si and Al are considered qualitative and
not reported in Table 2.
References
Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast
Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society Under
Royal Patronage, Bangkok.
Ceglia, A., W. Meulebroeck, K. Baert, H. Wouters, K. Nys, H. Thienpont
and H. Terryn, 2012. Cobalt absorption bands for the differentiation of
historical Na and Ca/K rich glass. Surface and Interface Analysis, Vol.
44:219-226.
Chen, Y.-c. , Y.-y. Kuo and T.-g. Chang, 1978. An
investigation
on
Chinese blue-and-white ware and its blue pigment. Journal of the Chinese
Ceramic Society, Vol. 1978(4): 225-241.
Cheng, H. S., B. Zhang, D. Zhu, F. J. Yang, X. M. Sun and M. S. Guo,
2005. Some new results of PIXE study on Chinese ancient porcelain.
Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam
Interactions with Materials and Atoms, Vol. 240(1-2): 527-531.
Fischer, C. and E. Hsieh, 2017. Export Chinese blue-and-white porcelain:
compositional analysis and sourcing using non-invasive portable XRF and
reflectance spectroscopy. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 80:1426.
Ma, H. , J. Zhu, J. Henderson and N. Li, 2012. Provenance of Zhangzhou
export blue-and-white and its clay source. Journal of Archaeological
Science, Vol. 39(2012): 1218-1226.

�Möncke, D., M. Papageorgiou, A. Winterstein-Beckmann and N.
Zacharias, 2014. Roman glasses coloured by dissolved transition metal
ions: redox- reactions, optical spectroscopy and ligand field theory.
Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 46: 23-36.
Orillaneda, B. C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics:
Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th
Century C.E., Archaeological Studies Program, The University of the
Philippines, Diliman.
Orillaneda, B. C., 2016. Of Ships and Shipping: The maritime archaeology
of fifteenth century CE Southeast Asia. In C. Wu (ed.), Early Navigation in
the Asia-Pacific Region: A Maritime Archaeological Perspective, Springer,
Singapore: 29-57.
Qu, Y., J. Xu, X. Xi, C. Huang and J. Yang, 2014. Microstructure
characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain from the folk kiln of Ming and
Qing dynasties. Ceramics International, Vol. 40: 8783-8790.
Reid, A., 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680,
Volume One: The Lands below the Winds. Yale University Press, New
Haven and London.
Reid, A., 1993 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680,
Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis. Yale University Press, New Haven
and London.
Wen, R., C. S. Wang, Z. W. Mao, Y. Y. Huang and A. M. Pollard, 2007.
The chemical composition of blue pigment on Chinese blue-and-white
porcelain of the Yuan and Ming dynasties (AD 1271-1644). Archaeometry,
Vol. 49(1): 101-115.
Zhu, J., H. Ma, N. Li, J. Henderson and M. D. Glascock, 2016 The
provenance of export porcelain from the Nan'ao One shipwreck in the
South China Sea. Antiquity, Vol. 90(351): 798-808.
Bios
Dr. Ellen Hsieh is a research affiliate at National Chengchi University in
Taiwan. She started her archaeological career from Neolithic Asia and
then switched to concentrate on historical archaeology. She received her
PhD degree in archaeology at the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the

�University of California, Los Angeles. Her research interests include
maritime archaeology, historical archaeology, global history,
archaeometry and cultural heritage. She has worked on archaeological
projects in Taiwan, China, the Philippines and Cambodia and has
published several articles about trading networks, colonialism, and
scientific analysis of trade ceramics.
Dr. Christian Fischer received a PhD in Geochemistry and Physical
Chemistry from the Louis Pasteur University in Strasbourg. After years of
scientific research in the private sector in France and China, he returned
to academia in 2001. At UCLA since 2005, he has been teaching on
various topics including archaeometry, conservation science and stone
conservation as well as spectroscopy for the analysis of archaeological
materials. He conducts research on raw materials sourcing and
conservation of cultural artifacts, particularly of stone in Cambodia and
neighboring countries in collaboration with the École Française
d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), Chinese export blue and white ceramics in
Southeast Asia, and is involved in other projects in Cyprus, Chile and
Mexico. Dr. Fischer is also the co-director of the Archaeomaterials group
and the Molecular and Nano Archaeology Laboratory at UCLA as well as
a scientific consultant for UNESCO on the preservation of cultural
heritage.
Bobby Orillaneda is a Museum Researcher at the Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the
Philippines. He is also finishing his doctoral studies at the Oxford Centre
for Maritime Archaeology, University of Oxford in England. He has been
involved in maritime archaeology since 1999 and has worked in a number
of projects in the Philippines, Egypt, Thailand, Indonesia and Sri Lanka.
He was also part of a training team that carries out underwater training
programs in Thailand and Indonesia. His areas of interest include
Southeast Asian maritime history, Asian ceramics and World War II
shipwrecks.

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                <text>For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000 ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be &#13;
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