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                    <text>Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila
Galleon
Lon E. Bulgrin
Archaeologist/Cultural Resources Manager Navy Base Guam
Abstract
Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most
economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until
the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of
European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the
late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods
became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This
paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in
Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported
Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in
the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial
Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined
European earthenwares.
Key words: Guam, Pacific Islands, Manila Galleon, Ceramics

Introduction
The Mariana Islands are some of the most geographically isolated islands
in the Western Pacific. They lie on the western periphery of Oceania,
located approximately 1200 miles southeast of Japan and 1500 miles east
of the Philippines (Fig. 1). Spanish colonial policies of the late 17th
century further isolated the Chamorro people of the Marianas from other
indigenous polities in the Pacific. This solitude and segregation from the
rest of Oceania would last through the late 19th century. This isolation
extended to economic exchange even as they acted as a key nexus in the
Manila Galleon trade. This paper will examine Guam’s place in world trade

�at the end of the Manila Galleon trade through archaeologically recovered
ceramics.

Fig. 1: Map of the Mariana Islands. (Mike Carson)
Historic Background
Guam was the first landfall in the Pacific of an occupied island by Magellan
and his exhausted scurvy-ridden crew in his quest to reach the Spice
Islands. When Magellan and his crew made anchor on Guam on that first
long trek across the Pacific they felt both saved and threatened in the
initial lifesaving exchanges of food and water that were made with
indigenous Chamorro inhabitants. The day after contact Magellan’s men
launched an assault on a Chamorro village and burnt most of it down in
the course of recovering a ships boat needed to sound future anchorages.
Yet, at the same time that these Europeans were conducting a raid
against one Chamorro village they were busy trading for fresh food and
water with others. This ambiguity involving violence continued through the
early Manila Galleon trade (Rogers 1995; Giraldez 2015).

�For the next 150 years or so, the Mariana Islands were common stopping
places on the southern leg of the Manila Galleon route to take on water,
fruit, and fresh food. Trade was done at a distance with laughing
Chamorros making sea-borne trades of rice and other victuals that often
turned out to mostly consist of baskets of rocks and sand or coconut oil
heavily diluted with seawater (Pigafetta 1521 and Legaspi 1564 in Barratt
2003: 56 and 61-62). The Chamorros had to maintain a safe distance from
the Spanish ships or they might them find themselves impressed as
involuntary translators for future voyages or worse yet working the pumps
all the way to Manila in the stinking, over heated bilges of leaking galleons
(Giraldez 2015:49).
The Spanish mission and the colonization that rapidly followed in the
Marianas were directly related to the glimpses of the islands from the
passing galleons that inflamed the imaginations of various churchmen
who saw them as fertile fields for the harvest of souls (Driver 1989). The
Spanish crown showed initially little interest in acquiring a string of tiny
islands without spice, textile, or mineral resources. Zealous religious first
jumped ship to convert the Chamorro. After a campaign conducted by the
politically connected Father San Vittores a Jesuit mission was established
(McDonough 2004; Coomans 1997). The Marianas mission rapidly found
itself embroiled in cultural and political conflict with local power structures
and called for protection from the Crown (Lesveque 1995; Levesque
1996). However, the military companies sent for their protection were “like
a rich armor worn in heat of day that scalds with safety” (Shakespeare
Henry IV PtII.). The churchmen spent much of the next century or so
complaining about the character and behavior of the troops and their
captains. Still without the military presence the Catholic Church would
have been unable to further their mission of conversion. The Spanish

�controlled islands became safe harbors for galleons battered by typhoons
or just poorly captained or incompetently crewed in the Acapulco crossing.
These islands were also a welcome stop to take on fresh fruit and
vegetables during the Manila crossing.
Prior to European Contact the Chamorro people had maintained limited
trading contact and social ties with the Caroline Island groups of Chuuk
and Yap to the south and with the Philippines to the west (Farrell
2011:211; Quimby 2011). The punctuated natures of these trade ties are
reflected in the sparse evidence of long distance trade in the
archaeological record. Linguistic and historic accounts have been
interpreted to represent a limited trade in iron with the Philippines (Quimby
2011) and perhaps iron fragments discovered at the Obyan latte site
(Spoehr 1957) on Saipan may reflect a Pre-Contact trade in iron.
Ethnohistoric evidence and historical accounts of the Carolinian contacts
with the Marianas, however, are clear on the trade and interaction. The
descendents of migrants from the outer islands of Yap and Chuuk make
up a small but significant population of the Northern Mariana Islands and
their relatives still visit Saipan using the traditional navigation chants to
guide their way. At some time in the late 17th century the navigation routes
disseminated and controlled by chants between the islands to the south
to Guam were magically closed by the master navigators of the Carolines
in response to stories of Spanish cruelty related by Guam Chamorros
(Smith 2003:79; Farrell 2011:211). The Marianas were now isolated from
their traditional Pacific trade partners.
By the early 19th century Spanish policies of isolation, the Catholic
mission, and the relentless hammering taken by the Chamorro people
from introduced European and Asian diseases had eliminated the limited
ties that once had bound them with their neighbors in the Pacific (Farrell

�2011). The Spanish mission in the Marianas concentrated not only on the
introduction of the Catholic faith but also inculcation and enforcement of
European social and gender roles (Russell 1998). A primary goal was to
eliminate the animistic beliefs and ancestor worship of the Chamorro. To
this end, indigenous songs, dances, and oral histories were actively
discouraged by the Jesuit Fathers. Indigenous knowledge systems that
did not explicitly find favor with the Church rapidly eroded. Proprietary
knowledge of all kinds was made vulnerable by the need to limit
transmission to chosen heirs, the association with non-Catholic ancestors,
and the unpredictable appearances of diseases that swept away the living
repositories. Seafaring and navigational knowledge and expertise were
heavily impacted by this social revolution. A people capable of making
rapid voyages up and down the Marianas chain and of delivering
passengers from Guam to Manila in 4 to 6 days as late as 1704 were
barely capable of sailing beyond the northern tip of Guam by 1819
(Freycinet 2003, Originally 1827).
The Spanish were interested in maintaining this isolation for geo-political
as well as religious reasons, primarily to deny access to rival European
powers. The Marianas were an important stop off point for the Manila
galleons making their voyages between Manila and Acapulco, carrying
New World silver in exchange for the spices, silks, and gold of Asia. The
Pacific route of the galleons was composed of extremely empty distances
with very few points where fresh water and food could be brought on
board. The galleon routes could be approached by pirates from only a
few points and the Spanish wanted to limit this. Denying access to the
Marianas was a way to keep English and Dutch at bay. Accordingly the
Spanish crown did not allow trade with foreign nationals in the Marianas.
They maintained their own garrison and mission on Guam with an annual

�situado or subsidy (Farrell 2011:192) that arrived on a very irregular basis.
A series of venal governors usually managed to reacquire the majority or
entirety of this subsidy before they were recalled, actively cheating their
troops as well as the local subjects. The economies on the inhabited
islands of Guam, Rota, and Saipan were subsistence based with limited
internal trade and no outside trade to speak of. Local people saw little to
no benefit from the galleon trade or the government (Rogers 1995).
After the political unrest and revolutions in South and Central America
starting in 1808, the Spanish money making machine, trading silver mined
by encomienda labor in the New World for Asian gold and goods in the
Philippines totally broke down (Giraldez 2015). The structural position of
the Mariana Islands changed for the Spanish crown. No longer were the
islands an essential supply stop and defensive shield for the Manila
galleons located within a “Spanish lake”. Now they were at the ends of
the earth, just beyond the Philippines, and a fiscal drain. Accordingly, the
yearly situado, of New World silver, that provided payment for the Mission
and the garrison was radically reduced (Rodgers 1995:93). Economically,
changes had already been made in the trade policy in the Marianas before
the revolutions. Governor Cerain, 1776-1786, had issued a proclamation
allowing both internal trade as well as trade with passing ships. This was
due to a deteriorating economy and the increase of foreign whaling
vessels in the Pacific.
The 19th century saw a slow opening and reintegration of the Marianas
with the rest of the world. The Pacific whaling fleet composed primarily of
U.S. and British vessels consistently wintered a few ships at Guam and
Saipan. Sailors came ashore looking for leisure, fresh food, liquor and
companionship, not necessarily in that order. The 19th century also saw
a reappearance of Carolinians in the Marianas. The chief and master-

�navigator Aghurubw reopened the navigational ways to the Marianas and
led a fleet of canoes of Carolinean families north (Driver and Brunal-Perry
1996; Smith 2003).
settle on Saipan.

The governor of Guam gave them permission to
More canoes would come north in the continuing

decades and would help to spur interisland trade. The Marianas remained
underdeveloped with land ownership becoming more concentrated in the
hands of the Church and elite families (Rogers 1995:75). Many of the
smaller landholding families slipped into debt peonage (Rogers 1995).
During the stay over on Saipan and Guam, many whalers lodged with
local families and presumably paid primarily in goods for room and board.
The annual supply ship from the Philippines usually also wintered in the
Marianas until the trade winds were steady. Some wealthy families also
contracted with visiting ships to provide provisions. Providing fresh foods
and salt meats would have required large land holdings so presumably
only those families with significant crown grants would have been major
players in the trade (Madrid 2006:14). Regardless of the participants this
trade would have decreased, as the whaling fleets declined, through the
mid to late 19th century (Rogers 1995:105).
The lives of average Chamorro families were not much affected by these
economic changes. They continued in their yearly rounds of religious
festivals. They conducted small scale agriculture, fished and hunted,
collected wild foods, and practiced limited animal husbandry.

Most

Chamorros retained two residences under the Spanish. During the week
they lived on small farms called lancho and returned to their formal
residence on the weekend to attend religious services (Madrid 2006:8;
Rogers 1995).
In 1898 the United States seized Guam during the Spanish American War.
Following its defeat Spain sold the remainder of the archipelago, the

�Northern Mariana Islands, to Germany.

Japan seized the Northern

Marianas from Germany in 1914 during World War I and Guam from the
U.S, in 1941during World War II. The United States took Saipan, Tinian,
and Guam in amphibious assaults in 1944 and retained the entire
archipelago after WWII (Rogers 1995).

Historical Archaeology and Rosario House
Historical archaeological investigations into the Spanish Period in the
Marianas have been limited. Almost all investigations have focused on
the island of Guam where the vast majority of the population, the Catholic
Mission, and colonial government were located.

There are two principle challenges in conducting historical archaeology in
the Mariana Islands. The first is the paucity of identifiable historic artifacts
and the second is the direct involvement of the island chain in the ground
combat of World War II.
The paucity of identifiable historic artifacts is rooted in two separate
factors. The primary factor is the economic isolation of the archipelago
previously discussed. The second is the hostile preservation conditions.
High heat and humidity, acidic soils and high levels of salt combined with
termites, mildew, and periodic typhoons, rapidly decay most materials
including metal.
The effects of WWII can not be overemphasized in the historic
archaeology of the Marianas. The majority of Saipan and Tinian and a
significant portion of Guam were subjected to naval and aerial

�bombardment and combat ground operations. More importantly, post
battle cleanup and the WWII logistical buildup subjected huge portions of
the islands to the not so tender mercy of the Seabees, who never did
anything with hand tools when it could be done mechanically. Their “Can
Do” spirit was a war winning attitude but it wreaked havoc on the
archaeological sites of the Marianas. This damage was particularly acute
because of the aforementioned lancho residence system.

The three

largest towns and commercial centers on Guam; Hagatna, Sumay, and
Agat were destroyed and built over, as was Garapan, the largest town on
Saipan. In the case of Hagatna significant portions were bulldozed into
the sea to create additional land.

Garapan also suffered extreme

earthmoving. These actions eliminated most of the formal residences in
the Marianas where imported materials were present for archaeologists to
study. Asian and European artifacts have been discovered at former
lancho sites but they are not common finds and they are present in low
densities.
The Rosario House (Fig. 2) is one of the few surviving Pre-WWII buildings
and intact archaeological sites remaining in Hagatna on Guam. The site
was investigated by archaeologists from Micronesian Archaeological
Research Services in 1988 (Moore et.al. 1993). The largest historic
ceramic collection discovered in the Marianas was recovered from these
excavations. In 2009 the Guam Preservation Trust funded the cataloging
of this important collection (Bulgrin 2010).

�Fig. 2: The Rosario House. (Guam Preservation Trust)
Stratigraphical interpretation of the excavations at the Rosario House
indicates historical processes that caused disturbance and soil mixing in
the areas tested. A leaching field and potential excavation for garbage
disposal appear to have mixed PreContact and historical deposits.
Laboratory analyses agreed with these interpretations. Uncertain contexts
have limited chronological interpretations so the collection needs to be
addressed as a totality.
The Rosario House Ceramic Collection
A large variety of European and Asian ceramics were recovered from the
initial testing at the Rosario House. The vast majority of the ceramics
dated from the late 18th century to the late 19th century.

European

ceramics made up 24% of the Rosario House collection and were
dominated by wares manufactured in the United Kingdom. This is no
surprise given the English domination of ceramic production at that time
(Tames 1995:39).

Asian ceramics present at Rosario House were

manufactured in both China and Japan. The Chinese ceramics, porcelain
and stoneware, composed 71% of the collection and tended to cluster in
the late 18th to mid-19th century. Japanese porcelain and stoneware made

�up the remaining 5% of the collection and dated from the late 19th century
to the 20th century.

Fig. 3: European Ceramics. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010)
European ceramics (Fig. 3) are uncommon finds on historic sites in the
Marianas and the Rosario House is unique in the quantity and richness of
their discovery. European refined earthen wares present were produced
for food service or hygienic purposes. The more utilitarian earthenwares
of the time produced for food preparation and storage such as yellow
ware, Rockingham glazed yellow wares, and annular whitewares were
present but in very low numbers.
Decorated

refined

earthenwares

predominated.

Creamwares,

pearlwares, whitewares, and a very few semi-porcelain sherds were
recovered. The only wares that were not decorated were the creamwares
and a single tin glazed earthenware sherd. These are presumably some
of the earliest European ceramic type introduced into the Marianas (other
than a very few majolica vessels, none of which were discovered at the
Rosario House). Decoration ranges from inexpensive shell edged wares

�and sponge stamped wares to transfer prints.

Transferprints were

recovered in all colors produced, but blue was the most common. Plates
and large serving or hygienic vessels predominated as vessel forms with
cups and bowls making up the majority of the rest of the collection.
Unusual vessel types include an open vegetable dish, a chamber pot or
spittoon, a child’s chamber pot, a possible candlestick and a teapot.
Importantly, none of the recovered ceramics matched any other within the
collection and it appears that they were acquired individually.

Two

unusual finds include a copper luster sherd and a fragment of an animal
figurine.
Chinese porcelains and stonewares made up by far the largest proportion
of the ceramics collected from excavations at Rosario House. This study
does not address the large quantity of utilitarian stoneware recovered at
the site. Asian stoneware jars of various makes and national origins were
ubiquitous in trade within Southeast Asia and the Manila Galleons, being
the shipping containers of their day.
Almost all of the Chinese porcelain (Fig. 4) present was of the type
commonly referred to as Provincial ware whose production was centered
in Fujian province (Macintosh 1977; Sheaf and Kilburn 1988). These
wares were produced for Asian tastes rather than European and are of a
different quality and aesthetic to the porcelain exported to the West.
Porcelain bodies were a uniform light grey. Glazes ranged from pale blue
through pale grey for most sherds. More unusual glaze tints included pale
greenish grey and pale cream colored. Most vessels were decorated with
blue underglaze handpainting but there are examples of underglaze block
printing and overglaze hand painting as well. Unglazed rings on both the
interior and exterior are another common technique present. Unglazed
footrings and sand adhesions are also common. Several sherds were

�clearly of inferior production runs as they appeared to be over oxidized
perhaps due to an early opening of the kiln.

Fig. 4: Chinese Porcelain. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010)
A small number of porcelain sherds were clearly produced for the
European export trade based on quality, form, and painting style. One
sherd has characteristics of early 19th century English porcelain and
another higher quality painted sherd has an Empire Shape lobed body
(Berthoud 1990:105).
Many porcelain sherds from Rosario House are identical to ceramics
recovered from the wreck of the Junk Tek Sing that sank in 1822 (Pickford
and Hatcher 2000). These include motifs such as stylized peach sprays,
stylized Sanskrit printing, floral sprays, and lingzhi fungus and flower
heads within a spiral or bloom. Koh (2013) has identified the majority of
the porcelain from the Tek Sing as Dehua Blue and White. Dehua blue
and white porcelains were a lesser quality ware that was principally
marketed to Southeast Asia. Koh (2013) has also proposed that the Tek
Sing

cargo

serves

as

a

reference

collection

for

the

late

�Qianlong/Daoguang period (late 18th century – 1850). Nevertheless, the
variety of glazes present and different painting techniques and quality
among the porcelain collection make it unlikely that all of the collection is
the product of the Dehua kilns.
Porcelain

vessel

types

are

overwhelmingly

for

food

service,

predominantly bowls and cups. The general impression from working with
the collection is that sets of bowls and cups are present at the site but this
can not be stated with certainty due to the small size of most of the sherds
recovered and the few cross mends that could be made. A number of
sherds from small plates with a dark blue edge with lotus blossoms was
found in two of the excavation units and were almost certainly a set.
Similar decorated plates are dated from 1825-1850 (Mudge 1986:182).
Block printed “debased Sanskrit” pattern bowls are another possible set
present in the assemblage. The availability of these as sets is reinforced
by block printed “Sanskrit” bowl sherds recovered from excavations at the
Governor’s palace at Hagatna (Schuetz 2007:139).

Fig. 5: Chinese Stoneware. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010)

�Chinese stoneware (Fig. 5) makes up a small proportion of the Rosario
House collection. Two distinct types are present in the collection. The first
type has a buff body and cream colored glaze. Decoration consists of
crimson overglaze painting. The second type has a body varying from
grey to pale buff to pinkish buff, glazes ranging from pale greyish blue to
cream, and underglaze blue painting.
The ceramic collection from Rosario House seems to be a direct reflection
of economic opportunities for an elite family on Guam.

The earliest

architectural remains at Rosario House date to approximately 1750 but
there are no imported artifacts from that period. Upon legalization of
private trade, foreign artifacts immediately appeared but in low quantities.
With the advent of the whalers quantities increase and more varied goods
are available. European ceramics appear to be individually acquired and
may reflect lodging and board transactions for whaling crews. Chinese
ceramics are available in greater quantity and possibly in sets. However,
the porcelain’s quality is low and lower quality stoneware copies are
sometimes substituted for porcelain vessels.

Provincial porcelain is

difficult to date, particularly as fragmented as it is in the Rosario House
collection. However, the porcelain recovered from the Rosario House site
is extremely similar in style to the cargo recovered from the Tek Sing
wreck of 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). Logically the porcelain at both
location dates to approximately the same date. Given that cargoes may
have been assembled over time from wares in storage a time frame of the
late 18th century – 1830s seems appropriate for the porcelain. Ceramics
at Rosario House dating to the late 19th century and early 20th century are
almost entirely Japanese stenciled porcelains.
Two different ceramic types, Chinese Provisional porcelain and English
refined earthenwares are predominant in the Rosario House collection.

�Clearly these ceramics were manufactured in two different areas of the
world under very different conditions and their distribution in tandem is
unlikely. It is also interesting that European ceramics appear to have been
acquired singly while Chinese ceramics were available in sets or small
lots of similar decoration. These patterns indicate two different streams
of availability.
It is likely that the European ceramics were acquired in serial transactions
with Euro-American sailors as payments for lodging, meals, or
commodities such as dried meat, coffee or tobacco, that were locally
available. Whaling ships may have carried ceramics as part of a suite of
trade goods to reprovision and refit ships over the whaling voyage. It is
possible that crews were able to draw from these against future wages for
their needs or they may have brought their own trade goods in their sea
chests against future need.
Chinese porcelain availability in sets (Fig. 6) indicates a different kind and
direction of trade. These were available for trade or purchase in bulk, if
not necessarily on a regular basis. Provincial porcelain was produced for
and marketed to the Southeast Asian market. It is unlikely that whaling
ships would have chosen to load these ceramics in bulk at their home
ports in New England or the United Kingdom when cheaper industrially
produced English earthenwares were available. It is also unlikely that
these ceramics are tied to the Manila Galleon. These porcelains would
have been readily available in Manila but in order to be transported to
Guam via the galleon trade they would have had to be trans-shipped
through Acapulco and back to Guam. This is an unlikely scenario as
separate taxes and fees would have had to be paid and the ceramics
could have already been sold for a substantial profit in Mexico. In addition,
the bulk of the Provincial porcelain in the Rosario collection postdates the

�Manila Galleon. Therefore, it appears that these ceramics were being
shipped directly from the Philippines to Guam, most likely by the annual
supply ship or mail schooners. It is ironic that the demise of the galleon
trade actually led to an increased availability of consumer goods on
Guam. It is not clear whether this was speculative trade or orders put in
by local consumers or retailers for delivery.

Fig. 6: Porcelain Patterns. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010)
Conclusion
Several preliminary conclusions on consumer choice can be made for the
family that lived at the Rosario House given the caveats of limited sample
size. The first is that the end of the galleon trade and the political turmoil
of the South and Central American revolutions expanded the availability
of foreign commodities on Guam. This supposes that other non-preserved
commodities such as fabric that presumably made up the bulk of trade
followed the pattern for ceramics. The second is that options on the
products available were still limited. Large serving bowls and other serving
vessels, and hygienic vessels such as ewers and basins and chamber

�pots were probably only available when European or American ships were
in port. This hypothesized punctuated availability likely extended to other
commodities as well. Rarity and inherent fragility possibly indicate use of
these vessels primarily for display and prestige purposes. In the case of
imported ceramics, there was a preference for food service vessels such
as cups, bowls and plates, over utilitarian vessels such as pans, mixing
bowls, bottles, and jars. Presumably food storage and preparation
functions were being taken up by more durable though heavier
stonewares. In the case of European ceramics, there was a preference
for decorated wares and this continued over time. This is in contrast to
the general trend by European manufacturers of producing plainer, whiter
vessels such as molded ironstones. There was also a preference for blue
decorated wares over other colors. Finally, even when broken, imported
ceramics retained some value as there are multiple examples of broken
sherds rechipped into circular gaming or tally pieces. Hopefully, more
archaeological testing will be conducted at the Rosario House in
conjunction with planned rehabilitation and these hypotheses can be
tested with additional data.
(Please note that this research was conducted privately by the author
under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 and does not
represent the opinion or the policy of the U.S. Navy)

References
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A Compendium of British Cups. Micawber
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�Bulgrin, L., 2010 Catalog of the Non-Utilitarian Ceramics from the Rosario
House Site, Hagatña, Guam. Report prepared under Guam Preservation
Trust Grant GPTG-08-01
Coomans, P., 2000
1667-1673.

History of the Mission in the Marianas Islands,

Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 4, CNMI Division of Historic
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Farrell, D., 2011 History of the Mariana Islands To Partition. Public School
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Giraldez, A., 2015 The Age of Trade: The Manila Galleons and the Dawn
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Macintosh, D., 1977
Charles Ltd: London.

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�Madrid, C., 2006 Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and
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Council for Humanities, Saipan.
McDonough, J. A. S.J. (ed), 2004 The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis
De San Vitores, S.J. MARC Monograph Series No. 3, Richard Flores
Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam:
Mangilao.
Moore, D., J. Amesbury, R. Hunter-Anderson, and E. Wells, 1993
Archaeological Excavations at Rosario House, Agana, Guam. Report
prepared for Tanaguchi-Ruth-Smith and Associates. Micronesian
Archaeological Research Services: Mangilao
Mudge, J., 1986 Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson N.
Potter Inc,: New York.
Pickford, N. and M. Hatcher, 2000 The Legacy of the Tek Sing. Granta
Editions: Cambridge.
Quimby, F., 2011 The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation
and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521–1668. Journal of Pacific
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Rogers, R., 1995
of Hawai’i: Honolulu.

Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam. University

Russell, S., 1998 Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and
History of the Northern Mariana Islands. Micronesian Archaeological
Survey No.32, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan.

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                <text>Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century.  This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record.  Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date.   The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. </text>
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National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage&#13;
Republic of Korea</text>
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                <text>During November 2016 an expedition to the Arafura Sea, led by Maritime Archaeologist David Steinberg (Heritage Branch, Department of Tourism and Culture, Northern Territory, Australia) recovered a number of artefacts from the wreck of the Sanyo Maru a mothership for the Japanese pearl shell fleet. After 78 years underwater the steel-built vessel, resting upright, still retained substantial structural integrity. The dive team investigated the stern-half of the ship penetrating the main deck house via original accessways. The steel-framed structure still enclosed the space but the intervening plating was mostly absent due to corrosion. Cabin walls were also missing. Despite the relatively open environment a surprising number and type of artefacts remained in a good state of preservation, particularly ceramic items and glass bottles (two sealed with original contents). In terms of organic materials two perfectly intact lacquerware bowls and a quantity of chopsticks were recovered. Metal objects recovered vary in condition the extent of corrosion mainly a consequence of galvanic reactions. This paper explains the preparations to manage the artefact materials from the conservation perspective, photographic recording, cleaning and packing in the field situation and laboratory conservation treatments. </text>
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                    <text>The elaboration of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage

Etienne Clément
Abstract
The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage was adopted in 2001. Like many such treaties, its text is the
result of a compromise between opposing views. The negotiations leading
to this instruments started in the Eighties at the initiative of underwater
archaeologists who teamed up with lawyers and with the International Law
Association. These pioneers considered that the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) did not protect adequately
the underwater cultural heritage. But many States Parties to the UNCLOS
were reluctant to re-open any kind of negotiation that might affect the
delicate balance of the UNCLOS. Moreover, the industry of salvage was
also extremely reluctant to any new international legislation that may
affect their activities, especially in the high seas. The process of
preparation of an international legal instrument was suspended several
times. It was finally put on tracks thanks to the pugnacity of a few
UNESCO staff and ICOMOS members supported by Ministries of a
Foreign Affairs of several countries wo convinced the UNESCO General
Conference to enter the process of elaboration of a Convention. During
the negotiation of the text, the views expressed by the delegations of
UNESCO Member states were often antagonistic. In the discussions, the
ICOMOS Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH) played a
major role, by sensitizing the diplomats to the urgency of adopting a legal
instrument at a time when technology had made possible to explore
practically all ancient vessels lying on the seabed. The author has
participated in some key steps of the elaboration of the Convention and
will present some of the legal and ethical positions expressed at the
negotiations and that have led to the compromise adopted in 2001.
Key words: UNESCO, UNCLOS, outreach, UCH

�Introduction
The protection of the underwater cultural heritage, in particular ancient
shipwrecks laying on the seabed under various jurisdictions, is by nature
an international issue. It is therefore natural that the United Nations, in
particular UNESCO as the specialized agency with the UN mandate for
cultural heritage, has looked into the matter and adopted in 2001 the
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, one of
the seven UNESCO Conventions in the area of culture. It was elaborated
as a response from the international community to the removal and
destruction of underwater cultural heritage by industrial activities and by
the so-called “treasures hunters”. The Convention reflects the growing
recognition of the need to ensure the same protection to underwater
cultural heritage as that already accorded to land-based heritage.

It

provides legal protection, enables States Parties to adopt common
approaches

to

preservation

and provides

effective

professional

guidelines. The mains principles of the convention and its Annex had long
been endorsed by professionals in UCH. It is to be remembered that the
draft of the Annex was drafted by UCH professionals who started working
on it in 1983. The Convention entered into force in January 2009. As of
15 July 2017, 57 countries are States Parties to it, which is an honorable
score but does not give it the status of a universal instrument. For instance
only two countries in Asia and the Pacific have joined it. But those States
which joined it made an important commitment by agreeing on rules
applicable by vessels bearing their flag and by their nationals, including
also the treasures hunters.

�Keys steps towards a Convention
UNESCO has been concerned with the protection of UCH since its early
days. Its Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to
Archaeological Excavations, a non-legally binding text adopted by the
General conference in 1956 applies also to underwater archaeology.
The Council of Europe, as early as 1978, began to develop a draft
European convention for the protection of the underwater cultural
heritage. The draft reached an advanced stage but was never adopted by
the Council of Ministers.
The issue was raised again during the negotiations for the United Nations
Law of the Sea Convention and resulted, in the closing days of these
negotiations, in the adoption of two articles (149 and 303). However these
articles are widely felt by cultural experts to be unsatisfactory and
incomplete. They are indeed ineffective to protect underwater cultural
heritage beyond the contiguous zone, they do not resolve the conflict
between ownership claims, salvage claims and cultural heritage interests
and they do not give any guidance on how underwater cultural heritage
should be treated. They are also sufficiently ambiguous to give rise to
alternative interpretations.
In 1990, under the leadership of its Chairperson, Professor Patrick J.
O’Keefe1, the Cultural Heritage Law Committee of the International Law
Association undertook to study the international legal protection of the
underwater cultural heritage. It produced its first report and a draft text of
a convention for the meeting of the International Law Association in Cairo
in 1992. One year later, the Director-General of UNESCO was requested
by the UNESCO Executive Board to undertake a study into the feasibility
of a new international instrument. As the International Law Association

�had an advisory status with UNESCO and was well advanced in its work
on a draft convention, the Director-General decided to wait until the ILA
work was complete before reporting back to the UNESCO Executive
Board. In 1994, in Buenos Aires, the Cultural Heritage Law Committee
produced its final report and draft convention to the ILA meeting which
adopted it and transmitted it to the Director-General of UNESCO.
In parallel to this legal process, a group of influential underwater
archaeologists who were members of the International Council of
Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) created the ICOMOS Committee for
Underwater Cultural heritage (ICUCH) and advocated within ICOMOs for
the development of specific ethical and professional standards for
underwater archaeology. They argued that underwater archaeology had
particular requirements related to its environment which has led to the
development of specific techniques and that underwater conservation is
always a pressing and expensive immediate necessity. Their efforts led to
the preparation and adoption of the International Charter on the Protection
and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage by ICOMOS General
Conference in Sofia in 1996. To be noted that the ICUCH played a major
role during the whole negotiation process of the 2001 Convention, in
particular through its Chairpersons, Graeme Henderson (Australia) and
Robert Grenier (Canada).
With the ILA draft in its hands, as a useful basis for a possible new
instrument, the UNESCO Secretariat was ready to start preparing a
feasibility study requested by the Executive Board. Within the UNESCO
Secretariat in 1994, Dr. Lyndel V.Prott was the Head of the International
Section of the Division of Cultural Heritage. She played a major role, as a
renowned lawyer and an international civil servant, all over the process of
elaboration of the Convention. I had the honor to be the other member of

�her two-person team and rejoined later by a then junior colleague, Mr.
Ieng Srong. In preparing the feasibility study, the Secretariat looked at the
relevant articles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
and at the International Charter on the Protection and Management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage.
In 1995, a large number of artifacts found in the wreck of the Titanic, which
was discovered several years before, were exhibited all over the world.
This travelling exhibition gave a sort of technology signal that most
shipwrecks that could be found on the seabed were technically accessible
and that cultural objects could be removed. At the occasion of one such
international exhibition in Greenwich (United Kingdom), an expert meeting
was organized for legal experts and underwater archaeologists. It
included those experts who had worked on the ILA draft and the ICOMOS
Charter as well as lawyers familiarized with salvage Law. The discussions
anticipated the difficulty of finding a compromise on a draft legally-binding
text which could be accepted and implemented universally.
The Director-General submitted the feasibility to the Executive Board in
May—June 19952 and recommended that this Board transmits its
recommendation to the UNESCO General Conference which has the
authority, under UNESCO’s constitution, to decide on the elaboration of a
Convention. But during the discussion, although a number of delegates
emphasized the urgency of the situation, the majority requested more time
before launching the preparation of a Convention. They insisted that the
jurisdictional aspects of the question should be further studied, namely the
compatibility of a possible new convention with the provisions on
jurisdiction contained in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea (UNCLOS).

�Therefore, instead of transmitting the Director-General’s recommendation
to the General conference, the Executive Board requested him to urgently
convene an expert meeting to discuss this issue and to report to the
General Conference just a few months later. But the time was too short
between June and October 1995 to convene, before the General
Conference, an expert meeting based on a fair geographical balance and
representing the various interests involved. The Secretariat therefore
wrote to all countries which had expressed an interest in order to receive
their comments on the feasibility study. Thirteen replies (Australia,
Colombia, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, The Netherlands, Philippines,
Spain, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States and the U.N. Division for
Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea) were received. A majority of them
were in favor of a Convention. But divergent opinions were expressed
about the content of the norms, for instance on the concept of a specific
cultural heritage zone or on specific protected areas. It was also accepted
that UNESCO was the appropriate forum and that the norms to be
prepared should duly take into account the balance achieved in the
UNCLOS Convention.
The 1995 session of the UNESCO General Conference did not launch yet
the formal process of elaborating a Convention. Instead, it invited the
Director-General:
- to pursue further discussions with the United Nations in respect of the
UNCLOS and with the International Maritime Organization (IMO)
- to organize, in consultations with UN and IMO, a meeting of experts
representing expertise in archaeology, salvage and jurisdictional regimes
- to make the views of the experts known to UNESCO Member States and
invite their comments;

�- and to report back to the 29th session of the General Conference (1997)
Therefore UNESCO Secretariat had proposed to the IMO (London) and
to the United Nations Division of the Law of the Sea (New York) to
nominate some of the above experts in order to ensure consistency with
the work already developed within these two organizations. The expert
meeting took place in May 1996. It was chaired by Dr. Carsten Lund
(Denmark). To be noted that Dr. Lund remained the Chair of all further
intergovernmental experts meetings that took place until the adoption of
the Convention in 2001. The 1996 meetings was an important one
because it agreed that a possible Convention be grounded on the principle
incorporated in Article 303 (1) of the UNCLOS Convention which says
that: “States have a duty to protect objects of an archaeological and
historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose”. The
majority agreed that UNESCO was the right venue for such a Convention,
although a minority group believe that it should be adopted within the Law
of the sea framework at the United Nations in New York.
The General Conference finally gave the green light for a Convention in
October 1997 at its 29th session3. It decided that the question should be
regulated and that the method adopted should be an international
convention. It invited the Director-General to convene meeting, but this
time with expert representing their Governments. Four such governmental
experts meeting took place from 1998 to 2001. The UNESCO Convention
on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was finally adopted
on 2 November by the Plenary Session of the 31st General Conference
with 88 votes in favor, 4 against and 15 abstentions4.

�Major issues during the negotiation of a Convention
The three main issues at the core of the experts’ deliberations were:
- the jurisdiction (including the necessary compliance with the
UNCLOS)
- the relation with the Law of salvage or salvage law
- the standards for research in underwater cultural heritage.

Jurisdiction

Fig. 1: The maritime zones.
In the territorial sea, the national legislation of the coastal State applies to
underwater cultural heritage. Beyond the territorial sea, the coastal State’s
jurisdiction is generally very limited under national legislations. Often the
coastal States have jurisdiction over their own nationals and vessels
bearing their flag. But it is often expressed in vague terms and with serious
difficulties of implementation without any State cooperation system.
Underwater cultural heritage being largely located in the oceans which fall

�under the Law of the Sea Convention, its legal regime falls under
UNCLOS articles 149 and 303:
Article 149 Archaeological and historical objects.
All objects of an archaeological and historical nature found in the
area shall be preserved or disposed of for the benefit of mankind as
a whole, particular regard being paid to the preferential rights of the
State or country of origin, or the State of cultural origin, or the State
of historical and archaeological origin.
Article 303 Archaeological and historical objects found at sea
i.

States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological
and historical nature found at sea and shall co-operate for
this purpose.

ii.

In order to control traffic in such objects, the coastal State
may, in applying Article 33, presume that their removal from
the sea-bed in the zone referred to in that article without its
approval would result in an infringement within its territory
or territorial sea of the laws and regulations referred to in
that article.

iii.

Nothing in this article affects the rights of identifiable
owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty, or
laws and practices with respect to cultural exchanges.

iv.

This article is without prejudice to other international
agreements and rules of international law regarding the
protection of objects of an archaeological and historical
nature.

These articles, according to archaeologists and lawyers concerned with
the preservation of the underwater cultural heritage, were considered as

�insufficient for an effective protection of the cultural heritage. Indeed, in
the Exclusive Economic Zone and on the Continental Shelf, UCH remains
practically unprotected. Another serious problem is that the provision in
Article 303 stating that 'Nothing in this article affects the rights of
identifiable owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty…”
appeared to protect the commercial exploitation of historic shipwrecks,
leading to the destruction of archaeological resources without their
scientific examination. The relation with salvage law was therefore an
issue of very lively discussions, often antagonistic, during the several
experts meetings form 1998 to 2001.
Salvage law
Salvage Law or Law of Salvage or Law of Finds is based on practical and
economic considerations. The function of salvage is to encourage the
recovery of goods at sea that are in danger of being lost. The primary
objective of the salvage industry, recognized in salvage law, is the
recovery of commercially valuable property from a shipwreck. But in some
countries, the salvage industry had extended its activity to commercial
exploitation of submerged archaeological sites, often by teams of
unqualified persons. Therefore for many years archaeologists had been
concerned by the loss of scientific information caused by such
unprofessional excavation and by the destruction of artefacts not
considered commercially valuable.
The activities of the salvage industry were regulated by the 1989
International Convention on Salvage, adopted under the auspices of the
International Maritime organization (IMO). It does not include provisions
on the underwater cultural heritage. As the Article 303, iii, of the UNCLOS
protects salvage law, most experts considered that the international legal
framework in 1998 was an invitation to looting.

�Standards for research in UCH
When the first meeting of experts opened in 1996, the International
Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) had just adopted its
International Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater
Cultural Heritage at its General Conference in Sofia (see above).
To be noted that the International Law Association had included in several
provisions of its draft Convention on UCH that underwater excavations
were to be undertaken in accordance with the ICOMOS UCH Charter,
which would be an annex to the ILA draft.
Therefore given the importance of the ICOMOS Charter which sets
standards for research and conservation of the UCH, the members of the
ICOMOS Committee for Underwater Cultural heritage (ICUCH) were
associated closely to the elaboration of the text of the UNESCO
Convention. They were very influential in the process leading to the
adoption of the 2001 Convention.
The way towards a compromise
The process involved a long and patient campaign initiated by underwater
archaeologists in Europe, Australia, North America and later in other
regions. They needed to convince even their own peers - i.e. the ‘land’
archaeologists- to team-up with them in order to convince Ministries of
Foreign affairs of their respective countries to support the idea of a
Convention. Indeed in many countries Ministries of Foreign Affairs were
quite hesitant to open negotiations on an issue related to the Law of the
Sea, only a few years after the entry into force of the UNCLOS
Convention. To be noted that members of the International Law
Association (ILA), especially Professor Patrick J. O’Keefe, the
Chairperson of the ILA Cultural Heritage Law Committee, played an

�important role in the informal lobby in favor of an effective convention.
Other influential institutions included ICOMOS, ICUCH, the International
Council of Museums (ICOM) and several Maritime museums all over the
world.
In 1998, reaching of a compromise to be included in a Convention
appeared to be very challenging. At the beginning of the discussions,
there was a consensus only on the necessity to avoid creating a new
“archaeological zone” in addition to the zones established by UNCLOS.
There was also an agreement that a Convention should refer to some kind
of guidelines on how to treat UCH.
All the other issues were the object of profound divergences between
experts and between the UNESCO Member States. However, gradually,
a consensus emerged to obtain protection of UCH wherever it is located
beyond the territorial seas, in all maritime zones including international
waters, through a State cooperation system.
The salvage Industry was also represented in the experts meetings.
Indeed at the request of the UNESCO General Conference, UNESCO
Secretariat had asked the International Maritime Organization (IMO) to
designate experts to represent the interests of the maritime industry,
including the salvage industry. The Tourism diving industry was not invited
as such, but several countries’ delegations included experts which
expressed the views of this sector. The consistency with the UNCLOS
Convention was ensured by representatives of the UN Division of the Law
of the Sea (New York) who played a very positive role in this respect.
Some “Treasures Hunters”, although not invited officially, showed up at
one of the meetings and opposed the adoption of a text, without success.
To be noted that “treasures hunters” were more influential among

�international TV channels, which, during the years of the negotiations,
displayed TV shows glorifying their activities.
The negotiations also had to face language difficulties. For instance,
archaeologists and lawyers understood differently the concept of “rules”,
the former saw them as rules applicable to professionals and the latter as
rules applicable to States. This has rendered the role of the courageous
Chairperson, Dr. Carsten Lund (Denmark), an almost impossible task5.
The composition of each country’s delegation was also a challenge. Only
important delegations could include international lawyers, cultural
heritage lawyers, salvage lawyers as well as archaeologists. But most
delegations were composed of only one international lawyer, often with
little background in archaeology.
The compromise adopted in 2001
Despite the antagonistic positions that continued to be expressed during
the whole negotiation process, a compromise was reached in 2001. It
included a very advanced State cooperation system containing provisions
of legal and professional or ethical nature binding both States parties and
UCH professionals. The Convention was structured under a main text and
an Annex which is an integral part of the Convention. The main text
contains basic principles for the protection of UCH and a detailed State
cooperation system. The Annex includes widely recognized practical rules
for the treatment and research of UCH which reflects practically the text
of the ICOMOS Charter.
The basic principles of the Convention include the obligation to preserve
UCH “for the benefit of humanity”, the “in situ” preservation as the first
option (not the only one), a commitment for no commercial exploitation
and an obligation of training and information sharing. It does not include

�the sovereignty rights of States and the issue of the ownership of wrecks
which remain regulated by civil law, other domestic law and private
international law.

The compromise on the relation with salvage law was one of the most
difficult to reach. It is contained in Article 4 of the 2001 Convention which
excludes the application of salvage law, except when and if three
cumulative conditions are met:

Article 4- Relationship to Law of Salvage or Law of Finds
Any activity relating to underwater cultural heritage to which this
Convention applies shall not be subject to the law of salvage or law
of finds, unless it:
(a)

is authorized by the competent authorities, and

(b)

in in full conformity with this Convention, and

(c)

ensures that any recovery of the underwater cultural heritage

achieves its maximum protection.
But the Convention was not adopted by consensus. The Culture
commission of the General Conference had recommended the Plenary of
the UNESCO 31st General Conference to adopt the draft Convention by
94 votes in favor, 5 against and 19 abstentions. The Plenary adopted it
with 88 votes in favor, 4 against and 15 abstentions6.
Conclusion
Sixteen years later, the Convention is ratified by 57 countries. This
relatively low level of ratification can be explained by several factors.
Perhaps it still reflects the fact that the Convention may have a few
detractors among some of the UNESCO Member States. But most

�probably, many countries do not consider the ratification as a priority as
they do have the technology nor the human or financial resources to be
involved in activities towards the underwater cultural heritage. In these
countries, there are also very few archaeologists who have training in
underwater archaeology. There is therefore no effective influential group
that could persuade their respective authorities to join the Convention or
that could campaign among the public on the importance of this heritage
for their country and for humanity. But the advancement of technology and
the ability of a growing number of countries to own such technology may
however have a positive influence on the rate of ratifications in the
following years.
Endnotes
1
Professor Patrick J. O’Keefe has worked for more than 40 years on
legal instruments to protect the underwater cultural heritage. He has.
2
UNESCO General Conference documents 28C/39 and 28C/39 Add.
3
UNESCO General Conference Document 29C/Resolution 21
4
UNESCO General Conference Documents 31C/24 and 31C/Resolution
XV, para D
5
Lund, C., 2006. The making of the UNESCO Convention 2001.
Finishing the interrupted voyage, papers of the UNESCO Asia-Pacific
Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Institute of Art and Law/UNESCO, Leicester/Bangkok:
14-19
6 UNESCO General Conference Documents 31 C/24 and 31
C/Resolution XV, para D
References:

Clément, E. 1996, Current developments at UNESCO concerning the
protection of the underwater cultural heritage, Marine policy, Vol 20, No 4,
pp 309-323
O’Keefe, P.J., 2014, Shipwrecked Heritage: A Commentary on the
UNESCO Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Second edition,
Institute of Art and Law, Builth Wells, UK.

�Prott, L.V., 2006, Finishing the interrupted voyage: papers of the
UNESCO Asia-Pacific Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Institute of Art and
Law/UNESCO, Leicester/Bangkok.
Srati, A., 1999, Draft Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural
heritage, a commentary prepared for UNESCO, UNESCO document CLT99/WS/8
UNESCO, 1984, La sauvegarde du patrimoine subaquatique, cahiers
techniques: musées et monuments # 4, UNESCO document [II]
CLT.82/XXIX.4/F
Biography
Etienne Clément, JD 1978, LLM International Law
1980, (University Brussels) had responsibilities in
UNESCO 1984-2015. He contributed to the
development of international standards for the
protection of cultural heritage, including to the
elaboration of 2001 Underwater Cultural Heritage
Convention. From 1998, he was UNESCO
Representative to Cambodia, Deputy Director Field
operations (Paris), Deputy Director Regional
Bureau (Bangkok) and Director Pacific States. He is author of articles on
conventions for cultural heritage and is currently advising governments on
these instruments. He lectures at Science Po Lille (France) and is member
of ICOMOS International Committee on Legal, Administrative and
Financial Issues (ICLAFI).

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&#13;
A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. &#13;
&#13;
This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of â€˜underwater cultural heritageâ€™ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. &#13;
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Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd., UK</text>
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                <text>The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was adopted in 2001. Like many such treaties, its text is the result of a compromise between opposing views. The negotiations leading to this instruments started in the Eighties at the initiative of underwater archaeologists who teamed up with lawyers and with the International Law Association. These pioneers considered that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) did not protect adequately the underwater cultural heritage. But many States Parties to the UNCLOS were reluctant to re-open any kind of negotiation that might affect the delicate balance of the UNCLOS.  Moreover, the industry of salvage was also extremely reluctant to any new international legislation that may affect their activities, especially in the high seas. The process of preparation of an international legal instrument was suspended several times. It was finally put on tracks thanks to the pugnacity of a few UNESCO staff and ICOMOS members supported by Ministries of a Foreign Affairs of several countries wo convinced the UNESCO General Conference to enter the process of elaboration of a Convention. During the negotiation of the text, the views expressed by the delegations of UNESCO Member states were often antagonistic. In the discussions, the ICOMOS Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH) played a major role, by sensitizing the diplomats to the urgency of adopting a legal instrument at a time when technology had made possible to explore practically all ancient vessels lying on the seabed. The author has participated in some key steps of the elaboration of the Convention and will present some of the legal and ethical positions expressed at the negotiations and that have led to the compromise adopted in 2001. </text>
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                    <text>Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Taiwan:
Legislation and Challenges
Ching-Ching Kuo
Ph.D. Student, Department of Environmental Biology and Fishery
Science
Institute of Marine Affairs and Resource Management
National Taiwan Ocean University, Keelung, Taiwan
kuomaster@gmail.com
Chun-Pei Liao
Ph.D. Student, Department of Environmental Biology and Fishery
Science
Institute of Marine Affairs and Resource Management
National Taiwan Ocean University, Keelung, Taiwan
a314172427a@hotmail.com
Wen-Yan Chiau
Dr. /Professor, Institute of Marine Affairs and Resource Management
National Taiwan Ocean University, Keelung, Taiwan
chiau0717@gmail.com

Abstract
The Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage
was adopted in 2001 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The convention acknowledges the
importance of underwater cultural heritage as an integral part of the
cultural heritage of humanity and a particularly important element in the
history of peoples, nations, and their relations with each other concerning
their common heritage. The responsibility of protecting and preserving
the underwater cultural heritage therefore rests with all States (UNESCO,
2017.). By echoing the spirit of the above convention, the Legislative
Yuan (Parliament) of Taiwan adopted the Underwater Cultural Heritage
Preservation Act on November 24, 2015. The Act was promulgated by
the President and was also put into force on 9 December 2015. The Law
is in seven chapters with 44 articles. The chapters cover general
provisions, attributed rights and international cooperation, activities
involving underwater cultural heritage, in-situ preservation of underwater
cultural heritage, excavation management in the sea, public education


Correspondent author.

�and professional training, penalties, and supplementary provisions. This
paper introduces the recent research projects of underwater cultural
heritage in Taiwan, illustrates the enactment process of the new law and
highlights its main features. The paper concludes that it is essential to
have further integration of management affairs, establishing national
research institute, strengthening the international cooperation and the
professional training, implementing related bylaws and mechanisms, and
promoting public awareness, which also become daunting challenges
faced by Taiwan as it marches toward the protection of its precious
underwater cultural heritage.
Key words: UCH, Taiwan, UNESCO
Introduction
Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) refers to all traces of human
existence having a cultural, historical, or archaeological character, such
as ruins, architecture, handicrafts, human remains, boats, aircrafts,
environments

having

an

archaeological

character

and

natural

environments. According to Article 3 of Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Act promulgated on December 9, 2015,
“Underwater Cultural Heritage” means all traces of human existence
having a historical, cultural, archaeological, artistic, or scientific character
which have been partially or totally under water, periodically or
continuously: (1) sites, structures, buildings, artifacts and human remains,
together with their archaeological and natural context; (2) vessels,
aircrafts, other vehicles or any part thereof, their cargo or other contents,
together with their archaeological and natural context; and (3) objects of
a prehistoric character. The UCH contains rich information related to
cultures, history, geography and technology. A shipwreck, for instance, is
testimony to trade and cultural dialogue between peoples.

It also

functions as a time capsule, providing a complete snapshot of the life on
board at the time of sinking. Therefore, how to protect this common
heritage of all mankind become the center of international concern.

�Brief History of Legislation
Since 2000, some scholars in Taiwan, Professor Wen-Yan Chiau (later
served as legislator) with the National Taiwan Ocean University, have
being concerned about the protection of UCH and have organized several
international conferences. In 2005, Professor Chiau was commissioned
by Construction and Planning Agency, Ministry of the Interior to conduct
a literature study on UCH in Dongsha (Pratas) Islands in the South China
Sea. He concluded that at least 28 wrecks were clearly recorded. Over
the past ten years, the UCH research projects made by the Academia
Sinica and the National Sun Yat-sen University, under the authorization of
the Ministry of Culture, discovered nearly 100 wrecks in the waters around
Taiwan, including GUANG-BIN Warship that participated in the first SinoJapanese War and British S.S. BOKHARA were sunk in Penghu
(Pescadores) Archipelagoes, British SOBRAON near Matsu Islands and
the unknown “GREEN ISLAND No. I” in East Taiwan (Bureau of Cultural
Heritage, 2014). These wrecks are as valuable as “NANHAI No. I” and
“DANDONG No. I” of China and the important research projects in other
countries. In the past, however, such precious UCH resources in Taiwan
were not protected through a proper mechanism and were possibly
destroyed by illegal and unappropriated underwater activities. Moreover,
the important principles and spirit of the UNESCO UCH Convention have
not yet been implemented in the domestic laws and the existing Cultural
Heritage Preservation Act does not apply to the preservation, protection
and management of UCH. Thus, there is an urgent need to formulate an
exclusive law for Taiwan to preserve, protect and manage its rich and
valuable UCH.
In view of this, the Ministry of Culture drafted a specific law called the "Law
on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage of the Republic of

�China". After years of discussions, the draft of Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Act was finally proposed by the Executive Yuan
(Cabinet) and submitted to the Legislative Yuan (Parliament) for
discussion.

The Draft was completed gradually through researches

conducted by experts and scholars commissioned by the Ministry of
Culture, expert meetings, national public hearings, and related legal
operating procedures as well as the acquisition of public consensus
(Ministry of Culture, 2015). In the Legislative Yuan, Legislator Wen-Yan
Chiau and Legislator Pi-Han Chen also proposed the corresponding
versions (Legislative Yuan, 2015).

Since the 8th session of the

Parliament had limited time for UCH discussions, Legislator Chiau
consulted Professor Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu and some key officials with the
Ministry of Culture and integrated three versions into one, which served
as the basis of discussion upon the consent of the Committee.

On

November 9, 2015, the integrated version was reviewed by the Committee
and submitted to the Legislative Yuan for determination. On November
24, 2015, the Legislative Yuan finally approved the Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Act through a three-reading procedure. The Act
was promulgated by the President on December 9, 2015, becoming the
first exclusive law regarding the preservation of UCH in Taiwan (Office of
the President, R.O.C., 2015). The approval and implementation of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act ensure the effective
preservation, protection, and management of UCH in the waters around
Taiwan under a specific and clear legislation.

Principles and Main Contents
Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act consists of seven
chapters with 44 articles in total: Chapter One "General Provisions",

�Chapter Two "Right Attribution and International Cooperation", Chapter
Three " Activities Directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage ", Chapter Four
" In-situ Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage", Chapter Five
"Excavating Out Of The Water", Chapter Six "Penalty Provisions" and
Chapter Seven "Supplementary Provisions". Main contents of the Act are
summarized as follows (Laws and Regulations Database of the Republic
of China, 2017).
1.

Respect and response to the spirit of the UNESCO Convention

The themes of Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act
are to preserve, protect and manage UCH, build the historical connection,
and develop the characteristic of the maritime country in accordance with
the spirit of the UNESCO Convention and other international agreements.
In this regard, the Act includes the principles of the Convention in many
articles with the hope to preserve and manage UCH in Taiwan like that
operated in many parts of the world. For example, Article 4 of the Act
reflects the spirit of the Convention and stipulates that “Any activity
involving underwater cultural heritage should avoid unnecessary
interference with human remains and historical sites” and that “UCH
should not be commercially exploited.”
2.

Carry out general survey and registry management
Article 5 of the Act stipulates, “the competent authority shall

undertake a general survey of underwater cultural heritage, or record and
manage the files after conducting the investigation, research and review,
in accordance with the procedures prescribed by this Act, on the reports
from individuals or organizations that indicate a suspected underwater
cultural heritage existed.” In addition, Article 6 also regulated that the
competent authority shall fully set up case data for the investigation,

�research, excavation, preservation, and restoration for underwater
cultural heritage. The data shall be permanently preserved in accordance
with the Archives Act and its relevant regulations.
The survey of underwater cultural heritage is also stipulated in Article
9 of the Act：“Where an environmental impact assessment is required for
an exploitation activity, or where a governmental agency and state-owned
enterprise makes or ratifies a plan with respect to exploitation and
utilization of a water area, it is required to conduct a prior investigation
related to the existence of underwater cultural heritage or suspected
underwater cultural heritage. A notification of the discovery shall submit to
the competent authority if any.”
3.

Establish a national institute for the preservation and research

of UCH
Referring to the foreign cases (e.g., Department of Underwater and
Marine Archaeological Research, DRASSM, in Marseille, France), Article
7 of the Act stipulates that “the competent authority may designate a
dedicated organization for the preservation and research of underwater
cultural heritage to perform the investigation, research, excavation,
restoration, education, promulgation, international cooperation, and other
activities with respect to underwater cultural heritage.” For recruiting
professionals to protect UCH in Taiwan, Article 11 of the Act also
stipulates that “the competent authority shall educate and train the
relevant professionals with respect to underwater cultural heritage in order
to undertake the preservation of underwater cultural heritage.” The items,
manners, procedures, examinations, evaluations, utilization, withdrawal,
revocation, and other related affairs of the professionals will be further
regulated by competent authorities after consulting related agencies.

�4.

Establish a Review Mechanism
Regarding the administrative aspects, Article 8 of the Act expressly

stipulates that the competent authority shall convene the review
committee of underwater cultural heritage to review the following subjects:
(1) applications for activities directed at underwater cultural heritage; (2)
coordination with other authorities in charge of other affairs with respect
to activities incidentally affecting underwater cultural heritage; (3) the
recordation and management of underwater cultural heritage; (4) the
zoning of underwater cultural heritage protection areas; (5) subject
substantially relating to the preservation of underwater cultural heritage.
5.

Report the discovery of cultural relics
Pursuant to Article 13 of the Act, “anyone who discovers suspected

underwater cultural heritage shall terminate any activity that has an
influence on such heritage, maintain completeness of the site, and
promptly report the discovery to the competent authority excepted that
there is a need to prevent an urgent and severe danger or there is a
substantial public interest at stake, such activity may not be terminated,
and the discovery of such shall be reported to the competent authority.”
After receiving the report referred to in the first paragraph, the competent
authority may take the following measures: (1) restrict or terminate all or
part of the activity which has an influence on the suspected underwater
heritage in a specific water area; (2) undertake necessary investigation,
research, and other related underwater operations; and (3) set up a
temporary protection zone in the water area of the discovery site.
Article 18 of the Act also stipulates that the citizen or the vessel
master of the country, who discovers suspected underwater cultural
heritage or activities directed at underwater cultural heritage in the

�exclusive economic area or on the continental shelf of other states, shall
promptly report such discovery or activity to the competent authority. The
government of Taiwan may report such discovery or activity referred to in
the preceding paragraph to the relevant states or international
organizations.
6.

Stipulate right attribution and international cooperation

The right attribution and international cooperation are included in Chapter
2 of the Act. For instance, Article 15 of the Act stipulates that “any
underwater cultural heritage discovered in the internal waters and
territorial sea of the Republic of China, except for the state vessels and
aircraft in which a foreign state declares an interest, shall belong to the
Republic of China.”

“The Republic of China, in the exercise of its

sovereignty, has the exclusive jurisdiction to regulate, authorize, or
approve activities directed at underwater cultural heritage in the internal
waters and territorial sea of the Republic of China.” With a view to
cooperating on the best methods of protecting the state vessels and
aircraft prescribed, however, the competent authority, should inform the
flag state and, if applicable, other states with a cultural, historical or
archaeological link, with respect to the discovery of such identifiable state
vessels and aircraft. Additionally, Article 21 of the Act stipulates that the
ROC government may enter into bilateral, regional or other multilateral
agreements or develop existing agreements with other states or
international organizations, for the preservation, protection, and
management of underwater cultural heritage.
7.

Strictly regulate activities directed at UCH

Article 22 of the Act stipulates that “activities directed at underwater
cultural heritage shall not be undertaken unless an application with an

�underwater cultural heritage activity plan is filed by a scholar, experts, or
academic/professional scientific research institutions to the competent
authority and approved thereby.”

With the case of international

cooperation, the Act further regulates that “foreigner(s) shall cooperate
with domestic scientific research organizations or institutions to file such
application.” Pursuant to Article 23 of the Act, those activities directed at
UCH should be supervised by the competent authority; The competent
authority shall also stipulate the regulations related to the UCH activities
including the operational procedure, qualification of relevant operational
personnel, method for in situ preservation, method for evacuated,
preservation or protection method after excavation, and other matters
related to the underwater cultural heritage activities should be complied
with. Practically, this highlights the importance of bylaws of the Act.
8.

In situ preservation and planning for UCH protected areas
With echoing to the spirit of the Convention, Article 27 of the Act

expressly stipulates that “the preservation in situ of UCH shall be the first
option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this
heritage.” And, the proper means for in situ preservation may include
recordation management, protection zone, or other proper preservation
measures.

When the review committees make a decision that it is

necessary to designate a specific underwater cultural heritage protection
zone, according to Article 28, the competent authority should consult with
relevant authorities to designate and publicize an underwater cultural
heritage protection zone within such water area to preserve the
underwater heritage in situ. To allow the public engagement, Article 28
also regulated that the authority should hold a public hearing or
explanation session inviting civilians or groups with an interest at stake to
attend.

�Article 30 of the Act regulates the content of the management and
protection plan, which include the following: (1) basic data: location,
measure of area, significance of the underwater cultural heritage,
description and scope diagram of research; (2) range classification; (3)
accountable authority distribution and reporting system (4) routine
maintenance: preservation, maintenance and recordation of the
environmental landscape; (5) emergency maintenance: prevention of
natural or human damage and emergency disaster disposal; (6) education
and promotion: production and exhibition of promotional material as well
as education activities; (7) source of funding; (8) management plan of
entrust; and (9) other matters related to management and protection.
For well managing UCH, Article 31 of the Act regulates the activities that
are prohibited within UCH protection zone, such as salvage of UCH,
usage of explosives, trawling or anchoring, mining, installation of electric
cables and pipelines, discarding waste water or hazardous substances,
dredging and construction of ocean engineering. As for management and
protection of the underwater cultural heritage and settling illegal matters,
according to Article 32, the competent authority may request assistance
from the Coast Guard Administration to help in the enforcement of the Act.
9.

Regulate the conditions for UCH salvage

In principle, the underwater cultural heritage shall not be excavated out of
the water. Pursuant to Article 34, exceptions are only limited to the
following situations: (1) the underwater cultural heritage related to
historical status or recognition of the nation: (2) the absence of such
underwater cultural heritage could be detrimental to a full understanding
of human history; (3) the underwater cultural heritage is of substantial
commercial value that cannot be protected without excavating it out of the
water; (4) excavation is necessary for the investigation and research of

�underwater cultural heritage; (5) the underwater cultural heritage cannot
be sufficiently preserved, protected or managed without excavating it out
of the water due to an emergency or the change of the existing
environment; (6) other situations in which the competent authority deems
necessary to excavate out of the water.
While excavation to be undertaken, pursuant to Article 35 of the Act, the
preservation and maintenance plan for UCH should be proposed at the
same time, and in which “non-destructive technology and survey method
shall be used preferentially.” In addition, the expertise of underwater
archaeology, underwater operators, and preservative scientist shall jointly
participate in the measure for the excavation or emergency disposal.
10.

Stipulate strict penalties for protecting UCH

Chapter 6 of the Act strictly stipulates the penalty provisions. As Article
37 regulates, for instance, any person who commits any of the following
offenses shall be liable to imprisonment for up to five years, detention,
and/or a fine of NT$200,000 to NT$10,000,000: theft of UCH with an
intention to possess for his own or for a third person, damage of UCH
within the protection zone or temporary protection zone, conveyance of
UCH which belongs to the Republic of China out of the country, and
undertaking UCH activities without prior approval of the competent
authority. It is hope that the penalties can effectively stop the illegal
activities which are harmful to the protection of UCH in this country.
Challenges Ahead
Over the past few decades, Taiwan has realized its richness of UCH
through academic research and investigation, research projects
commissioned by Ministry of Culture, findings by the local civil groups,
fishermen or diving enthusiasts. However, these precious cultural relics

�and artifacts were not protected properly due to the absence of related
laws on the preservation of UCH in this country. Since the implementation
of Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act is still in its
infancy, the protection of UCH is unavoidably encountering many
challenges as follows (Chiau and Kuo, 2014).
Dissemination and Implementation of bylaws
The Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act is a fundamental
law of Taiwan for the protection of UCH. In late 2016, the Ministry of
Culture had already formulated some 9 bylaws for implementing the Act.
They include the enforcement regulations on：UCH survey and
management before development in the marine area, seabed and subsoil
management, activities directed at UCH, UCH professionals training,
promotion of public education on UCH, delineation and management of
UCH protection zone, and incentives and subsidy on UCH research and
protection. However, the challenges are to disseminate those concept of
protecting UCH and smoothly implement those tasks among various
stakeholders.
Establishment of a national-level research institution
Pursuant to Article 7 of the Act, the Ministry of Culture may appoint an
institute responsible for UCH preservation, protection and management.
It is believed that this national-level institute is able to best integrate
various research resources, including technologies, professions and
budgets. The DRASSM established in Marseille, France, for instance, is
a national-level research institute with a history of more than 50 years.
Having equipped with research vessels and many professionals, the
Institute has been participating in various international UCH projects and
has achieved abundant results with solid budgets and operations. In

�2009, the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage was
established in Korea to promote the country’s maritime culture and
exchange research results with other international research institutions or
museums.

These institutes are all worth referring to as Taiwan

establishing its own one.
Enhancing technologies and professionals training
The technologies such as side scan sonar, multibeam depth sounding
system, sub-bottom profiler and magnetometer have been applied in UCH
survey and research in Taiwan (Liu, 2010). However, there is a necessity
for developing and/or enhancing new technologies especially for those
UCH buried in shallow waters, lagoons, estuaries and river bed.
On the other hand, it is in short of UCH professionals in Taiwan. Over the
past ten years, although several training workshops for underwater
archaeology have been held in Taiwan, few trainees are willing to engage
in underwater archaeology due to limited job opportunities. After the Act
is promulgated, the demand for professionals will definitely increase. The
Ministry of Culture should be keen to training and employment of UCH
professionals, especially their appropriate and stable job opportunities.
The Ministry should also have professionals recruited in its subordinated
agencies and even engage the international professional certification in
order to provide appropriate and safe jobs for UCH professionals.
Strengthening international exchange and cooperation
Pursuant to Article 19 of the Convention on the Protection of Underwater
Cultural Heritage promulgated, the UNESCO urges the international
cooperation and information sharing regarding the protection of UCH. As
mentioned above, the research, protection and management of UCH is
still in its infancy in Taiwan. As a cultural entity and a responsible country,

�there is essential to learn from and/or work with other countries for better
managing the common heritage for all mankind.
Raising the public awareness on UCH protection
With the development of underwater technologies and diving techniques,
it is easy to dive into the deep sea, resulting in more opportunities of
discovery, collection and destruction of UCH. However, different from
treasury hunting, the concept of preservation of UCH must promote
through the nation-wide education and propaganda to raise the public
awareness of the protection of UCH. Firstly, the government may include
UCH concepts in the textbooks for the public schools and encourage
universities to establish related departments on UCH research. Secondly,
many countries establish maritime museums and marine parks to
encourage the public to engage in cultural tourism.

For example,

underwater museum in Alexandria, Egypt, Mary Rose in the UK,
Baiheliang Underwater Museum in China, Underwater Archaeological
Park in Finland and Dalarö Blue Park in Sweden showcase the creativity
by combining nature and cultures. These examples are all worth referring
to for raising the public awareness on UCH. In the aspect of social
education, the educational promotion for diving enthusiasts is especially
important in this case.
Improving integration among related government agencies
The management of UCH involves many aspects, including investigation,
research,

excavation,

repair,

education,

promotion,

supervision,

enforcement, international cooperation and other related activities. Many
government departments and agencies may engage in the administrative
procedures in Taiwan, including Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Education,
Council of Agriculture, Coast Guard Administration, Ministry of the Interior,

�Ministry

of

Foreign

Affairs,

Ministry

Communications and local governments.

of

Transportation

and

Related stakeholders and

interested parties, such as fishermen, diving clubs, or recreation industries
are also involved. In view of this, a better governance of UCH issues will
rely on the close cross-department cooperation. And, integration among
the related agencies is a must and represents a daunting challenge faced
by Taiwan.
Concluding Remarks
Although Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act is
promulgated, daunting challenges remain in the implementation of this
brand new legal system. It is hope the government can facilitate the
establishment of a national research institute of UCH, training programs
for professionals and the public awareness of the protection of UCH.
International cooperation and information sharing also deserve the
priority.
Reference
Office of the President, R.O.C., 2015. Promulgation of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, Gazette of the President Office,
No. 7223, Taipei.
Ministry of Culture, 2015. Legislative Yuan Approved the Draft of
Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act through a Threereading Procedure and Implemented the Legislation of Underwater
Cultural Heritage in Taiwan, http://www.moc.gov.tw (Retrieved on 16
January 2016).
Bureau of Cultural Heritage, 2014. The Phase 3 Survey of Underwater
Cultural Heritage in the Waters around Taiwan, Ministry of Culture,
Taipei.
Laws and Regulations Database of the Republic of China, 2017.
Underwater
Cultural
Heritage
Preservation
Act,

�http://law.moj.gov.tw/Eng/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?PCode=H0170102
(Retrieved on 14 July 2017).
Legislative Yuan, 2015. The Report of the Education and Culture
Committee on the Draft of Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation
Act proposed by Legislator Pi-Han Chen and other 27 Legislators and
Legislator Wen-Yen Chiau and other 28 legislators respectively,
Legislative Yuan Related Documents, Yuan-Tsung No. 1082,
Government Proposal No. 15341, Legislator Proposal No. 17968 and
No. 17668-1.
Chiau, W.-Y. and Kuo, C.-C., 2014. Current development and challenges
of underwater archaeology in Taiwan, presented at the International
Workshop on Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage and
Building-up the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, South China Sea
Institute, Xiamen University.
National Development Council, 2012. Golden Decade and the National
Vision, Executive Yuan, Taiwan.
Liu, C.-Y., 2010. Applications of Underwater Technology in Marine
Archaeological Survey, presented at the 2010 Seed Talent Training
Workshop on Underwater Archaeology, National Sun Yat-sen
University, Taiwan.
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO),
2017.
Underwater
Cultural
Heritage,
http://www.unesco.org/new/zh/culture/themes/underwater-culturalheritage/2001-convention/ (Retrieved on 14 July 2017).

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                  <text>All cultural materials are potentially cultural resources. However, because not all of them can be preserved or studied, choices must be made based on evaluation and re-evaluation. Values are learned and depend on cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of reference. Consequently, valuation is made individually, but is shared by communities. Valuation of underwater cultural heritage has, then, a broad range of determining value depending on the community to which it belongs.&#13;
&#13;
A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. &#13;
&#13;
This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of â€˜underwater cultural heritageâ€™ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. &#13;
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                  <text>Elena Perez-Alvaro&#13;
Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd., UK</text>
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                <text>Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Taiwan: Legislation and Challenges </text>
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                <text>The Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was adopted in 2001 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).  The convention acknowledges the importance of underwater cultural heritage as an integral part of the cultural heritage of humanity and a particularly important element in the history of peoples, nations, and their relations with each other concerning their common heritage.  The responsibility of protecting and preserving the underwater cultural heritage therefore rests with all States (UNESCO, 2017.).  By echoing the spirit of the above convention, the Legislative Yuan (Parliament) of Taiwan adopted the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act on November 24, 2015.  The Act was promulgated by the President and was also put into force on 9 December 2015.  The Law is in seven chapters with 44 articles.  The chapters cover general provisions, attributed rights and international cooperation, activities involving underwater cultural heritage, in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage, excavation management in the sea, public education &#13;
                                                          &#13;
and professional training, penalties, and supplementary provisions.  This paper introduces the recent research projects of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan, illustrates the enactment process of the new law and highlights its main features.  The paper concludes that it is essential to have further integration of management affairs, establishing national research institute, strengthening the international cooperation and the professional training, implementing related bylaws and mechanisms, and promoting public awareness, which also become daunting challenges faced by Taiwan as it marches toward the protection of its precious underwater cultural heritage.</text>
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                <text>Ching-Ching Kuo </text>
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                <text>Chun-Pei Liao </text>
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                <text>Wen-Yan Chiau</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>11/24/2017</text>
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                <text>Ching-Ching Kuo </text>
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                <text>Chun-Pei Liao </text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5663">
                <text>Wen-Yan Chiau</text>
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                    <text>The ethics behind climate change: Small Island Developing
States in the Pacific as new underwater cultural heritage
Dr. Elena Perez-Alvaro
Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd.
elenaperezalvaro@gmail.com
Abstract
Predictions forecast changes in climate that may affect underwater
cultural heritage in the future. Warmer waters mean more chemical
changes and the proliferation of teredo navalis. Ocean currents may
cause disturbances to the layer of sediment protecting underwater cultural
heritage sites. The rises in sea levels would reduce the amount of time an
air-breathing diver can safely spend under water and hence their
productivity. Rises would also mean expansion, which could raise the
problem of ocean delimitation. Also our land tangible cultural heritage will
be submerged: entire nations and their cultural heritage may disappear,
an issue affecting mostly the Small Island Developing States -many of
them in the Pacific-, more vulnerable to rises in sea levels. Their identity
as citizens of their cities, as members of a community with their own
tangible past, complete with their cultural heritage, will disappear. Their
land heritage will become underwater cultural heritage but for more than
100 years will not be protected under the 2001 UNESCO Convention.
This paper will look at climate change in these Asia-Pacific communities
from the ethics as a core element and will study the introduction of these
flooded areas as new underwater cultural heritage, proposing an AsiaPacific values-orientated qualification of underwater cultural heritage as a
natural resource.
Key words: SIDS, tangible cultural heritage, climate change, UNESCO
Convention

Introduction
One of the commonly agreed principles of preservation of underwater
cultural heritage named by the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage is the preservation in situ

�as the first option (Preamble, Article 2.5. and Rule 1 of the Annex
(UNESCO, 2001). The reason for this being mainly because
archaeological objects are better preserved under layers of mud and in
saline water. The ship, once she has sunk and lies at the seabed, reaches
a state of equilibrium with the upper parts destroyed and the buried
remains covered (Green, 1990). After reaching this state of equilibrium,
the wreck will either be only disturbed by human intervention or by
geological changes like the ones forecast by climate change
(Wachsmann, 2011).
Global warming is, as (Chapman, 2003) observes, an environmental and
political issue. Climate change is warming the oceans and the ice at the
poles is melting causing sea levels to rise. Oceans are also being over
fertilized and suffering chemical changes, such as acidification or changes
on the salinity. Currents also may change their pattern and consequently,
ecosystems are becoming increasingly endangered.
These climate changes will have a direct impact on underwater cultural
heritage (Dunkley, 2013); (Van de Noort, 2013). Higher global surface
temperature will dry out some submerged heritage and, on the contrary,
sea-level rises will flood many coastal areas, creating new underwater
cultural heritage. In fact, climate change will raise the sea level enough to
inundate 136 sites considered by UNESCO to be cultural and historical
treasures (Marzeion and Levermann, 2014). In addition, each one of the
changes (warmer waters, changes in currents, rising oceans and chemical
changes) will have a different effect on the various materials that
constitute a submerged archaeological site.
Small Island Developing States (SIDS) are vulnerable to rises in sea
levels and even become uninhabitable (UNESCO, 2008). In this regard,
some authors warn that climate change will also modify social and cultural
behaviours, with communities changing how they live and work, migrating

�and abandoning their heritage. Therefore, all heritage needs to be
considered vulnerable to natural disasters (UNESCO, 2008).
The first part of this paper will analyse some cases of sites affected by
climate change that have already happened. Later, we will look at the
concept of “climate change”. The third part studies what would happen to
these Small Islands Developing States and the concept of identity. We will
next be looking to both ethical and legal aspects of climate change
affecting the cultural heritage. Finally, this paper will propose a new policy
for the preservation of underwater cultural heritage under the threat of the
climate change.

Issue
Climate change has already caused damages to underwater cultural
heritage. Sheridan and Sheridan (2013) state that civilization is heading
to informed self-destruction. They define culture as “the last cab off the
climate rank”. Several examples:
1. In Spain, a Phoenician shipwreck is being exposed due to the
change of currents affecting the oceans. The shipwreck that was 25
years ago at a depth of 6 metres it is now only at a depth of 1.8
metres (Rubio, 2014). Its preservation in situ may not be the best
option anymore, since it is now readily accessible to human
intervention and to further changes in the currents that may damage
her.
2. The raising of sea levels has disturbed the underwater graves of
soldiers killed in World War II on the Marshall Islands (McGrath,
2014). The tides have exposed a cemetery containing 26 human
bodies and the coffins and human remains are being washed away.
3. According to a leaked diplomatic cable1, the Dalai Lama called
attention to the climate changes that Tibet is suffering. Although

�Tibet is entirely landlocked, its temples are being inundated which
will convert them to underwater cultural heritage in the future, an
example that could be repeated:
The Dalai Lama argued that the political agenda should be
sidelined for five to ten years and the international community
should shift its focus to climate change on the Tibetan plateau.
Melting glaciers, deforestation and increasingly polluted water
from mining projects were problems that 'cannot wait.' The Dalai
Lama criticized China's energy policy, alleging that dam
construction in Kham and Amdo have displaced thousands of
Tibetans and left temples and monasteries underwater.
In view of these examples, climate change is an ultimate moral challenge
and cultural heritage managers have to be prepared for policy’s changes
(Sheridan and Sheridan, 2013). If the current global temperature is
prolonged over the next two millennia, 40 of the UNESCO Cultural World
Heritage sites will be affected. Of the 720 sites listed in the cultural and
mixed categories in the UNESCO World Heritage list, 136 of them will be
impacted by rises in sea levels (Marzeion and Levermann, 2014). In
addition, 3 to 12 countries will lose more than half of their current land
surface (Marzeion and Levermann, 2014).
Consequently, climate change may affect the underwater cultural heritage
in two forms:
a) Additional submerged places will be created and, on the contrary,
previously submerged places will become exposed.
A total of fifteen of the world’s twenty megacities are situated by the sea.
“If water levels rise even further, by 3, 4 or 5 metres in centuries to come,
we will have to give up some of the cities” (Rahmstorf and Richardson,
2009). These underwater cities or even countries will be in the future
underwater cultural heritage. This paper will focus on this aspect.

�b) The current underwater cultural heritage will be affected,
damaged or moved.
Variations in seawater follow universal chemical, physical and biological
laws. The shipwreck, in contact with water, experiences equilibrium
(Florian, 1987). At 400-800 metres depth archaeological sites experience
low and near constant water temperatures all year-round (Daly, 2011).
Sunlight, a biodeterioration accelerator, does not penetrate below 200m.
At the seafloor the current speeds are often very low with minimal tidal
effects and sediment transfer rates are also low. Erosion by currents, tidal
movements or changes in water circulation, resulting in objects being
removed and displaced is a real threat as well as erosion by dredging,
fishing and anchoring. Sediment accretion will be also having
consequences (Chapman, 2003): archaeological deposits could be buried
by accreting silts. As a consequence, the discovering of the new
underwater sites would be more difficult.

State of knowledge
Earth is a planet with high water content (71%). In fact it should be called
Ocean, instead of Earth as the volume of water is 1370 million km³
(Rahmstorf and Richardson, 2009). There are four main climate changes
that will affect the oceans:
1. The Warming of the Waters. There have always been fluctuations
in water temperature, especially in the surface layer of water that is
in direct contact with the atmosphere (the top 50–200 metres). The
temperature in this layer has increased by more than 3°C in the last
50 years. Such an increase in temperature will most likely gradually
spread to deeper layers, where shipwrecks and other heritage sites
are located. This warming could result in changes such as coral
bleaching and species migration. Other issues will also affect

�underwater tangible heritage such as chemical changes or the
increasing of shipworms.
2. Currents. Some experts predict that climate change could cause a
possible interruption of the thermohaline circulation, largely
responsible for regulating the earth’s temperature. Such change
would affect the submerged heritage in different ways, such as the
modification of the sediment layer. Much underwater cultural
heritage is preserved at present thanks to a protective layer of
sediment, mostly formed by microorganisms. Any disturbance of
this layer could damage the archaeological materials. A change in
currents can also displace some or all of a submerged
archaeological site, decontextualizing it from its original location or
otherwise dispersing the objects.
3. Chemical Changes. A variety of chemical changes might occur in
the waters as a result of climate change such as acidity and salinity.
If the pH of seawater decreases and the oxygen increases, it will
become more acidic. As a consequence, underwater material is
more likely to corrode. Also textiles dissolve more readily in acidic
water, meaning any archaeological textiles remaining under water
would likely be lost. Changes in salinity may also be proved
problematic since salinity also accelerates corrosion.
4. The Rising Sea Levels. Increased global temperatures melts land
ice, which adds water to the sea. Similarly, an increase in water
temperature results in the expansion of the sea, since warm water
occupies a larger volume than colder water. Sea levels react only
very slowly, and it takes many centuries—or even millennia—for
large continental ice masses to melt. However, since ice masses
are becoming wetter because of the contact with water, they will
almost certainly melt at a much faster rate. Researchers estimate

�that there will be a rise in the sea level of between 18 and 59 cm by
the year 2100; but it could exceed one metre. The rising sea level
would be the most difficult challenge facing cultural heritage. Not
only could it submerge the land-based cultural heritage, but
underwater cultural heritage might also be affected. Some of the
issues recognised in this regard are as follows:
 Increased depth. More water means greater depth and shipwrecks
lying on the seabed will be subject to greater pressure, which may
be more than they can withstand.
 Prospection. It would have an effect, mainly due to the reduction in
the amount of time a diver can remain under water.
 Marine boundaries. Higher sea levels will result in legal maritime
boundaries becoming less well-defined. Political issues and legal
disputes are expected to arise in the affected areas and the melting
of the Arctic will open new maritime commercial routes which will
translate into claiming of new territories as we will see.
 Flooding. Some land-based archaeological sites will flood, meaning
that some cultural heritage will become underwater cultural
heritage.
 Increased storms. Higher sea levels will cause more powerful
storms that will devastate low-lying areas. These will be in the form
of tropical storms and hurricanes/cyclones, at best eroding at worst
destroying both land and underwater heritage.
Although these are largely predictions for the future, some cultural
heritage sites are already experiencing these changes.
Small Islands Developing States

The Pacific Islands region comprises 22 countries and territories, nine of
them fully independent (Barnett and Campbell, 2010). It is divided into

�three regions: Melanesia -of large cultural diversity and more than 800
languages spoken-, Polynesia -more homogenous- with “only” 30
languages- and Micronesia -with strong links to the United States (Barnett
and Campbell, 2010). This cultural diversity may change for the effects of
climate change.
The IPCC 4th assessment report identifies small island states as being
the most vulnerable countries of the world to the adverse impacts of
climate change. The Pacific is in fact one of the world’s most vulnerable
regions. Not only their cultural heritage will be affected but also their
agriculture, water resources, forestry, tourism and other industry-related
sectors. However, the impact of climate change in these communities will
not only be noticeable on flooding lands, but also in its effects on
agricultural production and fisheries, and, as a consequence, in the
availability of food. However, there has been little research on
understanding how people is going to adapt to climate change.
For instance, the Tuvalu State is already losing not only its territory
because of the floodings, but also its identity and heritage: its culture as a
nation is transforming. Communities on the Torres Strait are also suffering
king tides and flooding that make life non-viable. The islands will probably
be completely submerged in the future, meaning 7000 people already
have to adapt to climate change. Australia has invited them to live on
Australian territory but this would mean that the land of such states—and,
therefore, their tangible culture—will be lost.
There are two basic responses to climate change for these territories:
mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation includes all policies and laws that
have been drafted on climate change. Adaptation has its origins in
evolutionary biology, seen as the basis for natural selections and it implies
long-term processes. This paper proposes a mix of mitigation and

�adaptation actions in order to understand and face the effects of climate
change on the cultural heritage.

Ethical dilemmas
This section will highlight the main ethical dilemmas attached to the loss
of a territory, as it is going to happen to some Asia-Pacific States.
1. Identity seems a concept intrinsically linked to the concept of
heritage. For

Ashworth (2007) heritage is a need of the individual and

of society to reinforce a socio-cultural identity: it is a contemporary
commodity and it is linked to the

concept of “national identity” that can

be shaped through a few selected points

of heritage and supporting

mythologies. An object of heritage can become an evocative symbol of
identification that acts as a trigger for emotions and narratives.
2. Emotion: this identification of a person with a place or an object
is established

because the person identifies itself with the place (or

object) and feels something related to it. In this regard, Smith (2006)
concludes that the “real

sense of heritage is when our emotions and

sense of self are truly engaged”.

The emotional value of heritage is felt

and it is reinforced through experiences and re-experiences that create a
sense of nostalgia (Smith and Waterton, 2009). Heritage is then not
valued for the specific information it contains but for the notions it evokes
among people.
3. Memories: memories, as emotions, are not spontaneous but they
need to be actively remembered (Smith and Waterton, 2009): they need
a root in a concrete object or site and need to be maintained. Cultural
heritage is intrinsically political and symbolic, used in lieu of description
to evoke memories

or emotions. And it is highly selective.

If some Small Island Developing States of the Pacific leave their
territories and, as a consequence, part of their tangible cultural heritage,

�they will lose part of their identity, their memories and the emotions that
they experience with their heritage.

Legal perspective
Legislation can be used to minimize human threats to underwater cultural
heritage. There is only 1.9 million km² of ocean area where nature
conservation regulations apply. There is some Marine Protected Areas
(MPA) but some authors (Rahmstorf and Richardson, 2009) believe that
at least 20 to 30% of the world’s oceans should be protected.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2007), Group I
concludes that the oceans are warming and the salinification of water is
changing. Although they are not visible ocean circulation changes, the
ocean biogeochemistry is changing since there is evidence of decreased
oxygen concentrations. And the sea level is definitely rising (IPCC, 2007).
Despite of all this information, international instruments fails to protect
cultural heritage from climate change forces (Sheridan and Sheridan,
2013). There are gaps in the capacity of the legislation for future
protection. Only the Convention Concerning the Protection of the Worlds
Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972) has some response to climate
change (Sheridan and Sheridan, 2013). The 2001 UNESCO Convention
on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage does not mention
climate change as an adverse factor for underwater cultural heritage.
However, Dromgoole (2013) feels that the term in the definition “partially
or totally underwater, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years”
is of importance for the predicted sea level changes due to climate
change. However, and despite this minor concession, the Convention
does not explicitly mention “climate change” and as a consequence, it
does not propose solutions. Neither the 1982 UNCLOS Convention does.

�The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992) has no direct
reference to underwater cultural heritage, nor does the Kyoto Protocol
(1997) which aims to reduce the levels of greenhouse gases.
The instruments that try to cover the topic provide good intentions rather
than solutions. They make a good starting point for the development of
the field, although they tend to be vague and imprecise and no remedies
are proposed. As a consequence, there is a need for ranking the potential
impact of climate change on individual heritage and determining the
vulnerability, sensitivity and resilience to future changes (Howard, 2003).

Conclusions
As this paper has tried to demonstrate, rises in sea levels, warmer waters,
ocean acidification and changes in currents will affect underwater cultural
heritage (Dunkley, 2013). Warmer waters mean more energetic oceans
(that cause more erosion) and the migration of invasive species. It also
means expansion, which will cause the problem of oceans delimitation. In
addition, this rises in sea levels will reduce the amount of time and
productivity an air-breathing diver can spend under water safely. In
addition, saltier waters mean less clear waters. Changes in ocean
temperatures also affect and alter oceanic currents which will have an
impact on underwater visibility for divers besides of the erosion of the
heritage. And although the direct effects of acidification are not still well
understood (but it is known that will harm marine fauna) it increases the
current rates of metal corrosion, which will be particularly harmful to the
underwater heritage of the World Wars (Dunkley, 2013).
Each site deserves unique treatment and it is difficult to set common
criteria. The climate change consequences on heritage need different
strands of research, like risk factors, socio-economic research and nature
and cultural stress factors (UNESCO, 2008). Some authors predict that

�future generations will face damage and loss of underwater cultural
heritage or will have to make great efforts to protect them (Marzeion and
Levermann, 2014).
However, as Sheridan and Sheridan (2013) observe, it seems that people
may need to see their cultural heritage threatened, temples washed away
or cathedrals destroyed by flooding to be convinced of the effects of
climate change in culture and to evaluate and propose solutions.
However, it is erroneous to assume that the most visible remains are the
most threatened. There is a need for practical and political response to
the effects of climate change on underwater cultural heritage but also a
priority of raising awareness of the impacts. Some authors emphasise the
inadequate financial resources and a lack of creativity on managing
underwater cultural heritage despite it being a growing “industry”
(Kingsley, 2011). Some inter-agency cooperation might be necessary
(Van de Noort, 2013), as well as convincing policy makers to include
climate change impacts in planning (Cassar and Pender, 2005).
This paper proposes the inclusion of underwater cultural heritage as
natural heritage, which is another subject on policy agendas for protecting
the world’s oceans from climate change. The differentiation between
cultural and natural is a barrier that excludes underwater cultural heritage
and avoids a common interdisciplinary work, as it will be seen in the next
section. However, is an Asia-Pacific values-orientated qualification of
underwater cultural heritage as a natural resource, focusing on identifying
and recovering the connections between the nature and culture sectors.

Proposal
The present study focuses the required actions to manage the underwater
cultural heritage under the threat of climate change in four steps:
recognizing the loss, starting the debate, creating a legal framework in

�which situate the debate and recognizing underwater cultural heritage as
a natural resource.
1. Recognizing the loss: there have already been two periods of
climate change in the past which could have affected the heritage. It is
essential to understand that although climate change does destroy the
heritage, it also creates new heritage (for instance flooded cities or islands
will become underwater cultural heritage in 100 years). This is an ethical
issue on heritage as process: understanding that it is inevitable to lose
some cultural heritage but that we will also gain some.

On these

premises, however, it is again the time to evaluate the importance of the
sites and to undertake actions to preserve the selected ones.
2. Starting the debate: climate change debate has occupied few
concerns in the archaeological and heritage arena. Whatever the causes,
the effects may be devastating (Chapman, 2003). This paper has tried to
trigger the debate, which needs to be discussed and disseminated
through academic, social and political agendas.
3. Creating a legal framework: the 2001 UNESCO Convention that
guides States on the management of their underwater cultural heritage
does not include climate change as a danger to the heritage. As with any
other international instruments, the authors of the Convention would hope
to become an example to the states (Carman, 2013). If this Convention
does not take climate change into consideration neither will States. This
paper presents a high-risk concept: underwater cultural heritage is a part
of the oceans and as a consequence underwater cultural heritage
preservation has more similarities to underwater natural heritage than to
terrestrial cultural heritage. Although the methodology (archaeology) and
the ethical concerns that both underwater and land heritage face have a
major equivalence, in the aspects of preserving and facing climate
change, underwater cultural heritage has to fight the same battles as the

�natural heritage in the oceans. The changes that will affect them are the
same. As a consequence, the same legal and political agendas on climate
change affecting the oceans should already include (as coral reefs are
included) underwater cultural heritage on their agendas.
4. Recognizing underwater cultural heritage as a natural resource:
Aznar-Gómez (2013) states that although underwater cultural heritage is
not considered a natural resource by the UNCLOS Convention, the
seabed and the sand is covering the archaeological objects. Also the nonsedentary fishing species live around artificial reefs made by shipwrecks.
For this reason, some authors (Rössler, 2006) have tried to link cultural
and biological diversity for the better preservation of underwater cultural
heritage. In fact, the 1972 Convention Concerning the Protection of the
World Cultural and Natural Heritage is an instrument for the preservation
of both, cultural and natural heritage. Aplin (2002) argues that distinction
between natural and cultural heritage is blurred and Chapman (2003)
reminds the close relationship between ecological and archaeological site
management and suggests a liaison between archaeologists and other
parties interested in natural environment. Lixinski (2008: 379) claims that
the “nature and culture dichotomy” listed in the 1972 World Heritage
Convention is simply artificial, as it is proved to be in the wording “the
combined works of nature and man”. According to the author, the holistic
approach to heritage seen as “significance” and not as a place or as an
object blurs that dichotomy. Accordingly, it is necessary to adjust natural
policies on the oceans to accommodate underwater cultural heritage. If
shipwrecks are considered artificial reefs, the same preservation policies
applied to natural reefs can be applied to the artificial ones (that is,
underwater cultural heritage).

�Endnotes
1

US embassy cables. The guardian. 10th August 2010 Available at:
http://www.theguardian.com/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/220120

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Biography
Elena Perez-Alvaro, doctor in Underwater Cultural Heritage, is a cultural
heritage consultant for Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd. Her primary
responsibility is to provide the clients with curatorial specialist advice, from
management to legal or uses advice. Her publications consider ethical,
legal and management aspects of cultural heritage, including the valuation
and interpretation of cultural heritage, protection from climate change, the
enhancement of intangible heritage, the relationship between natural and
cultural heritage, cultural heritage of colonised countries or the cultural
heritage of indigenous communities. She has also undertaken a wide
variety of teaching posts, including at university level.

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A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. &#13;
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This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of â€˜underwater cultural heritageâ€™ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. &#13;
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                <text>Predictions forecast changes in climate that may affect underwater cultural heritage in the future. Warmer waters mean more chemical changes and the proliferation of teredo navalis. Ocean currents may cause disturbances to the layer of sediment protecting underwater cultural heritage sites. The rises in sea levels would reduce the amount of time an air-breathing diver can safely spend under water and hence their productivity. Rises would also mean expansion, which could raise the problem of ocean delimitation. Also our land tangible cultural heritage will be submerged: entire nations and their cultural heritage may disappear, an issue affecting mostly the Small Island Developing States -many of them in the Pacific-, more vulnerable to rises in sea levels. Their identity as citizens of their cities, as members of a community with their own tangible past, complete with their cultural heritage, will disappear. Their land heritage will become underwater cultural heritage but for more than 100 years will not be protected under the 2001 UNESCO Convention.  This paper will look at climate change in these Asia-Pacific communities from the ethics as a core element and will study the introduction of these flooded areas as new underwater cultural heritage, proposing an AsiaPacific values-orientated qualification of underwater cultural heritage as a natural resource.</text>
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                <text>Elena Perez-Alvaro </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                    <text>A Methodology for Accurate and Quick Photogrammetric
Recording of Underwater Cultural Heritage
Kotaro
A.P.P.A.R.A.T.U.S.
apparatus.japan@gmail.com

Yamafune
LLC

Abstract
In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main
recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The
application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create
underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from
these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent
scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since
2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage
models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have
ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of
variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of
experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to
construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric
recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology
and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different
countries.
Key words: UCH, photogrammetry, Photoscan

Introduction
Agisoft PhotoScan and other off-the-shelf photogrammetry software
became available for archaeologists in 2010. By 2017, after only 7 years,
photogrammetry has become a one of the most frequently used recording
methods for UCH (underwater cultural heritage) sites. The author of this
paper works as a professional maritime archaeologist and applied
photogrammetric recording on more than 35 archaeological sites in more
than 10 different countries. Because of its submerged circumstances of
many shipwrecks, each site has different conditions: such as visibility and

�colors of waters, depth, topography, water current and so on. Those
different conditions create problems that requires different ways to solve
those difficulties. Additionally, each project has different mission
statement, or project’s goal. For that reason, each submerged site
requires different types of methodologies for data-collection and data
processing. Moreover, to use produced 3D digital models as
archaeological data, it is important to create 1:1 scale-constrained
georeferenced 3D models (Yamafune et al., 2016). Yet, to produce these
accurate models, it is essential to takes a week to produce local
coordinate system that gives scale and georeferenced on the model. To
solve these lengthy problem, the author created a methodology that
produces local coordinate system in short time (1 or 2 dives) yet provide
fairly accurate results. In this paper, the author shall share his
methodology of photogrammetric recording that he has developed and
currently

using.

Literature Review and Terminological Confusion of Photogrammetry
Before the author starts discussions regarding his photogrammetry
methodology, there is an important point that must be noted. The point is
a confusion related with the word ‘photogrammetry;’ ‘photogrammetry’
has been used repeatedly in history; probably the first time it appeared
in/as a discipline of science was during the WWII. When airplane became
widely available for military use, cameras were mounted on scouting
airplanes; then photos taken from the mounted cameras where
meticulously re-calibrated and composed to create a photomosaic, or a
map, of enemy’s territories. In other words, ‘photogrammetry’ that were
used first during the WWII was a technique to create accurately composed
photomosaic (Burtch, 2008; Van Damme, 2015; Konecny, 2003). And it

�was a well-known fact that Dr. George Bass and Dr. Frederick Van
Doornick, well-known ‘first generation’ maritime archaeologists, used
photogrammetry for their Yassiada underwater expeditions in 1960s;
detailed site plans were produced based on photomosaic that were taken
from a camera that was mounted on horizontally positioned rails on the
seabed (Van Doorninck, 1967; Bass, 1972; Bass and Van Doorninck,
1982). In their publications, they used a word ‘photogrammetry;’ however,
it

must

be

noted

that

‘photogrammetry’

in

their

article

and

‘photogrammetry’ that produces 3D digital models today uses different
systems and indicate different recording systems.

Another terminological confusion related to a word ‘photogrammetry
occurred in 1990s. In 1990s, maritime archaeologists started practice
DSM (Direct Survey Method); many cases this system is referred as
trilateration. DSM provides a local coordinate system/network to help
production of 2D site plans of submerged shipwreck site. DSM is a method
to

directly

measure

distances

in

between

control

points

and

detailed/reference points to create positional networks. Consequently,
DSM provides XYZ coordinates of control points and detailed points, and
maritime archaeologists use these XY coordinates to produce 2D site
plans (Holt 2003: Green and Gainsford 2003). When DSM became a
popular method among maritime archaeologists as a mapping method in
90s, another method was also often used to produce 2D site plans; and
this

another

method

is

also

called

‘photogrammetry.’

This

photogrammetry is known with the software Photomodeler. Photomodeler
is a photogrammetry software; and this photogrammetry mainly applied
for underwater excavations in 1990s and 2000s uses a meticulously
calibrated camera and its images that captures at least three reference

�points in one image. Thanks to meticulous calibration of the camera and
its series of images, Photomodeler can calculate the XYZ coordinates of
reference points; and these reference points are used to produce 2D site
plans and 3D CAD drawings. Indeed, the data sets that DSM and this
photogrammetry produced were very similar; both system provides XYZ
coordinates of reference points on submerged sites. A few articles were
published in 1990s and the early 2000s related to this photogrammetry
that produce XYZ coordinates of reference points, or a local coordinate
system (Green et al., 2002). However, photogrammetry that related
Photomoder is different from photogrammetry that can produce 3D
models. Confusingly, around 2010, when photogrammetry that can
produce 3D models began to become popular recording methods, EOS
system (the software company manufactures Photomodeler) released
upgraded version of the software called Photomodeler Scanner. This
Photomodeler Scanner can produce 3D models of subjects that uses
similar system with ‘photogrammetry’ that the author will discuss in this
paper. Nonetheless, it is important to be noted that Photomodeler that can
provide XYZ coordinates of reference points and Photomodeler Scanner
that can produce 3D models are different types of ‘photogrammetry.’ And
a word ‘photogrammetry’ mainly referred in articles of maritime
archaeology in 1990s and early 2000s were mainly focus on
Photomodeler and its system that provides XYZ coordinates of reference
points on archaeological sites.
In 2010, Agisoft PhotoScan was released. While Autodesk 123D Catch,
Photomodeler Scanner and other photogrammetry software that produce
3D digital models were also released around the same time, thanks to its
georeferencing systems and user-friendly workflows, Agisoft Photoscan
immediately became popular photogrammetry software among maritime

�archaeologists are keen to apply quick and accurate recording methods
on submerged sites. By 2017, many maritime archaeology projects enjoy
this recording application. Nonetheless, another confusing terminological
problem is happening. After 2010, almost all the time ‘photogrammetry’
indicates a system that produces 3D digital models; however, there are
many different words were being used to indicate this one system. The
author often hears SfM (Structure from Motion) in the United State and
Japan, some articles including IJNA (International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology) prefer Multi-image Photogrammetry, some Italian scholars
sometimes use Close-range Photogrammetry, and scholars form northern
European countries sometimes use Computer-Vision Photogrammetry.
Yet all these words imply one system that produces 3D digital models
based on digital images.
Concluding this section, the word ‘photogrammetry’ implies different
systems when it was used for maritime archaeology. From 1960s and
1980s, ‘photogrammetry’ implies a system that produced a photomosaic
of sites; from 90s and 00s, ‘photogrammetry”’ implies a system that used
calibrated digital cameras and its photos to calculate XYZ coordinates of
reference points located on the site to produce 2D site plans and 3D CAD
drawing (by connecting reference points). After 2010, ‘photogrammetry’
implies a system that produces 3D digital models. Furthermore, this
‘photogrammetry’ after 2010 that produces 3D digital models is called in
different names, such as SfM, Multi-image Photogrammetry, Close-range
Photogrammetry, Computer-Vision photogrammetry, and so on, yet these
all names indicate only one system. In this paper, the author shall use a
word “photogrammetry” in his discussions, and this “photogrammetry”
indicates

a

system

that

produces

3D

digital

models.

�Importance of Local Coordinate Systems
Tying the site plan to a set of local coordinates is a key factor to create
1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced photogrammetric 3D digital models.
There are two reasons that creating a local set of coordinates is important.
The first reason is to correct scale and distortion of the photogrammetric
models and to geographically reference the site plan. One of the
advantages of photogrammetry is that it does not require precise
calibration of the camera. Although calibration is recommended, the
software primarily uses pixel information to reconstruct a site, which
means that the construction of the point clouds does not require manual
calibration. Moreover, the software reads metadata from the camera and
lens and minimizes the errors. Distortions are inevitable, however, and
this possible error can be minimized by applying known distances and
specific photo capturing sequences, or “flight path.” The second reason to
establish local coordinate system is that unless tied to a system of
coordinates, models float in unspecified tridimensional fields. To fix the
models in the correct position, local coordinates must be included on the
models. Without this, it is impossible to export the computer graphics files
to mapping software with the correct position. Georeferenced information
facilitates a straightforward workflow when models and orthophotos (high
resolution photomosaic) are exported.
Also, the processing and rendering capacity of the Agisoft PhotoScan
software is limited by both software and hardware configurations. This
constrains the maximum polygon count for the mesh (which makes up the
surface of the model), and the maximum number and resolution of UV
mapped textures (‘UV’ is a XY coordinates for texture), which are
composed photomosaic on surfaces of mesh. Large data sets can be
divided into smaller Chunks (PhotoScan’s term), which are separately

�processed. These Chunks can be imported into a single PhotoScan file
afterward without merging (Tool &gt; Append) and other modelling and
mapping software applications and merged without decimation (the
reducing of the polygon count). When models and orthophotos are
georeferenced, the merging process is automatic, and exported files are
opened in their correct positions in other software. A set of local
coordinates is paramount to ensure an accurate manipulation of models
or orthophotos.

Scale-bar Methods and DSM
While local coordinates system that is produced by DSM can be used to
scale-constrain photogrammetric model, Agisoft PhotoScan also allows
the input of measurements in a different way. PhotoScan uses scale bars,
or known distance, instead of importing local coordinates collected using
DSM. At actual archaeological sites, establishing control points and local
coordinates may take a week. This may not be suitable for a short-term
survey project. The author had tested the both methods to fix distortions
and scale of photogrammetric models. Measuring methods that will be
discussed and compared are: trilateration (DSM) using 3H Site Recorder,
and scale bars that are placed on the site. To compare and examine the
accuracy both methods, local coordinates and known distances of both
methods were applied to a photogrammetric model, and each different
method

was

compared

to

control

measurements.

The

control

measurements were taken directly from the wooden model. For this test,
the author used a 1:10 scale wooden model of a saveiro, a 20th-century
Brazilian coastal sailing boat. In order to simulate an archaeological
shipwreck site, the wooden model was laid down on its starboard side,

�and its floor timbers were pulled slightly out so that its starboard futtocks
lay on the bottom (See also Fig. 2 and 3).
Direct Survey Method (Trilateration)
The first method to discuss is trilateration, also known as Direct Survey
Method (DSM). Trilateration (DSM) has been repeatedly used in
underwater archaeological recordings. For this DSM, the author used 3H
Site Recorder (Demo Version). In order to acquire coordinates of
reference points, a control network first had to be established. The author
placed eight control points around the wooden model, set all the control
points to a congruent height (40 cm from the ground), and set this height
as the surface of the water, or depth of 0 cm. To establish the positions of
the control points, or a control network, 19 measurements were taken.
The tolerance established for errors was set at 0.3 cm; therefore, all
distance errors bigger than 0.3 cm were shown in red (shorter) and blue
(longer). Only one distance (CP5 – CP7) showed a + 0.39 cm statistical
error after the adjustment of the control points. After the control network,
or positions of datum points, was established, 11 reference points were
placed on the model. A total of 44 measurements were taken from the
control points; each reference point was measured from the nearest four
control points (Fig. 1). Two measurements indicated over 0.3 cm error;
however, both errors were less 0.5 cm, which is within an acceptable
range of error.

�Fig. 1: The Local Coordinate Network of reference points and control
points around the Saveiro Wooden Model (Top View: Horizontal Plane).
Scale-bars Method
Scale bars are often used when pictures of archaeological sites are taken.
These scale bars can be extremely useful in photogrammetry. Scale bars
give accurate scale information in archaeological photography, and when
a site is being mapped using photogrammetry, they can be used to check
measurements after other methods, such as DSM, were used to correct
distortion and scale of a created photogrammetric model. However,
distortions and dimensions can be fixed by using only scale bars, a feature
that allows archaeologists to skip the time-consuming DSM system. To
test the accuracy of this method, four scale bars were placed on the four
sides of the saveiro model. In this particular case, considering the size of
the model the four scale bars available were unnecessarily long.
Therefore, seven 10 cm scale bars with markers were created on the
existing scale bars. These smaller 10 cm bars were entered as fixed
distances in the photogrammetric model (Fig. 2).

�Fig. 2: Seven 10cm scale bars created on the Saveiro Photogrammetric
Model for the Scale Bar Method.
Comparison of DSM and Scale-bars Methods
To test the accuracy of these two survey methods mentioned above, the
measurements from all photogrammetric models of the saveiro were
compared within a single set of control measurements. The control
measurements were taken directly from the wooden model; 21 selected
distances between reference points were taken for this purpose (Fig. 3).
The control measurements were compared to the measurements
obtained by the other methods (Table 1).

�Fig. 3: The photogrammetric model of the Saveiro Wooden Ship Model
and the measured distances between reference points for the
comparison.

�Table 1. Distances between reference points to compare different
surveying methods to fix distortions and scales of the Saveiro Wooden
Ship Model’s photogrammetric mModel

The results suggest that scale-bar can be a more accurate scale-constrain
method in a photogrammetric model. The measurements taken from the
photogrammetric model with trilateration (DSM) coordinates display an
average error of 0.39 cm. The more accurate results obtained were
through the use of scale bars; the scale bars allowed an average error of
0.19 cm.
The results of the experiments with two scale-constrain methods
discussed show that the scale bars method provided better results in fixing
scales from photogrammetry surveys. The main disadvantage of
trilateration (DSM) is that it requires many measurements. For instance,

�the saveiro model required 19 measurements to establish the control point
network and 44 measurements to calculate the coordinates of reference
points. On the other hand, the scale-bars method does not require any
measurements. However, it is important to note that the scale-bars
methods cannot establish a local coordinates system. This is a
disadvantage when compared to the traditional trilateration (DSM)
method; scale bars can fix distortion and scale of photogrammetric
models, but they need a complementary method to establish local
coordinates.

The Recommended Method to Produce 1:1 Scale-constrained
Georeferenced 3D Models

Following is an experimental methodology that author composed and
applied

on

several

underwater

shipwreck

sites,

and

these

photogrammetric models shows successful results.

Testing Scale-bar Method on Larger Underwater Sites
The author tested scale-bars method on various underwater shipwreck
sites; including Operation Forager directed by Dr. Jennifer McKinnon and
Dr. Toni Carrell (Saipan 2017: 8 wrecks), Fourni Underwater Survey
Project directed by Dr. George Koutsouflakis and Dr. Peter Campbell
(Greece 2017: 9 wrecks), and Converging the World Project directed by
Nicholas Budsberg and Charles Bendig (the Bahamas 2017: 1 sites).
While recording those submerged archaeological sites, the author
positioned 4 – 8 scale bars on each site for photogrammetric recording.
To test possible distortions in a larger submerged site (for instances

�around 30m x 30m), the author intentionally scale-constrained only one
corner with a 1m scale bar using the Scale-bars method, and check
calculated distance using a 1m scale bar on the opposite site. The result
showed that the distance error of the 1m scale bar on the opposite side is
2.5mm. And this result stay same with other photogrammetric models of
other sites (errors varies in 0.5mm – 3mm). In other words, if a 3D digital
model is scaled by one side of the 30m x 30m coverage area, distance
error (or distortion) can be less than 2.5mm anywhere if an archaeologist
tries to measure 1m-long areas; and it also means that possible maximum
positional errors from one end to the other end of the 30m-long site (if this
distortion occurs in linier manner) is 7.5cm. Again, the biggest advantage
of the scale-bars methods is its simplicity and speed. It doesn’t require
any tape measurements; scale-bars can be simply positioned around the
sites. More importantly, once ‘Scale Bars’ are created in Agisoft
Photoscan, camera locations and scale of the created model can be fixed
based on known distances by ‘Optimize Cameras’ command (open
‘reference tab’ &gt; input known distances on ‘Scale bar’ &gt; ‘Update’ &gt;
‘Optimize Cameras’). Using this ‘Optimize Cameras’ command, distance
errors on the 1m can be 0.5mm or less. This means possible distance
error of 30m-long site is 1.5cm.

Importance of the ‘Flight Path’
To obtain good/accurate results with minimum distortions on created
photogrammetric models discussed above, the author strong believes that
his distinctive “flight path” is the key factor. The author originally
developed his flight path to ensure successful rate in “Align Photos”
process. Photo alignment is the most important phase in photogrammetric
modeling.

To maximize the probability of creating successful photo

�alignment, the author developed a flight path for sequences of photo
shooting. The best results have been achieved by capturing surrounding
area first to lock the site. Then, photographs are taken perpendicularly to
capture a top view of the site with appropriate overlap. After complete
photo shooting in both transversal and longitudinal paths, additional
photographs must be taken with the camera tilted to capture vertical
surfaces of rich tridimensional structures (Fig. 4). Actual ‘flight path’ of
archaeological sites can vary depending on multiple factors; therefore,
meticulous planning of a flight path is an important part of successful
photogrammetric recording. Most important factor of flight path is its
interwoven manner; sometimes the diver who use photogrammetry only
apply transversal path without the longitudinal path and the locking paths.
In other words, if only one direction of flight path is applied, directional
distance/length of from one point on one side to another point on the
opposite side shall be long, and distortions on images will be
accumulated. However, if three paths (Locking path, transversal path, and
longitudinal path) are properly operated, distance from one side to the
opposite side will be shorter hence the distortion can be minimized. For
that reason, the author strongly recommends that photo-shooting
sequences, or ‘flight path,’ for photogrammetry have to be practiced with
interwoven manners.

�Fig. 4: Recommended flight path for photogrammetric recording.
Applying Local Coordinate System on Scale-bars Method
Next step to create a 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D models is
to apply a local coordinate system on a created 3D digital model. As it was
discussed earlier, scale-bars methods can produce fairly accurate scaleconstrained

1:1

models;

however,

these

models

cannot

carry

georeferenced/positional information. Having a georeferenced/spatial
information is essential for archaeologists to use 3D photogrammetric
models as scientific data for their analysis. In order to apply/generate a
georeferenced data on a created 3D model, it only requires XYZ
coordinates of three control points within a site. The author uses distances
between three control points placed on the archaeological site to establish
a temporal XY coordinates on the three points. A triangle can be created
if distances between three points are known. To obtain these distances
from a created scale-constrained 3D model, control point must be
created/placed on the model. Control point can be created easily in Agisoft
PhotoScan as markers by double clicking on the respective position on
the mode (these markers can be created on the photos by right clicking
and choose ‘create markers’ in Agisoft PhotoScan). Then scale-bars were

�created between these three points to extract calculated distances
between the points (choose two respective markers on reference pane &gt;
right click on selected markers &gt; create ‘scale bars’ &gt; click ‘view
estimated’). Using these distances between three points, a triangle can
be created using 3D CAD software such as Rhino 3D. Then orientation of
the triangle must be adjusted based on depth-measurements of these
control points collected by diver’s dive computer (Fig. 5). This adjusted
triangle and positions of its three corners give new/adjusted XYZ
coordinates of the three points; the author uses these coordinates to
adjust angle of these three control points on the 3D model in Agisoft
PhotoScan (open reference tab &gt; input XYZ coordinates of the corner of
the adjusted triangles &gt; ‘update’). Once these adjusted coordinates were
applied, the 3D photogrammetric model shall contain georeferenced
information.

Fig. 5: Adjustment of the coordinate triangle (The blue triangle is a
temporal triangle that was created based on distances between control
points. And the red one is the adjusted triangle; its orientation was
adjusted based on depth-measurements of the three control points.
Then new coordinates were collected from corners of the red triangle).

�Using a 1:1 scale constrained photogrammetric model as new local
Coordinate System
On the Conversing the World Project, the team of maritime archaeologists
excavated an early sixteenth century Spanish shipwreck in the Bahamas
during the summer 2017; this shipwreck is also known as the Highbourne
Cay Shipwreck. The author is in charge of photogrammetric recording of
the shipwreck site, and he applied the combination of scale-bars and
triangle geo-referencing methodology explained above to create 1:1
scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Furthermore, once a
1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D model of the site was created in
Agisoft PhotoScan, it is easy to extract coordinates of any possible points
on the 3D model by creating markers (right click on the model or a photo
&gt; ‘create makers’ &gt; ‘view estimated’). This means that when 3D models
are created on the same area or smaller areas within the site in following
day, coordinates of reference points/markers can be collected from the
first 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced model, and apply these
coordinates on newly created 3D models. This means once a local
coordinate system is generated within the first model, archaeologists can
use this coordinate system to both scale-constrain and geo-reference
following photogrammetric models. The author prefers to call this first 1;1
scale constrained georeferenced 3D model as ‘Mother Model’, and
following 3D models that receive coordinates from Mother Model as Child
Models. In other words, the Mother Models itself works as a local
coordinate system of the site, and archaeologists can extract XYZ
coordinates of any reference points form the Mother models to create
another 1:1 scale constrained georeferenced 3D digital models.

�Conclusion
Past 7 years, photogrammetry became one of the most frequently used
recording applications on UCH (Underwater Cultural Heritage). However,
if archaeologists use these 3D digital models as scientific data, it is vital
to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Once a
3D digital model carries/contains correct/real scale and georeferenced
information, archaeologists are able to extract dimensional information,
section profiles, DEM (Digital Elevation Models) and contour maps,
orthomosaics (high resolution photomosaic), 2D siteplans, and other
scientific data. The author’s methodology uses simple scale bars placed
on site and a triangle created in 3D CAD software based on distances in
between three control points. This methodology provide accurate results
in a short-term (for instances, if a site is 30m x 30m in size and 20m deep,
it will be 0.5mm possible error in 1m, or 1.5cm possible error in 30m, with
the optimization, and it takes only 3 - 4 dives with one diver). Once the
first model, or Mother Model, is created, following photogrammetric
models from the campaign can take advantage of a local coordinate
system of Mother Model. In other words, photogrammetric recording
processes can be much faster, so that archaeologists are able to create
series of 3D digital models during the same excavation campaign.
Consequently, maritime archaeologists can obtain enough dataset to
study a shipwreck site with layers of information and study stratigraphy of
shipwrecks.

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University,
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Rapids
(https://spatial.curtin.edu.au/local/docs/HistoryOfPhotogrammetry.pdf,
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University of Southern Denmark.
Yamafune, K., Torres, R. and Castro, F., 2016. Multi-image
photogrammetry to record and reconstruct underwater shipwreck site.
Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 17-3-2016 (online).

.

�Biography
Kotaro Yamafune received his Bachelor of Arts
degree in history from Hosei University in Tokyo in
2006. He entered the Nautical Archaeology
Program in the Anthropology Department at Texas
A&amp;M University in September 2009 and received his
Master of Arts degree in August 2012. He
continued his studies in the Texas A&amp;M University
Nautical Archaeology Program and earned his
doctorate in May 2016. His research interests
include shipbuilding in Medieval Europe and the European Age of
Discovery, and ship reconstruction. He also focuses on photogrammetric
recording of submerged cultural heritage, including ship

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since 2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different countries.   </text>
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                    <text>Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily
Skills in Chinese Junk
Xu Lu
Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society
xuluxm2013@yahoo.com
Yu Long Fa
Xiamen Old Fishing Port
13666084562@163.com

Abstract
Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited
their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others
with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or
studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a
Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical
documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu
(Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G.
Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship
and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living
sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year
old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months
of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the
complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This
experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field
investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology
creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small
full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages;
the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add
some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese
seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined
researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral
materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on
traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research,
the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills
and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver
the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct,
eyesight, memory, and skill.

�Key words: Chinese junk, seafaring, ethnography

Fig. 1: One of the Earlier Documents to Record the Compass Bearing
Direction for Sailing Routes between Fu-Chow to Ryukyu in 1580.
Introduction
In 2004, the author had opportunity to sail on the three-masted Jin Hua
Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage, this long voyage from Dong
Shan Bay of southern Fujian to Zhu-Hai of Canton took 9 days and
covered 330 nautical miles. Jin Hua Xin was the last working traditional
sailing junk in China coast; nearly 100 years old (Xu, 2010). Several
months of onboard investigation voyage provided a rare field experience
to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization, and their
daily work; and this experience led the author to raise a subject of
seafarers with a marine ethnographic field investigation project along the
Fujian coast in 2001. The details of seafarers daily work on Chinese junks
are little known by outsiders previously; yet the last successors of sailors
and fishermen recollected their past stories piece by piece. Experimental
archaeology creates an effective scene for realistic performance of past
systems by sailing a full-scale reconstruction boat. A small full-size replica
LanTay II is planning an archaeological voyage to cross the Taiwan Strait,
the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add
some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese
seafarers onboard.
Previous Researches

�The studies on seamanship for operating and maneuvering Chinese junks
have not yet been explored in detail. To improve productivity, safety and
speed standards of the traditional water transport industry, a unique
official field investigation and iconographies collected for Chinese cargo
junks had been engaged in Fujian during 1958-1959. These works were
restrictedly published in book in 1960，also a reference for sail design
and use was attached in its appendices. This may be the only short
description in Chinese for sailing practices. Sometime in the early 20th
century, European scholars tried to understand the composition of
Chinese junk. A brief description about the structure and working principle
of yuloh has been included in G.R.G. Worcester’s marine ethnographic
field investigation (1947). Joseph Needham (1971) also had a brief
introduction about the action of wind on a Chinese junk under sail, and the
principles of tacking and wearing. There are also a few references about
the performance of Chinese sails under different angles of apparent wind
in Thomas Hoppe’s English manuscript in 2004.
One of the earlier European scholars who observed Chinese traditional
navigation is G. R. G. Worcester (1947). He noticed some important
details and technical logic that others had not found before; his description
is a following:
“In former days, lighted joss sticks suspended from the deck head
were the only timepieces…the cheap alarm chock has greatly
simplified navigation for the junk master. The junks carry no charts of
any kind. The laodahs find their way by means of a skillful combination
of sea instinct, keen eyesight, good memory, and an instinct for
direction nearly as a homing pigeon…they stand in for the land,
depending entirely upon their knowledge of its appearance and the
depth and nature of the soundings to give them position, for to them
the bottom of the sea has its hills and valleys like the land, and they
acquire an intimate acquaintance with its contours and the type of
bottom to be expected in each locality.”

�Another European scholar, Joseph Needham, noted the joss sticks used
by Chinese seafarers (1971):
“…(besides sand-glass,) Burning incense in stick-like form is a
practice which goes far back into China’s Middle Ages, and it would
have been very easy to measure time approximately enough with the
‘joss-sticks’.”

Needham (1971) also categorized the history of navigational methods into
three periods: (a) primitive navigation (b) quantitative navigation
(Measurement): +900 A.D. in East Asia (c) mathematical navigation:
+1500 A.D.
In 2008, an original map of the China Seas region was rediscovered in the
Bodleian Library Special Collections in Oxford by Robert K. Batchelor
(2014) and Timothy Brook (2013). The Selden Map is a detailed map of
Southern China dated the mid-16th century; it appears that the old Xiamen
port is the beginning of all the sea routes on the map, it also labeled the
trade routes departing from Xiamen.
A recent paper summarized the navigation and religion in traditional
Chinese junk have listed several historical materials and demonstrated
with two collections of sounding lead in Quan-Zhou (Lin, 2015).
Historical Contexts
A boat under sail is a very complex historical mechanism; the vessel
consists and represents a naval architecture system, as the tools for
different functions, as a space to reflect the weather, the waves and the
currents, and as a society for the composition of crew and their daily life.
In his encyclopaedic work, Heavenly Creations (chapter on boat, Tian-

�Gong-Kai-Wu), Song Yingxing (1637) divided the Chinese vessels into
sea-going, river and other craft; and then, he classified these for many
types according to their different sailing environment. This classification
may be applied even today because Chinese sailing traditions have
changed little through time, and the last sailors and fishermen of wooden
sailing junk still survive/alive. This paper focuses on Sha-Po-Wei, the main
area of old Xiamen port until the first half of the 20th century, the ages
when wooden sailing boats shuttle in the Taiwan Strait.
Sha-Po-Wei, along with adjacent coast lines, was an ideal port for
seafarers due to its location on the sea route connecting East Asia,
Southeast Asia, and Taiwan (Fig. 2). The demand of marine transportation
and ocean fishery brought seafarers from coastal regions of Quan-Zhou
and lower Zhang-Zhou River. Seafarers of Sha-PoWei divided into two
types: crews and fishermen. The crews mainly migrated from Hui-An
county of Quan-Zhou, while fishermen moved from Zhang-Zhou river
basin belong to Hai-Chen county. Fishermen of Sha-Po-Wei called
themselves ‘sea beggars,’ and it is subdivided into several groups
according different fishing method, namely types and lengths of fishing
vessel. Those groups (between fishermen and local resident, fishermen
and crews, even between different groups of Sha-Po-Wei fishermen) were
rarely communicating each other. Furthermore, both fishermen and crews
lived in their own enclosed social space to avoid troubles with others;
many of them have not even walked several miles out to countryside in
whole their life.

�Fig. 2: A Map of South Fujian and Old Amoy Port Sha-Po-Wei.
Organization
To learn composition of crews is the first step to approach their daily life.
In general, 15-20 tons deadweight trade vessel with two sails allocated 56 sailors, 30-35 tons also two sails would be 7-8 sailors, 55-65 tons with
three sails has 12-13 sailors. Crews were temporary employed between
by the ship owner; however, in addition to their lower wage, every sailor
was allowed to carry a few private cargo up to 250 kilograms, and usually
the ‘laodahs’ (equivalent to captain in Western) had doubled weight and
doubled payment more than other crews. There are five chief positions in
Chinese trade vessel; these were laodah, (and vice laodah, which is

�equivalent to helmsman in the western world), mast head, sampan,
foreboard, and supply chief (besides the ‘chu-hai’ who served as ship
owner's representative also in charge of accounting and port to call for
loading and unloading cargo). The crews were on duty during the day and
in two shifts in the night; they changed shifts in midnight. Laodah and vice
laodah keep working throughout the voyage until they cast the anchor.
Chuhai did not participate in onboard works.
For a local long-line fishing vessels crew size was much bigger than a
corresponding-sized merchant ship. Lodah and vice laodah had to work
day and night during the deep-sea fishing voyage; there were no chief
positions for other sailors, hence there were no arranged shifts. After
vessel dropped the long liner fishing, sampans were lowered one by one
along the fishing route; 3-4 sailors on each sampan were taking back the
hooks. This hard work usually lasted all day long.
There is a small shrine at the aft area of the poop deck containing the
effigy of the junk’s patron saints, Goddess of Mercy, Matsu, Guandi, etc.
The laodah or vice laodah of trade vessel burned incense in stick-like
‘joss-stick’ one by one throughout the voyage to keep alight in the shrine
where the compass laid also. For fishing junks, it was same but joss-stick
only burned one in morning and one in evening, as well as some important
occasions and critical times. Many local long liners have one ‘tong-ki’, a
trance-state man while intercommunicated oracles onboard; he would
give advice in case of an emergency. The tong-ki was a fisherman in
normal times, and they did not receive extra payment.
A living room/quarters was located at the aft area of the ship, or the lower
area of the quarter-poop deck; laodah’s bunk on the back on the left,
opposite side was for chu-hai. In Chinese junk, portside also named yuloh
side while starboard called sail side. Ice butt and stove located in the sail

�side, toilet and water bin were in the yuloh side. Sailors carried water in a
bin contained 30 ‘dan’, or 1500 kilograms.
Seamanship
The bamboo strip sails had been adopted in Chinese junks since the
Western Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), and used up until the early 20th
century. However, the last successors of seafarers along the Fujian coast,
which the average age is 80 years old, mostly never saw the bamboo
sails; some of them just heard them from their previous generation or two
generations earlier in which these sails were being used. To operate a
bamboo matting sail, it has to be rolled and unrolled; it is heavier than one
used cloth sail. There is an idiom applied to both sail types, and that says
‘trim one's rubber to the wind’. The cloth lugsail was fasten on odd number
of bamboo from luff to leech where could see the balance from the mast;
each end of the batten on the leech was connected by the bight and
through some euphroes lead the control sheets terminated in one main
sheet to the stern of the upper deck. The sail was often very heavy, and it
required the whole crew at the winch to set the sail. On Jin Hua Xin, it
required approximately 12 minutes with six sailors to turn the winch. The
vice laodah held the tiller and order the trimmer to control the main sheet,
while the laodah served as a navigator and rarely handled the rudder.
The leeward sailing, windward sailing, and wind abeam sailing were the
main points of Chinese sailing junk under different angles of apparent
wind. The latter was rarely recorded by previous researchers, both Song
Yingxing (1637) and Needham (1971) seemed to be confused between
the beam reach and windward sailing. The local seafarers call it ‘tripod
sheet’ as the sheet system have fasted the main sail keep it at
approximate 50 degree angle with the stern, which is the position in
between the leeward sailing and windward sailing. The Old Xiamen

�seafarers often used tripod sheet when they set sail to Tainan by the
winter monsoon (northeast or north wind). The main sail of Fujian junk
was hung on starboard side of the mast, thus the sailors on quarterdeck
would see the bamboo battens while sailing with tripod sheet; they called
it open sail (all the way on the road was port tack, the batten was force to
left the mast). When the boat went back to Xiamen by using same
monsoon, no matter sailing with close reach or beam reach ,it was
starboard tack; this was call close sail (the batten was pushed to touch
the mast) as the bamboo battens could not been seen at the position of
laodah. Moreover, Chinese sailors often worked to windward tacking and
jibing by turn the stern to wind; accident jibe was deemed to be dangerous
especially under the strong wind.
Onboard tools include axes, nails, knives and cloth tec., were used for
emergency repairs. The author learnt and experienced to block the bottom
loopholes in the towed voyage of Lan Tay II at February 2004 (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3: To block the bottom loopholes of the LanTay II.

�Navigation
Just like people live in mountains naturally know and understand their
surrounding landform, Chinese seafarers understood that the seabed had
hills and valleys similar to the land with different sediment types; sailors
used these sediments and topography of the seabed to acquire positions
of the vessel on voyages. The last successors of Fujian seafarers did not
use the needle sailing route manuscripts, but they relied on their trained
eyesight and memories. Yet, some of them also learnt the manuscripts
given by their previous generation; therefore, they can read and
understand it.
Phing-Chou Kho Than, written between 1111 and 1117 by Chu Yu,
described navigation techniques as follow:
“The ship’s pilots are acquainted with the configuration of the coasts,
at night they steer by the stars, and in the day-time by the sun. In dark
weather they look at the south-point needle (compass). They also use
a line a hundred feet long with a hook at the end, which they let down
to take samples of mud from the sea-bottom, by its smell they can
determine their whereabouts.”

The sounding lead was used to ascertain the depth of water, the head of
lead has a hole filled with soap or grease to stick to a few seabed materials
to identify if there was sand, mud, or stones. The weight of a sounding
lead was between 3-5 kilograms. The word ‘fathom’ and ‘water’ was used
by old Xiamen port seafarers to mean a two-arm span, which is
approximately 1.6 meters. Usage of the sounding lead was also described
by Xiao LiuQiu Man Zhi written in 1755. When thrown into the sounding
lead from window of yuloh or shipboard, sailors should remain the boat
stationary. Every five waters there was a red sign in the rope.

�The laodah or vice laodah burned a joss-stick and kept it alight in the
shrine after the ship set sail, and each incense ran about one hour; this
also helped them to acquire the positions in the sailing route. Chinese
seafarers almost never used the ‘distance’ to describe the sea route, but
instead of ‘how long’ it took.
In the middle of the Selden Map, there is an illustration of a Chinese
mariner’s compass at the top, this may be the earliest sample can be seen
today (Fig. 4). The compass was divided into 24 points represented by the
twelve Chinese, earthly branches and the twelve heavenly stems. The
most common compass was consisted of a round wood box, where an
arrow shaped needle was balanced inside. The oldest style compass was
dry-pivoted, later ones were filled with water; yet both were called ‘drygen’ by local seafarers. After the compass was improved with 12 Chinese
characters, it came to 360 degrees; this compass was called ‘luo-gen’.
The seafarers were taught to use the compass and to calculate the tides
and winds since they were young. Every seagoing junk had two dry-gens,
at least, should one needle lose its magnetic field. The Vice laodah kept
one on his side, while the loadah kept another one. In the night, it was
illuminated by the laodah’s opium pipe. Even sampans from long line
fishing junks had their own small dry-gens.

Fig. 4 (right): The Chinese
Mariner’s Compass on Selden
Map.

�Besides compass and sounding lead, Sha-Po-Wei fishermen used
primitive astronomical guidance for them to orient themselves. They could
read directions by simply by 4 stars during the night. Venus for east,
Needle End Star for south, West Star for west and North Star for north.
Sailing Routes
There are a least eleven historical documents about compasses and its
bearing directions for sailing routes in Taiwan Strait: these are listed as
follows:
1. Si yi Guang Ji (四夷广记), written between 1592 and 1598 by Shen
Mao Shang.
2. Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (顺风相送 Fair Winds for Escort), written in
about 1593.
3. Tung His Yang Khao (东西洋考 Studies on the Oceans East and
West) ,written in 1617 by Chuang Hsich.
4. Chih Nan Cheng Fa (指南正法 General Compass Bearing Sailing
Directions), written before 1669.
5. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu (海国闻见录)，written in 1730 by Chen Lun
Jiong
6. Peng hu Ji Lue (澎湖纪略)，written during the reign of Emperor
Qianlong in Qing Dynasty by Hu Jian Wei.
7. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi (小琉球漫志)，written in 1755 by Zhu Shi Jia.
8. Wai Hai Ji Yao (外海纪要), written in early 19th century by Li Zen
Jie.
9. Xia-Men Zhi (厦门志，Xiamen Chronicle), written in 1839 by Zhou
Kai.
10.
Xia-Men-Gang ji shi (厦门港纪事), written in 1843 by Dou
Zheng Biao.
11.
Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu (海疆要略必究), written in 1856 by Li
Yan Yu.

�When a ship set sail to Tainan from Xiamen, nearly all the above
documents showed similar descriptions for navigation; departing from
Nan Tai Wu of Xiamen at direction between ‘chen’ and ‘Xun’ (amount to
127.5°)，it takes seven ‘gen’ to Peng-Hu hill, then sail at direction of ‘xun’
(about 135°)，and it takes another five ‘gen’ to Luerhmen of Tainan.
Many sailors of old Xiamen port served on merchant junks between south
Fujian and Taiwan; they sailed to Tai-Nan in north wind season, went to
Wu-Qi of Taichung, Lu-Kang of Chang-Hua, Dong-Shi and Bu-Dai of
Chia-Yi, kee-Lung during south wind season. Mostly, they set sail from
the old Xiamen port; it took less than one tide to arrive Bay Liao-Luo of
Quemoy. After waiting for good wind, they set sail again and used the
tripod sheet sailing to Ma-Kung of Peng-Hu for approximately twenty
hours. They then waited for suitable winds and tides to Luerhmen; it would
take another 10 hours. They would try to sail closer to the east direction
when sailed across Taiwan Strait. It would take much less time when ones
sailed from Tainan to Xiamen.
Archaeological Experiment of LanTay II
On 21st May 2017 at 10 am, LanTay II set sail from port of Liao-Luo of
Quemoy planning to trace the historical sailing route by heading 127.5° to
Peng-Hu (Fig. 5). The weather forecast for the day were Wind Northeast
Beaufort force 3, Swell 1.3 meters, but the author onboard found that the
wind had veered to east and increasingly, while the swell is more angular
than the wind after the ship entered Taiwan Strait. The course of the ship
had to turn in direction of 170°-180° to steer quartering sea. The LanTay
II was under control until 16 pm, when the skipper made the decision to
abandon the boat at the position 24.1743°N, 118.5535°E, while the
situation was Wind East Beaufort force 6-7, Swell 3 meters and 6-7 meters

�instantaneous. The 6 years of preparatory archaeological voyage lasted
6 hours, all the crew numbers transferred to companion ship.

Fig. 5: The archaeological voyage of LanTay II.
As postmortem reports of the experiment, Sha-Po-Wei indigenous
fishermen had compiled the warning signals as below:
a.

The day of 21st May was the 26th day of the fourth month in Chinese

lunar calendar, one of the brightest days of the Great White Planet in the
whole year; and it is the day for brewing disaster the whole year ahead in
Taiwan Strait. It means that this is a day with storm surge and a taboo day
for sailing.
b.

The included angle of wind and wave increasing with the height of

the sun which reached the maximum after 12 am, and they stacked up
into higher swell. The best set sailing time to cross Taiwan Strait was 4
am.

�c.

The position where the ship was abandoned is right between

seabed valley and hills based on the past records; that was where the
swell on the sea surface become rougher (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6: The Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fisherman motioned the topography
of the seabed of the Taiwan Strait they recorded half a century ago.
Discussion
The seamanship and navigation of the Chinese Junk requires a plethora
of nautical knowledge and a variety of onboard skills. All knowledge
regarding Junk ships (including sail and rudder, sounding lead, mariner’s
compass, joss-stick, compass bearing recorded for sailing route, wind and
tide, etc.) formed a closely connected knot of complementary techniques.
The information gathered during the marine ethnographic field
investigations at old Xiamen port indicated that a series of traditional
onboard skills displayed by the last successors of sailors and fishermen
may be closely corresponding to skills and techniques described in the
historical documents that range from Song Dynasty to Qing Dynasty.
Nonetheless, details of the geographic parameters of sailing routes are
still obscure, such as accurate depths and seabed materials, and the
sailing directions under the effect on winds and tides. An old local

�seafarers proverb says, ‘The stationary compass bearing recorded but
flexible brains’, and also says ‘Live performances to speak clearly’, thus
experimental archaeological methodologies, or sailing a real ship, shall be
used to study their historical context to reconstruct navigational practices
and methodologies for sailing in China Seas. The better way forward with
archaeological voyages is involving the older seamen and indigenous
fishermen into the sailing investigations. The authors believe that
expected discoveries of this research-investigation will bring new
evidence that significantly extends our knowledge of earlier onboard lives
of Chinese Junk ships.
Oral Sources
1. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 27th March 2012.
2. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 30th March 2012.
3. Huang ChaoQi, Ruan PengShi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April
2012.
4. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 13th April 2012.
5. Huang ChaoQi, Yu LongFa, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 21st April 2012.
6. Huang Chao Qi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 17th June 2014.
7. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 10th November 2014.
8. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2015.
9. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 12th April 2015.
10. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 12th December 2015.
11. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 18th December 2015.
12. Ruan QueTou, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 27th December 2015.
13. Ruan ShiLu, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 30th December 2015.
14. Ruan ShiLu, Ruan QueTou, Sha Po Wei of Xiamen, 8th January
2016.

�15. Capt. Zhang TongLong, Ruan QingTing, and Yu LongFa, Si Ming Nan
Road of Xiamen, 27th May 2017.

References
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Asia (MS Selden Supro 105). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford),
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Anonymous, 1593. Fair Winds for Escort / Shun Feng Hsiang Sung
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Oxford), Oxford.
Batchelor, R. K., 2014. The Selden Map and the Making of a Global
City, 1549–1689. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Brook, T., 2013. Mr. Selden's Map of China: Decoding the Secrets of
a Vanished Cartographer. Bloomsbury Press, New York.
Chen, Lun Jiong, 1730. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu, Repn. in 1970. Economic
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Worcester, G. R. G., 1947. The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze:
A Study in Chinese Nautical Research, Vol. 1: Introduction and Craft
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Xiao, ChongYe and Xie Jie, 1580. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to
Ryukyu), Repn. in 1997. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank,
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Xu, Lu, 2010. A Ship Archaeological Investigation on Canton Style
Sailing Junks: the Jun Hua Xing Case. In China Maritime Museum
(Ed.), The Position and Mission of China’s Maritime Culture,
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Zhou, Kai, 1839. Xia-Men Zhi (Xaimen Chronicle), Repn. in 1996. Lu Jiang
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Academy of Taiwan Business Bank in 1970, Taipei.

�Biographies
Xu Lu (Chinese: 许路) is
Founding Director and Chief
Maritime Archaeologist of
NVOCC Chinese Sailing Junk
Expedition Society (CSJES).
He is a commissioner of
China
Maritime
History
Studies
Association
and
Fellow of The explorers Club.
He also works as a co-research fellow for NSC-ANR project Maritime
knowledge for China Seas hosted by École française d'Extrême-Orient
(EFEO) and Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (IHP) in
2014-2018 duration. His English publication include The Naval
Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: An
Overview (Delta Book World, 2014).
Yu LongFa (Chinese: 余龙发)
is a local fisherman at Xiamen
old fishing port, born in 1952
at ShaPoWei. He works as a
professional fisherman since
the age of 12, being a skillful
master of seamanship and
navigation in east and South
China Sea during past 50
years. He assisted Mr. Xu Lu
with the recording and decoding on board skills in Chinese Sailing Junk.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily Skills in Chinese Junk </text>
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                <text>Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill.</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Xu Lu </text>
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                    <text>Uraga Port between Manila and Acapulco

Kahoru Suzuki
Japan Society for Nautical Research
s-k20@nifty.com

Abstract
Uraga Port at the southern end of the Miura Peninsula, located at the
entrance of Tokyo Bay, is formed as a deep cove from the Pacific Ocean;
it is less susceptible to weather conditions and is suitable for the natural
environment. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Japan opened three
international trade ports. Holland and England is Hirado, Portugal is
Nagasaki, Spain is Uraga. Ieyasu Tokugawa begins dispatching
shipbuilding engineers and miners from Spain and as a result of
negotiating with the Philippine Governor General, the Spaniards of Manila
visited Uraga Port every year since 1604 and the Franciscan Monastery
in the town was built. Ieyasu Tokugawa also sent British William Adams
to Manila and negotiated to continue dealing with Spain However, contrary
to the intention of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Spain did not convey shipbuilding
technology and mining technology. In 1611, Mexican envoy Sebastián
Vizcaíno came to Uraga, but only the east coast of Japan was
investigated. At the beginning of the Edo period Christianity was forbidden
in 1613. Just before the death of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Diego de Santa
Catalina came to Uraga, Ieyasu Tokugawa questioned Spain's attitude,
banished him to Spain, and the transaction with Spain was completely
completed. Japan took an isolation policy and only Uraga Port quietly
disappeared
as
a
trade
port.
Key words: Galleon, port, Manila, Acapulco
Introduction
When Ieyasu Tokugawa appeared on the political front stage, Japan was
isolated from East Asian countries being a disorderly situation both
economically and externally. For him, therefore, it was natural trend to

�revive the economic infrastructure and turn it into a way to open the
country.
First of all, Ieyasu Tokugawa started the normalization of diplomacy in
Spain, which had been severed by the San Felipe incident. In December
1598, Ieyasu Tokugawa contacted Franciscan missionaries and
negotiated to invite a Spanish ship in Manila to Uraga. He sent a letter to
the Spanish Governor of the Philippines to dispatch construction
engineers of Galleon ship and innovative smelting engineers of Mexico.
As a result, the Franciscan monastery was built in Uraga. Since 1604 a
Spanish ship from Manila to Acapulco had entered to Uraga every year,
which was opened as an international trade port.
It is worth noting that William Adams from England was closely involved
in this Uraga diplomacy. Today, a number of studies on William Adams
conducted by Japanese, Dutch, or British researchers, but on him as a
diplomatic advisor of Ieyasu Tokugawa for Spain is not considered at all.
Despite the fact that politicians did not usually hire foreigners in Japanese
history, reasons why only William Adams was hired were not discussed
among scholars. Although Nagasaki and Hirado trades have been
investigated a lot, no survey on Uraga trade has been done. Why did
Ieyasu Tokugawa abandon the deportation order of missionaries by
Hideyoshi Toyotomi and accept Catholicism?
Request Spanish Miners and Shipbuilding Technicians

�Ieyasu’s negotiations with Spain are not limited to trade. He was trying to
invite shipbuilders for western styled Galleon ships and miners. At that
time Japan was using troublesome method, called haihuki method, for
silver mining. Because of its immaturity, this method led lots of economical
loss. On the other hand, Spain used a revolutionary amalgam method in
Mexico and Peru that used ‘lead’. This technology was discovered in
Mexico in 1557 and was adopted in 1571, whereby Mexico gained a lot of
silver. For Ieyasu’s future perspectives on progress of economic policy,
introduction of this technology to domestic silver mining had an important
meaning. In addition, Japan did not have any construction technologies
for large western typed sailing vessels to withstand trans-Pacific voyage,
Ieyasu Tokugawa thought that its technological introduction from Spain
was important as well.
To accomplish his two plans, in December 1598 Ieyasu Tokugawa
summoned a Franciscan missionary Jerónimo de Jesús who had
experiences of trade-negotiations in Japan since the era of Hideyoshi
Toyotomi. Ieyasu Tokugawa proposed for Spain to use Uraga as a trading
post and build big ships there. In order to avoid drifting alike the San Felipe
issue, Jerónimo de Jesús considered that using another ports in the Far
East between Manila and Acapulco passage was useful. To do so, he
thought, it was essential to survey the east coast of Japan for safe voyage

�around the Far East. Yet, Jerónimo de Jesús explained that he had to
request these plans to the Spanish Governor of the Philippines.
However, the Spanish side did not intend to accept Ieyasu's request at all.
Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia mentioned this issue in his An Account of
Japan, 1609 that there were abundant of silver veins in Japan; even
though they did not have a good smelting technology, production is
surprisingly vast. He also remarked that if Japan had had foreign miners
and mercury for production of silvers, wealth of Japan might have become
a threat for Spain.
As for shipbuilding technologies, Antonio de Morga, an aide of the
Spanish Governor of the Philippines remarked about this issue in his
Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, he said that giving technology of
shipbuilding to Japan was not a wise decision. Manila did not receive any
attacks from Japan before that time because only because Japan did not
have any technologies to build large sailing vessels. If Japan became to
possess such technologies, Japan would come to Manila by ship to attack
the Spanish territories. If those trading posts were attacked by Japanese
troops, 500 Spaniards in a castle have no power to fight back.
Japanese Laws Regarding Shipwrecks and Extinction of Yawata
Ships
In Japan it was believed that shipwrecks were caused by Gods of the sea
since the ancient times, and cargos and trade goods of the wrecked ships

�were legally confiscated by the owner of the coastal land. To ease the
anger of the sea gods, thereafter, new temples or shrines were built using
sales-profits of such goods from the wrecks. No captain of the ship had
any rights to repair the ships or to retrieve properties and cargos from the
wrecks. The substantial loss of the San Felipe confiscated by Hideyoshi
Toyotomi exceeded 1 million pesos.

Therefore, the Spaniards from

Manila to Acapulco had to avoid getting stranded in Japan.
Ieyasu Tokugawa was concerned that this Japanese custom regarding
shipwrecks was a biggest obstacle against the negotiations with Spain. In
1602, Ieyasu Tokugawa noted to the Spanish Governor of the Philippines
that ‘in the future we would not confiscate any cargos and trading goods
of drifting ships from your country, and Japan should also provide some
foods and places to repairs Spanish ships’. The similar political
statements were written in the trade patent form with the Netherlands and
with England later.
In a letter of July 1599, the Spanish Governor of the Philippines requested
three issues to Ieyasu Tokugawa, viz. control and punishment of the
Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) in the Philippine Sea, prohibiting
Japanese from visiting Manila without permission, and not dispatching
more than three vessels each year (Ikoku Nikki). Spanish asked for a
proof or an insurance of a public trade to Japanese side, and requested
as many permission documents (Watanai Seal Imprint) for trading with
Ieyasu Tokugawa. According to a study by a Japanese scholar, Ieyasu

�Tokugawa enacted an order that any ships having neither seal nor
permission document should not allowed to go to the Philippines. This
new regulation or red seal system was executed from 1600; the origin of
red seal trade system was born from the Uraga diplomacy by Ieyasu
Tokugawa.
Two Spanish Vessels Drifted into Kanto
There were two records of drift incidents of Spanish ships from Manila to
Kanto has. The first one is commander Don Juan Esquerra drifted to Otaki
Kazusa in the fall of 1601. At this time, Ieyasu Tokugawa provided a
sailing ship built by William Adams in Japan and provisions. He
successfully returned to Luzon in 1604 (Ikoku Nikki). After that, an
ambassador visited to Uraga in May 1606 to display their appreciation for
Ieyasu’s treatment on commander Don Juan Esquerra. This visiting was
recorded as "Sagami-kun to Miura Odori Hanedai" in 1606.
The second wreck occurred in September 1609. The Spanish Governor
of the Philippines Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia or Don Rodrigo wrecked
at Kanto Iwawada on his return trip to Acapulco. This time, Ieyasu
Tokugawa sent William Adams to Iwawada. In An Account of Japan, 1609,
Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia mentioned ‘Ieyasu’s favorite British officer
William Adams brought a passage-permission “salvo conducto” and a red
seal “chapa”’. At this opportunity, Ieyasu Tokugawa tried re-negotiating
with Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, regarding the dispatch of miners. The
agreements of this negotiation between them were listed below:

�1. Providing provisions and foods for Spaniards.
2. Repair for ships shall be provided by Japanese shipbuilders with
normal wages.
3.

Ambassadors shall be treated respectively in Japan, and
accommodations are provided to them.

4. Between 100 and 200 Spanish miners shall be dispatched to
Japan. When a vein was discovered by Spanish, half of the
smelted silver will be divided among miners, and the remaining
half shall be divided into Ieyasu Tokugawa and King Felipe.
5. Priests have to be allowed to stay in Japan for the Spanish
miners, and all jurisdictions for them were controlled by Spanish
side.
6. When Spanish were attacked by Japanese, the Japanese king
shall punish the offenders.
7. Exorcise Dutch from Japan.
8. Permit Spanish to survey on east coast of Japan.
The reason why ‘shipbuilders and Galleons’ was not a part of this
agreement was that Ieyasu Tokugawa already owned sailing vessels
which were built by William Adams and their construction techniques.
To Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, Ieyasu Tokugawa gave a 120 ton ship
which was designed and built by William Adams for his return trip. This
ship was named San Buena Ventura and, in August 1610, Rodrigo de
Vivero y Aberrucia left Uraga port for Acapulco. In the maritime history
of Japan, the first ship crossed the Pacific Ocean was this vessel built
by William Adams.
William Adams' Negotiations with Manila
Since 1604, Uraga Minato in the Kanto area had been used as a trading
post by Spanish mercantile ships every year. On the other hand, Portugal

�tried to prevent Manila from its trading with China and Japan. According
to Lorenzo Pérez’s Apostolado y martirio del Beato Luis Sotelo en el
Japón, following this notion, in May 1606 the Spanish Roundtable
Conference was held at the Kingdom of Spain, and the king ordered the
Spanish Governor of the Philippines to stop Manila from its trade with
Japan. To mitigate and solve this problem, Spanish captain Francisco
Moreno Donoso together with a missionary Beato Luis Sotelo visited
Ieyasu Tokugawato in order to seek a solution. Beato Luis Sotelo
suggested Ieyasu Tokugawa to send William Adams to Manila as a
negotiator with Spain. As a result, William Adams visited the Spanish
Governor of the Philippines Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia on 15th June
1608 at Manila. This was thirteen years before the beginning of Japan’s
commerce with England, i.e. Adams' home country. This was also one
year before Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia drifted to Kanto Iwawada on
his return voyage to Acapulco in 1609.
Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia understood the potential of profits that the
Philippines gained from trade and relationships with Japan. On 9th July
1608, he released all Japanese prisoners in order to finish, or get rid of,
issues related to Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) which had been
pending. Then, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia wrote a letter to Ieyasu
Tokugawa on the same day. This letter in Ikoku Nikki, which was
translated by one of Ieyasu’s personal scholars, is as follows:

�捧 前将軍家康尊公書云
本国伊須波二屋之帝王 当国呂宋為守護拙夫被仰付 今度致渡海
候。然者、前々於守護人 御懇意之段令承知候。到我等、無御異
議候様可恭候 縦雖隔雲山万里候。心中者非其儀候。彌々可申談
候。次又拙夫、此国参着砌 当所数年逗留之日本人徒者共候而
所之騒ニ罷成候之間 当年者壹人も不相残帰国之儀申付候。雖然
毎年渡海之商客 何も無疎意人等候之間 致馳走候。向後別儀有
・ ・

・・

間敷候。如例年 今年も黒船差渡候。則到関東可乗入之旨 安子
申付候。併海路不任雅意候へは 日域中者、皆以御国之儀候之間
何所へ成共 風次第可入津之由申付候 此加飛丹同船中者共 御
馳走奉仰候。兼又貴国居住之ふらて之儀 如前々被加御哀燐候様
是又奉仰候。少進物以目録申上候。奉表寸志而已。恐惶敬白。
慶長拾三年五月廿七日

鈍、ろちりこで

朱印

びへいろ 判也
謹上
日本国御主、大御所様
(Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, who arrived in Manila was the Governor
of the King of the Spanish Kingdom. In order to strengthen the bond for
long-lasting relationship with your country (Japan), Rodrigo de Vivero y
Aberrucia released all the Japanese prisoners who had been
imprisoned in Manila for several years. Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia
believed that two nations shall have good relationship and conflicts in

�such will not reoccur. This year, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia will send
one ship, and he will give an order the ship to enter Kanto, and Rodrigo
de Vivero y Aberrucia has already mentioned so to ‘Ange’ and requested
provisions and other hospitality for its captain.)
The author believes that, together with one captain and one navigator of
the ship, William Adams was onboard this ship to Japan in 1608. A person,
who was described as ‘Ange’ in the letter, was also known as Miura Anno.
Indeed, his person was William Adams. His presence onboard was also
described in Lorenzo Pérez’s letter, saying that he ordered William Adams
to enter the Kanto area. The Minister of State of Mexico for Japanese and
Chinese affairs, C. A. Lera also mentioned and described William Adams
as ‘Anjin’. In the book of Ikoku Nikki, additionally, William Adams was
written and named as ‘Anza’, ‘Anji’, ‘Ann’, or ‘Anzin’, and in Japanese
Travel Book written by John Saris, William Adams was named ‘Ange’.
William Adams' trip to Manila, indeed, solved the problems related to
Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) that had been causing problems in
Philippine waters, and he managed to resume the Uraga trade. In the
same year, to avoid unnecessary conflicts, an ordinance was enacted in
Uraga that was to forbid Uraga residency to do any violence activities
against Spanish people. According to Apostolado y martirio del Beato Luis
Sotelo en el Japón, written by C. A. Lera, this ordinance was created
based on William Adams’s advice. In Uraga, a Franciscan monastery was
constructed in the same year as well which was also based on advice of

�William Adams. These generous treatments toward Spanish people in
Uraga were not because Ieyasu Tokugawa mitigated his attitude against
Christianity but because rather Ieyasu Tokugawa needed to withhold his
negative opinions toward Christianity in order to make his business with
Spain more successful.
Importance of William Adams
Why Ieyasu Tokugawa did heavily trust William Adams as a diplomatic
adviser? In the history of Japan, his case was extremely exceptional
because there were no other cases, except for William Adams. Japanese
emperors, shoguns, or important authorities have never used foreigners
as their important consultants before. Presumably, indeed, this happened
because of the Uraga diplomatic and trading policy by Ieyasu Tokugawa.
1. When William Adams visited Ieyasu Tokugawa first time in April 1600,
he asked Ieyasu Tokugawa to give him permission to start business in
Japan like other Portuguese or Chinese merchants, but Ieyasu Tokugawa
did not give him any permissions, which William Adams recorded in his
journal. If Ieyasu’s interest had been to use William Adams for trade
purposes with England or the Netherlands, he might not have had been
allowed by Ieyasu Tokugawa to trade with Spain. Ieyasu Tokugawa would
have asked William Adams on the early stage to look for Dutch or British
trading partners as soon as possible.

However, the trade with the

Netherlands established later in August 1609, nine years after Adams
came to Japan and that one with England was established in October

�1613, thirteen years after his arrival. In addition, trading agreements were
established with the Netherlands and England because these countries
needed Japan for their international competitions. Their positive attitudes
toward trades with Japan were so much different from the passive or
rather negative attitude of Spanish. Ieyasu Tokugawa himself was the
person who eagerly invited Spain to Uraga to establish a good economic
relationship with Manila or Acapulco.
2. Indeed, Ieyasu Tokugawa never invited any mercantile vessels form
the Netherlands and England to enter Uraga. Both nations were only
permitted to build commercial halls in Hirado. If Ieyasu Tokugawa wished,
Ieyasu he could easily have invited or ordered mercantile vessels from the
Netherlands and England to establish trading posts in Unaga, which is
very close to Edo, in order to make Kanto as an international economic
center. However, only Spain was frequently asked and invited to use
Uraga by Ieyasu Tokugawa.
3.

Another interesting fact was that Ieyasu Tokugawa gave William

Adams a house at Edo, as well as at the village of Hemi where close to
Uraga. Ieyase Tokugawa gave even a fief near Uraga to William Adams,
too. These facts clearly indicate that William Adams was expected to work
as an Ieyasu’s diplomatic advisor for Spanish issues, not for a simple
trading advisor with England and the Netherlands. This is obvious
because another Dutch diplomatic advisor Jan Joosten only received a
house at Edo from Ieyasu Tokugawa.

�4. On 15th August 1615 when the ambassador Diego de Santa Catalina,
who was sent by the Spanish Governor Mexico, arrived in Uraga on
Masamune’s ship, San Juan Bautista, Ieyasu Tokugawa summoned
William Adams from Hirado to Uraga. This event also indicated that
William Adams was especially expected to work on diplomatic
negotiations, in particular, with Spain.
It is clear from the above that William Adams was a heavily specialized
personal for Ieyasu’s Spain diplomacy.
Relationship between Masamune’s European Ship and Sebastián
Vizcaíno.
In June 1611, to thanks to hospitalities that Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia
received from Ieyasu Tokugawa during the wreck incidents on his way
returning to Acapulco, Sebastián Vizcaíno, the ambassador of the
Spanish Governor of Mexico, entered Uraga. Another mission of his was
to survey the east coast of Japan and to discover a legendary island where
produced fruitful amounts of gold and silver believed to exist near Japan,
and to make this legendary place as Spanish new trading port in East
Asia. Not surprisingly, Sebastián Vizcaíno did not manage to find a
fictitious gold and silver island, repeatedly encountered storms, and his
ship was destroyed eventually and returned to Uraga for repair on 7th
November 1612. After Sebastián Vizcaíno returned to Uraga, he asked
Ieyasu Tokugawa to lend his help for construction of a new sailing vessel
to go home. However, Ieyasu Tokugawa received from him only some

�nautical charts and maps of east coast of Japan, not any silver mining
engineers. Then, Ieyasu Tokugawa began to realize that his attempt to
invite Spanish miners to Japan to improve Japan’s domestic mining
system would not be materialized.
Instead, Sebastián Vizcaíno asked Masamune Date, a local lord of Oshu,
for help. When he visited the east coast of Japan, such as coasts of Oshu,
for surveying, he met Masamune Date who said to him that Masmune
Date loved to invite mercantle vessels from Mexico. After that, Sebastián
Vizcaíno offered a shipbuilding master to Masamune Date and, thanks to
this goodwill, Masamune Date later dispatched his embassy to Europe.
Accordingly, Ieyasu’s attempt to invite Spanish miners to Japan fell apart
without any successes. It was 1st February 1614 that Ieyasu’s new
executive order to completely ban against Christian propagations
throughout the country was enacted. Thus, his plan to transform Uraga
into

an

international

trade

port

was

perished

and

ended.

Conclusion
Leyasu 's Uraga diplomacy was exclusively focused on relationship with
Spain. Moreover, the port that Ieyasu Tokugawa used to invite Spanish
mercantile vessels was always Uraga port.

Other ports that Ieyasu

Tokugawa used to invite other European nations such as England, the
Netherlands, and Portugal were not Uraga but Hirado or Nagasaki.
Ieyasu’s true intention was to import and learn new profitable techniques
of mining developed in Mexico. For Ieyasu Tokugawa, therefore, William

�Adams was a very important diplomatic consultant to negotiate with Spain.
To build a friendly relationship with Spain, Ieyasu Tokugawa answered to
requests by the Spanish Governor of the Philippines to give permissions
with red seals to the limited numbers of Japanese mercantile ships. In
other words, the original concept of Ieyasu's red seal trade system was
born from his Uraga diplomacy.
From the beginning, Spanish did not have any intentions to send their
silver miners to Japan. Ieyasu’s mistake was that he could not disclose
their intentions. Failure of his Uraga diplomacy resulted in the complete
ban on Christianity in Japan. Nearly 300,000 Japanese who believed in
teachings of the Society of Jesuit and Franciscan were killed in the end.
Consequently, Japan or Tokugawa-Shogunate decided to close the doors
to any foreign countries, except for the Netherlands and for China. It could
be said that Ieyasu’s Uraga diplomacy with Spain also triggered the 250
years of Japan’s national isolation.
References
Suzuki, K., 1994. Uraga port opening and intention of Tokugawa Ieyasu.
Kanagawa Chiikishi Kenkyu, Vol. 12:1-17. .
Suzuki, K., 2010. Diplomatic Relation between Span and Japan by Ieyasu
Tokugawa. Shin Jimbutsuourai Sha, Tokyo.
Suzuki, K., 2014. Spain diplomacy and Uraga minato.
Kanagawa, Vol. 52: 1-20.

Regional

�Biography
Kahoru Suzuki, born in 1946 at the Kanagawa
Prefecture, Japan, is a specialized national public
servant in the Japanese government, who was
decorated with the Order of the Sacred Treasure,
Silver Rays in 2016. She is a member of the Japan
Society for Nautical Research and the Society of
Japanese Historical Research. In 1993 she received
her BA in Japanese History from Kokugakuin
University. Her books include The Sagami Miura
Clan and their History (Shin Jimbutsuourai Sha, 2007), Diplomatic
Relation between Span and Japan by Ieyasu Tokugawa (Shin
Jimbutsuourai Sha, 2010), or The Mukai Navy and its Surroundings
(Shincho, 2014).

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Uraga Port at the southern end of the Miura Peninsula, located at the entrance of Tokyo Bay, is formed as a deep cove from the Pacific Ocean; it is less susceptible to weather conditions and is suitable for the natural environment. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Japan opened three international trade ports. Holland and England is Hirado, Portugal is Nagasaki, Spain is Uraga. Ieyasu Tokugawa begins dispatching shipbuilding engineers and miners from Spain and as a result of negotiating with the Philippine Governor General, the Spaniards of Manila visited Uraga Port every year since 1604 and the Franciscan Monastery in the town was built. Ieyasu Tokugawa also sent British William Adams to Manila and negotiated to continue dealing with Spain However, contrary to the intention of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Spain did not convey shipbuilding technology and mining technology. In 1611, Mexican envoy SebastiÃ¡n VizcaÃ­no came to Uraga, but only the east coast of Japan was investigated. At the beginning of the Edo period Christianity was forbidden in 1613. Just before the death of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Diego de Santa Catalina came to Uraga, Ieyasu Tokugawa questioned Spain's attitude, banished him to Spain, and the transaction with Spain was completely completed. Japan took an isolation policy and only Uraga Port quietly disappeared as a trade port. </text>
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