2 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6f297d1340fc774e1a5f8b0fdb3aacdf.pdf 11414bb7be6c33f17693aa26270135b6 PDF Text Text On-going archaeological researches on shipwrecked junks in the Philippines Franck Goddio¹, David Fabre¹, Marie-Amande Coignard² ¹Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology, Manila ²Archaeological Artefacts Conservator FEFNA. 125, Suerte Street, Pasay City, 1300 Metro Manilla, Philippines Email: dfabre.ieasm@yahoo.fr, marieamande.coignard@gmail.com Abstract The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA) have been working with the National Museum of the Philippines for twenty-eight years. The researches aim at illustrating the maritime history of the Philippines through excavations and studies of shipwrecks lying in their territorial waters. This presentation on junks focuses on a case study, with few conservation points. Some of the junks have been discovered during a systematic research campaign alongside historical trade routes. Some excavations have also been performed at the request of the National Museum. Our knowledge of the “Nanhai trade” is enhanced by the cargoes study: a large panel of Asian production disclosing a dynamic network of cultural influences and commercial exchanges lasting from the 11th to the 16th centuries. Some historical maritime trading roads have been revealed. The Santa Cruz junk, late 15th century, is representative of a transitional time in Nanhai maritime trade. In a way, this ship is a landmark of the last inter-Asian trading phase in the Chinese “Mediterranean” area, before the 16th century “globalization”. In addition, the Santa Cruz hull’s condition enabled completion of the existing documentation and a larger scale reflexion on cargo stowage and shipbuilding process. Specific analyses on construction details and hypothesis on assembly methods result in original data on the evolution of nautical techniques and on reciprocal influence and coexistence of shipbuilding technologies. Hence, the construction study contributes to the renewal of Nanhai maritime transport understanding, as it shows some original characteristic and a perfect appropriateness to inter-Asian maritime trade organization. Keywords: Chinese Trade, Junk, Naval Architecture, Nanhai Trade, Santa Cruz junk Introduction Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology undertakes, with the National Museum of the Philippines, archaeological missions in the Philippines since 1985. This work is centred on the search for, and the study of, territorial waters’ shipwrecks. These junks were found either during systematic surveys1, either while searching for Spanish galleons and East India Company vessels2, or found by following up information given by fishermen3. To date these include the Breaker (11th century), Investigator (13th century), Lena (about 1490), 1 �Española and Santa Cruz (both from the end of 15th century), San Isidro (about 1510), and Royal Captain Shoal (1573-1619)4. Development of Chinese commerce The cargoes of these merchant ships offer an overview of Asian products and trade routes with their development over more than six centuries, not only in Southeast Asia – the “Nanhai trade” –, but also in the Indian Ocean, and the Middle East. About Far East trade we knew, until recently, only the final and European phase, which began with the arrival of the Portuguese in Asia in the 16th century. The study of the shipwrecked junks in the Philippines contributes to the understanding of exchanges and the wider political and economical circumstances that led to the development of trade in the China seas and beyond, from the 11th century, when China established important and constant commercial links with the archipelago, up to the 15th century. Factors included improved navigational techniques, the apparition of a mercantile class, the reform of taxation, the unification of coinage, the development of new routes, the use of the monsoon system, the fight against piracy, the reforestation for shipbuilding, the expeditions of Zheng He, etc. Furthermore, the richness and variety of junk cargoes from the 15th century belies the restrictions on maritime trade implemented by the Ming Dynasty. Either the decrees prohibiting maritime trade caused an explosion in the price of South-East Asian products and thus created an incentive for smuggling, which is difficult to prove archaeologically, or there was considerable movement of goods to and from China within the category of official tribute5. It is also at this time that exchanges between China and the Philippines experienced a considerable expansion, formalised through tributary relations and the sending of ambassadors. Successful trading operations between the two countries meant that many Chinese settled there, especially at the end of the fifteenth century and the sixteenth century. In the Mingshi6 the Philippines are the subject of the following comments: “Luzon (...). Because of the fertility of the island, thousands of merchants from Zhanzhou went there. Many settled there... A large number of vessels visited Mindoro which became prosperous. The Chinese who traded with the island were treated with fairness and respect”. 2 �In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the arrival of Europeans would increase the volume of trade off the southern Chinese coast. The Spanish settled in the Philippines and massively imported, in 'Manila galleons', coins minted with silver mined in Mexico and Peru. To absorb this silver, the Chinese developed a very active trade with the Philippines, reaching as far as the Sultanate of Jolo. Navigation to the Philippines The Sulu Sea, south of the Philippine archipelago, between Mindanao, Borneo and the Moluccas, was an area of passage and exchange, certainly from the Tang period on (618907). According to Chinese written sources, one of the main routes to reach Borneo, a junction of major shipping routes (Manguin, 2001: 8), utilised the interior sea of the archipelago and thus provided opportunities for interaction with the local populations. The Shung Feng Hsiang Sung7 states that starting from the southern ports, navigators could choose from two routes: the western coastal route, along the coast of China until the Malay Peninsula and then into the Indian Ocean, or the maritime route to the east, across the South China Sea to the islands of Luzon and Mindoro, then continuing along the east coast of Palawan to reach either Balambagan, Borneo and Java, or the Celebes or Maluku. Before the end of the seventeenth century written sources do not mention a route along the west coast of Palawan. But it is precisely in this “Palawan Passage” that the junks Investigator, Breaker, Lena, and Royal Captain shoal were found, providing evidence of a “Nanhai Trade” route along the west coast of the island (Goddio et al., 1987; Fig. 1 View of the junk Lena during excavations. (© Christoph Gerigk Goddio et al., 2002). and Franck Goddio/FEFNA). 3 �Merchandise and cargoes The Chu-fan-chi, written by Zhao Rugua, inspector of trade in Fujiang Province in the early thirteenth century (Southern Song), describes the lands visited by Chinese merchants and also gives valuable information on the products traded8. Silks and ceramics were the main goods sold or bartered in exchange for spices, fragrant products and medicines. Luxury goods were very present: fine beads, precious stones, ivory, precious woods, etc. The Chinese reports from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which describe tributes sent from the Philippines to the Ming court, list substantially identical products. The excavations of the junks offer unique insight of this international Asiatic trade, and most especially an overview of Chinese ceramic production for export (Goddio, et al., 1987: 22-73; Goddio et al., 2002; Dizon and Orillaneda 2002; Orillaneda, 2008). Under the Song Dynasty (960-1276), the production of ceramics is clearly motivated by intellectual and aesthetic concerns (Breaker). The conquest of China by the Mongols in the thirteenth century, and then the “Tartar peace”, favoured the reopening of the great trade routes by land and sea. The ports of southern China, such as Guangzhou, Quanzhou or Whenzou, exported Qinghai and shufu porcelain, as well as celadon and 4 �stoneware (Investigator). In return, the Chinese probably imported, amongst other goods, a form of prepared cobalt from the region of Kashan in Persia, which, in the workshops in Jingdezhen, produced large quantities of “blue and white”, in many forms and styles, in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Lena, Española, Santa Cruz). The cargo of the junk Lena (Figs. 1-2) is dominated by Chinese porcelain from the last decade of the fifteenth century (the reign of Emperor Hongzhi), mainly decorated in underglaze cobalt blue, some white monochrome pieces sometimes incised with floral motifs, a dish exceptionally richly decorated with enamel overglaze, and some fragments of fahua porcelain and stoneware with “celadon” glaze. Much of this material is similar to that in the collections of the Topkapi Saray in Istanbul and the sanctuary of Ardebil in Iran. Beyond the typological study of the ceramics, there is the question of the destination of the Lena. The large “blue and white” and celadon dishes, from the workshops of potters in Jingdezhen and Longqan are generally considered to be export ceramics for the Middleeastern market. The jugs, bottles, large boxes, and the writing cases could confirm this hypothesis. However, the numerous Thai celadon, the large brown glazed jars, and some porcelain never noticed in the Near and Middle East, together with woks, basins and bronze bracelets suggest that an Asian destination is most probable. Moreover, since Islam, already installed in the Indonesian archipelago, had entered the Pacific Islands at the end of the 15th century, it is conceivable that the Lena was sailing towards one of the sultanates in the region9. In the beginning of the sixteenth century two types of porcelain predominate. The first keeps the classic designs but the composition tightens and often becomes overloaded, the blue has a grey tone, and the glaze is clouded (San Isidro). The second category, made for a Muslim clientele is decorated with Arabic and Persian characters. These are small pieces designed for the use of a scholar. In the last quarter of the sixteenth century, quality deteriorates – the clay is less fine, the drawing crude, the blue is less intense – like the china in the Royal Captain shoal, certainly intended for markets in South East Asia. As evidenced from both texts and archaeology, beads formed a traditional part of the “Nanhai trade”. The Lena and the Santa Cruz transported many thousands of beads of different sizes, shapes and colours, fired in the Tao Maenam Noi kilns and packaged in small ovoid jars from Sawankhalok (Goddio et al., 2002). Several hundred have been 5 �uncovered during excavations of the Royal Captain shoal (Goddio et al., 1987: 74-75). While the typology of these beads is not sufficient to identify their place of production, chemical analysis indicates a significant proportion of lead and barium, which could suggest a Chinese origin10. Ethnological studies conducted since the late nineteenth century, particularly in Borneo and the Philippines, have recorded that the beads, used for a long time and in large quantities, were often from China11. The metal objects allow us to see the regularity of this trade over the centuries (Goddio et al., 1987: 76-81; Goddio et al., 2002: 235-248). All the junks, from the sixteenth eleventh centuries, to the carried cast iron ingots and pans. Wrought iron needles were Fig. 3 Ceramics stacked in the hold compartments in the junk also found in a small porcelain Santa Cruz. (© Christoph Gerigk and Franck Goddio/FEFNA) “blue and white” vase carried on the Lena. Needles were traditionally exported by China, as still recorded at the end of the sixteenth century by the governor of Manila, Antonio de Morga. In addition, more than 180 tin ingots were distributed within the junk. The production of this metal was located east of Sumatra, on the island of Banca, on the Malay Peninsula and adjacent islands. Textual sources indicate that the tin was imported at Calamian Islands, Busuanga and the Palawan region. Among the recurring finds are bronze gongs, were sold throughout South East Asia by the Chinese (Wang Ta-Yuan, Tao-i Chih-Lioh, 1350). Some thirty years after the sinking of the junks Lena and Santa Cruz, Pigafetta, who accompanied Magellan during his visit to the Sultan of the island of Cebu, Homahon, reported several Chinese bronze gongs of Chinese origin12. The quantity of ivory loaded on the Lena has been estimated at a minimum of eighty tusks of various sizes and weights (Goddio et al., 2002: 249). Written sources provide details about the trade in this product from the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java and Coromandel. 6 �During the Song Dynasty, its importation was heavily taxed, and it had to be made available to the official market and could only be purchased by licensed traders. The cargo of the Lena also contained combs and precious lacquer boxes. Cargo stowage and organization The remains of the junks evidences contribute to determine stowage techniques and cargo organization (Figs. 3-4). The Lena shows us that ceramics, selected by shape and not by decoration, were stacked in the hold compartments. No trace of protective cases has been found; only residual bark and rice straw used as packing materials. The Santa Cruz had sub-compartments formed by a small bamboo fence, held by poles, wooden hurdles and bamboo links (Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming). One characteristic of the cargo of the wreck of the Lena is the accumulation of small globular jars with the green glaze of Sawankhalok from the kilns of Satchanaloi. In one compartment of the ship, 297 of them remained stacked against each other. It is to be noted that the porcelain was not packed in jars (Goddio et al., 2002: 1-41). Jars of glazed clay, which the Chinese were the first to be able to make, were however the appropriate packaging for the transport of fragile goods. From the eighth to the sixteenth century, Chinese ceramics exported overseas were nested inside each other and then stacked in jars. In the estuary of the Pearl River fishermen have recovered Tang Dynasty (617-907) jars, used to package bowls and pots. Excavation of the junk Breaker correlates the data from Pinszhou Ketan on merchant ships loading Fig. 4 Stowage of the cargo in the junk Santa Cruz. (© Christoph during the Sung (960-1279). Gerigk and Franck Goddio / FEFNA) 7 �Naval Architecture Analysis of the junks discovered in the Philippines began to fill the gaps left by standard documentation. The junk Lena display a hull bottom 18 meters long and 5 meters wide – overall length being estimated at 24 m, that of a medium-sized vessel (Goddio et al., 2002: 1-41). Unfortunately, a thick layer of concretion, product of iron ingots shipment now welded to the remains, complicated the study. The hull, 23 strakes of which are preserved, is double, confirming Marco Polo's observation that Chinese junks had “a hull with a double skin formed by two superposed planks throughout the length of the ship, carefully caulked with tow on both sides and held together with good iron Fig. 5 Prow of the junk Santa Cruz. (© Christoph Gerigk and nails”. The ship has a hull with Franck Goddio/FEFNA) planks, made of Shorea sp., which are fully assembled from the freeboard, using small cylindrical tenons of Palaquium sp., spaced at eleven to twelve centimetres. The planks are fitted edge to edge and cut so that they fit into each other. To form the strake, the planks are joined with “Jupiter scarfs”. The absence of ribs is not surprising; texts and archaeological excavations show a subdivision of the hold with perpendicular bulkheads constituting the transverse frame of the boat. Discovered off the west coast of Luzon, the merchant junk Santa Cruz, also from the Ming Dynasty, late fifteenth century, has a hull 80% preserved under the waterline (Fig. 5). This rare state of preservation is partly due to sand burial and partly to wood species used for the construction and known to be chemically and physically water resistant, as the long lasting Vitex sp., Verbenaceae, the shipworms-proof Mimusops sp., Sapotaceae or the rotproof Afzelia sp., Caesalpiniaceae. Teakwood also contributed, since its oleoresin is abrasion-resistant and helped preventing corrosion of the nails. With three masts and a compartmented hold acting as frame, decked and supporting a castle, its length is about 8 �25 m with a 5.8 m width. A detailed study of the construction techniques has been made (Fig. 6) (Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming). Fig. 6 Plan of the junk Santa Cruz. Transverse bulkheads with compartmented hold serving as frame. (© Patrice Sandrin and Franck Goddio/FEFNA) Discussion The case of the Santa Cruz In considering the details of construction and their assumed assembly methods, points of analysis related to the evolution of naval technology appear, as the contamination of one technique by another, the coexistence of different processes of construction, etc. Thus, the Santa Cruz architectural study opens up the question of the nature of shipping in the China Sea before Portuguese and Spanish galleons arrival, showing the originality of certain techniques, and an efficiency and technology perfectly adapted to intra-Asian maritime trade organization. 9 �Vessel architecture, date and nature of unearthed material as well as shipwreck location (west of the island of Luzon), make it highly to be a “Chinese” wreck – in the broadest sense of the term, namely travelling to or from China. Certainly built outside of China – most likely in the Philippines – it was loaded with an eclectic cargo of goods from all the major production centres of the Celestial Empire, collected in the harbour warehouses of southern China, but also Siam, Vietnam and elsewhere, before travelling to their final markets .The junk was as “Chinese” as the ships in the western Mediterranean from the imperial era were “Roman”. The junk was also “Chinese” in its construction, with a hull shaped as a piece of split bamboo, transverse bulkheads with a compartmented hold serving as frame, hull planks joined with iron nails but also, following the traditional hybrid Southern China Sea style, with the keel playing an essential structural role, and using timber of tropical origin. All the wood species used in the construction of the Santa Cruz are found in the Philippine archipelago and most of the islands in the South China Sea, but not in China. The merchants who had chartered it therefore could not belong to the provinces of Fujian and Guangdong, sailing on ships built in China. The essentially “Chinese” architecture seems to rule out the possibility that it was chartered by the peoples of South East Asia, very active on the eastern route between Melaka and Manila Bay (Reid, 1996: 34-35), but who sailed on craft built with local traditional techniques (Manguin, 2001). Ultimately, given the assumed departure port of the ship, wrecked off the coast of Luzon, and the fact that its ceramics all date from a period when the prohibition to build ships and trade abroad was strictly applied by the Ming, it is highly unlikely that the ship and its charterers were of continental origin. It is much more likely that they belonged to a Chinese community located in the commercial towns of the archipelago. Certainly made in collaboration with local shipbuilders, the junk benefited from their particular expertise. Its construction is consistent with a “tendency to crossing, identified in shipbuilding technology evolution, with a new type of ship in archaeological sites from between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, probably coinciding with the increasing role played by Chinese trade and ‘merchant adventurers’ in Southeast Asia” (Manguin, 2001: 15). The Santa Cruz marks out the final phase of the intra-Asian trade in the late fifteenth century Chinese “Mediterranean”, before the sixteenth century “globalization”, when a new 10 �global geography emerges from expanding traffic and desires for domination. While this future changes did not effect the Santa Cruz, it is poignant to note that it was wrecked a few miles northwest of Manila, the future Spanish colony that would be installed on the already well established maritime trade route. Is it possible that Manila (Luzon), on the eastern “Nanhai Trade” route played the same role as Maleka, on the western route? Before the Spanish conquest, Maleka took advantage of the Chinese emperor's closure of the seas. Located on a key point of Chinese Eastern trade route, the city was well placed to assert itself as an unavoidable stop for the tributary exchanges between Asia SouthEast and China, and as a regional depot for goods travelling to or from the Empire13. Like the Portuguese in Maleka in 1511, the Spaniards were not mistaking in settling down in Manila in 1571 in order to become the preferred trading partner of China. It was there, even before the lifting of the Ming ban in 1567, that Fujian merchants, deprived of their main source of income, foreign trade, rushed to build junks capable of transporting goods from both China and South East Asia. Conservation While hulls remain in situ, excavated artefacts are conserved in land. If some have been sent overseas for treatment, most of them have been treated in Manila, in partnership which the National Museum. Experts have been called sporadically for interventions, but all the long-term tasks, as desalinisation process, are in charged of local staff, with good maintenance and very good results. It is noticeable that standard European treatments for metals protection have to be reinforced to fit with the Philippines very high relative humidity, while ceramics will benefit of a low risk of salt crystallisation due to the same factor. In-situ preservation is facilitated by usually calm deep water and sand burial but cyclones and pillars are a threat (i.e. pillars damaged the Lena site before excavation and stole the metal foils maintaining reburial sand on the Santa Cruz site). The Lena hull was reburied under 150 centimetres of sand, from the site itself, with no system to maintain the sand in position. Last checking on the Santa Cruz site shows that the sand was still in position despite the lack of holding devices. Given the complexity, the cost and the constraints of waterlogged ship conservation, there are no current plans to unbury and treat the hulls. Even with recent developments 11 �in waterlogged wood conservation, raising a ship should not become a standard operation unless it’s under direct destruction threat. Iron-saturated wood of the Lena would still be a nightmare to conserve. Researches may eventually solve problems due to iron sulphates, consolidation products, and sensibility to relative humidity. Currently, we better stand with in-situ conservation and scientific data compilation. Endnotes 1 Geophysical surveys notably led to the discovery of junk San Isidro. Goddio et al., 1997. 2 As for the Royal Captain shoal (Goddio et al., 1987). 3 As for the junks Breaker, Lena and Santa Cruz (Goddio et al. 1997; Goddio et al. 2002; Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming). 4 Named after the site of their discovery. 5 Official “tribute” trade did not prohibit trade market exchange. Lam, in Goddio et al, 2002: 50. In particular, in the early fifteenth century, the Muslim city-states that developed in Southeast Asia became prosperous thanks to embassies sent to China which wove strong economic ties with the continental power, i.e.: Brunei. Karim Osman, 2001: 21-22. 6 The official history of the Ming dynasty. Quotes from Lam, in Goddio et al, 2002: 52. 7 An anonymous compilation written in 1430, with additions in 1571, the Shun Feng Hsiang Sung is one of the most important sources for sea routes followed between South China and the Indonesian archipelago, the Malabar Coast, Yemen, the Red Sea, the Sunda Islands or the Sulu Sea. Shun Feng Sung Hsiang, Laud MS, Or 145, Bodleian Library, Oxford. Needham, 1971: 581; Mills, 1979. 8 Hirth and Rockhill, 1911 9 In the fifteenth century, relations between China and Brunei developed considerably. At the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century, Brunei experienced a golden age and became the hub of the region, collecting at its port most of the forest products of western Borneo, as well as those of the neighbouring Muslim communities of Sulu and Mindanao. Karim Osman, 2001: 20; Manguin, 2001: 9-10. 10 Spectrographic analysis has also shown the role of metal oxides in the colouration of the beads. However one should be cautious as bacterial reduction following the shipwreck might have changed the colour of the beads by reducing the metal oxides in the paste. 11 We know the extremely important role that the beads played and continue to play in the lives of indigenous people of Borneo. The Philippines also imported glass beads, just as they did porcelain, gold, lead and iron needles (Rugua Zhao Chu-fan-chi, 40 trad. Hirth & Rockhill, 1911). The distribution of these beads has been identified in the archaeological sites along the western side of Luzon and the south-western fringe of the Philippines. 12 �12 Pigafetta, Voyage autour du monde, Ms. Fr. 24224 B.N. Paris. Musical or ritual instrument, and a sign of opulence, gongs were also used on boats to sound the hour and to announce the arrival of a trading junk to the local population. Among the metal objects discovered not directly related to trade were the guns found on the Lena, of great significance for the study of the armament carried by Asian ships and its technology, especially before the arrival of Europeans (Goddio et al., 2002: 237-241). Three staff guns were found during the excavations of the Santa Cruz (Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming). 13 Not to mention Brunei and Banten on in the South China Sea which played an important role in international trade, being termini for navigation in the South China Sea. References Dizon, E., Orillaneda, R. 2002. Ming Blue and Whites from Shipwrecks in the Phillippines. In Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi. Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum: 211-223. Goddio, F. et al. 1987. La fouille de la jonque du Royal Captain shoal. Dossiers d’Histoire et Archéologie 113. Paris. Goddio, F., Desroches, J.-P., Crick, M., 1997. Weisses Gold. Göttingen. Goddio, F., Crick, M., Pierson, S., Scott, R., Lam, P.Y.K., 2002. Lost at sea, The strange route of the Lena shoal Junk. London. Goddio, F., Fabre, D. (dir.), forthcoming. The Ming Dynasty Santa Cruz junk shipwreck in the Philippines. Oxford. Hirth, F., Rockhill, W., 1911. Zhao Rugua, Chu-fan-chi. Saint Petersburg. Karim, Pg. Dr., Osman, Pg. Haji, 2001. L’épave de Brunei et sa contribution à l’histoire maritime de Brunei. In M. L’Hour (dir.), La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. t. 2. Paris: 1927. Manguin, P.-Y., 2001. Réseaux marchands et navires en mer de Chine méridionale. In M. L’Hour (dir.), La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. t. 2. Paris: 7-17. Mills, J.V. 1979. Chinese navigators in Insulinde about A.D. 1500. Archipel 18: 37-62. Needham, J., 1971. Science and Civilization in China. Cambridge. Orillaneda, B.C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic trade during the late 15th Century C.E. University of the Philippines. Diliman Quezon City. Reid, A., 1996. Sojourners and settlers: Histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese. St. Leonard. 13 �Biography Franck Goddio is the founder and president of the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA), Manila, of the Institut Européen d’Archéologie Sous-Marine (IEASM), Paris, and co-founder of the Oxford Center for Maritime Archaeology. Under his direction the FEFNA excavated wrecks in the Philippines in collaboration with the National Museum of the Philippines : trading junks and native boats dating from the 11th to the 16th century, Spanish galleons – the San Diego (1600) and the San José (1794) –, vessels of the British East India Company – the Griffin (1761) and the Royal Captain (1773). David Fabre is Doctor in Archaeology, he graduated from Montpellier University in 2003 and has participated to numerous archaeological excavations in France and elsewhere the world, specifically in Egypt which he concentrated on maritime trade shipwrecks. In 2004, he joined European Institute of Underwater Archaeology (IEASM), directed by Franck Goddio. He coordinate the publication of the junk Santa Cruz – discovered in the Philippines by The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA, Manila) in collaboration with the National Museum of the Philippines. Marie-Amande Coignard is graduated from Sorbonne University Master degree in archaeological artefacts conservation. After holding internships in France, Greece and Western Australia, she worked mainly on underwater archaeological heritage, in France (Arles, Roman boat excavation and conservation; Marseille, museum artefacts and Roman boats conservation), in Egypt (Alexandria, underwater excavation artefacts), and in the Philippines (Manilla, mainly Santa Cruz junk artefacts). After a winter-over in Antarctica, working on historical frozen heritage, Marie-Amande is currently conserving another antique shipwreck at ARC-Nucleart conservation centre. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 12: Underwater Cultural Heritage of Southeast Asia Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 12 chair Nia Hasanah and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The richness of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the Southeast Asian region has been very well known throughout the world. Various shipping activities, trade, warfare, piracy occur in Southeast Asian waters since prehistoric times to the present, causing many archaeological relics in the bottom of the sea in that region, such as shipwrecks which are a traditional ships owned by countries in Southeast Asia and also foreign ships from various countries in the world which sank due to various causes in Southeast Asian Waters. UCH in Southeast Asia has become a very important resource for science, history and even for economic interests relating to the welfare of the local communities which in some areas, UCH shipwreck sites serve as diving attractions. UCH in Southeast Asia have also attracted treasure hunters both the international big companies and national companies in Southeast Asian countries. In many areas, in particularly in small islands and coastal areas with low level economic life, the locals often plunder the UCH sites, raise up the cargoes, and also take the ship parts mainly made of metal materials to be sold for sustaining their lives. Treasure hunt problem; looting by local people; the lack of human resources, facilities, and funds for research, monitoring, and conservation; as well as the lack of understanding and awareness of the central government, local government, civil society, and local communities make the problems associated UCH in Southeast Asia being very complex. The UCH richness and the complexity of the problems associated with it in Southeast Asia make this being one of critical theme to be highlighted in this conference. There is a need to share a current information betweeen the countries to strengthen the bond and to foster the regional and international cooperation. This session will discuss: • Current issues, problems, and challenges faced by Southeast Asian countries in efforts to study, to protect, and to preserve the UCH. • The threats faced by UCH i.e. the human factors, climate change, and changes in the physical environment in the waters of Southeast Asian countries. • The results of resent research conducted in the field of UCH in Southeast Asian countries. • Protection and conservation measures in accordance with the UNESCO Convention 2001 which can be applied in Southeast Asian countries. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nia Hasanah Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource On-going archaeological researches on shipwrecked junks in the Philippines Description An account of the resource The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA) have been working with the National Museum of the Philippines for twenty-eight years. The researches aim at illustrating the maritime history of the Philippines through excavations and studies of shipwrecks lying in their territorial waters. This presentation on junks focuses on a case study, with few conservation points. Some of the junks have been discovered during a systematic research campaign alongside historical trade routes. Some excavations have also been performed at the request of the National Museum. Our knowledge of the “Nanhai trade” is enhanced by the cargoes study: a large panel of Asian production disclosing a dynamic network of cultural influences and commercial exchanges lasting from the 11th to the 16th centuries. Some historical maritime trading roads have been revealed. The Santa Cruz junk, late 15th century, is representative of a transitional time in Nanhai maritime trade. In a way, this ship is a landmark of the last inter-Asian trading phase in the Chinese “Mediterranean” area, before the 16th century “globalization”. In addition, the Santa Cruz hull’s condition enabled completion of the existing documentation and a larger scale reflexion on cargo stowage and shipbuilding process. Specific analyses on construction details and hypothesis on assembly methods result in original data on the evolution of nautical techniques and on reciprocal influence and co- existence of shipbuilding technologies. Hence, the construction study contributes to the renewal of Nanhai maritime transport understanding, as it shows some original characteristic and a perfect appropriateness to inter-Asian maritime trade organization. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Franck Goddio David Fabre Marie-Amande Coignard, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 12 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fed7a1309d45b3096b19236f4fa716d8.pdf 0b2b0c360691820bdaf7c2b1a1af0918 PDF Text Text Challenging the U.S. Nuclear Tests:The Golden Rule Sails Again Ann Wright Veterans for Peace Honolulu, Hawaii 96821 USA Email: microann@yahoo.com Abstract In January 1958, Andrew Bigelow and three other anti-nuclear activists attempted to sail the 30 foot ketch, The Golden Rule, from California into the U.S. nuclear testing zone in the Marshall Islands to try to stop nuclear testing. While on a stopover in Honolulu, a U.S. federal court issued an injunction barring the voyage of the Golden Rule into the nuclear test sites. Despite the injunction, the four crew members attempted to sail twice and were arrested by U.S. federal law enforcement officials, tried, convicted and given sixty-day sentences and imprisoned. 55 years later, The Golden Rule, was found in a small shipyard in Eureka, California and her historical significance recognized. The boat had suffered the ravages of time and was in terrible shape. She is being carefully renovated by members of Veterans for Peace who intend to sail the boat on the West Coast as an educational vessel that personifies opposition to militarism and the use of nuclear weapons. Using documents from the Quaker House in Honolulu, the saga of The Golden Rule is a part of the rich history of maritime Hawaii. Keywords: Pacific Nuclear Testing, Protest Ships, Marshall Islands, AEC, Greenpeace Introduction In 2010, Larry Zerlangs, the owner of a boatyard in Eureka, Northern California, hauled out of a nearby bay a 30 foot double-masted Alpha 30 sailboat that had broken loose of her moorings and sunk during a big storm. Her underside had been punctured in two places and her deck was severely marred. She had been stripped of her engine, mast, cabin, rigging and masts. In searching the name of the boat, Golden Rule, Zerlang came upon a remarkable history of courage of the boat’s crew over sixty years before, who left as their legacy, the founding of the international environmental action organization, Greenpeace. In 1958, four Quaker men opposed to the testing and use of 1 �atomic and nuclear weapons, attempted to sail the boat, the Golden Rule, into the U.S. nuclear bomb test site near Eniwetok in the Marshall Islands. The boat’s captain, Andrew Bigelow, a World War II U.S. Navy Lieutenant Commander, had been horrified by the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. In 1955, he and his wife learned first hand the effects of the atomic bombs when they housed two of the 25 Hiroshima Maidens, who came to the United States for reconstructive surgery for injuries caused by the dropping of an atomic bomb on the city of Hiroshima, Japan. Bigelow wrote, “I looked at the scarred faces, the grotesque deformities of lips and eyes, and the odd skin, and I felt as if I had been kicked in the stomach! I cried, ‘My God, how awful!’ Somehow, seeing those young women, who had been nine and thirteen years old when bombed, for me pulled everything together. Nuclear testing is a crime against mankind,” said Bigelow.(Reynolds,P., 1958). In the late 1950s, the U.S. and the Soviet Union tested large atmospheric nuclear weapons that produced radioactive fallout that turned up in cows’ and mothers’ milk. Public concern around the world grew, particularly in Japan which was receiving fallout from both Russian and American nuclear testing. From 1945-1962 the United States conducted 216 Fig. 1 Golden Rule sailing off Diamond Head. aboveground nuclear tests; from 1949-1962, the Soviet Union conducted 214 aboveground tests; from 1952-1958, the United Kingdom conducted 21 aboveground tests; from 1960-1974, France conducted 46 aboveground nuclear tests; from 19641980, China conducted 23 aboveground nuclear tests and South Africa conducted one 2 �aboveground nuclear test in 1979(Johnston, 2001). Following the lead of anti-nuclear activists in Japan who formed the Japanese Council Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs (Gensuikyo) and in Great Britain who founded the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), in 1957, activists in the United States formed the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) that became the largest peace and disarmament group in the country. Stating that “All nuclear explosions are monstrous, evil, unworthy of human beings,” in late 1957, Bigelow and other Quakers formed another group, Non-Violent Action Against Nuclear Weapons, to conduct direct actions to stop the testing of nuclear bombs. One of their first decisions was to sail a protest boat into the Pacific nuclear test area—and that boat was the Golden Rule. In January 1958, Bigelow and the Golden Rules’ three other crew members wrote to President Dwight Eisenhower of their plans to sail into the nuclear test site: "For years we have spoken and written of the suicidal military preparations of the Great Powers," they observed, "but our voices have been lost in the massive effort of those responsible for preparing this country for war. We mean now to speak with the weight of our whole lives". They hoped their act would encourage fellow citizens to speak up about their concerns about nuclear weapons (Wittner, 2010). On March 25, 1958, Bigelow, George Willoughby, 43, William Huntington, 50, engineer, and had studied for the ministry; after the voyage, he returned to teaching at a Friends school in New Hampshire (Oliver, 2013). James Peck, although not a Fig. 2 Golden Rule with Coast Guard ship. Quaker, had been a long-time practitioner of nonviolent direct action, a conscientious objector in World War II, and a fierce advocate of racial equality. He fought for civil rights for African Americans while in prison during the war, 3 �and in the U.S. Navy and merchant marine. In 1938, he was a founder of what would later become the National Maritime Union. Peck, who was badly seasick on the first attempt to sail from California, joined the crew in Hawaii. Both Peck and Bigelow later were among the original 13 Freedom Riders who in 1961 risked their lives to desegregate interstate transportation in the public American South. Peck was savagely beaten by a Ku Klux Klan mob, and Bigelow placed his own body between a mob and John Lewis, absorbing some of the blows intended for the man who would later become one of Georgia’s U.S. Congressional representatives. Lewis recounted the story at the Fig. 3 Golden Rule newspaper article from Honolulu Quaker 2012 Democratic National House scrapbook. Convention. In 1961, “Albert Bigelow and I tried to enter a white waiting room, we were met by an angry mob that beat us and left us lying in a pool of blood. Some police officers came up and asked us whether we wanted to press charges. We said, ‘No, we come in peace, love, and nonviolence’” (Slosberg, 2013). As the Golden Rule sailed across the Pacific, the State Department, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), and U.S. Navy officials discussed how to counter the challenge to nuclear weapons by concerned citizens. The U.S. Commander-in-Chief in the Pacific said that this group of "Communists or misguided humanitarians" wanted to "stop tests by preventing us from firing . . . or if we did fire and killed a few people . . . create additional anti-atomic test support." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles was concerned that sealing off a large area on the high seas surrounding the test site would "have serious international repercussions," while too lenient a policy toward protesters might open the way to participation by Japanese antinuclear groups. U.S. intelligence agencies swapped data on Bigelow, including information on his private telephone conversations and legal plans(Reynolds, P, 1958). 4 �While the Golden Rule was on the high seas, the Eisenhower administration had the AEC issue a ban on entry into the nuclear test zone by Americans and pressured the Japanese government to block entry by its citizens. After arriving in Honolulu, Bigelow received from the port captain a copy of the local notice-to mariners that incorporated the AEC ban. Bigelow responded, “The nuclear weapons tests violate God’s law. I believe a man must obey all laws that do not conflict with those of God. But if a conflict arises he must be prepared to violate the laws of the nation”. At the request of the U.S. government, the U.S. federal court in Honolulu issued an injunction barring continuation of the Golden Rules’ journey to Eniwetok. On April 24, a U.S. marshal served the crew a warrant to appear in federal court on May 1. Despite the legal ramifications of disobeying the injunction, the group decided: "We would sail -- come what may" (Bigelow, 1959). On May 1, after consultation with their Honolulu lawyers and reinforcements from the mainland including A.J. Muste, a renowned anti-nuclear and civil rights activist, the crew sailed the Golden Rule out of the AlaWai harbor in Waikiki for international waters, three miles off Honolulu. But, one and one-half miles short of the international border and 1798 miles short of Eniwetok, a 40 foot Coast Guard patrol boat ordered the Golden Rule crew to stop for inspection. The Coast Guard cited Bigelow with having the boat’s registration numbers on the bow, three eights of an inch too short and not drawn parallel to the water. With warrants already issued, the Coast Guard arrested the crew and took them to the one hundred year old Honolulu jail where they refused bail. The Honolulu evening newspaper, the “Star Bulletin,” wrote that the crewmen were facing “their final test of fortitude. Imprisonment in the Honolulu jail comes under the heading of cruel and unusual punishment. If the quartet can still maintain its composure, the men are made of stern stuff”. After six days in jail, the four appeared in Federal Court. The judge found them guilty of criminal contempt, and sentenced them to sixty days in jail and a year’s probation. The judge suspended the jail time. That evening the newspaper ran an article stating that nuclear testing in the Marshall Islands had begun again (Bigelow, 1959). Actions around the United States against nuclear testing increased due to the news of 5 �the arrest and trial of the crew of the Golden Rule. Picket lines sprang up around federal buildings and AEC offices all across the United States, including those in Boston, Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington. Signs declared: "Stop the tests, not the Golden Rule". In Honolulu, fifty persons led by the local Quaker Friends meeting, picketed the Federal building. Marches and protests took place in front of the Fig. 4 Golden Rule lifted onto blocks for repairs. White House. In Germantown, Maryland, picketing of the AEC offices continued. Five hundred Californians signed a petition asking that they be allowed to share the sentence of the Golden Rule’s crew (Wittner, 2010). In early June, the crew of the Golden Rule announced they would defy the injunction again. Bigelow was arrested and jailed for conspiring to violate a federal injunction. Huntington took over as captain and sailed the Golden Rule out of the AlaWai harbor. The crew managed to sail past the three mile international line before the Coast Guard caught up with them and towed the Golden Rule back to the harbor. The crew was tried again, convicted and imprisoned for sixty-days. Reynolds Family Sail the Phoenix into the Nuclear Test Center Among those who met the crew members of the Golden Rule in Honolulu and attended their trial for contempt of court were Earle and Barbara Reynolds, their two children Jessica and Ted, and NiichiMikami, a Japanese sailor and shipwright from Hiroshima. They had sailed around the world on their hand-built sailboat, the Phoenix, and were returning to Hiroshima, Japan, where Earle Reynolds had coordinated anthropological research for the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission, established by the 6 �U.S. government to gather data on the effects of the atomic bombs dropped on two Japanese cities. The Reynolds were impressed by the goal of the crew members of the Golden Rule, as Reynolds was convinced that the U.S. government had misreported the deadly effects of radioactive fallout in Hiroshima and of subsequent testing of atomic and nuclear bombs. Reynolds also believed that the U.S. government had no right to restrict travel on the high seas. The Reynolds family decided to complete the voyage of the Golden Rule. On June 11, 1958, they quietly set sail from Honolulu for the nuclear test area in the Marshall Islands. On July 1, 1958, Earle Reynolds announced to the world by radio that the Phoenix had entered the U.S. nuclear test zone "as a protest against nuclear testing. Please inform appropriate authorities" (Reynolds, E., 1961). The U.S. Navy boarded the Phoenix the next day, arrested Reynolds, and flew him to Hawaii for trial. His wife, his son and the Japanese sailor, sailed the Phoenix back to Hawaii from the Marshall Islands on a difficult voyage against prevailing winds and currents that took 60 days. Reynolds was convicted in Federal court and sentenced to two years in prison. These dramatic events heightened popular protest against nuclear testing. Reynolds, out on bail before a higher federal court ruled in his favor -- and, implicitly, in favor of his predecessors -- embarked on a speaking tour that included 58 major talks, 20 other meetings, 21 radio programs, and eight television appearances (Reynolds, E., 1961) SANE dispatched telegrams to political leaders declaring that it joined the Golden Rule's crew members "in protesting against [the] unrightful use of [the] Pacific Ocean for nuclear weapons testing, and against [the] Atomic Energy Commission's exercise of authority which it does not rightfully possess". Norman Cousins, SANE's founder and co-chair, helped finance the voyage of the Golden Rule and lauded its activities and those of the Phoenix in his magazine, the Saturday Review. Appearing on CBS television, AEC chair Lewis Strauss implied, as he frequently did when discussing opponents of nuclear weapons, that the opposition was a part of a Communist conspiracy. “At the bottom of the disturbance there is a kernel of very intelligent, deliberate propaganda” (Wittner, 2010).With worldwide public opposition to nuclear testing, the nuclear states slowly changed their policies. In late August 1958, President Eisenhower announced that, as of October 31, the United States would suspend its nuclear tests and would join other nuclear powers in negotiations for a 7 �nuclear test ban treaty. Although these negotiations dragged on for years, the U.S., Soviet, and British governments did eventually halt their nuclear tests. Their testing moratorium collapsed in the fall of 1961, when the Soviet government resumed nuclear tests. But because of continuing popular protest, in the summer of 1963, the three countries signed the Partial Test Ban Treaty that banned nuclear tests in the atmosphere. Even as the nuclear powers began to back away from nuclear testing, the influence of the Golden Rule and the Phoenix persisted. In November 1958, the crews of the Golden Rule and of the Phoenix traveled to Geneva, Switzerland to urge U.S., British, and Soviet negotiators to sign a comprehensive test ban treaty (Wittner, 2010). Actions Against Nuclear Weapons by other Protest Ships In the late 1960s, a group of American and Canadian peace and ecology activists met in Vancouver, British Columbia to discuss how to stop U.S. nuclear explosions being conducted underground on the Aleutian island of Amchitka in Alaska. Inspired by the example of the Golden Rule and the Phoenix, the group decided to “sail a boat up there and park right next to the bomb”. In mid-September 1971, these activists sailed the fishing trawler, the Phyllis Cormack to Amchitka, where they were stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard. They returned to Vancouver where they were met by thousands of supporters who formed an organization they called Greenpeace. Over the next forty years, Greenpeace ships have challenged nuclear weapons in ships named Rainbow Warrior and now challenge pollution of the oceans--most recently against oil drilling in the Arctic in a ship named the Arctic Sunrise that is still held by the Russian government. Its crew was released from Russian jails in late 2013 after 100 days imprisonment. This was not the first time the Russians had dealt with protest ships. As a protest against nuclear testing by the Soviet Union, Reynolds captained two additional voyages, the first by the Phoenix to Russian port of Nakhodka on the Pacific Ocean and the second by the Everyman III to Leningrad, Russia on the Baltic Sea. After nuclear testing resumed in late 1961, the Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA, the successor to Non-Violent Action Against Nuclear Weapons) dispatched protest vessels to the test sites. In 1962, the U.S. government arrested the crew of Everyman I only fifteen miles outside San Francisco. But Everyman II, departing from Honolulu, 8 �succeeded in sailing through the U.S. Pacific test zone for days before U.S. authorities, hamstrung for a time in securing a court injunction, hauled its crew members off to prison. Taking on Soviet testing as well, CNVA launched Everyman III from London in September 1962, and the following month the 48-foot ketch, captained by Reynolds, arrived in Leningrad. Refusing to allow antinuclear leafleting, Soviet officials gave the crew the choice of sailing away or being towed out to sea. From the standpoint of the crew, neither was satisfactory. Therefore, to the dismay of the Soviet authorities, some crew members began to sink the vessel in the harbor while others grabbed leaflets and leaped into the near-freezing water in an attempt to swim ashore. Eventually, the vessel was towed away, with Reynolds and the other pacifists were kept on board until their release by Soviet authorities (Wittner, 2010). The Golden Rule Sails Again The journey of the Golden Rule as a protest boat ended in 1958 in Hawaii with her sale to an undisclosed buyer. Where she sailed from 1958 to 2000 is a mystery. In the early 2000s, she was purchased by Eureka, California doctor Laurence Badgley who docked her for six years at Woodley Island Marina before anchoring her on his property off the peninsula south of Fairhaven, California. In 2009, she broke loose and washed up on the beach. Marina owner Leroy Zerlang and his son towed her off the beach, repaired her and re-anchored her off Badgley’s property. In 2010 another storm sank her. Zerlang raised her and brought her to his shipyard where he was going apart. to cut her Local shipwright David Peterson said she could be repaired and Zerlang advertised in the Fig. 5 Golden Rule with crew at AlaWai boat harbor. 9 �area for individuals or groups interested in helping with the restoration. Fredy and Sheri Champagne, members of the Northern California chapter of Veterans for Peace, heard of the salvage of the boat and its history and asked if Veterans for Peace could restore her. Over the past three years, a team of dedicated craftsmen and volunteers have slowly repaired the Golden Rule. Contributions to the restoration have come from around the world. The story of the Golden Rule has sparked a renewed interest in citizen activism for the abolition of nuclear weapons. Jessica Reynolds, the daughter of Earle Reynolds, has located the remains of her family’s boat, the Phoenix, also in the San Francisco Bay area, but there are no plans yet for her restoration (Oliver, 2013). Restoration of the Golden Rule is 90 percent complete. She will set sail again in 2014 as an educational vessel for disarmament of nuclear weapons and for peace. Fig. 6 Golden Rule with new stern and name. 10 �Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the work of the Northern California Veterans for Peace chapter, and in particular Fredy and Sheri Champagne, for their vision of a restored Golden Rule as an educational vehicle to teach about nuclear issues, restoration coordinator Chuck DeWitt, master shipwright David Peterson, and volunteers Dennis Thompson, Mike Gonzalez and Breckin Van Veldhuizen. Lawrence Wittner and Skip Oliver have conducted excellent research on the ship and written informative articles. Endnotes (1) Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm (2) Johnston, William Robert, 2001. Chronological Listing of Aboveground Nuclear Detonations. http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/nuclear/atest00.html (3) Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm (4) Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. Preserving the Golden Rule. Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/lawrence-wittner/preserving-the-goldenrul_b_453634.html (5) Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. The Long Voyage: The Golden Rule and Resistance to Nuclear Testing in Asia and the Pacific. The Asia Pacific Journal, http://www.japanfocus.org/-Lawrence_S_-Wittner/3308#sthash.9orpLKGM.dpuf (6) http://vfpgoldenruleproject.org/ References Bigelow, Albert, 1959. The Voyage of the Golden Rule. Doubleday, New York. Friends Journal Staff, 2013.Friends Journal 1958 Coverage of the Golden Rule. Friends Journal, http://www.friendsjournal.org/golden-rule-1958/ Johnston, William Robert, 2001. Chronological Listing of Aboveground Nuclear Detonations. http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/nuclear/atest00.html Oliver, Arnold, 2013. The Golden Rule Shall Sail Again. http://www.friendsjournal.org/the-golden-rule-shall-sail-again/ Friends Journal, Reynolds, Earle, 1961. The Forbidden Voyage. David McKay Company, New York. 11 �Reynolds, Jessica, 1958. Jessica’s Journal. Holt, New York. Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm Slosberg, Steven, 2013. Albert Bigelow: Brief life of an Ardent Pacifist, Harvard Magazine, http://www.harvardmagazine.com/2013/07/vita-albert-bigelow Veterans for Peace Golden Rule project, http://vfpgoldenruleproject.org/ Walters, Heidi, 2010. Broken Arrow: Humboldt Bay’s Legendary Anti-Nuke Ship Puts in for Repairs. The North Coast Journal, http://www.northcoastjournal.com/humboldt/broken-arrow.htm Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. The Long Voyage: The Golden Rule and Resistance to Nuclear Testing in Asia and the Pacific. The Asia Pacific Journal, http://www.japanfocus.org/-Lawrence_S_-Wittner/3308#sthash.9orpLKGM.dpuf Biography Ann Wright is a retired U.S. Army Reserve Colonel and a former U.S. diplomat who resigned in 2003 in opposition to the Iraq war. She has been interested in ships used at as vehicles to protest governmental policies since she sailed as a passenger on one of the six ships on the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla and was an organizer of the Audacity of Hope, the U.S. Ship to Gaza, in the 2011 Gaza Flotilla. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 11: World War II and Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 11 chair Dr. Bill Jeffery and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) from World War II is extensive throughout the Asia/Pacific Region. It encompasses numerous warships from many Nations, thousands of merchant ships commissioned to support the war effort, and also many other types of sites and objects such as aircraft, docks, lighthouses. A database of World War II shipwrecks for the Asia/Pacific Region stands at around 3,800 and many of them have not been explored. In 2014, World War I’s underwater cultural heritage will begin to fall under the full scope of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, and although it will be several more years for World War II sites to fulfill the Convention’s 100 year-old provision, sections of the Convention such as the Annex are now applicable in their management. The UCH relating to WW II has a great historical importance. It is a reminder of the existence of the war and its horrible consequences. The majority of the UCH lying on the seabed are also grave sites still containing human remains. One of the goals of preservation and research must therefore be to make the public understand their historic significance and to raise the public awareness of the historical testimony these remains constitute. Many World War II sites are also popular diving sites, lending themselves to cultural tourism, and through effective in situ management and interpretation, they are significant sites in conveying many stories and reaching many people. The UCH of WW II are an important historical source of information. They can represent the peak of technology at that time. They can also contain multi-vocal values—different groups of people perceiving and valuing them differently—particularly in regard to local indigenous communities who were innocent bystanders in the war but their world, their culture and heritage changed forever. The management of UCH relating to World War II contributes to the efforts in undertaking research reminding present and future generations of the importance of peace. The objectives of the session are to: • Advance knowledge of related UCH in the Pacific, • Identify priority actions in terms of research, preservation and education, • Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Bill Jeffery Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Challenging the U.S. Nuclear Tests:The Golden Rule Sails Again Description An account of the resource In January 1958, Andrew Bigelow and three other anti-nuclear activists attempted to sail the 30 foot ketch, The Golden Rule, from California into the U.S. nuclear testing zone in the Marshall Islands to try to stop nuclear testing. While on a stopover in Honolulu, a U.S. federal court issued an injunction barring the voyage of the Golden Rule into the nuclear test sites. Despite the injunction, the four crew members attempted to sail twice and were arrested by U.S. federal law enforcement officials, tried, convicted and given sixty-day sentences and imprisoned. 55 years later, The Golden Rule, was found in a small shipyard in Eureka, California and her historical significance recognized. The boat had suffered the ravages of time and was in terrible shape. She is being carefully renovated by members of Veterans for Peace who intend to sail the boat on the West Coast as an educational vessel that personifies opposition to militarism and the use of nuclear weapons. Using documents from the Quaker House in Honolulu, the saga of The Golden Rule is a part of the rich history of maritime Hawaii. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ann Wright, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 11 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/28cfed170c5ed8294180a68309aac4b0.pdf 99a73c83860e711c73c9abb450b003f7 PDF Text Text Kānehūnāmoku: Indigenous Cultural Landscapes and Biocultural Resources in Hawai‘i and the Pacific Trisha Kehaulani Watson Honua Consulting 4348 Waialae Ave. #254 Honolulu, HI 96816 E-mail: watson@honuaconsulting.com William Ailā Jr. Department of Land and Natural Resources State of Hawai’i E-mail: William.j.aila@hawaii.gov Kepa Maly Culture and Historic Preservation for Pūlama Lāna‘i E-mail: kepa@kumupono.com AdiMeretui Ratunabuabua Pacific Islands Museums Association E-mail: pimachair@gmail.com Abstract Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. 1 �New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that “all traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical character” (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircrafts. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawai‘i and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawai‘i and across the Pacific. Keywords: Natural Resources, Cultural Resources, Cultural Heritage, Marine, Resource Management, Preservation, Indigenous Peoples, Cultural Landscapes, Introduction Underwater Cultural Heritage refers to all traces of human existence having a culture, historical or archaeological character, which have been partially or totally under water, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years (UNESCO, 2001). For indigenous peoples in the Pacific, who have lived of and with the ocean as their cultural seascapes for millennia, a substantial amount of their cultural heritage is linked to the sea and submerged resources. These heritages, like other underwater resources, are in grave peril.As a result of the advocacy by groups worldwide, issues pertaining to the cultural resources of indigenous peoples have increased in import and visibility. Responding to this effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. This new understanding reflects calls for enhancements of the Rights of Indigenous People. It is clear that “all traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical character” (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircrafts, but a rich array of cultural resources valued by Indigenous Peoples. 2 �The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawai‘i and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session will focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawai‘i and across the Pacific.The goal of this paper is to articular the status of cultural heritage activities in the U.S. and the Pacific and then provide a range of examples of how different local areas have used planning documents to guide communitybased preservation activities. Through this comparison and the illustration of local examples, a promising intellectual landscape emerges. While there are certainly challenges in the field, it is nonetheless a time of great promise and potential. Cultural heritage in the Pacific is rich and dynamic, but there is still a great deal of work to be done if managers are to fully embrace the potential of this heritage. The reference to Kānehūnāmoku is intended to reflect that history and potential. Kānehūnāmoku is the secret land of Kāne. A mythical land of the gods, it is a valued resource associated with Hawai‘i’s cultural heritage. In myth Kane and Kanaloa are represented as gods living in the bodies of men in an earthly paradise situated in a floating cloudland or other sacred and remote spot where they drink awa and are fed from a garden patch of never-failing growth. Often this land is located upon one of the twelve sacred islands under the control of Kane believed to lie off the Hawaiian group "within easy reach of and having frequent intercourse with it." These islands are frequently mentioned in ancient chants and stories before the last Paao migration from Tahiti. Today they are called the "lost islands" or "islands hidden by the gods." At sunrise or sunset they may still be seen on the distant horizon, sometimes touched with a reddish light. They may lie under the sea or upon its surface, approach close to land or be raised and float in the air according to the will of the gods. They are sacred and must not be pointed at. 3 �The land of Kane-huna-moku (Hidden land of Kane) is one of these islands. Here live Kane and Kanaloa with other spirits who are Kane's direct descendants; such as, "Kane of the thunder," "Kane of the water of life," "Kane who shakes the earth," twenty of whom are listed by Rice. It is a middle land between heaven and earth where spirits enjoy all the delights of earth without labor and without death, and "in extreme old age return to earth, either in the bodies of men or as spirits," or "become gods and live in the clouds." Kepelino calls it the land where the first man was made. Here he lived until Kumuhonua transgressed the law of Kane and was driven from this good land. "There is no land to be compared to it in excellence." Hawaiians today say that this land had its birth from Niu-roa-hiki, a land belonging to Hawaii but which does not approach these islands, and that those who have kept thetapus may go there after death (Beckwith, 1976). Sacred places, those that “may lie under the sea or upon its surface, approach close to land or be raised and float in the air according to the will of the gods” have long been part of the cultural narrative of the Pacific. They include tangible and intangible resources. They are landscapes that reach out across space and time. They include natural resources, as indigenous peoples believe resources to have both biological and cultural value. Increased understandings of the cultures of the Pacific only serve to strengthen the field of maritime history. There is a need to share learning and education within the field. The Hawaiian concept put engaged here is “a`o aku, a`o mai,” the traditional Hawaiian process and value of reciprocal learning. This paper expresses both a need for shared learning as a means of building a stronger, more diverse discipline. “Makawalu” as a cultural value that can further inform and enrich an increasingly diversified range of inquiry. Makawalu literally means “eight eyes,” yet conceptually reflects an approach that integrates numerous ways of seeing or knowing. A makawalu methodology would be one that considers the many different ways a community can approach or see a resource. This enables an individual to see a resource for its biological and cultural value. This is a concept not only applicable to a new understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes, but a concept that may frame emerging ethical issues related to underwater heritage and use of resources discovered at historical sites. 4 �The approaches that come from a broadened understanding of heritage and resources offer not only opportunity to explore the world around us, but the world within us. As EpeliHau‘ofa wrote: “Oceania is vast, Oceania is expanding, Oceania is hospitable and generous, Oceania is humanity rising from the depths of brine and regions of fire deeper still, Oceania is us” (Hau‘ofa, 2008). The lessons, approaches and case studies offered herein demonstrate the potential of this time we share now. It is a potential to not only explore the world below the ocean’s surface, but opportunity to rediscover our own history and heritage, and through that rediscover our past commitment to conservation values that will sustain us into the future. An Evolution of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Hawai‘i: A Move towards an Integrated Cultural Seascape Approach Hawai‘i’s marine protected areas (MPAs) offer interesting examples in the potential challengesof different approaches to addressing emerging cultural heritage needs. Both located within the Hawaiian archipelago, the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary (Sanctuary) and the Papahānaumokuākea National Marine Monument (Monument) both offer interesting and differing histories on the treatment of cultural heritage. Whereas the Sanctuary has focused on community-based deliverables that enrich current traditional practices and the ability of practitioners to enhance their own knowledge, the Monument has elected to pursue an approach to culture that keeps itself largely separated from other disciplines and stakeholder groups. The latter has also intentionally elected to keep cultural activities isolated within the Hawaiian community, referring to this approach as being “beyond integration” (Lewis and Bertelmann, 2013). These varying approaches offer communities across the Pacific valuable opportunities to assess the efficacy of differing approach to cultural heritage, providing occasion for Pacific Islanders to shape heritage activities in their own island communities. The hope is that through studying past activities; indigenous peoples can determine the most effective means by which to protect submerged resources within their regions. The Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument was established by President George W. Bush through Presidential Proclamation No. 8031 on June 16, 2006 through authority delegated under the Antiquities Act, 16 U.S.C. 431-433. Unlike the Sanctuary, which aims to develop an integrated approach to cultural resources and scientific activities, the Monument elected to largely separate these activities.The first of the Monument’s priorities under their Management Plan regarding culture and history was to “Identify and prioritize scientific and Native Hawaiian cultural research needs within 18 months”. Five years later, a comprehensive plan on this issue 5 �remains incomplete, compared to its natural resources science plan, which has exists for years. Conversely, the Monument caused considerable division in the Hawaiian community. In a letter drafted to President Bush in 2008, a group of Hawaiians wrote in opposition to the national marine monument in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI): “The Native Hawaiian communities have followed the progress of the Pew Foundation’s attempts to establish another national marine monument in CNMI with anger, trepidation, and despair. There strong and passionate emotions are universally felt by Hawaiians whenever the word ‘Papahanaumokuakea’ is mentioned. This is the name your administration picked for our islands. When you creased the national marine monument of Northwest Hawaiian Islands, it was done without the participation of the Native Hawaiian people” (‘Aha Kiole Advisory Committee, 2008). While there was a select group of Native Hawaiians involved in the establishment of the Monument, it would be impossible to deny that the process undertaken created considerable strain within the Hawaiian community, particularly among elders and fishermen. As a result, considerable hostility persists about marine protected areas, making it difficult for other programs to pursue conservation agendas. The Monument was awarded World Heritage designation in 2010. The inscription reads: Papahānaumokuākea is a vast and isolated linear cluster of small, low lying islands and atolls, with their surrounding ocean, roughly 250 km to the northwest of the main Hawaiian Archipelago and extending over some 1931 km. The area has deep cosmological and traditional significance for living Native Hawaiian culture, as an ancestral environment, as an embodiment of the Hawaiian concept of kinship between people and the natural world, and as the place where it is believed that life originates and to where the spirits return after death. On two of the islands, Nihoa and Makumanamana [sic], there are archaeological remains relating to pre-European settlement and use. Much of the monument is made up of pelagic and deep-water habitats, with notable features such as seamounts and submerged banks, extensive coral reefs and lagoons. It is one of the largest marine protected areas (MPAs) in the world(UNESCO). Even this nomination was met with opposition and highlighted how the lack of an integrated and inclusive program fueled conflict between community groups and conservation programs (Akana, 2010). As a result of this conflict and despite the overwhelming and documented 6 �benefits of protected areas and heritage designations (Heinemann et al., 2005), many Hawaiians remain resistant to embracing the opportunities available through marine protected areas.Comparatively, the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary was designated through an act of Congress by the Hawaiian Islands National Marine Sanctuary Act (“HINMSA” or “Act”) on November 4, 1992 (Subtitle C, P.L. 102-587, the Oceans Act of 1992) as a single-species sanctuary to protect humpback whales and their habitat, which lies within the shallow (less than 600 feet), warm waters surrounding the main Hawaiian Islands and constitutes one of the world’s most important humpback whale habitats. Section 2304 of the Act established the Sanctuary’s purposes as follows: (1) to protect humpback whales and their habitat within the Sanctuary; (2) to education and interpret for the public the relationship of humpback whales to the Hawaiian Islands marine environment; (3) to manage human uses of the Sanctuary consistent with the HINMSA and Title III of the Marine Protection, Research and Sanctuaries Act (MPRSA), as amended; and (4) to provide for the identification of marine resources and ecosystems of national significance for possible inclusion in the Sanctuary. These purposes are consistent with the overall goals and objectives of the National Marine Sanctuary Program (NMSP), which are to: enhance resource protection through comprehensive and coordinated conservation and management; support, promote, and coordinate scientific research on, and monitoring of, site-specific marine resources; enhance public awareness, understanding, appreciation and wise use of the marine environment; and facilitate to the extent compatible with the primary objective of resource protection, public and private uses of national marine sanctuaries. In 1997, the Sanctuary prepared and adopted a Management Plan in consultation with interested persons and appropriate Federal, State and local authorities, as required under Section 2306 of the HINMSA. Under 2306(a) of the HINMSA, the purposes of the Management Plan were to: (1) facilitate all public and private uses of the Sanctuary (including uses of Hawaiian natives customarily and traditionally exercised for subsistence, 7 �cultural and religious purposes) consistent with the primary objective of the protection of humpback whales and their habitat; (2) set forth the allocation of Federal and State enforcement responsibility, as jointly agreed by the Secretary and the State of Hawaii; (3) identify research needs and establish a long-term ecological monitoring program with respect to humpback whales and their habitat; (4) identify alternative sources of funding needed to fully implement the plan’s provisions and supplement appropriations [under section 2307 of this subtitle] and section 313 of the NMSA (16 U.S.C. § 1444); (5) ensure coordination and cooperation between Sanctuary managers and other Federal, State and County authorities with jurisdiction within or adjacent to the Sanctuary; and (6) promote education among users of the Sanctuary and the general public about conservation of the humpback whales, their habitat, and other marine resources. The 1997 Management Plan continues to further articulate coordination in the management of the Sanctuary through working relationships with appropriate Federal, State and county agencies to ensure the Sanctuary mandate through a cooperative management strategy. Acknowledgement of State jurisdiction over State resources was specifically illustrated through designation of the Sanctuary boundary. The Management Plan specifically states: The establishment of the Sanctuary in no way conveys, or intends to convey, to NOAA any title or ownership of Hawaii’s submerged lands. These lands, including those known as ceded lands, continue to be held in trust by the State of Hawaii. The Sanctuary will exist as a co-steward of the Sanctuary and its resources. Should the status of the submerged lands change at some time in the future (i.e., lands are conveyed to a sovereign Hawaiian nation), the Sanctuary will work with the appropriate entities to redefine its role if necessary. In 1998, the Compact Agreement for the Coordinated Management of the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary (“Compact”) was executed between the State of Hawai‘i (“State”) and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (“NOAA”) of the United States Department of Commerce for the purpose of clarifying the relative jurisdiction, authority, and conditions of the NOAA-State partnership for managing the Sanctuary. It clarified 8 �the State’s continuing authority and jurisdiction over its State waters, submerged lands, and other resources within the Sanctuary. The Compact further established provisions with respect to NOAA’s collaboration with the State of Hawai‘i on Sanctuary management issues. The purposes and policies of the National Marine Sanctuaries Act (NMSA, 16 U.S.C. 1434(e) requires NOAA to periodically review and evaluate the implementation of management plans and goals for each national marine sanctuary. Accordingly, NOAA must revise management plans and regulations as necessary to ensure that national marine sanctuaries continue to best conserve, protect, and enhance nationally significant living and cultural resources. The current management plan review began in 2010, and this process will result in a new management plan for the sanctuary. The target for completing a draft revised management plan is 2013, and a final revised plan is targeted for completion in 2014. The management plan review process will help to evaluate gaps in existing marine conservation efforts in Hawai'i, and identify potential roles for the sanctuary in future management. Learning from the challenges with the Monument, Native Hawaiians engaged with the process early and successfully advocated for an increased commitment to cultural heritage within the sanctuary. Additionally, stakeholders from a range of disciplines worked together continuously to mutually educate each other and develop materials and guidance that acknowledged existing challenges which innovating solutions and ways forward. So although the sanctuary has considerably less resources than the Monument, it can be argued that the sanctuary has a more robust cultural heritage program as a result of its integrated and collaborative approach. The success of these changes that have occurred in the sanctuary rest on three key points: 1) A sustained and codified commitment to cultural heritage and resources integrated across the sanctuary program and activities; 2) Sustained and significant engagement with the Native Hawaiian community enhanced by community capacity building opportunities that enable Hawaiians to remain effectively engaged in the management of the sanctuary; 3) A strong partnership with the state co-managing agency that retains jurisdiction of state waters, submerged resources and cultural resources. As the Management Plan Review began, the Sanctuary focused on increasing representation of Native Hawaiians on the Sanctuary Advisory Council. Through a vigorous recruitment process, the number of Native Hawaiians on the Sanctuary Advisory Council increased from one (1) representative (of sixteen voting members) to seven (7) representatives (of eighteen voting 9 �members). This increased the percentage of Native Hawaiians on the Sanctuary Advisory Council from 6% to 38%. The Sanctuary also worked to improve cultural content and programming. A Native Hawaiian working group was formed to develop recommendations for the Management Plan. In December 2010, the Sanctuary Advisory Council (council) approved the formation of the Native Hawaiian Working Group for the purpose of developing recommendations, which describe the role of traditional perspectives in the future identity of the sanctuary, and provide a framework for those perspectives to guide appropriate management actions. In April 2011, a work plan for the working group was presented during a two-day meeting of the council. Accordingly, council members in attendance who were interested in participating in the working group had the opportunity to convene for the first time and discuss an appropriate way to conduct business. Members decided they preferred face-to-face interactions so initially working group discussions were limited to opportunistic conversations between individual members. In July 2011, the working group gathered for a full-day meeting on O‘ahu to discuss relevant background information and perspectives to inform the development of their management recommendations. Working group members were provided with scoping comments associated with Native Hawaiian issues. This first face-to-face meeting provided the foundation for the working group to define the direction and scope of their recommendations. A set of draft recommendations were developed from the initial meeting and in September 2011, the working group gathered for a second full-day meeting on O‘ahu to review and provide input. In November 2011, the working group met in a final face-to-face meeting to finalize their recommendations. The meeting was open to the public to allow comment and input before the management recommendations were finalized. The group worked for thirteen (13) months on the recommendations, contributed over 500 hours of professional volunteer time and produced a document containing four (4) goals, four (4) objectives, and thirty (30) policy recommendations. The recommendations were adopted at the Sanctuary Advisory Council meeting in January 2012. A standing Native Hawaiian subcommittee was established at the January 2012 meeting, thus codifying in the advisory council’s governing charter a permanent advisory role for Native Hawaiians into the 10 �management process. Public meetings were deferred until such time as a technical expert workshop could be convened jointly with the Native Hawaiian and research subcommittees. In January 2012, the Sanctuary Advisory Council also recommended that the sanctuary convene a workshop for experts to discuss incorporating Native Hawaiian cultural management practices and Western scientific knowledge into the sanctuary management plan. In July 2012, a group of technical experts gathered in Maunalua, O’ahu, to reflect on the implementation of aloha ‘āina (deep love for the land and sea) in an ecosystem-based management approach that has a strong basis in customary Native Hawaiian management practices and traditions. Workshop participants were invited based on their roles in their communities and relevant research or academic expertise in marine ecosystems or Native Hawaiian practices. Many of the participants represented experience in all of these areas. The Aloha ‘Āina workshop provided guidance that can be applied to a range of resource management entities and their respective kuleana (responsibility) to resources and communities, and this framework was presented to the Native Hawaiian and Research Subcommittees of the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary Advisory Council. After review by both standing subcommittees, the framework was presented to the entire Sanctuary Advisory Council in September 2012. The council voted unanimously and enthusiastically to send the framework forward to sanctuary management for consideration in the management plan review. Additionally, the council advised that the document be used as a basis for both a handbook and trainings for conservation managers. While cultural heritage should be led and informed by indigenous peoples, the sanctuary’s inter-disciplinary approach effectively illustrates the potential benefits from a process that integrate both western and indigenous perspectives. Reciprocal learning and shared implementation of initiatives enhances multiple program outputs. Similar evolutions have occurred across the U.S. and the Pacific, all to benefit of indigenous peoples and cultural heritage programs. They are compared below, as they offer extraordinary opportunity for maritime heritage programs to expand in a manner that builds community support and alliances that benefit preservation. Discussion Across geographies and scales, diverse groups of experts are coming together to advocate for enhancing approaches to understanding and preserving cultural resources. In addition to the work undertaken in Hawai‘i, the National Marine Protected Areas Center engaged their Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group (CHWG) of the Marine Protected Area Federal Advisory 11 �Council (MPA FAC) to make recommendations to improve the comprehensive conservation of cultural heritage resources within the national system. From their resulting white paper: The evaluation revealed what tribal and indigenous peoples from many places have known for generations: the human family is an integral part of and has special responsibilities to many ecosystems. Cultural heritage resources offer records of these relationships and carry with them lessons for the future based on the wisdom and mistakes of the past. The group, which includes authors of this paper, recommended the Cultural Landscape Approach as a management framework because it offers the best available means to remember and learn from our past, and to understand human and natural influences on marine places and their ecosystems over time and into the future. This holistic approach integrates the complexities and power of contemporary science with historical, archaeological, and cultural knowledge and the human values of love of place. Adopting a Cultural Landscape Approach strengthens our will and enhances our capacities to steward wisely the world we inhabit (Marine Protected Areas Federal Advisory Committee, 2011). Similarly, countries in the Pacific worked together towards the preservation of cultural heritage through strategic and coordinated actions. These collaborations developed the Pacific 2009 Program (2000-2009) through several regional consultations and the 31st session of the World Heritage Committee Meeting was held in Christchurch in 2007 under the chairmanship of Mr. TeHeuheu, Paramount Chief of the NgatiTuwharetoa Maori people of Aotearoa (New Zealand). This success directly resulted in an increase in the number of Pacific state parties of the World Heritage Convention as well as the World Heritage Sites in the region. Following the Pacific 2009 Program, the Pacific state parties prepared and discussed the Pacific World Heritage Action Plan (2010-2015) at the 2009 Pacific World Heritage Workshop held in Maupiti. The Pacific World Heritage Workshop (Apia, 5-9 September 2011) reviewed progress in its implementation and updated the Action Plan by taking into account the outcome of the 2nd Periodic Reporting Exercise in Asia and the Pacific region. At the request of the Pacific member states, the Pacific Heritage Hub (PHH) was established at the University of the South Pacific in Suva in February 2013. 12 �Key points from the two documents are provided below. 13 �Comparative Analysis: Evolving Approaches in the U.S. and the Pacific Recommendations for Integrated Management Pacific World Heritage Action Plan 2010-2015 Using a Cultural Landscape Approach in the (UNESCO, World Heritage Convention in the Pacific) National MPA System, 2011 (NOAA, Marine Protected Areas Federal Advisory Committee) Vision Statement Achieving and maintaining healthy coastal and We share a dream that our Pacific Islands’ heritage is marine ecosystems requires a fundamental protected and enriched for future generations. understanding of the relationships between people and the environment. Cultural heritage, which belongs to all people, emphasizes these connections, whether that heritage takes the material form of, for example, maritime resources (such as shipwrecks), natural resources (such as marine species and habitats), or sacred places. Through the national MPA system, cultural relationships among people and historic, natural, and place-based heritage resources are preserved and perpetuated in ways that recognize and share multiple cultural voices and knowledge systems for the benefit of all. Preamble None We the people of the Pacific Islands offer a unique contribution to the World Heritage community, through the enormous wealth of cultural diversity, as well as of the island and marine biodiversity of our region, much of which is endemic, and covers one third of the earth’s 14 �surface. For us, indigeneity is inseparable from heritage. Our indigeneity has the following characteristics: Heritage in the Pacific defines our cultural identity and remains inseparable from our social, economic and environmental well-being, now and for future generations; Our heritage is holistic, embracing all life, both tangible and intangible, and is understood through our cultural traditions; There is an inseparable connection between the outstanding seascapes and landscapes in the Pacific Islands region, which are woven together by the rich cultural, historical and genealogical relationships of Pacific Island peoples; The region contains a series of spectacular and highly powerful spiritually-valued natural features and cultural places. These places are related to the origins of peoples, the land and sea, and other sacred stories; The Pacific is a region of distinct and diverse responses to oceanic environments; Protection of our heritage must be based on respect for and understanding and maintenance 15 �of the traditional cultural practices, indigenous knowledge and systems of land and sea tenure in the Pacific. Challenges The guiding principles and the integrated management approach proposed here for cultural heritage resources will help address the two important cultural heritage challenges: We recognise that the Pacific region continues to be the most under-represented region on the World Heritage List. In redressing this imbalance in representation and endeavoring to continue to build on the aforementioned achievements, the Pacific Island States face major Attracting existing MPAs that have cultural heritage challenges. These include: resources which meet national system eligibility Limited awareness of Pacific cultural and criteria to join the national system; and
Reducing natural heritage outside the region; uncertainties in recognizing cultural heritage resources within existing and potential MPAs. Lack of adequate representation of the unique and special heritage of the Pacific 
on the As integrated and adaptive management is increasingly practiced, the Cultural Landscape World Heritage List; Approach (CLA), as described below, will help MPA Large geographic area, isolation and managers nationwide to identify and adopt policies resource limitations that restrict access to 
 and practices that manage cultural and natural information and assistance and the ability of Pacific resources at the ecosystem and landscape levels. people to contribute to global 
forums; The protection of cultural heritage resources in marine areas is often separated from that of natural The character and scope of the resources. In practice, this divide is often UNESCO and the World Heritage Convention 
 administrative in origin. The effective ecosystemadministration for the Pacific region, which masks based management called for in the National some of the specific important 
 national and Ocean Policyand advocated by countless scientists regional heritage issues; and natural resource management professionals recognizes that the connections between living Some people are represented by States things and the physical environment are Parties outside the region (UK, France, 
 USA, 16 �multifaceted and often inseparable. Managing places using an ecosystem-based approach requires the simultaneous understanding of cultural and natural factors and resources. Indeed, as many indigenous cultures have known for millennia, and as the scientific community is increasingly recognizing, humans are an important part of the ecosystem, and the human dimensions of the environment must be considered. In contrast to previous cultural resource management paradigms, which approached resources individually for study and preservation, CLA uses cultural landscapes as an analytical framework to understand places and their associated resources. Analogous and complementary to ecosystem-based management, CLA examines the relationships among living and non-living resources, and their environment. An MPA may involve multiple ecosystems and resources, both cultural and natural, which span the land/sea boundary. A cultural landscape may extend far beyond the boundaries of an individual MPA, and may help identify ecological and cultural connections both within and between MPAs. The approach emphasizes cultural relationships to the environment, and highlights connections between human behavior and the condition of marine ecosystems over time. Adoption of the CLA by the national system would 17 Chile) which can limit their ability to have sites inscribed on the World 
Heritage List; Limited financial and human resources, skills and capacities within communities 
 and institutions to adequately manage the region’s cultural and natural heritage; A need for increased awareness within communities of the great value that World Heritage Convention contributes to the protection and vitality of cultural and 
biological diversity; Political instability and a lack of good governance, which are significant barriers 
 to heritage conservation in general, and World Heritage implementation in 
particular; Greater external challenges and threats in the Pacific than in most other regions 
of the world, with less capacity to respond to their impacts. Examples of these external influences include climate change, financial instability, globalisation of society and economy, technological development, commercialisation, energy supply and demand, natural disasters and tourism growth; Climate change is of particular concern because the Pacific region is especially vulnerable to its impacts and faces many difficulties in �represent an important step toward the meaningful integration of human culture and the natural environment in managing MPAs. As charged in Executive Order 13158,the national system, with its equal focus on natural heritage, cultural heritage, and living renewable resources has a unique potential to protect and conserve our natural and human environment in ways that simultaneously recognize the need to use, preserve, and respect our special marine places. The CHRWG recommends the following actions in order to move the national system toward fulfilling its charge. Goals, Actions [In relation to cultural heritage governance,] we and recommend that the national system partners: Recommendations Advance and, where practical, adopt integrated cultural heritage governance practices that advance the National Ocean Policy and embrace ecosystem-based management principles that recognize and protect maritime cultural heritage; Recognize that diverse cultural heritage management approaches exist at the local, state, tribal, and national levels, and accommodate flexible practices that best align local knowledge and circumstances with the principles embodied in the National Ocean Policy; and adapting to and mitigating its effects; The impacts on the environment and resources (both tangible and intangible) are widespread and sometimes difficult to monitor (e.g. spread of pests and diseases), which can limit our ability to protect heritage; In the face of these challenges, our goals are to strengthen the implementation of the World Heritage Convention in the Pacific Island region and increase local, regional and global awareness, recognition and support for the conservation of the unique cultural and natural heritage of the Pacific in a way that takes into account the traditions, aspirations, opportunities and challenges of its people. Main Actions 1. Encouraging dialogue between communities, agencies and organisations within and outside the Pacific region to identify, promote and protect the region’s outstanding cultural and natural heritage to the global community; 2. Enhancing local communities‟ awareness of the Explicitly recognize the place-based authority and benefits of preserving their cultural and natural heritage, rights of tribal and indigenous peoples in 18 �and encouraging community participation (particularly by youth and women) in all stages of the World Heritage [In relation to the MPA Inventory and National process. Systems Recommendations,] we recommend that the National Marine Protected Areas Center (MPA 3. Supporting successful nominations for representation on the World Heritage list, by increasing in-country Center), in concert with national system partners: capacity to identify suitable potential sites and prepare Reanalyze the MPA Inventory using the expanded nomination dossiers that fully meet the requirements of cultural heritage definitions to identify cultural the World Heritage Convention. heritage resources both inside and adjacent to existing MPAs and develop a more comprehensive 4. Increasing in-country capacity at all levels, inclusive of census of heritage resources associated with indigenous people to develop best practices, management plans and arrangements to ensure effective MPAs; protection of Pacific heritage sites, in a way that takes into account and recognises traditional knowledge and Expand analysis of existing national system MPAs conservation practices for land, air and sea. to identify a greater diversity of cultural and natural resources that would benefit from additional 5. Assisting in the development of in-country heritage protection and management; expertise in the Pacific by supporting technical establishing and managing MPAs. Target outreach and assistance to MPA managers, particularly in tribes and indigenous groups, to encourage further inclusion of existing and potential cultural heritage MPAs in the national system; assistance, where requested, including the development of a network of partner institutions within the region capable of providing technical services in the area of heritage conservation in a coordinated and integrated way. Provide, improve, and coordinate MPA manager training programs and initiatives regarding cultural heritage resources, with additional attention given to tribal and indigenous knowledge and authorities; and 6. Building partnerships between communities, heritage agencies, regional organisations, educational institutions and non-government organisations in the region, including the promotion of multilateral, bilateral cooperation and twinning programs between World 19 �Expand educational and outreach ties to museums, Heritage sites and countries of the Pacific and beyond. schools, and cultural heritage programs. 7. Assisting communities to develop and implement In order to fulfill the intent of the EO, we further environmentally sustainable economic growth through heritage-related enterprises recommend that: DOC and DOI increase capacity for the updated inventory and evaluation of coastal and marine cultural resources. Specifically, resources should be provided to the MPA Center for cultural heritage staffing and programs necessary to implement these recommendations. 8. Sharing information and data bases related to heritage (through properly informed consensus), through regional strategies and communication networks that link island communities. 9. Supporting the development and implementation of effective policies and legislation for heritage by [In addition to a cultural landscape approach,] we Governments in the region, including access and benefits sharing within the larger development portfolio. recommend that national system partners: Adopt a cultural landscape approach as a means to 10. Establishing sustainable financing arrangements to protect cultural heritage resources and advance support the effective conservation of Pacific heritage and building on other available funding sources and in- kind ecosystem-based management of MPAs; contributions. Develop best practices to bring together all 11. Sustaining the ongoing consultative process by available knowledge of cultural heritage resources, bringing together the representatives of the Pacific including the incorporation of tribal and indigenous Islands States and Territories on a regular basis. sources; and Apply the expanded definition of cultural heritage resources embodied in CLA, which includes the National Register of Historic Places criteria, to manage MPAs. 20 �While the goals, challenges, and recommendations of the two regions are not identical, they are certainly complimentary. This illustrates the high potential for collaboration and exchange in helping to move these plans forward. Both regions have worked with their existing resources to implement their recommendations. These complimentary developments are critical as climate events continue to occur in the Pacific. While the United States has been largely disconnected from activities in the South Pacific and Oceania when compared to other industrialized nations like China, Australia or member of the European Union, the United States still nonetheless maintains a considerable interest in the area through Hawai‘i and the U.S. insular areas. The growing interest in cultural heritage by the U.S. MPA FAC thereby creates potential opportunity for more leadership from an alliance of industrialized nations to better support the protection of indigenous cultural heritage in the Pacific, particularly among small-island developing states (SIDS). Such support is already overdue, but as impacts of climate change continue to severely impact communities in Oceania, securing partnerships to effectively plan for and respond to these impacts is a necessity. Below is a range of case studies that provide valuable examples of how the different regions are operationalizing their programs. By engaging a range of different ways with different partners in implementation, heritage activities are enhanced and thereby become an issue around which community is built rather than divided. They offer multiple examples of how a range of local and regional partnerships can be developed, which help to protect and secure cultural heritage as local levels. Applying an Integrated Approach to Heritage Preservation: Emerging Case Studies from Hawai‘iand the Pacific Throughout Hawai‘i and the Pacific, groups have found innovative ways to use their limited resources to effectively implement heritage goals. One of the primary needs across both regions has been to build awareness about cultural heritage and cultural resources. The Fiji example highlights a successful mapping toolkit, which helps to build capacity in local communities, specifically helping to educate government agencies on intangible cultural heritage needs. The permit streaming project for Hawaiian fishponds illustrates how government agencies can help to empower communities to protect and preserve their cultural heritage resources. Finally, Lāna‘i’s heritage activities show the great potential of private partners in community heritage programs. 21 �Intangible Cultural Heritage in Fiji Cultural heritage in the Pacific consists largely of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), which includes traditional stories, songs, knowledges, practices, customs, craftsmanship and natural resource management. Over the last decade, Pacific Island nations have worked successful to protect these valuable resources. The cooperative brought together communities and stakeholders to develop mechanisms for identifying and protecting these resources. Critical to this effort was the implementation of capacity building programs that provided stakeholders, resource managers and decision-makers the ability to understand the resources from the community and cultural perspectives. The Pacific Intangible Cultural Heritage Mapping Toolkit was developed by SipirianoNemani, Policy and Planning Analyst at the Department of National Heritage, Culture and Arts in Suva, Fiji, and commissioned by the Human Development Program of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community.The toolkit is based on Mr.Nemani’s experience as part of a team that pioneered the development of a cultural mapping project whose goal was to determine and record the intangible cultural heritage or traditional knowledge of indigenous Fijians (or itaukei) and other peoples. In many cases, this cultural heritage is on the verge of disappearing, and requires urgent revitalization. Mr.Nemani was instrumental in formulating research strategies and a methodology for the mapping initiative, which has been widely appreciated and adopted as a best practice approach in some Pacific Island countries since its inception in 2004. As a result, many of the examples in the toolkit are derived from Fiji, although they can be applied to other Pacific Island nations.The project is part of the Government of Fiji‘s initiative to ensure that the intangible cultural heritage of Fiji’s indigenous people is safeguarded. While many people may see this as a top-down approach in data collection and archiving, the government sees it otherwise. In this regard, communities and elders are seen as key holders of knowledge systems, and their wishes were always respected when undertaking mapping and subsequent dissemination of the information they imparted. These knowledge holders generally have limited access to recording tools, which is why the government - which has the required resources became involved. It is important to establish a way that traditional knowledge can be stored and transmitted to the next generation before that knowledge becomes lost. The toolkit is written from the perspective of a government cultural agency that is the initiator of a cultural mapping project. However, this does not stop communities from using the 22 �mechanisms outlined in this toolkit, adapting them to their own situation, and initiating the project themselves should they have the available resources to facilitate data collection. Doing so would provide a sense of ownership of the initiative, boost the morale of local people in safeguarding their initiative and, in the Pacific way, revitalize and promote the transmission of cultural information (Ratunabuabua, 2012). Traditional Hawaiian Fishponds: Living Heritages Pre-contact Hawaii had the largest concentration and complexity of fishponds in all of Polynesia. Hawaiian aquaculture structures were found archipelago-wide, varying in type and scale, and included man-made and natural enclosures of water in which fish and other aquatic resources like crustaceans and edible seaweeds were raised and harvested. The evolution of sociopolitical complexity in Hawai‘i to a primary state created a massive shift in power, ownership, and stewardship of natural resources, including aquaculture: By the end of the 18th century, more than 300 fishponds were conspicuously owned by the high chiefs. Accessibility to these ponds and their products was limited to the elite minority of the native population – the chiefs and priests. Prehistoric ponds and pond products appear to have been taboo to the vast majority of Hawaiians and to have yielded them no direct benefit. However, indirect benefit came from ownership by the chiefs of exclusive food sources. Royal fishponds and their terrestrial equivalents, the royal gardens (Kō`ele), insured less demand on the commoners’ food production resources. Every fish taken from a royal fishpond left its counterpart in natural habitat available to lesser chiefs and commoners. Ownership of one or more fishponds was one of the ultimate, high-status symbols in the status-conscious Hawaiian culture. Prehistoric fishtraps, on the other hand, apparently were not as important economically since they were less reliable sources of protein. Fishtrap harvest was dependent on the tides, and fishtraps appear to have been of less religious and political significance than fishponds. This is evidences by the accessibility of fishtraps to commoners as well as to women. …fishtraps….are artifacts of the overall aquacultural practices ca. 1800. Molokai and Lanai Islands had massivefishtraps as well as fishponds (Apple and Kikuchi, 1975). The history of Hawaiian fishpond systems, lokoi`a, is rich and extensive. According to oral histories, Hinapukui`a, whose name translates to “Hina gathering seafood,” is the goddess of 23 �fisherman. She is the wahine (wife or mate) of Kū`ulakai, sister of Hinapuku`ai, Hina gathering vegetative foods, and mother to `Ai`ai. Hinapukui`a’s Kanaloa (husband or mate), Kū‘ulakai, is the god and kupuna of fisherman and is said to have built the first fishpond at Leho‘ula on the island of Maui. Kū‘ula, a name for which Kū‘ulakai was also known, was said to be kino lua, many bodied -- empowered with mana kupua, supernatural powers, and able to control all the fish in the sea. Kū‘ulakai and Hinapukui‘a lived in Alea-mai on East Maui. They made their residence near Kaiwiopele. It was near Kaiwiopele that Kū‘ulakai built the first traditional Hawaiian fishpond in Hāna. Kū‘ulakai would share his knowledge of fishing and fishing practices with maka‘āinānā (common citizens) across Hawai`i through his son, ‘Ai‘ai, identified also as a god of fishermen. Written sources and oral traditions tell of ‘Ai‘ai’s extensive travels throughout Hawai`i during which he established fishing altars, called kū‘ula after his father, and fishing areas, known as ko`a. Lokoi‘a were an important part of Hawai`i’s complex and sustainable natural resource management system. The full-scale development of lokoi‘a (fishponds) from mauka (the mountains) to makai (the ocean) dates back over 500 years. Cultivation and propagation centered on many different fresh and salt-water plants and animals, with the primary species being the prized ‘ama‘ama (mullet) and ‘awa (milkfish). An inventory in the early 1900s found 360 lokoi‘a in the islands and identified 99 active ponds with an estimated annual production total of about 680,000 pounds, including 486,000 pounds of ‘ama‘ama and 194,000 pounds of ‘awa. Lokoi‘a were extensive operating systems that produced an average of 400–600 pounds per acre per year, a significant amount considering the minimal amount of fishpond “input” and maintenance effort apparent by that time. Increasing immigration and western influences during the 19th and 20th centuries, coupled with industrialization and urbanization had a devastating impact on the traditional Hawaiian resource management systems. Most fishponds fell into disrepair. Hawaiian fishpond systems, lokoi`a, are some of Hawai`i’s most significant traditional cultural resources. They are biocultural articulations of Hawaiian innovation in the areas of engineering, education, hydrology, aquaculture and biology. They also illustrate how cultural sites were not isolated features but part of a larger cultural landscape that contributed to a historical narrative that spoke to the holistic living systems of indigenous peoples. They demonstrate traditional Hawai`i’s excellence in sustainability, food sovereignty and natural resource management. In 2011, in response to recommendations from its Sanctuary Advisory Council and the public, the 24 �Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary committed to support local communities in their efforts to increase the use of traditional knowledge in government activities. The initial focus of this commitment has been on restoring traditional Hawaiian fishponds. In June 2011, an aquaculture workshop was co-hosted by the sanctuary and the University of Hawai‘i Aquaculture Program, during which traditional fishpond practitioners advocated for an improved permitting process for the restoration of traditional Hawaiian fishpond systems. The sanctuary then hosted a meeting in March 2012 to facilitate discussions about the potential to streamline the permitting process for fishponds. The Hawai‘i Department of Land and Natural Resources’ Office of Conservation and Coastal Lands (DLNR/OCCL)and the Hawai‘i Department of Health participated in this meeting, along with fishpond practitioners and other agency representatives. A de facto team was formed among the NOAA Fisheries Pacific Islands Regional Office, the sanctuary and DLNR/OCCL, to continue the agency coordination effort. The team also supported a gathering of Hui Mālama LokoI‘a, an informal statewide network of fishpond practitioners, by securing funding through University of Hawai‘i Sea Grant. Recognizing the need for additional assistance to complete the necessary documentation and applications, Conservation International (Hawai`i Fish Trust) generously agreed to fund a consultant to assist in the process. This effort is critical to the preservation and practice of traditional ecological knowledge and cultural heritage throughout Hawai‘i. Many communities have a renewed interest in the repair and operation of traditional Hawaiian fishponds for their cultural, economic and ecological value. However, due to their shoreline locations, unique ecosystems, engineering and complex biological functioning, Hawaiian fishponds are subject to a myriad of regulations and oversight by a host of different agencies. As a result, community organizations and traditional fishpond practitioners have struggled for decades to maintain and restore fishpond systems. The difficulty of Hawaiian fishpond revitalization is compounded by the unique, fragile, and sometimes rugged environments in which they exist. The end result is that obtaining the necessary permits and approvals to restore, repair, maintain and reconstruction fishponds is both costly and time-consuming. Many restoration efforts have been stymied by this permitting process. Currently, the State of Hawaii Department of Land and Natural Resources (DLNR), through their Office of Conservation and Coastal Lands (OCCL) is pursuing a State Programmatic General Permit (SPGP) from the federal government that will allow the State to streamline the permitting process by using a single application process for the restoration, repair, maintenance and 25 �reconstruction of loko i’a. Fishponds are identified as valuable cultural and ecological resources with benefits for coastal ecosystems and their adjacent communities. These activities will not only protect and preserve the cultural heritage associated with these historic features but stimulate traditional Hawaiian cultural activities and provide social and economic benefits. The project also highlights the benefits of an integrated strategy. By working across agencies and disciplines with an approach that embraces both ecological benefits and cultural heritage, the effort to restore traditional Hawaiian fishponds has reached new heights and unprecedented potential. Lāna‘i: Restoring Cultural Heritage, Uplifting Community Lāna’i is a meaningful case to turn to in understanding cultural and community sustainability in regards to environmentalism. While all of Hawai‘i maintains its livelihood (pre-contact) through sustainable practices and harvesting from only the archipelago and the surrounding oceans resources, Lāna’i’s small size and dry environment elevates the significance of aquaculture sustainability. The island has gone through many transformations over the last 200 some years. First entirely inhabited by the indigenous population, later turned into a ranching island (late 1860s). From 1922-1992 James Dole’s Hawaiian Pineapple company employed most of the island for pineapple production, earning the name, “The Pineapple Island”. Although these changes have significantly altered the landscape of the island itself the indigenous population’s cultural identity and reverence towards this majestic island have remained relatively unscathed. This can be seen through the care in passing on and protecting hundreds of traditional names associated with particular sites on the island while also documenting the islands ahupua’a (districts) that are host to the main irrigation systems that fed the lo’i (gardens) and loko (ponds) and were responsible for the cultivation of all the resources needed for survival. The island itself is approximately 13 ¾ miles long and 13 miles wide, with a land area of 140 square miles (being a little over 90,000 acres). It is sixth (of 8) in size of the main Hawaiian Islands, with its highest point, Lāna‘ihale, being 3,379 feet above sea level. The name of the island may be literally translated as Lā (day) [of] Na‘i (conquest), being associated with the day the chief Kaululā‘au vanquished the evil ghosts from the island. Hawaiians have 26 �lived on the island of Lāna‘i for close to 800 years. Their culture, beliefs, and practices mirrored the natural environment around them. They learned to live within the wealth and limitations of their surroundings. Indeed, archaeological evidence indicates that more than 6,000 people lived sustainably by growing and catching all they needed from the island up until western contact. A significant component to this sustainable practice was the implementation and use of Loko I’a. One of these significant loko i’a being Waia’ōpae. The loko i’a at Waia’ōpae consists of a low stone wall of approximately 1,500 feet as was traditionally integral to sustaining the life of the community in the immediate area. Hawaiian Fishpond Study conducted in 1990, Waia’ōpae was classified as a Type V fishpond. Described as a Loko I’a ‘Ume’iki , the Type V is identified as a fishtrap with various combinations of inward and outward leading lanes.In his field notes, Bishop Museum archaeologist Kenneth Emory described his findings of Waia’ōpae as follows: Leaving the south side of the sandy point at Waiaopae, the ruins of an ancient fish trap run out onto the shallow mud flat, follow the shore two to three hundred feet out, and return at a point 1,472 feet from where they left. The wall is now so depleted by wave action that only now and then are parts visible even at low tide” (Emory, 1924). With the support of the islands new owner, who purchased 98% of the island in 2012, a new preservation program has been instituted that looks to restore and revitalize the cultural heritage of the island. Resources from the new owner are allowing for archaeological work to take place at the fishpond, including educational programs for children and community members that introduce them to all forms of maritime chlidren heritage, including fishponds and shipwrecks. It is a promising progam poised to serve as a regional and global model of the role private partners can play in protecting cultural heritage in island communities. Conclusion Maritime Underwater Cultural Heritage offers a unique opportunity to integrate proven technology and research methods with a new commitment to biocultural resources and historic properties. Technological advancements make the world beneath the ocean’s surface increasingly accessible. As heritage sites become more accessible, this access simultaneously creates opportunity for exploration as well as destruction. Valued resources can be more easily retrieved, posing a threat to in situ preservation. For those who seek to protect these resources for their inherent historic and cultural significance, conferences such as these present 27 �opportunities to forge alliances. These alliances must be built across specializations and geographic regions. We all have a great deal we can learn from one another. Whether it is the history of a particular landscape or a new technology, coming together benefits us all and the heritage resources we collectively value. The strategic planning documents created in the Pacific and the U.S. illustrate that these groups know what needs to be done; it is a matter of implementing these plans. As our case studies show, that implementation is occurring in many places thanks to the support of local government and private partners. The potential for these new relationships to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawai‘i and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks make considerable gains across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Our challenges can be defined. They are finite. They are surmountable. Conversely, our potential, as a community and as an evolving field of discovery, appears limitless. Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the contributions of our four primary authors, Trisha Kehaulani Watson, William J. Ailā Jr., Kepa Maly, and AdiMeretuiRatunabuabua. In addition we are grateful to the organizations and agencies they represent: Honua Consulting, State of Hawai’i Department of Land and Natural Resources, PūlamaLāna’I, and University of the South Pacific. In addition, the authors recognize the indigenous peoples of Oceania as the main stakeholders and partners in biocultural conservation in the Pacific. References ‘Aha Ki‘ole., 2008. Letter to President George Bush opposing the establishment of a national marine monument in the three islands north of Saipan in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). Available online at: http://marianasconservation.org/pdf/hawaii_ahakiole_letter_to_bush.pdf. 28 �Akana, R., 2010. Hawaiians Lost Control of a $5 billion Trust Asset. Ka Wai Ola, Honolulu, Hawai‘i. Anders, G.C. 1987. 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Traditional Ecological Knowledge: Wisdom for Sustainable Development. Canberra: Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University. Wolf, Erica R. 1999. Envisioning Power: Ideologies of Dominance and Crisis. Berkeley CA: University of California Press. World Heritage Convention.Pacific World Heritage Action Plan, 2010-2015. UNESCO. Wyban, C.A. 1999.Tide and Current Fishponds of Hawai’i, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, Hawai’i. Biographies Trisha Kehaulani Watson, J.D, PhD is from Hawai‘i. She was born and raised on the island of O‘ahu to which she has long ancestral ties. She obtained her degrees from Washington State University and the University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa. Her legal background is in environmental law. Her PhD studies focused on indigenous epistemologies and traditional natural resource management. She previously worked in administration at the University of Hawai‘i on special projects related to culture and research issues. She currently runs her own consulting company, Honua Consulting (www.honuaconsulting.com) that focuses on biocultural resource planning and management in Hawai‘i. William Ailā Jr. is the Director and Chairman of the Hawai‘i Department of Land and Natural Resources. Before Gov. Neil Abercrombie appointed him to the post, Ailā was the Wai‘anae Boat Harbormaster and an active community organizer, focusing on environmental and 37 �Hawaiian cultural issues. He is a widely recognized and respected traditional Hawaiian fisherman and cultural practitioner. Ailā was born in Wai‘anae and earned a BA in General tropical agriculture from the University of Hawai‘i. He is a member of the MPA Federal Advisory Council and its Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group. Kepa Maly was raised on the islands of O‘ahu and Lana‘i, and as a youth, learned the Hawaiian language and cultural practices and values from native kūpuna (elders). In 1975, Kepa participated in an ‘uniki, as po‘o pua‘a, of Halau Hula o Ma‘iki, and is a ho‘opa‘akumu hula (instructor of traditional chant and dance). Over the last thirty-five years, Kepa has continued to learn and document Hawaiian traditions and practices fromkupuna from Hawai‘i to Ni‘ihau- learning from native Hawaiians who have lived their culture as handed down by their elders before them. Kepa and his wife Onaona formed Kumu Pono Associates LLC in 1995, their on-going work has included researching and writing historical documentary studies; conducting detailed oral history studies; developing–site preservation plans, cultural resources management plans, and contributing to the development of integrated resource management plans; and writing interpretive plans for projects across the state of Hawai‘i. They are presently residing on the island of Lāna‘i, working with the community in the development of a museum and heritage center, the Lāna‘i Culture and Heritage Center, and developing plans for long-term management of cultural and natural resources of Lāna‘i. He is the Senior Vice President Culture and Historic Preservation for PūlamaLāna‘i. AdiMeretuiRatunabuabua is an indigenous Fijian Chief. Her formative years were spent in Asia and Europe at British Army postings. She is currently the Pacific Heritage Hub Manager for UNESCO World Heritage activities in the Pacific, seconded from her post with the Fiji Government as Principal Cultural Development Officer in the Ministry of Culture. She serves on the Governing board for Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) Category 2 Centre for the AsiaPacific region and in 2012 was a consultant examiner for the ICH intergovernmental Committee for UNESCO; is Chair of the intergovernmental Pacific Regional Culture Strategy; President of the Pacific Islands Museums Association and an executive founding member of ICOMOS Pasifika. 38 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 10: Indigenous Cultural Landscapes and Biocultural Resources in Hawaii and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Video interviews with Session 10 chair Dr. Kehau Watson and panel participants William J Aila Jr. and Kepa Maly, and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that “all traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical character” (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircraft. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawaii and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session will focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawai‘i and across the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Kehau Watson Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Kanehunamoku: Indigenous Cultural Landscapes and Biocultural Resources in Hawai'i and the Pacific Description An account of the resource Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. 2 New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that “all traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical character” (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircrafts. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawai‘i and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawai‘i and across the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Trisha Kehaulani Watson William Ailā Jr. Kepa Maly AdiMeretui Ratunabuabua, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 10 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/441a6e06092d6cbdbdbf82c563a63c83.pdf 69c4d9b45eed6d9d44e5325074d22952 PDF Text Text Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage at Kalaupapa National Historical Park: A Manager’s Perspective Erika Stein Espaniola National Park Service, Kalaupapa, 96742 Hawai’i United States E-mail: erika_stein@nps.gov Abstract Kalaupapa, an isolated peninsula with no road access, is situated on the north shore of the island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Though it has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation, it is most well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Through the former patient’s advocacy efforts and concerns for their home and sacred place, the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. The Hawai`i state Department of Health (DOH), who co-manages the peninsula with the National Park Service (NPS), has rules that have essentially created an informal marine protected area containing resources with important indigenous cultural values. Due in part to its history, topography, and geography, Kalaupapa has been saved of wide-scale development providing us with outstanding preservation of maritime historic properties. Expanding maritime resources to include maritime and underwater cultural heritage values and biocultural heritage resources allows the NPS to more inclusively manage the site and provide stewardship opportunities, in light of inevitable change in the future. Keywords: Kalaupapa, Maritime, Underwater, Cultural Heritage, National Park, Management Introduction Nestled between Maui, Lana`i, and O`ahu, in the Hawaiian Island chain is the island of Molokai. On its north shore lays the Kalaupapa peninsula. Isolated and remote, its geologic, geographic and human histories have shaped the land and its adjoining valleys into a National Historic Landmark, National Natural Landmark, and an internationally sacred site. Its layered histories and abundant resources are permeated with significant heritage. With inevitable change approaching, Kalaupapa faces unique challenges in the years to come. At the forefront is ensuring that Kalaupapa retains its essence for future generations. 1 �The island of Molokai was first formed by the eruption of two shield volcanoes. It then endured a cataclysmic landslide, around 1,400,000 years ago, that dropped the northern third of Molokai into the sea, generating a 2,000 ft. high tsunami (Satake et al. 2002). A subsequent eruption of a small shield volcano, about 230,000 years ago (Stearns and Macdonald 1947), rose from the sea floor and abutted the rest of the land resulting in the island we see today and the north shore peninsula known by most as Kalaupapa, Fig. 1: The island of Molokai showing the peninsula of Kalaupapa and the NPS boundary in yellow. Author: NPS image though also referred to as Makanalua and Kalawao peninsula at various times throughout history. Kalaupapa has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation (see McCoy 2007), but it is most well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Bounded by deep water on its three sides and 3,000 ft. cliff (pali) to the south, the peninsula is in effect, a ‘natural prison’. This combined with its perceived abundant agriculture, made Kalaupapa the ideal place to relocate those with the feared disease. The period of forced isolation stretched the years of 1866 through 1969, also resulting in the native people of the peninsula, the kāma`āina, to be dislocated from the land (Greene 1985). The renowned work of Father Damien and Mother Marianne were also completed within the era of forced isolation. Both individuals have since been canonized into sainthood, Saint Damien in 2009 and Saint Marianne in 2012. Kalaupapa remains the home to a declining population of people who were once afflicted with Hansen’s disease and banished to the location. Through the former patient’s advocacy efforts, the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. Presently, the peninsula is co-managed between the National Park Service (NPS) and the Hawai`i state Department of Health (DOH). Management responsibilities are divided with the NPS handling the utilities, grounds, historic preservation and natural resource conservation, and the DOH primarily providing care to the remaining former patients. Inevitably, the former patients will one day reach the end of their era, and when they do, the DOH will no longer have a reason to remain in Kalaupapa. The NPS is in the midst of drafting a general management plan (GMP), which 2 �provides guidance for park operations for the next 15-20 years and at the point of DOH’s eventual departure (see www.nps.gov/kala). For the protection and privacy of the remaining former patients, Kalaupapa Settlement Rules have been established and created in concert with the Patients Advisory Council. The rules are governed by the DOH as per Hawai`i Revised Statues (HRS), Chapter 326. The DOH’s rules for Kalaupapa Settlement are highly adhered to and greatly restrict access; enforce a limited resident population; and unless one is a former patient or employed at Kalaupapa, it also limits fishing and prohibits hunting and shellfish extraction, among other things. Furthermore, commercial activities within the park boundary must adhere to the NPS’s enabling legislation at Kalaupapa, which states that former patients have “first right of refusal to provide revenueproducing visitor services” (Public Law 96-565, Section 107). Today, only two patient businesses exist, one that provides a guided day tour of the site and a second that provides janitorial services contracted by the NPS. Commercial dive boats and fishing vessels are not present in Kalaupapa’s waters. Kalaupapa’s history is also free from large industry endeavors like cattle ranches; pineapple plantations; sugar plantations and wide-scale tourism. Combined with the history and its remoteness, this has left the peninsula with excellent examples of archaeological landscapes, historic architecture, and healthy natural and native ecosystems. In fact, it could be said that the combination of its remote location, history as a leprosarium, lack of extensive development, and restrictive rules have left Kalaupapa’s waters to have haphazardly created a marine protected area. This paper will look at a variety of maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH). It will consider three categories of MUCH at Kalaupapa: 1) maritime and underwater historic properties, 2) biocultural resources and 3) maritime and underwater cultural heritage values. The paper will briefly identify how they are currently being managed and provide some discussion on why broadening one’s understanding of maritime and underwater cultural heritage is beneficial to park managers, stakeholders and the general public. 3 �Maritime and Underwater Historic Properties at Kalaupapa Poking above the waterline, even at high tide, are the remnants of the ship Ka`ala. Ka`ala was enroute to O`ahu from Maui with a cargo of lumber when poor weather hit and she put in at Kalaupapa for safe haven in 1932. The weather was too rough that day and Ka`ala ran aground. (Greene 1985). Among town, it is said that the patients salvaged the lumber cargo in the dark and quiet of the night. Due to heavy weather on this side of the island (including the tsunami of 1946), wreckage is broadly scattered. The core area of the wreck, however, is in good shape. Mapping of the site has begun as well as its initial condition assessment. An inspection schedule and further management recommendations will be forthcoming. Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection Canoe landings, ko`a (fishing shrines) and a possible navigation heiau (temple) are some of the maritime historic properties that also dot the Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection landscape at Kalaupapa. Interestingly, one ko`a is considered to be a maritime historic property but found in the mountains (Summers 1971). These maritime historic properties have been inventoried and are on an inspection schedule to monitor their condition, possible threats, and any disturbances. They have been or will be mapped and photo documented as part of typical resource management practice. Kalaupapa’s Biocultural Resources Part of understanding biocultural resources is understanding the human environment. Through the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), a federal agency needs to consider, among other things, the human environment; that is, the cultural uses of the built and natural environments. Hawaiians are a sea-faring and maritime culture. There are mo`olelo (stories), aumakuas (family gods) and rituals that relate to the sea. For the purposes of this paper, biocultural resources are being defined as natural resources that are managed as part of a marine ecology resource management program and are also imbued with cultural value. Subsistence practices such as fishing, salt, and limu (seaweed) gathering have important indigenous cultural value. A proposal has been put forward to create a community-based 4 �subsistence fishing area on the northwest coast of Molokai, which would include Kalaupapa (Hui Mālama O Mo`omomi n.d.). To gain a sense of the importance of marine subsistence practices in Hawaiian culture, and especially the north shore of Molokai, the proposal points out that the local community are still defined by traditional Hawaiian values; that fishing is interwoven with all aspects of community life and cultural identify; that household seafood consumption in this area is Fig. 3: Boat Day, now known as Barge Day. Author: Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection estimated to be about 10 times higher than the island of O`ahu and that subsistence fishing comprises about 38% of the food consumed by residents of Hawaiian ancestry in this area. The proposal is in its early stages but community-based management persists to the extent possible in these north shore communities. Kalaupapa is no stranger to the cultural importance of marine subsistence activities and the above cultural significance can be echoed here. Because of Kalaupapa’s DOH rules, and the haphazard marine protected area it has created, Kalaupapa has one of the healthiest fish populations in the eight main Hawaiian Islands. The fish populations are similar to some of the fish communities in the remote and human uninhabited Northwestern Hawaiian Islands in terms of their numbers and size (Friedlander et al. 2008). Regular water quality monitoring, herbivory studies and all sorts of marine ecology inventories are undertaken as part of the NPS’s marine ecology resource management program. There are many other biocultural resources at Kalaupapa, too many to name in any detail here. Recall that Hawaiians are a maritime culture and so many aspects of daily life relate to the sea. While standard natural resource management methods are useful in tracking the health and stressors of these resources, the NPS has broadened its standard management practice to be more reticent of community concerns and cultural values. Some examples include scoping with the community before project implementation; sharing regular project updates at monthly community meetings; incorporating Hawaiian cultural protocol at the start of projects and at 5 �other given times; and becoming adaptive and flexible to modifying projects in light of new information or community concern. Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Values Maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH) is certainly not a new concept in the discipline. At Kalaupapa, MUCH values have been interpreted to be various beliefs, rituals, oral traditions and significant events. This interpretation also includes a timescape concept. More than a timeline, these are events that, over time, cumulatively provide a sense of place, location, feeling, or setting. The heritage values to follow are not tangible but are still important facets of Kalaupapa’s history- and need to be managed into the future. The NPS must still make the attempt to determine if its undertakings may cause impacts to these MUCH values. Surfing at Kalaupapa Kalaupapa has beautiful waves prime for surfing, called Pua`ō “onslaught of dashing waves”, and was liked the best by the Molokai chiefs (Finney 1959: 347). It was said that “The waves are fearful but the boys of Kalaupapa that were skilled surf riders enjoyed riding on them. They are not mere things to be trifled with either.” (Summers 1971: 194). Many would say that these waves, and surfing in particular, are culturally valuable. At some point during the forced isolation era in Kalaupapa’s past, surfing became prohibited. Typically such rules were created in order to protect the patient’s health. Yet, the ‘no surfing’ rule persists today. Many of the same rules that were imposed on the former patients have in turn been imposed on the non-patient residents at Kalaupapa. Some former patients, and even some of the public, believe that surfing is a recreational activity and one not compatible with the sacredness of the peninsula. While a former patient community is still present, it will be up to them to decide whether or not they would like to change this rule. Once there is no longer a patient population, and the DOH leaves, the NPS will need to determine how best to manage surfing in the future. Fortunately, the NPS has identified the cultural (and conflicting) cultural values of surfing and will continue to gather information from the former patients and the public in order to inform this decision in the future. Port of Entry, Port to Exile Many of us wonder, what it was like to be exiled from family and friends and forced to live in an isolated place knowing that you would never be allowed to leave. For many patients, the Kalaupapa Landing was their port of entry to a life of exile. The landing was a liminal zone, a place where one transitions from being on the ‘outside’ to being a resident patient. An invaluable 6 �account, handwritten by Ambrose Hutchison, who was a patient at Kalaupapa from 1879, describes his experience of entering Kalaupapa from the landing: …cast into jail like a felon and sent to Honolulu in a sailing vessel and taken to the leper detention station….and put aboard a steamer named Mokolii… which put to sea, and the following morning came to anchor in the roadstead and put into a boat as human cargo and rowed ashore, and finally dumped at the landing place, a crevice in the rock-flat and left to the tender mercy of the officials in charge of the leper settlement…such is the fate men, women and children over whom the pronouncement of a Government physician the magic word leper, sealed their doomed, these afflicted and adjudged exiled for life from home and all they hold dear, to enter into a Penal Institution over its portal is inscribed the words: ‘He or she who enters here leave hope behind’ with all ambition and hope banished. Yes, to the wicked and sinners all too true, but not to penitents, hope lingers in their bossom. The sight that meet the eyes of a new exiled, comer, the disfigured ulcerated faces deformed, maimed, ulcerated hands and feet of the sufferers you meet. Your future associates make the heart sink and sick at the sight of suffering humanity. Contrast differently from that of the landscape panoramic view of promontory publicly known as Kalaupapa, rocky and treeless tract of land, but nevertheless clothed in the beauty of its surroundings, nature’s handiwork, make a lasting impression on the mind of an exiled stranger that after all it was not a bad place to live in. [Hutchison 1931: 64-65] Retaining the sense of isolation, setting, feeling and place will be imperative in honoring the story. Although not many people arrive to Kalaupapa by boat anymore, the peninsula still has no road access so anyone who has come to Kalaupapa has likely realized its peculiar logistical requirements. One’s choices are to come in on a steep trail via mule or their own two legs, or to be flown in on a small plane. The sense of isolation and remoteness are still there. Other aspects of managing the isolated setting and feeling of the place may be inspired by the panoramic view that Hutchison describes. Park management should be thoughtful that this view does not become obstructed. Regatta Day A 1948 publication gives a wonderful account of Regatta / Labor Day at Kalaupapa Settlement: If one happens to be at the Settlement on Regatta Day in September, one may shout with the rest over the events of numerous spirited swimming races at the 7 �wharf, with prizes of fresh cakes made by the girl patients themselves. All the contestants are young patients. The special event is the duck race in which ten or twelve white Pekin ducks are taken out in a boat and let out of their crate some thirty yards from shore. Without hesitation they turn and swim quietly for home until a dozen boys leap after them from the end of the concrete pier. Great is the shouting from spectators and splashing from both types of swimmers, the ducks often escaping by submerging like the good divers they are, and most of them managing to reach the rocky shore before being snatched up by neck and proudly exhibited by their captors. [Damon 1948: 43] Regatta and Labor Day events are no longer present at Kalaupapa. These were very physical activities and the present former patient community is elderly. Regardless, the non-patient community in Kalaupapa has occasionally brought back historic events that went stagnant for decades. Knowing that such activities existed in the past is telling of the lively community at Kalaupapa, even in the years of forced isolation. The whole story is not just one of isolation and exile, but it is also a story of community, hope and solace. While many former patients strongly care about educating the public on the hardships that they faced, many patients also want to be remembered not for what they suffered through but how they lived. It is important that the stewards of the site retain balance when interpreting and educating on this era of history and that these community and energetic events of their history are not forgotten. Discussion From a management perspective, widening our understanding of maritime and underwater cultural heritage to include, not only historic properties, but also biocultural resources, and other heritage values has helped us to learn more about the place we are protecting. The NPS is in the “forever” business; that is, protecting resources and their values, unimpaired, for the benefit of future generations. With Kalaupapa’s inevitable changes, (the final decline of the former patient population and the DOH’s departure) certain things will not be exactly the same as they were. It is necessary then, to understand Kalaupapa’s MUCH character and how best to retain it. Fig. 4: Opening of Regatta / Labor Day sports activities 8 at Kalaupapa Pier, 1953. Author: Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection �Some of the abovementioned heritage values speak about Kalaupapa’s character; the isolation and sense of community, for example. Management could also look at certain events, and the patient’s interaction with them, to see if they may be indicative of character. We wouldn’t want to recreate incidents such as the wrecking of Ka`ala for example, but through the patients salvaging the lumber, we see that the event is telling of resourcefulness and adaptation. Resourcefulness is character-defining value in Kalaupapa. We’ve seen it other places on the peninsula; through the reuse of bottle glass into blades; adapting everyday implements to create better tools for impaired bodies; and the reuse of fishing net into fencing. Identifying MUCH Properties, Resources and Values Obviously, the first step in understanding how to manage a site containing MUCH values is to identify what MUCH values exist. Expanding MUCH generally, has led to integrated resource management; acceptance that there is cultural value in many natural resources; and respect to stakeholders in how they interact with the natural environment. Applying the human environment concept is helpful. Take salt gathering places for example. It’s not just the locales that are significant, but also the roads and pathways to them. At Kalaupapa, where the primary stakeholder is an aging population, it’s essential that those roads to salt gathering locations are accessible, especially since now, they are driven to by car. It’s also advantageous to be open to feedback and to realize when a mistake was made. Take the salt gathering locations again. Several jeep trails were created over time and a roadblock was erected to allow the grass to grow back. Even though the proposal was brought to a community meeting, one key stakeholder was not in attendance. The roadblock obstructed the easiest road access to a salt gathering location. This was an easy-fix case, luckily, and the road block was removed. Certainly, not all undertakings may have such an easy fix and it’s essential that a manager be cautious and cognizant of Fig. 5: Regatta Day at Kalaupapa Pier, 1953. Author: Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection potential cumulative impacts and even the cumulative effects of making mistakes. It would seem that the key is constant communication and being open to comment. Again, for 9 �Kalaupapa resource managers, this is especially important now while the former patients are around so we can better understand how they interacted with the resources to inform our management into the future. Imua, Moving Forward Making the attempt to incorporate indigenous and former patient perspective into everyday management is important. Having these folks as a part of the NPS team is one approach in achieving this. Kalaupapa National Historical Park’s enabling legislation actually states that native Hawaiians and former patients should receive training opportunities to enhance their chances of becoming managers and stewards of Kalaupapa. The enabling legislation also states the hiring preference for native Hawaiians. About half the NPS staff at Kalaupapa are native Hawaiians and they range through the various work departments and management levels. Another method of incorporating indigenous and former patient perspective is through regular scoping, consultation and community meetings. We’ve also invited former patients to be a part of our planning teams. Many did join the team for the long-term general management plan. Others are commissioners on the NPS’s advisory committee. Further, more and more local and Hawaiian students are showing interest in resource management. The resource management departments at Kalaupapa have made a particular effort to engage with students from the rest of Molokai and Hawai`i universities. The NPS has regular interaction with University of Hawai`i students and every summer, Kalaupapa radiates a younger energy when they join the team and further their education in terrestrial and marine ecology; museum studies; and archaeology while providing the NPS with workforce. There is certainly still room to grow. It can be echoed here that the acceptance of nonperfection; being open to feedback and being adaptive allows a manager to more effectively incorporate cultural values into management practices. Through the expanding MUCH at Kalaupapa, heritage values can more aptly be managed into the future ensuring that the landscape and character of Kalaupapa will be available to future generations. Bibliography Damon, E.M, 1948. Siloama The Church of the Healing Spring: The Story of Certain Almost Forgotten Protestant Churches. The Hawaiian Board of Missions, Honolulu, HI. Finney, B and J.D Houston, 1996. Surfing: A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport. Pomegranate Artbooks, Rohner Park, CA. 10 �Friedlander, A., G. Aeby, R. Brainard, E. Brown, K. Chaston, A. Clark, P. McGowan, T. Montgomery, W. Walsh, I. Williams, and W. Wiltse, 2008. “The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems of the Main Hawaiian Islands” In The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems of the United States and Pacific Freely Associated States, edited by J. Waddell 219-61. NOAA Technical Memorandum NOS NCCOS11. Silver Spring, MD: NOAA/NCCOS Center for Coastal Monitoring and Assessment’s Biogeography Team. Greene, L. W., 1985. Exile in Paradise: The Isolation of Hawai`i’s Leprosy Victims and Development of Kalaupapa Settlement, 1865 to Present. Historic Resource Study, prepared for the National Park Service, Denver Service Center, Denver, CO. Hui Mālama O Mo`omomi, n.d. “Proposal to Designate the Northwest Coast of Moloka`i a Community-Based Subsistence Fishing Area” prepared for the Department of Land and Natural Resources, State of Hawai`i Hutchison, A.T., 1931. In Memory of Revered Father Damien J. DeVeuster and Other Priests Who Have Labored in the Leper Settlement of Kalawao, Molokai. Typed manuscript available at Kalaupapa National Historical Park. McCoy, M.D., 2007. “A Revised late Holocene Culture for Moloka`i Island, Hawai`i.” Radiocarbon 49.3: 1273-1322 Satake, K., J.R. Smith, and K. Shinozaki, 2002. “Volume estimate and tsunami modeling for the Nuuanu and Wailau landslides.” In Hawai`ian Volcanoes: Deep Underwater Perspectives, edited by E. Takahashi, P.W. Lipman, M.O. Garcia, J. Naka and S. Aramaki 333-48, vol. 128. Washington, D.C.: American Geophysical Union. Stearns, H.T. and G.A. Macdonald, 1947. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Honolulu, HI: Hawai`i Division of Hydrography, Bulletin 11. Summers, C.C., 1971. “Moloka`i: A Site Survey.” Pacific Anthropological Records 14. Honolulu, HI: Bishop Museum Department of Anthropology. Biography: Erika Stein Espaniola earned her Masters of Maritime Archaeology from James Cook University in Queensland, Australia. She concentrated her thesis research on indigenous perspectives of WWII material in the Solomon Islands. Erika then worked as a contract archaeologist throughout the Hawaiian Islands before she joined the US National Park Service (NPS) in Kalaupapa. During her NPS tenure, Erika has been an archaeologist, the cultural resource program manager, and is presently the Superintendent at Kalaupapa National Historical Park. She has particular interest in maritime societies, indigenous cultures, and integrated resource management. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 10: Indigenous Cultural Landscapes and Biocultural Resources in Hawaii and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Video interviews with Session 10 chair Dr. Kehau Watson and panel participants William J Aila Jr. and Kepa Maly, and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that “all traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical character” (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircraft. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawaii and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session will focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawai‘i and across the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Kehau Watson Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage at Kalaupapa National Historical Park: A Manager's Perspective Description An account of the resource Kalaupapa, an isolated peninsula with no road access, is situated on the north shore of the island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Though it has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation, it is most well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Through the former patient’s advocacy efforts and concerns for their home and sacred place, the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. The Hawai`i state Department of Health (DOH), who co-manages the peninsula with the National Park Service (NPS), has rules that have essentially created an informal marine protected area containing resources with important indigenous cultural values. Due in part to its history, topography, and geography, Kalaupapa has been saved of wide-scale development providing us with outstanding preservation of maritime historic properties. Expanding maritime resources to include maritime and underwater cultural heritage values and biocultural heritage resources allows the NPS to more inclusively manage the site and provide stewardship opportunities, in light of inevitable change in the future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Erika Stein Espaniola, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 10 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b9289d86897ce8fb8377070c26fb8c6c.pdf fd02242cb2a6259f3ace223f5079cf84 PDF Text Text Portuguese Naus on Namban Screens: A study of the first European ships on paintings from the late 16th to early 17th centuries in Japan Kotaro Yamafune Texas A&M University, College Station USA 77843 Email: goldfloor@tamu.edu Abstract Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries. Approximately 90 of these screens have been handed down up to the present. Not only they show some important historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of Discovery. Although the ships’ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the details are often strangely anachronistic. The same images could be found in some Western maps in the 16th century. Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the wellknownTensho embassy. This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back to their homeland in 1590. In the following year the embassy members succeeded in seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time. They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps. It seems that some official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists could have obtained an idea of the ships’ images that appear in the Namban screens. Keywords:Namban Screen, Japan, Portugal, Ships, Naus, Introduction In the early 14th century, Japan was introduced to the European world as an Island of Gold by the Venetian explorer Marco Polo. Portuguese sailors finally reached these far away lands in 1543, more than 200 years after Marco Polo’s first publication and the introduction of Zipangu. In the following century, Portuguese merchants enjoyed the lucrative Japanese trade. Today, we know a lot about this first interaction between the Europeans and Japanese from both contemporary Latin and Japanese chronicles and journals; however, among all primary sources, the most intriguing and visually-pleasing information appears on Namban screens, a famous Japanese art form, which was 1 �produced at the end of the 16th century throughout the and 17th century in Japan (Fig. 1). Namban screens are regarded as the first Japanese artworks that depicted Europeans and their ships visiting Japan. The original goal of the author’s research was to identify the Portuguese ships that travelled to the Far East and to illuminate Fig. 1 Namban Screen: Version A of Kyushu National Museum their nature and the details (Important Cultural Property). Top is Right Panel and Bottom is Left Panel (154.5 X 363.2 cm each). (M. Sakamoto) of their upper structures. However, during this research, the author recognized that the ships that were depicted on many of the screens were implausible representations of oceangoing ships, and that some of the ships represented on the screens looked very similar to the ships represented in contemporary European art. While considering these facts, the author realized that one important historical event might be the 16th century link between Japan and Europe. Namban Screens Namban screens were produced by various artists from the end of 16th century and throughout 17th century (Sakamoto, 2008). The word “Namban” was derived from the old Chinese worldview. In ancient China, its inhabitants considered their country to be the center of the world, and the only civilized nation on earth. Chinese people called surrounding regions “Hokuteki”, “Toui”, “Seikai”, and “Namban”; or Northern Savages, Eastern Savages, Western Savages, and Southern Savages (Sakamoto, 2008). By the 16th century, these terms were also in use in Japan, and the Europeans who came to Japan from the southern sea were called Namban people. 2 �The Namban people first met the Japanese in 1543, when three Portuguese merchants drifted into one of the southwestern small islands of Japan on a Chinese junk. Soon after the discovery of Marco Polo’s legendary islands, European merchants and missionaries began to visit Japan regular bases. This interaction with the Western World caused cultural changes far beyond the introduction of firearms. One important realm where European influence can be observed is that of the Japanese art. New trends in Japanese art appeared at the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century (Sakamoto, 2008). In addition, many Japanese artists drew Portuguese people and ships in their paintings. Namban screens were a part of this. More than 90 screens survive, produced primarily between the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century. Some of the earliest screens were painted by well-known artists, known as the Kano-school (Sakamoto, 2008). In 2008, the most complete inventory so far was published in a book, NambanByobu Shusei (Sakamoto, 2008). Ships Portuguese Nau The most important element relevant to this study that can be seen on Namban screens are the European ships, the main subject of the present research. The ships on the screens represent Portuguese merchantmen; Portuguese naus was probably the most common type of European merchant ship to sail in Asia at that time, and were employed in the China and Japan trade (Okamoto, 1955; Sukeno, 1960). Naus grew in size during the 16th century and were engaged on the East India route. By the beginning of the 17th century the overall size of the East India naus was larger than ever, at about 1,100 tons of displacement, while bow and stern castles were lowered for better sailing performance (Castro, 2005). Ships on the Namban Screens From the 90 surviving Namban screens, we can discern several different typologies of ships. As often happens in the art of the western world, it appears that Japanese artists sometime drew their Namban ships based on ships that they saw on other Namban screens, rather than from seeing the actual ships (Russell, 1983). An analysis of the collection of screens suggests that through a sequence of copying older images, the accuracy and detail of the Namban ships gradually deteriorated. Fortunately, several 3 �scholars of Japanese Art History and connoisseurs of Japanese art have studied all known Namban screens and completed brief timelines of screen production (Sakamoto, 2008). The timelines are based on the screen’s historical accounts and the styles of painting. Fig. 2 NambanShips on Namban Screen (Version aof Kobe City Museum, Naizen Version [Late 16th – Early 17th century] by Kano Naizen). (M. Sakamoto) When analyzed in this light, most images of ships on the screens seem to be copies of previous images, often from other screens. The author made a catalog of all 73 ship images known, and classified them according to their quality and date of production. Fifteen groups or families were identified, seemingly 15 strings of copies of 15 original images. Once it was completed, this catalog allowed the author to make a surprising statement: none of these 15 ship types seems to have been painted directly from observation of actual European vessels in Japanese ports. Questions Question1: Why are the Depictions of the Ships so Inaccurate? The first and biggest question about the origin of the Namban screens pertains to the inaccuracy of the ship representations. The most conspicuous mistakes are the implausible widths of the hull planks, which when scaled properly sometimes reach approximately two meters in width (Fig. 2). No less inconspicuous are the rigging arrangements. Although most ships display masts, yards, sometimes sails, and most times some standing rigging supporting the masts, the quality of the rigging 4 �representations is always bad and diminishes in time. For instance, ships represented after the 1630s rarely display ratlines. Running rigging is rarely represented, and in a few cases ships do not even have masts and yards. Other interesting mistakes can be observed on the representations of gun ports. By the 16th century, most European merchant ships were armed. The primary weapons of these vessels were heavy guns, since naval battles were shifting from hand-to-hand combat into bombardment battles, and indeed many of ships display cannons. However, these are represented as simple pipes protruding from the hull planking, instead of the muzzles of cannons and gun ports represented in contemporaneous European iconography. These are gross mistakes that are in obvious contrast with the quality of the representations of houses, trees, or persons, in the same screen. Namban ships seem to be depicted with less attention to accuracy than many other features in these screens. Most Japanese scholars explain this lack of accuracy by saying that Namban ships were not an important portion of the screens and that artists might stylize the ships because it did not really matter much for the end result (Okamoto, 1955; Sakamoto, 2008). However, this explanation is not acceptable because all other features on the screens were depicted in minute detail, as we can see for instance on people’s faces, houses, trees, and even the waves of the sea. Moreover, many of the early screens were produced by the Kano school, one of the most famous groups of artists in Japanese history. The Kano school was composed predominantly of the master Kano’s lineage. Their painting techniques and styles were only taught to close family members and other relatives (Matsuki, 1994; Takeda, 1995). The Kano school appeared in the 15th century and continued until the 19th century. During these 400 years its artists produced many works of art that have been labeled National Treasures and Important Properties of Japan (Yamashita, 2004). Kano school masters served many Tennou, Daimyo, Taiko, Shogun, and other powerful authorities in each period of Japan’s history. The fame of the Kano school reached its peak in the Azuchi-Momoyama Era (15671600), when Nobunaga Oda and HideyoshiToyotomi ruled Japan. The Japanese culture of this era was named the Azuchi-Momoyama Culture, and the paintings produced by Kano school artists represent masterpieces ofAzuchi-Momoyama arts 5 �(Kano, 2007). The Kano school’s art is characterized by precision and attention to details, and precisely for this reason it is interesting to analyze the reasons behind the poor representations of ships on their screens. Question 2: Anachronism: Beginning of the Production Another relevant question that arose during the analysis of the Namban screens concerns the period of their production. Specialists believe that one of the earliest pieces may have been produced as early as the 1590s. Nonetheless, the Portuguese had begun their Japanese trade in the 1550s, and there are good documental sources that suggest that they used Portuguese-built ships. In the later part of 16th century, the Portuguese visited Nagasaki and Hirado annually, sometimes even other ports around Kyushu. Japanese people, including artists, had many opportunities to see actual Portuguese vessels. Nobody knows why there are no contemporary depictions of European ships by Japanese artists until the Namban screens appeared. Moreover, most of the surviving Namban screens were actually produced between the 1620s and the 1640s. By this time more than half of foreign trading vessels had been replaced by Japanese Shu-in Ships, and Chinese cargo carriers. Both Japanese and Chinese merchants used junk-type vessels on this trade (Nagazumi, 2001). The conception, structure, and configuration of the junks were very different from those of European vessels (Green and Kim, 1989; Green and Burningham, 1998). Moreover, when Ieyasu opened his country to foreign trade, he concentrated it in Nagasaki and Hirado, in order to manage all the incoming and outgoing vessels. This fact certainly limited the number of people who actually saw European ships at anchor with their own eyes, even though large numbers of Namban screens were produced during this period. Several more screens were painted after the third Shogun Iemitsu prohibited all foreign trade, except that with Dutch and Chinese merchants at Dejima. Originality of the Ships on Namban Screens These circumstances suggest that the ships represented in Namban screens were not drawn from the real ships, but copied from illustrations of ships. The later representations seem to have been largely copied from earlier, similar screens, but the origin of the earlier depictions, represented on the screens produced by the Kano school in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, are harder to pinpoint. For the reasons 6 �exposed above, it seems likely that Portuguese ships were a rare sight in Japanese harbors most of the time. By the time they were first painted, these were largely unknown in Japan. The author has seen, however, vessels similar to those represented on the Namban screens on other contemporary images: European maps of the Age of Discovery. Hypothesis: From European Maps to Namban Screens The author has studied world maps produced in Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries, and found vessels similar to each one of the types shown on the screens as depictions of Namban ships (Fig. 3). The similarities between these drawings are often worth notice, sometimes striking, and it appears likely that all European vessels represented on Namban screens were copied from the decorative ships shown on late 16th century European maps. In the 16th century cartography encompassed a number of disciplines that aimed at the production of accurate maps, and many of these disciplines were scientific in their nature. In this period maps were updated regularly, every time explorers returned from their voyages with news of discoveries. But knowledge of the world was incomplete and the blank spaces were often illustrated with appropriated drawings, depicting the flora and fauna, or the peoples inhabiting the lands represented, and often the seas were embellished with representations of the ships of their time (Unger, 2010). The trend of depicting ships on maps became fashionable in the middle of 16th century, and the fashion reached its zenith in the work of the competent French cartographers of the Dieppe school. From this period onwards, the oceans of most of the world maps were filled with small ships and imaginary creatures (Swift, 2006; Wigal, 2007). This fashion continued well into the 17th century, when the greater amount of geographic information available produced a style shift into precise depictions of the interior of continents. European artists drew good and bad images of ships on the maps being made in their time. Sometimes the quality of the ships represented on 16th century maps is excellent, other times ships maps are simplified and stylized, often for lack of space. The rigging was especially simplified due to the small scale at which it was sometimes represented. It is almost certain that Japanese artists copied these images, often without ever having seen the actual ships, let alone understanding the complex arrangement of the rigging. 7 �This fact explains the mistakes on Namban screen paintings described in previous sections of this work, especially in the rigging of the Namban ships. Fig. 3 Iconography of Ships from 16th Century’s European Maps. Author: M. Swift. (A) From Ortelius’s 1595 Map of Japan; (B) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova Descriptio; (C) From Hondius’sMap of the Islands of the East Indies; (D) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova Description; (E) From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (F) From Ortelius’ TheatrumOrbisTerrarum, 1595; (G) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of the World, 1550; (H) From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (I) Diego Homen’sMap of the Indian Ocean, 1558; (J) From Ortelius’s 1595 Map of Japan; (K) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of the World, 1550; (L) Johannes and Martin’s Map of Americas, 1520. 8 �Discussion: The Origin of Namban Screens We know that many European art works were brought to Japan once trade with Portuguese merchants began (Nishimura, 1958). The primary purpose of this influx of European artworks was to spread Christianity. Missionaries brought European religious paintings and non-religious paintings to Japan and some taught European art techniques to Japanese artists, in order to help the Japanese paint religious figures themselves. In 1583, the Jesuit missionary Giovanni Niccolo came to Japan and opened a European Art School (Nishimura, 1958). As a result, Japanese Christian painters developed a particular style and imitating European painting became an art form between 1592 and 1615 (Nishimura, 1958). Some of the pieces of art produced in this period survive today. Well known examples are: Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (drawing of the western kings on horses), Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (screen with pictures of four capitals),Rebanto-Kaisen-Zu (screen with the battle of Levant), or Sekaizu-Byobu (World map screen) (Fig. 4). It is likely that a large number of European paintings and prints came to Japan around the period in which the Namban screens were produced. Moreover, Japanese painters also produced world maps around this time. Today, 20 of those world map screens survive in Japan (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), and three or four display small ships. Since Japan did not have the knowledge to produce original world maps based on the sea voyages or its own mariners, it is certain that these maps were copies of European world maps. According to Taku Nakamura (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), a scholar who carefully studied Namban world map screens, they were all produced from the late 16th century and throughout the 17th century. Fig. 4 Sekaizu-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version). (T. Miyoshi,and K. Onoda) 9 �Nishimura believes that this influx of European artworks was largely a result of the Tensho Embassy (Nishimura, 1958). The Tensho Embassy was welcomed by Pope Gregory XIII and by many Italian city states, because their arrival in Rome meant that Christianity had reached the edge of the known world (Wakakuwa, 2008). On the way back to Lisbon from Rome, the Embassy visited Padua. While there, a nobleman presented four expensive books to them. Two of these books were CivitatesOrbisTerrarum and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum (Nishimura, 1958; Fróis et al., 1941). CivitatesOrbisTerrarum (Cities of the World) is a book that compiles drawings of cities, maps of several regions of the world, and its people (Braun et al., 2008) (Fig. 5). TheatrumOrbisTerrarum is the so-called first world atlas (Broecke, 1996) (Fig. 6). Both books have hundreds of depictions of small ships, most very accurate and seemingly typical of each region. The Tensho Embassy returned to Japan in 1590. However, they had to stay in Nagasaki for three years before Hideyoshi permitted them to visit the capital in 1593. While they were staying in Nagasaki, many Daimyos and merchants visited them to hear stories of the travels to Rome. Fróis noted that the visitors enjoyed the European maps and globes Finally, allowed (Wakakuwa, in to 1593, visit they 2008). were Hideyoshi’s palace. This visit was the march of Capitão-mor and the scene Fig. 5: CivitatesOrbisTerrarum. (A) Lisbon. (B) Venice. (C) that is depicted Rome. (D) Constantinople. (G. Braun,F.Hogenberg, S.Fussel, Namban Screens. and B.Taschen) 10 on many �An interesting additional fact is that Naizen Kano, who drew one of the earliest Namban Screens, served as Hideyoshi’s painter (Yamashita, 2004; Kano, 2007). Perhaps he witnessed the reception of the returning Tensho Embassy? Or perhaps Taiko Hideyoshi asked him to paint the original screen? These are merely the author’s hypotheses, but they would tie these important events and artwork together in a simple way. Fig. 6: TheatrumOrbisTerrarum. (A) World Map, 1570. (B) World Map, 1586. (C) Americas, 1570. (D) Italy, 1570. (E) Northern Europe, 1570. (F) Asia, 1567 and 1570. (M. P. R. V. D. Broecke) 11 �Conclusion Not all the Namban ships were necessarily based on ships from CivitatesOrbisTerrarum and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum. We don’t know what other European sources were available in Japan at the time. The members of the Tensho Embassy were invited to many Italian cities, for instance, Florence, before Rome, and after that other cities, including Milano, Venice, Padua (where they received the books already mentioned). There were many printed books and images in Italy at the time. As mentioned above, maps with drawings of cities and ships were common as a result of the flourishing of the Dieppe-school decades earlier. It is likely that the four Japanese members of the Tensho Embassy purchased or were given maps and paintings for their Christian fellows in Japan and for Japanese rulers, like Hideyoshi. And it is likely that other European missionaries and merchants also brought maps and paintings to Japan. Historical records tell us that the members of the Tensho Embassy brought maps and globes to Nagasaki, Japan, although there are no historical accounts describing the members of the Tensho Embassy presenting maps to Hideyoshi. The records say that “among the gifts, Hideyoshi liked an Arabian horse.” But it is a fact that it was after this visit that Hideyoshi’s personal artist and his school produced the first Namban screens. Whether or not this is true, the Namban screens are still rightly considered Japanese Important Cultural Property and records of the first interactions between Europe and Japan, between West and Eastern Christians, and represent an interesting symbiosis between Renaissance European and Japanese traditional arts. References Braun, G., Hogenberg, F., Fussel, S., and Taschen, B., 2008.CivitatesOrbisTerrarum = Cities of the World: 363 Engravings Revolutionize the View of the World: Complete Edition of the Colour Plates of 1572-1617. Taschen, Colongne. Broecke, M. P. R. V. D., 1996. Ortelius Atlas Maps: An Illustrated Guide. HES Publishers, Utrecht. Castro, F. V. D., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: a Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of the Tagus River. Texas A & M University Press, College Station. Frois, L., Okamoto, Y., Bernard, H., and Pinto, J. A.,1941 Kyushu Sanko Keno Shisetsu Koki (The Travel of the Tensho Embassy). Toyodo, Tokyo (in Japanese). 12 �Green. J., and Kim Z.G., 1989. The Shinan and Wando Sites, Korea: Further Information. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18 (4): 33-41. Green.J., and Burningham, N., 1998. The Ship from Quanzhou, Fujian Province, People’s Republic of China. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 27 (4): 277301. Kano, H., 2007. MomoyamaKaiga no Bi: Tensai,Isai, Kisai no KareinaruSekai (The Beauty of Momoyama Paintings). Heibonsha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai., 1964. KirishitanKenkyu Dai 9-shu (Study of The Japanese Christian). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Matsuki, H., 1994. Goyoeshi Kano-ke no Chi to Chikara (Power and Lineage of KanoSchool). Kodansha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Miyoshi, T., and Onoda, K., 1999.ZusetsuSekaiKochizuKorekushon(Collection of Cartography). KawadeShobo Shin-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Nagazumi, Y., 2001. Shuin-sen (Red-Seal Ships). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Nishimura, T., 1958.NanbanBijutsu (Namban Arts). Kodan-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Okamoto, Y., 1955. NanbanByobuko (Namban Trade). Sho Shin-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Russell, M., 1983.Visions of the Sea: Hendrick C. Vroom and the Origins of Dutch Marine Painting. Leiden University Press, Leiden. Sakamoto, M. (Ed.), 2008.NanbanByobu Shusei (Inventory of the Namban Screens). Chuo KooronBijutsuShuppan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Sukeno, K., 1960. KirishitanFudoki. BekkanKenkyuhen (Study of Japanese Christians). Hobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Swift, M., 2006.Mapping the World.Chartwell Books, Edison. Takeda, T., 1995.Kano-ha Kaigashi (Arts of Kano-school). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Unger, R. W., 2010. Ships on Maps: Pictures of Power in Renaissance Europe. Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, New York. Wakakuwa, M., 2008.KuatoroRagattsi: TenshoShonenShisetsu to Sekai Teikoku 2 (The Tensho Embassy and the Portuguese World Empire). Shuei-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). 13 �Wigal, D., 2007.Historic Maritime Maps.Confidential Concepts, New York. Yamashita, Y., (Ed.), 2004. Kano-ha Ketteiban (Art of Kano-school).Heibon-sha, Tokyo, Japan (in Japanese). Biography Kotaro Yamafune completed his BA in History at Hosei University (Japan) in 2006 and started his MA in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&M University in 2009and completed his MA in 2012. His research interests are Portuguese shipbuilding and seafaring in the 16th and the 17th centuries and the reconstruction of the Medieval and Post Medieval shipwrecks. He is currently (2014) enrolled in the Nautical Archaeology Program as a PhD student. His dissertation focuses on the 3D reconstruction of Portuguese India trading ships of the 16th and 17th centuries. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Portuguese Naus on Namban Screens: A study of the first European ships on paintings from the late 16th to early 17th centuries in Japan Description An account of the resource Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries. Approximately 90 of these screens have been handed down up to the present. Not only they show some important historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of Discovery. Although the ships’ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the details are often strangely anachronistic. The same images could be found in some Western maps in the 16th century. Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the wellknownTensho embassy. This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back to their homeland in 1590. In the following year the embassy members succeeded in seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time. They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps. It seems that some official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists could have obtained an idea of the ships’ images that appear in the Namban screens. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kotaro Yamafune, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5ebf5fc4d413b82e1d781f5f9beed659.pdf cc25853ce84a8e2a502c1a147b024f0c PDF Text Text The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea: Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea Jong-guk Shin 530-839 136 Namnongro, Mokpo, Jeonnam, Korea Email: sjk1203@ocp.go.kr Abstract This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time. One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs. Key words: Tae-an waters, Medieval maritime, Transportation, Taean Shipwreck, Yellow Sea coast Introduction The Taean Peninsula is a prominent area of the Yellow Sea coast. It is known for its rough seas; in the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910 AD) they tried to build a canal to change the seaway, since many cargo vessels transporting taxed grains had wrecked. In particular, they had to pass through between Gauido and Gwansugak across the route between Sinjindo and Anheungseong to transport tax grain from the south of Yangkwang Province. This is where marine accidents happened frequently, so uring the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392 AD) this place was known as “Nanhangnyang”, a waterway dangerous to pass( Anheungnyang since Joseon) and considered it as one of the most dangerous sea areas including Uldolmok in Jindo, Sondolmok in Kanghwa Island, and Indangsu in Seohae Province. For this reason, from the Goryeo Dynasty the excavation work for canals was conducted to keep cargo vessels safer. The following shows the situation of marine accidents in the early Joseon. Although all of these accidents did not occur in the Taean waters, most of them are considered involved in this area. 1 � Ship Accident Statistics during 1395 to 1455 (for 60 years) (a total of 200 ships; loss of grain-15,800 bags of rice) As a part of an effort to overcome these frequent sinking accidents of cargo vessels, they had attempted the excavation of canals since the Goryeo period, to develop new routes in order not to pass through Anheungnyang. The first attempt was in 1134, which was at the Gulpo Canal passing between Cheonsu Bay and Garorim Bay. This canal was planned as a total of 7km sluiceway. They succeeded in excavating 4 km, but failed because of the bedrock in the way. It was resumed in 1391, but was ultimately uncompleted. The second Fig. 1 Shipping places and destination of attempt made was the Uihang Canal, between medieval Korea. (NRIMCH) Uihang-ri and Mohang-ri, Sowon-myeon, Taean-gun in 1521 during the Joseon Era. They mobilized 3,000 people to excavate but eventually the project was abandoned. The region of Anheungnyang, Taean, was the standard ship course that they had to pass through to transport tax grain of Jeolla and Gyeongsang Provinces, the breadbasket of Korea; by ship, but as there were many barriers to sailing the region such as strong tides, rocks, winds and thick fog. About 80 anchor stones were discovered in 200 x 100 m area between Mado and Geunheung where tidal currents were relatively weak and the winds were manageable while exploring the Mado waters from 2009 to 2012. These anchor stones were used for anchoring premodern ships and tied to wooden anchors. With nearly 100 anchor stones found in that part of the Mado Sea area implies that this place used as an anchorage over a long period. The 12th to 13th Century Shipwrecks Found in the Taean Waters The Taean Shipwreck, a porcelain carrier, was investigated between 2007 and 2008, and the Mado 1, 2 and 3 Shipwrecks were excavated consecutively between 2009 and 2011 in the Taean waters, this place became where most of the underwater 2 �archeological surveys were actively conducted in Korea recently. These shipwrecks are located within a radius of 4km, dating to the early 12th century to the end of the 13th century and dating within the Goryeo Dynasty Period. The Taean Shipwreck The Taean Shipwreck had sunk while transporting porcelain made in the famous ceramic producing area in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, from the then capital city at that time. In a space of 12 m east to west and 8 m south to north, approximately 25,000 pieces of porcelains loaded in five stories were recovered, and external boards of the ship framed in 4 levels appeared in the bottom. It is inferred that the reason there is no bottom plank, compared to both bottom plank and external plank are identified usually in the other vessels, is that at the time of sinking the vessel was completely tilted a port or a starboard and settled on the seabed. It was likely that the other prow, stern and bottom parts disappeared, except for a part of the external plank in one side pressed by the heavy porcelain after sinking. The excavated relics from the Taean Shipwreck include 34 wooden tablets, 23,760 porcelains, 9 pieces of earthenware, 2 iron pots, including bamboo baskets, bronze bowls and anchor stones. Porcelain was the major cargo of the ship. On the wooden tablets were a list of recipients, and the other things were items that the crew used. Most important among these artifacts are the wooden tablets. Even though wooden tablets Fig. 2 Canals and shipwrecks in Taean were also identified in the Sinan Ship (the first peninsula. (NRIMCH) Korean ship excavated underwater ship) the ship was of the Yuan Dynasty, China, and it was the first time that wooden tablets were discovered from a sunken ship operating in Korea. Since the wooden tablets recorded the kinds of cargo, quantity, shipping places, destinations, recipients and shipment times, they offers critical clues to specifically figure out the historical features of the ship. Brief examples of the tablets are as follows: 3 �○ wooden tablet 1: (the front side) “I send 80 pieces/packs of pottery to the house of a government official (隊正 仁守) in Gaegyeong from Tamjin (place name).” “We load the same amount as mentioned above. Captain’s signature/ Tamjin-hyeon as the shipping place (Kangjin, located in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula at present), a recipient called Daejeong Insu in the Goryeo’s capital, Gaegyeong (present Gaeseong), pottery as a kind of cargo, and 80 pieces or packs as the amount of cargo were inscribed there. ○ wooden tablet 2: (the front) “I offer this to Daegyeong Choi”/a Daegyeong (a highranking title of the official of jeong 3 pum to jong 3 pum) having his last name of Choi ○ wooden tablet 3: (the front) “I offer pottery to Jangmyeong Yu /a Jangmyeong (title of the office) having his last name of Yu. ○ wooden tablet 4: As the result of wiggle match, combining dendrochronology and radiocarbon dating of wooden tablet/the body of the ship where year marked, if we consider the ship was made of wood cut down between 1126 and 1150 and the porcelain was made between the early and mid-12th century in terms of pottery chronology, the Year of the Swine was ascertained to be 1131, and eventually the Taean Shipwreck was assumed to be wrecked while transporting cargo in 1131. Thus, we could specifically grasp historical facts of the sunken ship through the wooden tablets discovered from the Taean Shipwreck. However, as only 4 levels of the external planks remain out of the hull, it is hard to comprehend the structure of the ship. 4 �The Mado Shipwreck No.1 The Mado Shipwreck No.1 was found in 2009, and was investigated in the same year. The sea area where the ship was wrecked is about 15 to 20 m deep and is affected by the strongest tides in the harbor. The remaining conditions of the hull were relatively fine; 7 rows of bottoms, 2 levels of port, 3 levels of starboard, and stem, although not framed, were identified. The port and starboard Fig. 3 Wooden tablets of shipwrecks. remains, in term of cross section of the bottom (NRIMCH) of the ship almost maintains level, and in terms of longitudinal section the ship has raked forward. Artifacts found comprised of nearly 300 pieces of porcelain, 49 pieces of earthenware, 69 wooden tablets, 9 bamboo trays, 6 wooden combs, 2 bamboo baskets, 13 bronze spoons, 3 iron pots. This shipwreck was a cargo ship having transported mainly grains such as rice seed, buckwheat and bean. Other foodstuffs such as fish bones and Korean sauces inside earthenware jars were found as well. Unlike the porcelain carrier Taean shipwreck, the Mado Shipwreck No.1 was mostly a grain carrier. The shipments of the Mado No. 2 and 3 shipwrecks seem to have transported grains such as rice in the remainder but the center of hull, and earthenware jars containing food such as Korean sauces, porcelain for merchandise, and craftworks such as bamboo trays in the central part. A lot of wooden tablets were also excavated in these ships. Major items are as follows: ○ wooden tablet 1 : “I offer these produce to Choi Gwang in February 19, the Year of the Dragon (1208): 10 bags of millet and 3 bags of buckwheat harvested in the field, and 2 bags of fermented soybean lumps; 10 mals (approximately 34L) of produce are put in each bag.” ○ wooden tablet 2 : “I offer this produce to Honorary Army Commander Yun Gi-hwa in Capital from Juksan-hyeon in December 28, the Year of the Hare (1207): 3 bags of millet harvested in the field. 20 mals (approximately 68L) a bag” 5 �○ wooden tablet 3: “I offer this to Nangjung Choi (a government official in jeong 5 pum post having his last name Choi): a jar of salted fish”. ○ wooden tablet 4: “I offer 24 bags of white rice harvested in a new field in Hoejin-hyeon (now Naju city)”. ○ wooden tablet 5: “I offer these to Army Commander Kim Sun-yeong. 6 bags of rice harvested in the field”. We can understand concretely about the Mado shipwreck No.1 through the contents of the wooden tablets. First, regarding freight shipping and departure date, as a result of comparing with Kim Sun-yeong, a figure appearing in “History of the Goryeo Dynasty Period”, a historical book on Goryeo, we can find out that the period of shipping was around October 1207 to February 19th, 1208, and the departure date was not later than February 19th. The places of shipping identified in wooden tablets are at present Haenam-gun, Naju-si, Jangheung-gun and Yeongam-gun in South Jeolla Province, and the recipients were persons of high position, including Army Commander Kim Sunyeong, Nangjung Choi, Kwon Geuk-pyeong and Yun Bang-jun. In the kinds of cargo, well-polished rice, unpolished rice seed, millet, buckwheat, bean, fermented soybean lump, salted fish, salted mackerel, salted crabs, bamboo tray and comb are verified in the wooden tablets. In particular, as all recipients of the grains were individuals, the freight was almost for rent. Therefore, the Mado 1 doesn’t seem to be a state cargo ship but a private one transporting grains, food and craftworks of South Jeolla region where there were private lands of the then influential persons residing in capital. The Mado Shipwreck No. 2 The Mado shipwreck No.2 was discovered in 2009 in process of trial excavation and fully excavated in 2010. 2 levels of external planks of the port, 7 rows of bottoms and 5 levels of external planks of the starboard remain; it listed 25 degrees to starboard in terms of cross section yet it was almost level between stem and stern. We removed soil layers by checking exposed relics. There are 5 layers into the Mado Shipwreck No.2. The first layer was the surface of the mud; the second is the state that base blocks expose stacks of grain; the third is the side where bridging, vessels for living, and earthenware and porcelain for cargo in the central part are exposed after removing the 6 �base blocks; the fourth is the side where the hull is completely exposed; and the fifth is the state after salvaging the hull. Fig. 4 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 2. (left: Fig. 5 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 3. (left: 3-1 second layer plan, right: third layer plan). layer plan, right : 3-2 layer plan). (NRIMCH) (NRIMCH) The area where the Mado No. 2 sank is not an area that has active sedimentation, since there were not many collapsed timbers of the upper part. Relics from the upper part, the external planks of port and starboard, stem and stern seem to have been all washed away. We see the entrance of the vessel as the second section and the central part as the third section, the bridging and base blocks for loading grain were found in the second, fourth and fifth spaces, and grains such as rice seed were identified in the exposed upper side of base block, so grains probably was loaded in the second, fourth and fifth sections. A mast was installed in the central part of the end of the third section, and there is an area to make a fire comprised of fragments of roof tiles, stones and clay to port. Iron pots that sailors used, big jars containing water, dinnerware, spoons and bamboo baskets were excavated around the “fireplace”, and there were jars for salted fish, 2 mae-byeong (a type of jar), a pack of cups and overlapped iron pots assumed as freight were recovered in the second section. In the last (sixth) section a millstone was recovered. The excavated relics from the Mado No. 2 are: 157 pieces of porcelain, 28 pieces of earthenware, 58 wooden tablets, 8 bronze spoons, 4 bronze bowls, 8 iron pots, bamboo baskets, and grains such as rice seed, millet, buckwheat, wild sesame, and bean. 7 �Similarly, we can find out the places of shipment, recipients and date of the wreck through the contents of the wooden tablets. The places of shipment were Gochang-gun and Jeongeup of North Jeolla, Korea, and the recipients were government officials residing in capital, whose names are Lee Geuk-seo, Yu Ja-ryang and Oh Mun-bu. The sailing time is not correct, but it can be assumed to be approximately 1200 to 1213 CE in the light of records on the persons above. Freight carried included polished rice, beans, malt, fermented soybean lumps, salted fish, honey, sesame oil, and some iron pots. Like the Mado No.1 shipwreck, we can see this shipwreck as a cargo ship that mainly carried grains, including food and other craftworks of the North Jeolla region, where there was private lands of influential people living in the capital. The Mado Shipwreck No. 3 The Mado Shipwreck No. 3 was investigated in 2011 and holds the best state of its hull among the regions’ shipwrecks discovered. The maximum height of the ship is 2.8 m; 10 levels of port, 9 levels of starboard, and 5 rows of bottoms remain; body of the ship tilted 8 to 12 degrees to port and about 5 degrees to bow. The reason that the Mado No. 3 remains are well preserved is in the position of sinking. The area where the Mado No.3 was discovered was about 200m from shore, and as it is surrounded by land and islands like the Mado No.2. There is almost no tide and it is a place used for a refuge area in storms even today. It is also an area where there is active sedimentation. We can guess why the Mado No. 2 and 3 sank although they already arrived at refuge. The Mado No. 3 was excavated in four sections. The first section is a state that clay is removed up to around – 60cm, with lumbers for loading grain and wooden relics were recovered from this side. The second section is the exposed side where the ship framework collapsed, where fragments assumed to be a deck board of the upper part and the upper external boards collapsed. The third section is comprised of shipped or used relics at –180 to 250 cm depth. The upper area in the section is classified as 3-1 and the lower part as 3-2.The inside of the hull is divided into six sections; from the bow, the first space was too steep to ship goods. In the second, fourth and fifth sections, a bridging and base block for loading grain was recovered, as well as some grains. The sixth section of the stern part is the narrowest space, where bamboo boxes containing shark jerky, baskets and earthenware jars were loaded. Grains are found in the port and 8 �southern areas along with earthenware in the third section the central part (where a mast is installed), yet these grains seem to have flowed into this section from the second and fourth sections while the ship wrecked. Particularly, there is a space only for earthenware jars in about 70 cm section of the central part from the second section, from which about 20 pieces of earthenware were excavated. A fire place for cooking was installed in the southwest corner in the 3-2 side of the third section; earthenware goods are loaded in two rows north; iron pots and earthen goods in the central part; and about 50 bronze containers such as bowls, plates and spoons (9) were identified around the starboard side and right lower side corner. From the bow, the first section was the space unfit for use due to the inclination of the bottom part, a large amount of grains were onboard in the second, fourth and fifth section, and additional cargoes were loaded in the sixth section. And in the center of the third section, there was a fireplace and a living space for crew dinnerware and cooking containers. Earthenware jars containing salted fish for freight were also loaded. In the Mado No. 3 various relics were recovered, including 50 pieces of earthenware, 41 pieces of porcelain, 35 wooden tablets, 2 iron pots, 43 bronze tableware, 9 bronze spoons, 7 wooden combs, fabrics, janggi (Korean chess) pieces, 12 antlers, and grains such as rice, buckwheat, millet and barley. The facts that we can know through the wooden tablets are that the shipping place of the Mado No. 3 was Yeosu-city of southeast area of South Jeolla Province, and individual recipients were Shin Yun-hwa, Yu Cheon-u and Kim Jun, among whom especially Kim Jun was a man of supreme power who seized power of the Goryeo at that time. Unlike the other ships, individuals as well as state institutions appear as the recipients; Jeonmin in charge of the reforming land system, Jungbang-ubeon and U-sambeon-byeolcho were military departments in nature, and Dogwan, in charge of documents on slaves and lawsuit. Barley, salted abalone viscera, salted mussel, abalone, shark jerky, peasant, fish oil, and dog meat jerky are verified as the kind of freight in the wooden tablets. We can find out that the Mado No. 3 sunk between 1265 and 1268 through the comparison of persons’ names on the wooden tablets and historical records. 9 �Conclusions The number of the sunken ships excavated in the sea of Korea by now is 12, and all of them fall under the Goryeo Period (10th to 14th centuries). Thus, it can be said that in the Goryeo maritime transportation at home and abroad was the most active. These four cargo vessels of the Goryeo period were discovered in Taean waters, over recent years, and they give more abundant proof of maritime transportation in the region than anything else among the sunken ships of the time e.g. the data of the ship structure, the pottery, grains, food and articles of the crew. The most significant finds are the wooden tablets inscribed with specific information of the cargo. As these wooden tablets sometimes have records on the shipping time as well as the shipping places, recipients, kinds and quantity, we can figure out historical facts of the shipwrecks. Cargo ships of Goryeo investigated by now are classified into two kinds according to the kinds of freight. One is a porcelain carrier, which was a vessel transporting porcelain made in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, the then major porcelain-producing area, mostly to the central region where the capital was located. The Taean Ship represents one of these types, as well as the Wando Ship and the Sibidongpado Ship. These pottery carriers seem to have shipped only porcelain and earthenware usually, not other freight. The other type of ship is identified as a grain carrier, represented by the wrecks Mado No.1, 2 and 3. For convenience sake, we can call it a grain carrier, but in these vessels various goods were shipped, not only grains but also various foods such as salted fish, fermented soybean lumps, Korean sauces, jars of honey and sesame oil, craftworks such as bamboo trays, combs, bronze vessels, iron pots, porcelain and fabrics, and raw material for handcrafts such as antlers. In the light of Mado No. 2 and 3, it is thought that the method of shipping cargo such as food and craftwork was in the central part of the ship, or in the central part and in the stern part, and grains were commonly shipped in the other sections. These sunken ships were generally estimated to be between 13 to 20 m long and more than 2.5 m high, but it is not certain; a mast was installed in the central part in terms of ship structure; and the floor was flat. A simple cooking facility was located in the central part where the mast was installed, and articles for the sailors, food and craftworks seem to have been packed there as well. It is not certain yet 10 �whether these ships were operated officially by the state, by influential persons or by a merchant group. Acknowledgements I am thankful to everyone who participated in the underwater excavation on Taean Shipwreck and Mado Shipwreck No. 1, 2, 3 projects. Also, I appreciate to Mr. Sung-Tae Lim and Gwang-Hee Hong who were supposed to join in 2014 APCONF. I have deep gratitude to Mr. Seojin Kim who helped me a lot and all of my colleagues of the NRIMCH. References NRIMCH., 2009. Taean Treasure ship, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 17. NRIMCH., 2010. Taean Mado Shipwreck No.1, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 20. NRIMCH., 2011. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 22. NRIMCH., 2012, Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 27. Shin Jong-guk is senior curator (40 years old) serving at National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea. He has excavated 3 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty as a team leader of the underwater excavation and investigated from 2010 to 2013 and participated in the marine exploration in various places of Korea. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea: Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea Description An account of the resource This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time. One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jong-guk Shin, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/64921ecbbdf9ca06dfa9e558804ebbcc.pdf 1a6f8cb37fc7d646d4e801b518ecef2c PDF Text Text The History, Status, and Future of Underwater Cultural Heritage Management in Japan Randall J. Sasaki Texas A&M University College Station 77841 USA Email: shipwreckarchaeology@gmail.com Setsuo Imazu, Yuji Dainobu, and Yoshihiko Akashi Kyushu National Museum Fukuoka Japan, 818-0118 Email: imazu@kyuhaku.jp Email: dainobu@kyuhaku.jp Email: akashi@kyuhaku.jp Abstract Underwater archaeology in Japan has a long history, as a report of artifacts from Lake Suwa in 1908, as well as discoveries at Tsuzura Ozaki site in Lake Biwa in 1924 detailed. The attempts to find the ill-fated fleet of Khubilai Khan at Takashima Island in Nagasaki prefecture began in the 1980s, but the Japanese archaeological community was slow in recognizing the importance of underwater archaeology. A number of underwater archaeological projects were conducted, but none had a lasting influence; the Japanese government has no law that specifically protects submerged sites, and there was neither government agency nor university that conducted a large scaled underwater excavation. However, several major developments suddenly took place in the past few years. In 2012, at first, following the discovery of a Chinese ship remain at Takashima Island, the Kozaki Underwater Site was registered as the first submerged national historic site. In 2013, secondly, the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology published 6 volumes of “The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Report on Comprehensive Survey of Maritime Cultural Heritage”. In 2013, moreover, the Agency for Cultural Affairs formed a committee to discuss how the government should act in response to the growing importance of protecting submerged sites. These events signify the Japanese archaeological community, as well as the government, finally began to recognize the importance of underwater cultural heritage. This paper illustrates the history, current status, as well as the possible future development plan of underwater archaeological research in Japan. Keywords: The Japanese Agency for Cultural Affairs, Law and Policy, Mongol Invasion, UCH Management, Database 1 �Introduction As an island nation, the ocean has always influenced the life of people living in Japan. A part of Japanese culture has been also shaped by “foreign” influences which must come from “outside the ocean.” Despite these facts, Japan is one nation that has not fully embraced the concept of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) management yet. In this brief article, the authors will propose a possible plan for initiating the management of submerged sites in the nation. To better understand this plan, a brief history of the field, recent developments of underwater archaeology, and the status of Japanese archaeological community are discussed. A brief history of Underwater Archaeology in Japan Japan possesses a long history of study of cultural relics found underwater. The discoveries of lithic from Lake Suwa in 1908, and the discovery of nearly complete pottery from Tsuzura Ozaki site at Lake Biwa in 1924 may be noted as the insipient stage of the field of underwater archaeology (Ishihara, 2000). The archaeological community debated how and why these underwater sites formed. It is interesting to note that archaeologists from a century ago had recognized the importance of submerged cultural remains. Since, a number of sites were investigated through a local municipal level but the majority of the projects were limited in scale (Hayashida, 2013). However, two projects that played an important role in the development of underwater archaeology in the country should be mentioned; sites around Lake Biwa and Takashima underwater site. The largest inland lake in Japan, Lake Biwa has been an important waterways as well as a source of water and food for the people of central Japan. Since the lakefront renovation plan was commenced in 1972, Lake Biwa became one of the focal points of UCH management in the country; over one hundred sites were investigated through this development project (Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage, 2010). Cofferdams were built on nearly all of these sites making a dry land excavation possible (Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage, 2010). The sites range from Jomonmidden sites to historic building structures; information gleaned through these excavations was tremendous. One important site, dated to around 4,500 years before present, is the Awazu-midden site (Tsuboi, 1994). The shell midden consisted of a layer 2 �of shells and a layer of plants alternatively bedded (Matsui and Kanehara, 2006). Such layering seen at the Awazu site has not been found on any midden sites on land; this is due to a waterlogged condition favorable for the preservation of the organic remains. Chestnuts, acorns, beans, gourds, edible burdock, and other cultigens were found within the plant layers and these plants were most likely cultivated, making the Awazu site one of the earliest that produced an evidence of extensive plant utilization in the country (Matsui and Kanehara, 2006). Japan with its acidic soil, large fluctuation of temperature, and a high annual rainfall rate, finding organic remains on a land site is rare. Thus, the potential of finding evidence of rich and extensive plant utilization of the early inhabitants of Japan is more likely to be found from underwater sites. The Takashima underwater site is a well-known historical battle site; Khubilai Khan’s fleet was destroyed here by the legendary typhoon during the Mongol invasion of Japan in 1281 (Delgado, 2010). The site has been reported by popular media, but has seen only a few scholarly publications (Takano, 2013). The history of research at Takashima extends for more than 30 years; based on historical records and local fishermen finding artifacts in their nets, the initial survey around the island was planned in the early 1980s. The project was led by a marine engineer, and various artifacts were found using a sonar system. Some of the artifacts were raised by divers; however, no remains of a vessel were found. Although professional archaeologists were not directly involved during this initial stage, the importance of the site was recognized (Matsuura City Board of Education, 2011). The Takashima underwater site was registered as a known archaeological site and thus became a protected archaeological site by the Law of Buried Cultural Property. Under this law, a site must be thoroughly investigated prior to any land development taking place. Following this initial project, a series of surveys and excavations were conducted at the island intermittently throughout the 1980s and 1990s. The board of Education at Takashima entrusted the research projects to various organizations, and the Kyushu Okinawa Society of Underwater Archaeology (now the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology: ARIUA) became the main partner of research. The rescue excavations for the harbor renovation at Kouzaki produced a large number of artifacts related to the Mongol invasion. The excavations continued, and large wooden anchors, 3 �fragments of hull remains, and weapons including ceramic bombs are just a few examples of finds made (Fig. 1). However, the discovery of a hull had to wait for a few more years (Matsuura City Board of Education, 2011). As will be discussed in detail below, the overall majority of archaeological projects in the nation are conducted through local municipalities. While the discoveries were being made, a few underwater excavations had taken place across Japan, but some projects had barely Fig. 1 Photo of the Hull Timbers waiting to be conserved at been reported. The Japanese Takashima. (Courtesy of Matsuura Board of Education and R. Agency for Cultural Affairs Sasaki) (JACA) had realized the importance of underwater archaeology and a national plan to manage such sites. Between 1989 and 1991, JACA sent interviews to all 3,245 municipal offices in the country, and a large number of offices reported the possible presence of submerged sites or artifacts recovered from their waters. Among them, 216 locations were selected for an additional survey. The result showed that only 44 of these sites were investigated (Agency for Cultural Affairs, 2000). Recent Developments A new phase of research at Takashima was initiated by the team led by Ryukyu University and the technical support provided by the Tokai University. Several seasons of remote sensing surveys identified several targets. In 2011 when divers began removing the accumulated silt on one of the targets, the remains of a Chinese vessel, perhaps more than 20 m in length, appeared. This discovery was covered extensively by Japanese media and brought underwater archaeology to the forefront of attention for many people (Ikeda, 2013). In 2012, Takashima became the first nationally registered submerged historical site; it signifies that an underwater site is now protected as one of the most important Japanese national heritage assets (Nakata, 2013). Following the 4 �discovery of intact hull remains at Takashima, JACA formed a committee to discuss how the Japanese government should act to protect submerged sites. The members various were selected specialists from including municipal officials, a vocational archaeologist, and a conservator. At this point, no specific Fig. 2 ARIUA’s Webpage Showing a Part of the Database. (K. management plan for the country Hayashida) has been decided. To provide the committee with up to date and accurate information regarding the status of managing submerged sites, Kyushu National Museum was entrusted to study how other countries in the world are managing their UCH. Another development that took place in recent years is the growth in number of academic, municipal, and vocational maritime archaeologists. Recognizing the growing importance of the field, Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology became the first University in Japan to establish a course in maritime archaeology. The University initiated a number of survey projects using advanced remote-sensing technologies (Kondo and Iwabuchi, 2011). Some municipalities, including Okinawa, has developed a strong team of archaeologists that can manage the UCH in their waters. They have also conducted several outreach programs where a public can access the underwater sites (Katagiri, 2013). In the last decade, several underwater archaeology groups were formed and conducted research at submerged sites. Among them, ARIUA emerged as a leading institute. Besides their work at Takashima, the ARIUA’s underwater site database project initiated in 2009 should be equally cited as a breakthrough. They conducted an extensive evaluation of all known underwater sites in Japan. The project was also supported by various organizations, including other vocational underwater archaeological groups. This was the first time that such a comprehensive information of submerged sites was collected. ARIUA published six volumes of reports with a 5 �Table 1. Examples of part of the Database available on-line (translated into English) 6 �database of over five hundred submerged sites (Fig. 2 and Table 1) (Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, 2013). This study will be a valuable source for obtaining information regarding underwater archaeology in Japan and a foundation for future studies on the subject. Problems Concerning Underwater Cultural Heritage Management in Japan There are three main problems concerning the protection of UCH in Japan. First, the underwater sites are not specifically mentioned in the laws. Second, there are no proper rules established when someone discovers a relic underwater, and third, no archaeological survey is required prior to a construction over water. Another concern, perhaps different in nature than the first three mentioned, is the lack of information regarding UCH in general. Before beginning the discussion of these problems, a current status of Japanese archaeological community will be illustrated. The law on the Protection of Buried Cultural Properties is the basis of all archaeological excavations in Japan. JACA sets the rules and guidelines for site management, and in most cases, the local Board of Education is responsible for managing local sites (The Japanese Archaeological Association, 2012). Each municipality is responsible for maintaining a database of known sites. Once the site is listed, any development that takes place within or around the site must be excavated. The local authority decides which sites are to be listed and some municipalities take a step further by surveying. There are many Universities with programs in archaeology, but academic research within Japan is little more than 5 % of the total (The Japanese Archaeological Association, 2012). There are a few public archaeology firms, but they are mainly limited to conducting projects in large cities. Their archaeological projects must also follow the municipal standards. The number of archaeological sites excavated - around 8,000 sites per year - may be surprising to many (The Japanese Archaeological Association, 2012). Although many of the sites are small, the number of artifacts recovered from these sites accumulates quickly. For example, the number of sites (or perhaps it should be called “projects”) at Hakata, the historical port city in Fukuoka Prefecture in western Japan, now counts up to two hundred in number. These Hakata sites produce thousands of artifacts each. Many of the municipalities are struggling to complete the analysis of the astronomical amount of data gathered. Still, excavations 7 �take place each year while the budget and the number of specialists involved with the heritage management has been shrinking (The Japanese Archaeological Association, 2012). In this situation, the focus of the research tends to be detailed artifact analysis (which Japanese archaeologists are one of the best in the world) and starting something new is extremely difficult. Japanese law also has a room for improvements. Although the current law does not specifically mention artifacts found underwater, the absence of the word “underwater” in the legal code should not imply that submerged sites need not be protected. Underwater sites can be protected if they are registered; the problem is how to get the site onto the list. The Takashima underwater site has been on the protected list and thus the past rescue projects were possible. Still, not having the word “underwater” may give an impression - consciously or not - that such sites are not common. The second problem, not having a set of standards when discovering an underwater site, may be a larger issue than the first problem. When a relic is found, a person should report to the local police department first. The police will then decide the fate of the found artifact. There are several ways to dispose of the finds depending on which law is applied. The best way in which to protect objects is to define them as a cultural property. In this case, the object will have the same protection as that found on land. If the police consider the artifact as a lost object, the law of lost property will be applied; the lost object may be given to the finder if no one claims ownership of it. The third problem is not having a regulation that requires archaeological survey before a development takes place over water. The archaeological community is largely unaware that such a survey does not require a large sum of money as it did in the past, and the industry is unaware of the fact that underwater sites are fairly common. One problem is the lack of information on maritime archaeology that can be found written in Japanese. In addition, a somewhat skewed and out-dated image of the field still persists. The blame should not be directed towards Japanese archaeologists, as it is our shared world heritage that we are striving to preserve. Not many people in Japan think that underwater sites are common and finding those sites are extremely difficult and expensive, if not impossible. Many think that to become an underwater archaeologist requires extensive training, and that excavations and conservation still 8 �more expensive. The information we hear about the subject primarily comes from national projects conducted in China and Korea, together with the stories of raising Vasa and Mary Rose. Considering the national budget set for archaeological research, underwater archaeology does not appear to be a practical choice. Furthermore, since it is certain that there is no job that a student can get even with a degree in hand, the study of underwater archaeology cannot be a career of choice for many. Proposed Plan There are several ways in which Japan may develop the program managing UCH. One possible way is for Japan to create a national underwater archaeological research center under JACA. This plan may be similar to the path China and Korea have taken. However, considering that the Japanese archaeological community is structured through cooperation of municipal archaeologists and a nation-wide project is rare, this plan may result in the isolation of underwater archaeologists from the rest of the “land archaeologists.” In addition, the government must first secure funding for such program. The most suitable plan for Japan is to utilize the existing infrastructure, limit any major changes, and create a system that municipal archaeologists could manage. The best management plan is one in which the main task of actual activities will be conducted through the municipal archaeologists and the existing groups of underwater archaeologists assisting the tasks. JACA will provide advice to municipalities and check the overall management of the underwater sites. The municipal archaeologists will manage the underwater sites according to the principles set by JACA. The main task will be to register new sites and perhaps organize surveys and excavations with the help of vocational underwater archaeological groups. As this scheme is only a proposal and not a completed plan, the details regarding how to incorporate the nonarchaeological community and stakeholders into the overall heritage management has not been fully debated. Along with the minor organizational arrangements, changes must be made in some of the laws; the three problems mentioned in the section above must be solved. The current cultural heritage law is an effective way to protect underwater sites, even it does not mention the word “underwater” specifically. JACA may distribute to each municipality an addendum explaining the guidelines for managing UCH. It should be 9 �mentioned in these guidelines that objects found in submerged context should have equal protection to those found on land. In addition, a survey to find and record new archaeological sites should be encouraged. The government should set a standard procedure when someone finds a historical artifact underwater, and a note should be distributed to all authorities. A change in legislation - namely to require a survey before development takes place on water and an agreeable cooperation plan with the fishermen’s association - is needed. When there is construction over water, conducting archaeological surveys by marine engineering companies is not something out of the ordinary. Once the stake-holders realize the importance of protecting underwater sites, as they respect archaeological sites on land, installing a rule for surveys on water should not be difficult to accept. The actual “loss” for a community and the stake-holders caused by adopting the protection of UCH, we believe, is minimal; the benefit, although it may be difficult to represent in economical terms, should outweigh the malefic. The local community may feel pride in having an underwater site, or some of the representative artifacts raised from the sea may bring tourists to the area. At the same time these changes are made, more up to date and accurate information about maritime archaeology should be disseminated. Both academic and non-academic publications should be encouraged. There is a plethora of reasons why distributing a current status of the study need to be promoted. To give one example, the Japanese archaeological community has already realized that raising and conserving a nearly complete vessel is not practical; however, it is a surprise to the Japanese public, as well as archaeologists, that the study of underwater archaeology is no longer about excavating sunken vessels. Once the archaeological community realizes that a project that raises an entire vessel is not a norm, and the coexistence of development with a long-term management of underwater sites is the current trend, a meaningful discussion of how the nation should protect submerged sites can begin. In addition to academic publications, the study of UCH should be introduced to a wider audience through popular publications and media. The stakeholders, including construction companies and the fisheries cooperatives, are the most likely groups that will be directly involved with UCH. Without the proper understanding of the value of artifacts found underwater by these groups, a protection of UCH will be difficult to achieve. 10 �Conclusions In this brief article, the history and current status of UCH in Japan was discussed. Based on the discussion, a possible plan on UCH management was proposed. Despite a long history of people being interested in relics found underwater, the Japanese archaeological community was largely indifferent to the development of UCH management around the globe. To bring about change in the Japanese archaeological community may take some effort, but the benefit of the proposed approach is that it does not require an extensive change in how the archaeological community is organized, nor does it requires a large budget. It also preserves the existing, and growing, underwater archaeological groups in the nation. Although this is one proposed solution, we believe it will bring more in depth and meaningful discussion on how to manage UCH in Japan. Acknowledgment This paper was written by the members of a group led by Kyushu National Museum entrusted to create a report for the Japanese Agency for Cultural Affairs on a current trend of UCH management in the world. This is only a proposal generated by the authors’ personal views and does not reflect the opinion or the plan of the Japanese government nor any institutions. References Agency for Cultural Affairs., 2000. Considering Methods for the Protection of Archaeological Sites: Underwater Sites. Agency for Cultural Affairs, Tokyo (in Japanese). Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology., 2013. The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology (Vol. 1-6). Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka (in Japanese). Delgado, J., 2010. Khubilai Khan’s Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada. University of California Press, Berkeley. Hayashida, K., 2013. Underwater Archaeological Sites in Japan. Archaeology Quarterly, Vol. 123: 20-23 (in Japanese). Ikeda, Y., 2013. The Excavations of the Shipwreck in the Mongolian Invasions; the Underwater Archaeological Research of the Takashima Kouzaki Seabed Site. The Archaeological Journal, Vol. 641: 24-28 (in Japanese). 11 �Ishihara, W., 2000. The History of Underwater Archaeology in Japan. In Agency for Cultural Affairs (Ed.), Considering Methods for the Protection of Archaeological Site: Underwater Sites, Agency for Cultural Affairs. Tokyo: 5-22 (in Japanese). Japanese Archaeological Association. 2012. Archaeologia Japonica Vol. 64: Annual Report of the Japanese Archaeological Studies and Excavations (Fiscal year 2011). The Japanese Archaeological Association, Tokyo (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., 2013. The Research Agenda and Vision for Future. In The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Nansei Islands. Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka: 216-237 (in Japanese). Kondo, H., and Iwabuchi, A., 2011. Deepwater Archaeology off Tobishima Island of Northern Japan. In Mark Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Proceedings, Manila: 251-259. Matsui, A., and Kanehara, M., 2006. The Question of Prehistoric Plant Husbandry during the Jomon Period in Japan. World Archaeology, Vol. 38 (2): 259-73 (in Japanese). Matsuura City Board of Education., 2011. Matsuura City Takashima Underwater Site: Summary of Research (Matsuura City Cultural Property Investigation Report), No. 4. Matsuura City Board of Education, Matsuura, Nagaski (in Japanese). Nakata, A., 2013. Historical Site Designated by the Site “The Takashima Kouzaki Ruins.” The Archaeological Journal, Vol. 641: 8-13 (in Japanese). Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage., 2010. World of Underwater Archaeology at Lake Biwa. Sunrise Publishing, Hikone, Shiga (in Japanese). Takano, S., 2013. Takashima Island (The Research Results of Japanese Underwater Archaeology). Archaeology Quarterly, Vol. 123: 34-36 (in Japanese). Tsuboi, K., 1994. The Lake of Jomon: Discussions on the Awazu Shell Midden of Lake Biwa. Yuzankaku, Tokyo (in Japanese). 12 �Biography Randall J. Sasaki a PhD candidate at Texas A&M University, Sasaki is also working as a city archaeologist in Fukuoka City. His main interest has been traditional East Asian shipbuilding technology, particularly from the Chinese Yuan (Mongol) dynasty period. He conducted a timber recording project at the Takashima underwater site and also led a survey team at the Bach Dang River Naval Battle Site in Vietnam. He has been working on promoting importance of Underwater Cultural Heritage to the Japanese public; a popular book he published became one of the best seller titles on the subject in Japan. Setsuo Imazu has received his doctorate from Aoyama Gakuin University. He has worked at Fukushima Museum and Archaeological Institute of Kashihara at Nara. In 2005, he was invited to the newly created Kyushu National Museum. Currently he is the Director of Museum Science Division. He specializes in conservation, mainly focusing on treatment of waterlogged wood. He has published in various scholarly articles in Japan and other countries. Yuji Dainobu received his BA in History of Western Art from the International Christian University in 1977, Maitrise in History of Western Art from Universite Catholique de Louvain (Belgium) in 1980, and MA in History of Eastern Art from Kyushu University in 1983. He worked as a research assistant at the Faculty of Letters at Kyushu University in 1983, and later as a curator at Tokyo National Museum until 2004. He has joined Kyushu National Museum in 2004. He has organized many exhibitions including Tibetan Art, Liao Art, HIRAYAMA Ikuo and World Cultural Heritage. He has published many articles on Buddhist art and Silk Roads. Yoshihiko Akashi studied archaeology at Meiji University. His career includes working at Kyushu Historical Museum. His current position is the Director of Exhibition Division at Kyushu National Museum. He has published a number of scholarly articles on Japanese forts, or mountain castle, and also on the study of international commerce and relationship in ancient Asia. He is also interested in ancient Korean ceramics and decorated Kofun (painted tumuli). 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The History, Status, and Future of Underwater Cultural Heritage Management in Japan Description An account of the resource Underwater archaeology in Japan has a long history, as a report of artifacts from Lake Suwa in 1908, as well as discoveries at Tsuzura Ozaki site in Lake Biwa in 1924 detailed. The attempts to find the ill-fated fleet of Khubilai Khan at Takashima Island in Nagasaki prefecture began in the 1980s, but the Japanese archaeological community was slow in recognizing the importance of underwater archaeology. A number of underwater archaeological projects were conducted, but none had a lasting influence; the Japanese government has no law that specifically protects submerged sites, and there was neither government agency nor university that conducted a large scaled underwater excavation. However, several major developments suddenly took place in the past few years. In 2012, at first, following the discovery of a Chinese ship remain at Takashima Island, the Kozaki Underwater Site was registered as the first submerged national historic site. In 2013, secondly, the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology published 6 volumes of “The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Report on Comprehensive Survey of Maritime Cultural Heritage”. In 2013, moreover, the Agency for Cultural Affairs formed a committee to discuss how the government should act in response to the growing importance of protecting submerged sites. These events signify the Japanese archaeological community, as well as the government, finally began to recognize the importance of underwater cultural heritage. This paper illustrates the history, current status, as well as the possible future development plan of underwater archaeological research in Japan. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Randall J. Sasaki Setsuo Imazu Yuji Dainobu Yoshihiko Akashi, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/8a28bdda763226e8bfa6dee88d912eb4.pdf 4f33f4f0723bee9c2fdc6f0bcb73f000 PDF Text Text First Discovery and Mapping of Early Modern Grapnel Anchors in Ishigaki Island and Cultural Resource Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa Rintaro Ono Tokai University Shizuoka Japan, 424-8610 Email: rintaro@tokai-u.jp Hironobu Kan Okayama University Okayama Japan, 700-8530 Email: kan@cc.okayama-u.ac.jp Norimitsu Sakagami Tokai University Shizuoka Japan, 424-8610 Email: sakagami@scc.u-tokai.ac.jp Masayuki Nagao National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology Tsukuba Japan, 305-8567 Email: nagao-masayuki@aist.go.jp Chiaki Katagiri Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum Naha Japan, 900-0006 Email: katgiric@pref.okinawa.lg.jp Abstract Yarabuoki site, which contains iron grapnel anchors and early modern Okinawa ceramic jars in 12 to 32 m depth off the western Coast of Ishigaki Island, was discovered by a local diver and reported to Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center. In 2010, the Center conducted a distributional survey to confirm the site and its location. Although the survey found and pictured seven numbers of grapnel anchors that were first findings of this type in Okinawa area, the previous study did not record each position and the accurate depth of these artifacts and the site character such as shipwreck site or discarded shipping loads site is yet unclear. With such background and tasks, our team has conducted underwater archaeological research to record each location of grapnel anchors and ceramic jars using GPS. Furthermore, Kan and Nagao conducted a broadband multibeam survey around the Yarabuoki site and visualized the bathymetric 1 �results at a lateral grid resolution of 1m. This will enable us to create a threedimensional site map to plot the artifacts, while Sakagami (Tokai University) developed a low-cost and human-portable underwater robot to explore and record high resolution video of underwater sites, and the robot successfully worked during our surveys. Our paper reports the results and outcomes of the research at Yarabuoki site and other underwater sites in Ishigaki and the Yaeyama Islands and discusses the early modern marine transportations in Okinawa or the Ryukyu Islands. We also discuss the future possibility for cultural resource management of underwater cultural heritages in the Yaeyama and Okinawa. Keywords: Broadband multibeam survey, Okinawa, Yaeyama Islands, Yarabeoki site, Grapnel anchors, Cultural resource management Introduction The Academic and social interests on underwater cultural heritage is currently increasing in Japan. In 2011, for example, the Takashima site in Nagasaki Prefecture (in Kyushu Island) where the 13th century original Yuan ships from China were firstly discovered became the first National historical heritage of an underwater site. In such current movement, one of the hottest areas with increasing number of underwater archaeological surveys and underwater cultural heritages is Okinawa or Ryukyu Archipelago. The archipelago consists of 199 islands of various sizes and ranges about 1,200 km between Kyushu Island at its north end and Taiwan in its south end (see also Katagiri et al., in this volume). In fact, in the past 10 years surveys and researches by Kagoshima University and the Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group (2010, 2011), the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, the Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum (e.g. Katagiri 2007, 2009, 2010; Miyagi et al., 2005), and the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (2013) have discovered and confirmed over 100 of underwater archaeological sites in relatively good condition. Yarabuoki site in Ishigaki Island is one of these newly discovered sites. The site produces a total of seven iron grapnel anchors and early modern Okinawa ceramic jars in 12 to 32 m of depth off the western coast of Ishigaki Island, which is the most populated island with the local capital city in the Yaeyama Islands (Fig. 1). Other major islands in the Yaeyama Islands are Iriomote Island, Taketomi Island, and Kuroshima 2 �Island etc, and other underwater archaeological sites are located off the coast of these islands (see also Fig. 1). In this paper, we report the recent results and outcomes of our underwater archaeological research at Yarabuoki site and discuss the early modern maritime transportations in Okinawa or the Ryukyu Archipelago. We also report and discuss our practices on cultural 1 Fig. 1 Locations of Underwater Archaeological resource management of underwater Sites in the Yaeyama Islands. (R. Ono) cultural heritages in the Yaeyama Islands and Okinawa. Discovery and Mapping of Yarabuoki Site In 2009, Yarabuoki site was firstly discovered by a local professional diver (Mr. Seiji Fujii) who has operated diving services over 30 years in Ishigaki Island. He reported the location of this site to the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center. In 2010, Katagiri (2010) conducted the first survey as the chief investigator from the Center with assistance of the Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group (2011) to confirm the total of seven iron grapnel anchors of various sizes and numbers of early modern Okinawa pottery jars (Tsuboya-Yaki) in 2010. However, these previous surveys did not measure the detail location of each anchor and pottery jars, hence it was discussed whether the site could be classified as a sort of port/anchorage site or possible shipwreck site. In terms of dating the site, we could roughly estimate these artifacts belong to the early modern times between the 17th to 19th centuries (mainly Edo period in Japan), though it was hard to provide an exact date of these artifacts. With these background and research questions, we have conducted an interdisciplinary underwater research with multiple methodologies including GPS position coordinating and archaeological analysis of each artifact (Ono and Katagiri), a broadband multibeam survey searching (Kan and Nagao), and recording high-resolution video of the site and survey progress by a human-portable underwater robot (Sakagami). This interdisciplinary research is part of the larger-scale study project “Coastal Area 3 �Capability Enhancement in Southeast Asia” (headed by Dr. Satoshi Ishikawa) by the Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Fig. 2 A Human-portable Underwater Robot Made and Used in Our Kyoto, Japan, and the Research. (R. Ono) robot (Fig. 2) was originally planned and made for this research project in low-cost value by Sakagami at Tokai University. Surveys were conducted in November 2012, August 2013, and November 2013. During these researches, GPS position coordinates and exact depth of all the seven iron grapnel anchors and the clustered area with ceramic jars were measured. Table 1 shows each position coordinate and depth of anchors and ceramics, while Figure 3 is the bathymetric map provided by Geospatial Information Authority of Japan (GIS) with each location of artifacts plotted. As shown in Figure 3, the GIS bathymetric map is only mapped in 10m scale level and it is yet hard to locate the exact position of each artifact with this map. Concerning such mapping problem, Kan and Nagao conducted a broadband multibeam survey around the Yarabuoki site to visualize the bathymetric results at a lateral grid resolution of 1m during our research. Although the complete map is not come out in this moment, such map should enable us to create a three-dimensional site map to plotting the artifacts in much detail and exact position in the final stage of our research. Description of Grapnel Anchors and Ceramic Jars As shown in Figure 3 map, the distribution area of the grapnel anchors can be mainly separated into two zones as (1) eastern zone and (2) western zone. Each zone have about 400 m away in distance, hence it is highly Fig. 3 The GIS Bathymetric Map with Plotted possible that these seven grapnel anchors Each Location of Artifacts. (R. Ono) 4 �Fig. 4 The Iron Grapnel Anchors in Yarabuoki site. (Y. Yamamoto) 5 �could belong to more than two ships rather than a single ship. Such possibility might be also supported by the existence of various sizes of anchors in the site. Concerning the clustered area of ceramic jars, these jars are distributed close to the No. 1, 2, and 3 grapnel anchors, and there might have been any relationships with these anchors and jars. Here, we firstly introduce the condition and form of each grapnel anchors and ceramic jars, then discuss the possible age and character of the site from various aspects. No. 1 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.1 anchor shank is 1.97 m in length. All the four arms left in good condition, while two of them are buried in the sandy bottom (Fig. 4A). The width of joint base with shank and arm is about 20 cm and its cross section is square size. The width of shank point is about 15 cm and no arm ring attached. No. 2 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.2 anchor is a bit smaller than No.1 as its shank is about 1.8 m in length. All the four arms left with good condition, while two of them are buried in the sandy bottom (Fig. 4B). The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be estimated as square size. The width of shank point is about 15 cm with an arm ring attached. No. 3 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.3 anchor is much smaller as its shank is about 1.5 m in length. Among the four arms, two of them are buried in the sandy bottom, while other two are expose only its point part. Both of these exposed arm points are not complete and broken (Fig. 4C). The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be confirmed as square size. The width of shank point is about 15 cm with an arm ring attached. No. 4 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.4 anchor is one of the smallest as its shank is about 1.2 m in length. Among the four arms, two of them are buried in the sandy bottom, while other two are expose only its point part. Both of these exposed arm points are not complete and broken (Fig. 4D). The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be confirmed as square size. The width of shank point is 6 �about 15 cm with an arm ring attached. No. 5 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.5 anchor shank is 1.6 m in length and almost. Among the four arms, two of them are buried in the sandy bottom, while other two are exposed in good condition as complete form (Fig. 4E). The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be estimated as square size. The width of shank point is about 15 cm with an arm ring attached. No. 6 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.6 anchor shank is about 1.65 m in length. Among the four arms, two of them are buried in the sandy bottom, while other two are exposed only its point part. Both of these exposed arm points are not complete and broken (Fig. 4F). The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be confirmed as square size. The width of shank point is about 15 cm with an arm ring attached. No. 7 Grapnel Anchor The size of No.7 anchor shank is about 2.05 m in length. Among the four arms, three of them are exposed in good condition as complete form (Fig. 4G), while another one is buried in the rocky bottom. The width of joint base with shank and arm is now surrounded by corals but its cross section can be confirmed as square size. The width of shank point is about 20 cm with an arm ring (30cm in diameter) attached. Pottery Jars As shown in Table 1, these pottery jars locate close from No. 1 to 3 grapnel anchors and about 20 m in depth. In total of 12 jars are recently confirmed with some variety in size from about 40 cm up to 100 cm in height. Yet, all of these jars are similar in form and source material, and can be identified as early modern Okinawa pottery jars called “tsuboya-yaki” in local name and originally made in Okinawa Island (Fig. 5A). We measured the detail size and location of all of these jar but did not salvaged and kept them in the original position except one small jar (Fig. 5B) which was not fixed with coral or rocky bottom and easily movable. This salvaged jar is now kept in the Okinawa Prefectural Museum for further archaeological analysis to indentify the original production location and exact date of these jars. 7 �Fig. 5 The Early Modern Okinawa Pottery Jars in Yarabuoki site. (Y. Yamamoto) Discussions and Future Perspectives Early modern maritime transportations in Okinawa As described and discussed in previous chapters, the seven grapnel anchors are variety in size and its shape. Among these, No.1 to 4 anchors are basically distributed in eastern zone with pottery jars, while the other No. 5 to 7 anchors are located in western zone in the site around 13-32 m in depth. Such distribution patterns of the anchors tentatively indicate that more than two ships dropped their anchors around the site. In the Yaeyama Isands, including Ishigaki Island, there is no record of public port in historic times or during the Ryukyu Kingdom Period (from 1429 AD to 1879), and most of trading or loading activities were possibly done in off-coast by use of small boats (e.g. Oohama, 1999). With such situation, large size ships were basically anchored inside bays such as Nagura bay in western coast of Ishigaki or some anchorage points where they could avoid strong winds and waves. Yarabuoki site is located in the northern coast of Yarabu peninsula next to the large Nagura bay is also known as one of these anchorage points from historic times. In fact, there were some historical records of anchorage by drifting ships in local historic documents during the 17th to 19th centuries. Based on these historic facts, these grapnel anchors could belong to ships originally from Okinawa Island (where the capital of Ryukyu Kingdom located), Satsuma in 8 �Kyushu Island (where had occupied the Ryukyu Kingdom since 1609), or mainland China (during the Chin Dynasty) to visit in some purposes or drift off by accident to Ishigaki Island. However, there were no grapnel anchors discovered or kept in Okinawa except these seven anchors from Yarabuoki site. This fact can be the possible hint to estimate the types and origins of ships that equipped or loaded these anchors and pottery jars. There are no historical records either that mentioning what types of anchors were equipped with the local ships during the Ryukyu Kingdom period. The major ship types in Okinawa during the early modern times were “Shinko-sen” as the largest sized junk typed ship for international trading mainly with China (Ming and Chin Dynasty) and “Maran-sen” as the middle to small sized wooden ship for domestic trading mainly inside the territory of the Ryukyu Kingdom. The types of anchor equipped in these ships are unclear since no historic documents or records were discovered except a drawing of the old Ryukyu trading port (Naha city) on folding screen in the early 19th century (owned by Urasoko City Museum). Some Shinko-sen ships and the equipped anchors were drown in the folding screen, though these anchors are not grapnel and its material seems like wood and not iron (Katagiri, 2011). On the other hand, iron grapnel anchors were major anchors for Japanese style wooden ship called “Kai sen” and “Benzaisen” (sen=ship) during the Edo period after the 16th century. These early modern ships are usually equipped 6 to 8 different size of iron grapnel anchors identified as the first anchor to the eighth anchor. The first anchor was usually the largest, while the eighth anchor was the smallest among them (e.g. Kojima, 2012). For example, the largest sized-class wooden ship “Sengoku sen” (sen=1000, goku/koku = basic unit of volume used during the Edo period) which had over 278 kL/m3 loading capacity, was usually equipped with a fist anchor of over 2-3 m length and 300-400 kg weight. Based on these historical backgrounds and the size variety of Yarabuoki grapnel anchors between 2.0 to 1.2 m in length, it is possible that these anchors were equipped with Sengoku-sen class Japanese style wooden ship. Another possibility is visits of Chinese ships to Ishigaki and other islands in the Yaeyama since the early modern Chinese ships also usually equipped iron grapnel anchors. However, considering that all 9 �the pottery jars in Yarabuoki site are Tsuboya-yaki as the early modern Okinawa jars originally produced in Naha City in Okinawa Island, it is highly possible that at least the No. 1 to 3 grapnel anchors could be equipped with Japanese style wooden ship(s), probably from Satsuma in Kyushu Island since most of this type of ships in Okinawa were mainly from Satsuma after 1609 when the Ryukyu Kingdom was dominated by Satsuma. According to another drawing of the old Naha port on a folding screen from the 19th century (owned by Okinawa Prefectural Museum), there are some Satsuma ships equipped with iron grapnel anchor (Katagiri, 2011). Although it is yet unclear in which types of ships these anchors were used, we estimate some of them could belong to Satsuma ship(s). For further investigation and dating of these anchors and exact ships anchored in Yarabuoki, we need much detail analysis including accurate measuring of each anchor and comparative study of early modern iron anchors in China and Kyushu particularly Satsuma. In terms of the site type, there are still two possibilities as (1) the site also contains shipwreck(s) or (2) the site is just scattered seabed artifacts site with only anchors and pottery jars and no shipwreck (Ono et al., 2013). Although it is required to discover part of the shipwreck(s) to identify Yarabuoki as shipwreck site in future study, we consider that the distribution pattern as No.1 to 3 anchors are concentrated with clustered pottery jars in their center position may indicate the presence of a shipwreck. To confirm such possibility, further surveys including test excavation around the area are required. Use and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritages in Okinawa Lastly, regarding the use and management of underwater cultural heritages in the Yaeyama Islands or Okinawa Archipelago, we strongly consider there is great potential for cultural resource management of underwater cultural heritage in the Yaeyama or Okinawa. Since Okinawa Archipelago including the Yaeyama Islands locate in subtropic climatic zone with developed coral reefs in Japan, these islands, particularly the Yaeyama, located in the southern part of Okinawa, are the most popular diving area in Japan. Because of such environmental and social backgrounds, there is great potential for the use and management of underwater cultural heritages including Yarabuoki site as cultural, educational and tourism resources that the local community can properly manage and conserve (see also Ono et al., 2013). Our interdisciplinary underwater 10 �research and current surveys reported here can be considered as the first stage for this initiative of use and management of underwater cultural heritages in the Yaeyama and Okinawa in the near future. This work is important as an initial stage because it is essential to identify underwater archaeological or historical sites put forward the significance of cultural heritage in order to manage them. For the second stage, we should report and spread research outcomes to the public, particularly to the local community. Concerning this stage, we have also tried to report our research outcomes and information to the local schools, the museum and public offices after our first survey. With such outreach activities, the local museum (Ishigaki City Yaeyama Museum) held a special exhibition focusing on the underwater cultural heritage of the Yaeyama Islands, including Yarabuoki site and exhibited many of our research outcomes. The robot designed and tested by Sakagami during the surveys of 2013 was also exhibited. For the third stage, we consider the significance of operating educational and cultural programs to tell the historical or archaeological significance and future potentials of underwater cultural heritage to the local young generations (school students). With such reason, we also tried to operate the educational program for school students (mainly Junior high school and High school students) to make small-sized low-cost underwater robots to investigate shallow underwater in near shore coral reef zone in Ishigaki Island. As the robot could be one of the key tools to attract the student’s interest, trigger their curiosity and increase interest on underwater and underwater cultural heritage, Sakagami has leaded the program since 2012. In November 2013, we also conducted co-research in Yarabuoki site with some local high school students who had joined the robot making program. During this co-research program, the diving team members conducted their research of some anchors and pottery jars in the site, while Sakagami supervised the students on how to manage and operate the human-portable underwater robot for the observation of the underwater cultural heritage and underwater survey activity. Following such educational practices, we also held some town meetings in Ishigaki city to invite the school teachers, students, and local members of Educational board to openly discuss about the possibility of the underwater cultural heritages around Ishigaki Island and its potential use for further educational and cultural program. All of these trials and practices seem to have worked to get the local community involved and 11 �to increase their interests in our research and underwater cultural heritage as well. Now, our next target is to create the local society and its core members who want to join and continue to conserve their underwater cultural heritages as educational, cultural and tourism resources. As also mentioned by other Japanese scholars (e.g. Iwabuchi, 2012; Katagiri et al., 2010, Katagiri et al., in this volume), the concept of establishing Seabed Site Museums can be one of the ideal ways to accomplish our final goal for the use and management of underwater cultural heritage in the Yaeyama and Ryukyu Archipelago in the near future. Table 1 GPS Position Coordinate and Depth of Anchors and Ceramics. (R. Ono) Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge Mr. Seiji Fujii, Mr. Yuji Yamamoto, Mr. Toshiaki Hayashibara, Dr. Shiro Takemura, Mz. Yumiko Ogawa, Mr. Naoshi Inabatani, and Mr. Takehiro Furuse for their considerable support and assistance of our research in the Yaeyama Islands. The underwater research of the Yarabeoki site was funded by The Research Institute of Humanity and Nature, Japan. All the underwater pictures here were taken and provided by Mr. Yuji Yamamoto. Lastly, we are greatly indebted to Dr. Akihumi Iwabuchi and Dr. Tatsuya Nakata for their kind support and useful comments to our first draft as the session organizers. 12 �References Iwabuchi, A., 2012. The Sea Possessing Cultural Heritage. Kagaku-dojin, Kyoto (in Japanese). Kagoshima University, The Faculty of Law, Economics and Humanities and Association for Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Studies, 2010. The report 1: A research report of the underwater cultural heritages in Nansei Islands in 2009. The Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies, No. 3: 5-31 (in Japanese). Kagoshima University, The Faculty of Law, Economics and Humanities and Association for Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Studies, 2011. The report 4: A research report of the underwater cultural heritages in Nansei Islands in 2010. The Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies, No. 4: 36-59 (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2007.Enganchiikiisekibunpuchousagaihou (I) – Okinawa hontooyobishuhenrito hen. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Centre, Naha (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2009. Enganchiikiisekibunpuchousagaihou (II) – Miyako Yaeyama hen. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Centre, Naha. (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., (Ed.), 2010. Enganchiikiisekibunpuchousagaihou (III) – gaiyoisekichizu hen. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Centre, Naha (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., 2011. Iron Anchors discovered in Nansei Islands. In The Faculty of Law, Economics and Humanities and Association for Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Studies (Ed.), The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Nansei Islands. The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka, 136-141 (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., Yamada, H., Sakihara, T., Nakajima, T., Miyagi, H., and Watanabe, Y., 2012. The Report of an Underwater Cultural Heritage Tour in Kumejima –The Project of ‘The Museum of Underwater Cultural Heritage’. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, No. 5: 19-36 (in Japanese). Kojima, R., 2012, Areal Characters of Japanese Style Ships during the Early Modern Times. In H. Okamoto (Ed.), Difference and Similarity of Ship Culture in Eastern Asia: Perspectives from the Early Modern Ryukyu and Comparative Study, Kansai University, Osaka: 103-121 (in Japanese). 13 �Miyagi, H., Katagiri, C., Higa, N., and Sakihara, T., 2005. Preliminary Investigation into Discovering Sunken Ships in the Southwest Islands (II): Underwater Artifacts and marine Transportation. Bulletin of the Archaeological Study of Okinawa, No. 2: 81-108 (in Japanese). Ono, R., Katagiri, C., Sakagami, N., Kan, H., Miyagi, H. and Yamamoto, Y., 2013. Present and Future of the Underwater Cultural Heritages in the Yaeyama Islands: Perspective from the Recent Research of Yarabuoki. Proceedings of Yaeyama Museum, Vol. 22: 20-43 (in Japanese). Oohama, E., 1999.The Archaeology in the Yaeyama Islands. The Yaeyama Prehistoric Culture and Research Institution, Ishigaki (in Japanese). Biography Rintaro Ono is an Associate Professor in the School of Marine Science and Technologies at Tokai University, Japan. He has conducted numbers of archaeological fieldworks in Island Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands, and Okinawa. The primary focus of his research is development of the human’s maritime adaptation, maritime networking and resource exploitation in island ecosystem. Hironobu Kan is a Professor in the Graduate School of Education / Graduate School of Natural Sciences, Okayama University, Japan. The primary focus of his current research is Coral Reef Geomorphology using Multibeam Bathymetric Echo Sounder and SCUBA Diving Surveys. Norimitsu Sakagami is an Associate Professor in the School of Marine Science and Technologies at Tokai University, Japan. The primary focuses of his research are motion control of surface vehicles, underwater vehicles, environmental monitoring systems, and linear control systems etc. Masayuki Nagao is a Senior Researcher in the Institute of Geology and Geoinformationat, The National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST), Japan. The primary focus of his current research is Coral Reef Geomorphology using Multibeam Bathymetric Echo Sounder and SCUBA Diving Surveys. Chiaki Katagiri is the chief curator of the Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum. He has been actively engaged in investigation and research of underwater cultural heritage in Ryukyu Archipelago. His papers include Research Studies of Ginama Foreign Shipwreck sites in Kunigamison, Okinawa (2012). 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource First Discovery and Mapping of Early Modern Grapnel Anchors in Ishigaki Island and Cultural Resource Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa Description An account of the resource Yarabuoki site, which contains iron grapnel anchors and early modern Okinawa ceramic jars in 12 to 32 m depth off the western Coast of Ishigaki Island, was discovered by a local diver and reported to Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center. In 2010, the Center conducted a distributional survey to confirm the site and its location. Although the survey found and pictured seven numbers of grapnel anchors that were first findings of this type in Okinawa area, the previous study did not record each position and the accurate depth of these artifacts and the site character such as shipwreck site or discarded shipping loads site is yet unclear. With such background and tasks, our team has conducted underwater archaeological research to record each location of grapnel anchors and ceramic jars using GPS. Furthermore, Kan and Nagao conducted a broadband multibeam survey around the Yarabuoki site and visualized the bathymetric 2 results at a lateral grid resolution of 1m. This will enable us to create a three- dimensional site map to plot the artifacts, while Sakagami (Tokai University) developed a low-cost and human-portable underwater robot to explore and record high resolution video of underwater sites, and the robot successfully worked during our surveys. Our paper reports the results and outcomes of the research at Yarabuoki site and other underwater sites in Ishigaki and the Yaeyama Islands and discusses the early modern marine transportations in Okinawa or the Ryukyu Islands. We also discuss the future possibility for cultural resource management of underwater cultural heritages in the Yaeyama and Okinawa. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rintaro Ono Hironobu Kan Norimitsu Sakagami Masayuki Nagao Chiaki Katagiri, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/30be8c594a6dcf9b9795653867c8c44c.pdf f1201a47b83389a459e6091035bf016d PDF Text Text Submerged Archaeological Sites in the Lake Biwa, Japan Hisashi Nakagawa University of Shiga Prefecture Hikone Japan, 522-8533 Email: nakagawa134@gmail.com Abstract Lake Biwa, the largest in Japan, is in the heart of Shiga Prefecture, occupying an area of 670 square kilometers. Because the lake has about 4,000,000 years of history, it has been closely related to local people's everyday lives which have largely depended upon its freshwater and fishery resources. In addition, it has served as a strategic zone for waterborne transportation for many years in Japanese chronicles. According to an old proverb, those who succeed in controlling Shiga Prefecture could reign the world. Geologically, on the other hand, the poor subsoil of the lakeside has frequently caused large-scaled landslides by earthquakes, as well as the high fluctuation of the water level and strandline due to climate change; many villages and settlements are said to have been submerged beneath the lake. At present, as many as 90 underwater archaeological sites have already been identified in the Lake Biwa by the researchers. Those sites vary in type; from shell mounds during the prehistoric era to material remains of dwellings or bridge piers of the modern period. As a leading research body, the Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage and academic organizations such as the University of Shiga Prefecture have long investigated and researched these areas. Here we present the newest research results with some future plans for preserving the archaeological sites around Lake Biwa in order to inform the world academic circle of them. Keywords: Japan, Underwater archaeology, Lake Biwa, Shiga, Earthquake Introduction Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It occurred in the Ueno basin approximately 60 km away from where it lies today, moved by sedimentation and diastrophism over 4 million years ago. About 400,000 to 300,000 years ago, it arrived at its current position. The Lake had never been connected to the sea in history, and a rich and unique ecosystem exists. There are more than one thousands of animals and plants that inhabit the ecosystem and the many endemic species exist here now. Many people gathered these resources for a long time. More than 90 underwater archaeological sites are known (Fig. 1), and it becomes approximately 120 sites if 1 �incorporated with lakefront ones. About half of those sites is from the Jomon period (Prehistoric era in Japan). Huge shell mounds are found here therefore people at the time strongly depended upon the Lake. In the historical age, Lake Biwa comes to play a socially important role due to its geographical characteristics. Mainly, it links the capital city (Kyoto) to the eastern and northern country. One must travel through the Shiga Prefecture to go between the two areas and cross the “Kara-bridge”. In many cases, the bridge was often reconstructed over the years, and it is Fig. 1 Distribution Map of the Sites. discovered through excavation and old historical (H. Nakagawa) documents. However, water transport was the most important means for carrying supplies and materials, therefore, many ports flourished and a lot of people and information came through here from all over the country. From such a social importance, it was said that those who succeed in controlling Shiga Prefecture could reign the world and persons of power always put this lake under their control. For example, the ancient government constructed large barrows (an ancient burial mound, square at the front and rounded in the rear) near the lake, and made it local symbols (Youda, 2007). Nobunaga Oda (1535-1582) who was the most famous person living in the Age of Civil Wars constructed the Azuchi-Castle in the shore mountain as a base of the national unification. Similarly, he made vassals construct castles (Sakamoto-Castle, Nagahama-Castle, and Oomizo-Castle), and ruled the water transport (Nakai, 1997). Of course, many ordinary people gathered and established villages and engaged in fishery and transport and others. On the other hand, the poor subsoil of the lakesides has frequently caused large-scale landslides by earthquakes and many villages and settlements are said to have been submerged beneath the lake. In addition, approximately 460 rivers flow into this lake, but its only discharge is the Seta-River; therefore, the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of riverbed. 2 �The History of the Underwater Archeology around Lake Biwa In Japan, underwater archaeology lags behind compared with other maritime nations. However, the Shiga Prefecture is known as an area where the concern is exceptionally high. The history of the Shiga Prefecture’s underwater archaeology can be divided into 3 terms. Term Ⅰ: Pioneering Studies (From Early Modern times to 1960s) In Japan, concern about underwater cultural heritage goes back to the Edo period. The Edo period is the early modern times of Japanese history (1603-1868). Mr. Sekitei Kiuchi was a collector of unusual stones and came from Shiga Prefecture. While recording the collected stones in his writings a stone spear was given to him. The spear was raised by fisherman, and this record is the first concern about the underwater cultural heritage of Japan. The first academic concern is in 1928. Prof. Sadahiko Shimada had been set out to examine the origin of underwater archaeological sites; for example, the Tsuduraosaki-bottom site is well-known (Shimada, 1928). After that, Ph.D. Yoshio Oe rendered distinguished service. He was from Shiga Prefecture and made an effort for prevention of the scattering of relics raised from the Tsuduraosaki-bottom site. Moreover, he introduced underwater archeology to Japan for the first time, and typified underwater archaeological sites (Oe, 1950). As a result of these achievements, he is known as the "Father of Underwater Archaeology of Japan". As previously stated, the Tsuduraosaki-bottom site attracted attention most in those days. This site is unique; it is at a depth between 10 and 80 m, but almost all of other sites are between 1 and 10 m. Incidentally, the water level is converted into the standard water level (T. P: 84.371 m) because it keeps changing every day in Lake Biwa. In 1924, at the end of the Taisho period, Jomon wares (straw-rope pattern pottery) were raised by fisherman, which interested archaeologists. In addition, Yayoi period potteries and ancient potteries, dating between approximately 2,800 to 900 years ago, were raised. Approximately 140 potteries were recovered presently, and many complete shapes are included. Various hypotheses about origin of this site are suggested. For example, (a) The hypothesis that land sites were washed out by a rise in water level, (b) The hypothesis of pottery being thrown away that was used in facilities on the lakefront, (c) The hypothesis to be burial at sea, (d) The hypothesis that the ground sank by an earthquake, however, the 3 �issue is not yet settled (Shiga Prefectural Azuchi Castle Archaeological Museum, 2009). TermⅡ: Progress of the Investigation and Study with Lake Biwa Comprehensive Development Program (Since 1972 to 1997) The Lake Biwa Comprehensive Development Program was carried out for the purpose of exploring water resources and the maintaining the social infrastructure. They constructed a breakwater and dredged for a lake-line. However, it was evident that many underwater archaeological sites will be destroyed by these developments; therefore, many investigations were carried out by Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage. Many techniques were accumulated in these investigations, for example, excavation via airlift, and underwater photography greatly contributed to the development of underwater archaeology in Japan. The investigation method was to make the underwater sites dry up using steel boards and a drainage pump, labelled as the "Lake Biwa method" produced especially good results (Fig. 2). Finally, more than 200 investigations were carried out over a total excavation l area of 240,000 square kilometers. Fig. 2 Excavating by "Lake Biwa Method" in The Awazu-bottom site is one of the most Harie-Shore Site. (Shiga Prefectural Azuchi Castle Archaeological Museum) famous sites that were excavated at this time by the "Lake Biwa method". This site is the largest fresh water shell mound in Japan, and located in depth of water of approximately 2 to 3 m. Three shell mounds are known, but only the No. 3 shell mound was excavated. All shells, earth and sand were sorted by floatation; therefore, small remains were collected in this manner. The site is mainly attributed to the early phase of the middle of Jomon period (ca. 4,500 BC). As well as shellfish and animal bones, many foodstuffs were excavated. For example, there are nuts such as chestnut and buckeye, plants such as gourd and perilla which form a layer, therefore a lifestyle of hunting and gathering was restored. In addition, organic materials such as net baskets, lacquering products and earthenware vessels of various parts of Japan were recovered. As a result, the Awazu-bottom site became an historical source of the highest value in the Jomon period (Shiga Prefectural Association for 4 �Cultural Heritage, 1997). The Kara-bridge site located on the bottom of Seta-River is the only river flowing out of the lake. Excavation and research was carried out by the "Lake Biwa method". The bridge piers were discovered during this excavation research, and as a result of studying, it was found that the remains of that stage are from the Zinshin-Civil-War (672 AD); it was the biggest war in Japanese ancient history. After that, other remains were confirmed off the coast and a full-scale excavation by the diving team was carried out from a view of flood prevention and the ship navigation. As a result of this, the bridge piers, including the Nara period (710-794 AD), the Kamakura period (1185-1333 AD), the Muromachi period (1336-1573 AD), and the Edo period were excavated. This bridge was a strategic point which connects the eastern and northern country to the capital city (Kyoto) since ancient times, and old historical documents inform us that the bridge was a battle setting many times over; these descriptions were supported by excavation and research (Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage, 1992). The Harie-shore site, located 200 to 400 m off of the lakefront, was considered mainly an early Yayoi period site. The Yayoi period (ca. 300 BC-250 AD) is one of the prehistoric eras in Japan next to the Jomon period. In the investigation, a full picture of village was excavated and the discovery of the earthquake traces attracted attention. The earthquake was estimated at a magnitude of approximately 7.5, with sand boiling and liquefaction phenomena destroying the remains; this is regarded as reason for the village extinction (Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage, 1990). The Akanoi-bay sites locate from lakefront to bottom of the lake. Approximately 80 pieces of tiles, old coins, and other items were excavated from the lakefront, and these remains date to the Asuka period (592-710 AD). It is thought that this site resembles a loss of cargo or a sinking of the ship were made this situation since almost all tiles were unused and heaped up. There are few sunken ships in this Lake except for the prehistoric times; therefore, this site is important for looking into ancient water transport (Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage, 1998). 5 �TermⅢ：After the Lake Biwa Comprehensive Development Program (Since 1992 ～) A variety of investigative organizations did work here after the Lake Biwa Comprehensive Development Program. In particular, the investigation conducted by the University of Shiga Prefecture is important. Lake Biwa has legends; villages and settlements that once existed here yet now submerged on the bottom of the lake. PhD Hiromichi Hayashi had legends since 1992. investigated the For example, the Naoesengen site was portrayed in old drawing in 1291 (Kamakura period), and it was traced to the Edo period (Fig. 3). Currently, a part of the land disappeared, therefore it is said that it sank down by an Fig. 3 Old Drawing of Naoesengen Site and its earthquake. In his research, for example, Environs. (T. Hayashi and others) pottery and tiles of the 12th century were recovered. In addition, a barrow from the 7th 8th centuries and the wreckage of the stone wall in the 18th century was discovered from a depth between of 1.4 m to 4.1 m. The existence of barrows were portrayed in the old drawing, therefore the discovery was the important evidence for proving the legend. At the same time, PhD Toshitaka Kamai (Disaster Prevention Research Institute Kyoto University) and Assoc. PhD Tsuyoshi Hraguchi (Graduate School of Science / Faculty of Science Osaka City University) carried out the joint investigations, and as a result of this, traces of the earthquake were confirmed from on the land and bottom of the lake. The same traces were confirmed from other sites, for example Shimosakahamasengen site and Mitsuyasengen site. It made clear that many underwater archaeological sites on the bottom of Lake Biwa were formed by local landslides (Lateral Flow – Ground flow due to liquefaction) that occur due to earthquakes. In addition, these investigations were important activities for educational institutions. Currently, there are few institutions where students can learn underwater archaeology in Japan. Nevertheless, students have participated as staff in these investigations, and the 6 �author received a degree in the discipline since a university admission. As a result of such steady instructional activity, a research group with which author acts as a representative continues this investigation. As other example, Okinoshiraisi, a remote and lonely rock island, was investigated by ARIUA (Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology) and Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology. The island is located at the center of Lake Biwa, therefore, sailors had regarded it as traffic sign since ancient times. Currently, the clear archaeological remains have not been found, yet future study on the island is expected. In addition, a joint-investigation by PhD Kenichi Yano (Archaeology) and PhD Sadao Kawamura (Engineering) of Ritsumeikan University was carried out in the Tsuduraosakibottom site. It attracted a significant amount of attention since the investigation is connected with advanced robot development and technology. Fig. 4 The Exhumation Situation of Glazed Pottery of the Early 10th Century. (H. Nakagawa) Fig. 5 The Exhumation Situation of a Part of FiveRing Pagoda. (H. Nakagawa) A Short Study of the Legends of Submerged Villages The East Japan Earthquake Disaster, which occurred on March 3, 2011 made scholars research the remains of the disaster and investigate old historical documents about the natural disaster. Because of this, the legends of submerged villages attract attention. I would like to show materials based on the latest investigation, and perform a short study. The Society for Underwater Archaeological Sites in Lake Biwa, was inaugurated in 2011 by graduate and university students, and has been dedicated to the investigation of the Nishihamasengen site. The site has a legend; a village called Nishihama existed here 7 �once, but it was submerged in the bottom of Lake Biwa by a severe earthquake between 1460 to 1466 CE. We performed the site survey by scuba diving and skin diving, and finally, investigated offshore 250 m, a range of lakefront line approximately 800 m, at a depth of approximately 1 to 2 m. At present, more than 200 pieces of pottery (Fig. 4), the wreckages of pillars, and a graveyard of the medieval period have been found. The pillars are considered to be what once was fences and sheds (Nakagawa, 2012) (Nakagawa, 2013). The fences were made not only with timbers but with bamboo, and the buildings were made with only timber. Additionally, all of timbers were thin; less than 10 cm in diameter, which is a notable peculiarity. As the reason for this, it is believed that the buildings were not houses, but were sheds. We will carry out an additional investigation in the near future, to examine it in greater detail. The extent of graveyard area is 38 m in the east-west direction and 26 m in the north-south direction, and there are approximately 16 simple graves and that were constructed by rocks and stones. The stone statue, Amitabha Tathagata and a part of Five-ring pagoda (Fig. 5) was found, made by granite and a small plate of unglazed earthenware was offered on the graves. In addition, household goods, big earthenware pots and earthenware mortars and other material were excavated. The materials indicating the last period of this site are earthenware goods and stone statues; the last settlement patterns date the site to is the latter half of 15th century to early 16th century. From these result, I would like to examine the origin of this site. The water level in the 15th century to 16th century is considered to be 84 m to first half of 85 m (Hayashi, H., Kamai, T., and Haraguchi, T., 2012). The graveyard and pillars are located at 83.1 m above sea level or less, in addition, the remains of the houses built on piles in lakes are not prevalent in this region. Therefore, same as the legend, it is regarded that this village, which was on the land, was submerged via ground change caused by an earthquake. However, the year that an earthquake occurred seems to be different from the legend. According to the legend, the Nishihamasengen site submerged into bottom of the lake in the middle of the 15th century, yet, relics of the 16th century were recovered. Because of this, when we corroborate the old historical documents, a severe earthquake which is estimated to be magnitude 7.8 in 1586 was written down; swas called the Tensho-Severe-Earthquake, and occurred on January 18, 1586 (Iida, 8 �1987). According to the documents, there were 1000 houses in this region. Half of the houses were destroyed by fire, and the other half were destroyed by collapse, therefore it is assumed that the Nishihamasengen site was caused by this earthquake. Many sites which were damaged by this earthquake were investigated. For example, the Shimosakahamasengen site, located to southeast 2.2 km of the Nishihamasengen site, was caused by the earthquake and in past investigations and old photographs, remains of submerged wells, and withered Japanese cedar via submergence were observed. Additionally, a part of the Nagahama-Castle, located between Nishihamasengen site and Shimosakahamasengen site, was submerged by this earthquake, and was recorded in old historical documents. As a result of these, the possibility that a largescale landslide occurred over more than 2.2 km of the lakefront line and more than 500 m offshore is arguable. However, such a historical disaster record is not reflected by former disaster prevention plans. This is an important problem about the disaster prevention for not only Shiga Prefecture but also all of Japan due to our large shoreline. Problems and Prospects As mention above, many sites have been investigated for many years in Lake Biwa, and Shiga Prefecture is admired as an advanced area of underwater archaeology in Japan. However, the area still has many problems. Some examples will be highlighted below, as well as addressing some of the future plans for the area. At first, the problems about the research organization exist. There is no public research organization and technically no research worker who works on the underwater archaeology in Shiga prefecture now. In other words the current investigations are carried out by a few university teachers and graduate students. In connection with this, educational problems exist. There are few universities which teach underwater archaeology in Japan, and there is even no course offered in Shiga Prefecture. The investigation by the University of Shiga Prefecture is outside the regular academic Fig. 6 Current Condition of Nagasone-Port Site. curriculum, and it is carried out by the author 9 (H. Nakagawa) �and volunteer students; therefore the longevity of the program is in danger. The legal recognition of sites is a concern as well. For example, the initial sites survey is a basic excavation for material and research when sites are threatened by development. Sites that are not registered as such, excavation cannot be conducted. In Shiga Prefecture, many underwater archaeological sites are registered more than other local self–governing bodies; nevertheless, there is an imbalance between registered and unregistered sites. For example, most of the port sites which can be dated to a period by old historical documents are not registered. One example among many is the Nagasone-port site located in Hikone City. There is at least one breakwater remnant and five pier remnants 1 kilometer away from Hikone Castle. We can confirm their appearances easily when we look around Lake Biwa from the lakefront (Fig. 6). It is considered that a part of these were constructed in the early Edo period from the old historical documents, but it is not recorded on the site register. Needless to say, Japan has not ratified the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage; therefore there are many positions between each local self–governing bodies where they recorded on modern period sites. Registering sites dated to after the early modern times are entrusted to local self–governing bodies. Nevertheless, Hikone City aims at making Hikone Castle a World Heritage, and it was asserted that they are a castle town as well as a castle (Hikone City HP). However, it is problem that even the Nagasone-port site, which is clearly part of castle town, was not recorded as a site. It is clear from this example that underwater archaeological sites are held to a lower regard than land sites. Yet all is not lost, things look like they are moving forward positively. For example, associated old historical documents about Lake Biwa are being compiled, and research is being conducted. Many sites exist in the shallows at a depth between 1 and 5 meters. Because of this, we are able to investigate these sites easily by skin diving or beach diving. The shallower the water, the more we can ensure safety, meanwhile, the basic techniques do not change with the depth. Accordingly, I think Lake Biwa a great area to learn the technical aspects of underwater archaeology. The establishment of a longterm study system by the public institution is necessary in the future, and a cooperation system with an organization inside and outside of the prefecture will be necessary, as 10 �well. Conclusion Until recently, underwater archaeology had not been recognized sufficiently as a field of archaeology, in Japan. However recently, it is attracting attention because of the discovery of sunken Mongolian Invasion Ships in the Takashima-Kouzaki site. Taking advantage of this, it is expected that Japanese underwater archaeology will develop greatly. Lake Biwa is the field which has been known since the old days in Japan but it is almost obscure worldwide. However, many sites exist in the area, therefore it an indispensable field for developing the Japanese underwater archaeological program. It is an unexpected delight if I can tell the attraction of Lake Biwa to world researchers through this paper. Acknowledgment I wish to express my appreciation for Prof. Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi, Prof. Tatsuya Nakada, and the Publications Committee of APCONF 2014, as they gave me the opportunity of writing this article and of presenting it in Hawaii. References Hayashi, H., Kamai, T., and Haraguchi, T., 2012. The Sunken Villages on the Bottom of Lake by Earthquakes. Sunrise-shuppan, Shiga (in Japanese). Iida, K., 1987. The Archives of Tensho-Severe-Earthquake. Nagoya-daigaku- shuppankai, Nagoya (in Japanese). Nakagawa, H., 2012. Summary Report of Nishihamasengen Site. In Kamei, W., Takeda, S., Yamane, S., Hirose, J., and Oohashi, M (Eds.), Human Cultures, Vol. 31. The University of Shiga Prefecture School of Human Cultures, Shiga (in Japanese): 60-69. Nakagawa, H., 2013. Natural Science Analysis of Nishihamasengen Site. In Kamei, W., Miyao, M., Hirose, J., Oguri, Y., and Oohashi. M., (Eds.), Human Cultures, Vol.33. The University of Shiga Prefecture School of Human Cultures, Shiga (in Japanese):73-82 Nakai, H., 1997. The Castles in Omi. Sunrise-shuppan, Shiga (in Japanese). Oe, Y., 1950. Introduction into Prehistoric Potteries on the Bottom of Lake Biwa. Gakuzidou-shuppan, Kyoto (in Japanese). Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage., 1990. Excavation Research in 1989, Shiga (in Japanese). 11 Summary Report of �Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage., 1992. Kara-Bridge Site. Shiga (in Japanese). Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage., 1997. Awazu-Bottom Site No.3 shell mounds, Shiga (in Japanese). Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage., 1998. Akanoi-Bay Site. Shiga (in Japanese). Shiga Prefectural Azuchi Castle Archaeological Museum., 2009. The World of Underwater Archaeolog,. Shiga (in Japanese). Shimada, S., 1928. The Prehistoric Omi. Meicho-shuppan, Tokyo, (in Japanese). Youda, M., 2007. The Barrows and the Many Groups of Barrows Surround with Lake Biwa. Sunrise-shuppan (in Japanese). Hikone City (2013). Hikone City Homepage. Retrieval December 15, 2013. From http://www.city.hikone.shiga.jp/hikonejo/heritage/houkoku.html. Biography Hisashi Nakagawa was born in Aichi Prefecture in 1988. During the undergraduate level, he learned underwater archaeology and was supervised by Prof. Hiromichi Hayashi at the University of Shiga Prefecture (2007-2011). Prof. Hayashi did study underwater archaeology from Prof. Yoshio Oe, who is respected as the "Father of Underwater Archeology in Japan". With the retirement of Prof. Hayashi, he has succeeded to the research around Lake Biwa since 2011. In 2013 he completed the master program (Human Culture) at the University of Shiga Prefecture, and then since 2013 he has been a PhD candidate in the same university, and a Research Fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Submerged Archaeological Sites in the Lake Biwa, Japan Description An account of the resource Lake Biwa, the largest in Japan, is in the heart of Shiga Prefecture, occupying an area of 670 square kilometers. Because the lake has about 4,000,000 years of history, it has been closely related to local people's everyday lives which have largely depended upon its freshwater and fishery resources. In addition, it has served as a strategic zone for waterborne transportation for many years in Japanese chronicles. According to an old proverb, those who succeed in controlling Shiga Prefecture could reign the world. Geologically, on the other hand, the poor subsoil of the lakeside has frequently caused large-scaled landslides by earthquakes, as well as the high fluctuation of the water level and strandline due to climate change; many villages and settlements are said to have been submerged beneath the lake. At present, as many as 90 underwater archaeological sites have already been identified in the Lake Biwa by the researchers. Those sites vary in type; from shell mounds during the prehistoric era to material remains of dwellings or bridge piers of the modern period. As a leading research body, the Shiga Prefectural Association for Cultural Heritage and academic organizations such as the University of Shiga Prefecture have long investigated and researched these areas. Here we present the newest research results with some future plans for preserving the archaeological sites around Lake Biwa in order to inform the world academic circle of them. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hisashi Nakagawa, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5df9542e49a1a96ed071953c9f25e37e.pdf 4b58a84e44c5e29fe9889c508195279c PDF Text Text The Cultural Property of Military Forts on the Sea or Kai-hou in Tokyo Bay: From the viewpoint of underwater cultural heritage Tatsuya Nakada Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Tokyo, Japan, 108-8477 Email: picono@kaiyodia.ac.jp Toshiaki Hayashibara Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology,Fukuoka, Japan, 812-0041 Email: underwater03@gmail.com Abstract At the end of the 19th century the Japanese government built several military forts on the sea or artificial islands inside Tokyo bay in order to defend its capital from foreign sea powers. Three outer forts or Kai-hou, which were between the cape of Kannon, the cape of Huttsu, and Saruis land, formed the first naval defensive line. The first fort started to be constructed in 1881, and then finished in 1890. The second was built between 1889 and 1914, and the third between 1892 and 1921. Among three, only the third one does not exist anymore. In 2000 the governmental demolition project of the third fort began mainly because of the congested seaborne traffic, and was completed in 2007. During the work, some of its building materials were salvaged, which have been exhibited in a city park since 2006; they are now Yokosuka-City-Designated Important Cultural Properties. The underwater structures of the fort were also removed and reconstructed in a council owned ground; in 2013 they were also registered as the above-mentioned cultural properties. On the other hand, the first fort is now owned and charged by the ministry of finance and the second by the ministry of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism. Although both have already been registered as Sites Which Contain Buried Cultural Properties by the local educational committee, the governmental restoration work of the second fort is under way without any legal procedures in conformity with the Japanese domestic law of Act on Protection of Cultural Properties. Key words: Kai-hou, Tokyo Bay, Taisho Period, Protection of Cultural Properties, Archaeological Heritage Site Introduction Kai-hou means fort on the sea. On the same ground that in the last period of Edo gun batteries on the sea called O-daiba (o is an honorific title which is added before noun for shogunate or its related organizations or facilities) was constructed to defend the capital, Meiji Government constructed three Kaihous on the sea located in the middle of Tokyo Bay. They could be regarded as Underwater Cultural Heritage. As two kaihous of three are designated as archaeological Heritage Sites in accordance with Act on Protection of 1 �Cultural Properties, the treatment of them shall be abided by the Act. Kai-hous in Tokyo bay (Military Forts on the Sea or Kai-hous) They are artificial islands on the sea with defensive facilities including gun batteries constructed to defend Tokyo from Meiji to Taisho period (the late 19th century to the early 20th century). After three forts on the sea were built, the army had resided there. never fired in the actual war. The cannons were After the Great Kanto earthquake of 1923, the alteration of national defensive policy made Kai-hous unnecessary. They have been let Fig. 1 A Bird's Eye View of Tokyo Bay. (T. Hayashibara) alone for a long time. The Construction Technology of Kai-hou in Tokyo Bay Perceived foreign vessels had come to frequently appear offshore Japan at the end of Edo period; the necessity of coastal defense was urged. Particularly Perry's squadron’s visit to Uraga obliged Edo Shogunate to defend Tokyo bay. The first defensive and inspection line from Cape Kenzaki to Cape Sunosaki intended to confirm the purpose of arrival of ships and ordered them to expel from Edo bay, and the second defensive line from the cape Kannon to the cape Huttsu intended to sink them simultaneously by all forts around the line in case of invading across the line (Fig. 1).The first artificial fort (Shinagawa O-daiba) was constructed near the coastline of Edo Castle. Though at first 12 forts were scheduled to be construct, only 6 forts were built due to finance and technical problems. The line between the cape Huttsu in Chiba Prefecture and the cape Kannon in Kanagawa prefecture “to repel” foreign vessels at the end of Edo Period had geopolitical merits of the narrowest sea area in Tokyo bay. Meiji government had also determined to construct artificial lands or forts on the sea. The each distance among forts called Kai-hous was approximately 2.5 km considering shot-range at that time. Having been used enormous amount of stone or sand, they were gathered and transported from Chiba and Kanagawa prefectures. A variety of techniques such as construction technology of Shinagawa O-daiba, traditional masonry technique and most 2 �advanced engineering works or diving technology (such as helmet type of diving apparatus) were used at the construction. Because of deep water (about 40m around the third Kai-hou) and too fast current, construction work sometimes ran into difficulties and took a toll of lives. However it took 43 years for the construction of Kai-hous to complete works. The History and Situation of Kai-hous in Tokyo Bay The first Kai-hou is located at the westward 2.3km offshore Futtu city of Chiba prefecture, and belongs to the Ministry of Finance. Its area is 23,000m 2 at high tide. The depth of water is around 1-3 m. As it is not preserved, sand used as its base appears exposed and neglected; some structures have collapsed (Fig. 2 and 3). The second Kai-hou is located at the further westward offshore 2.5 km from the first Kai-hou offshore the Cape Futtsu. Its area is 41,000m2 at high tide. The depth of water is around 8-10 m. The second Kai-hou also seems to have been neglected. Having been equipped with radar and used for emergency drills, recently the ministry of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism (hereinafter MILT) has maintained and reused the second Kai-hou. Fig. 2 The Whole View of the first Kai-hou. Fig. 3 Several Parts of Military Facilities (Google Earth) Collapsed on the Side of the first Kai-hou. (T. Hayashibara) The third Kai-hou is located at the northward offshore 2.5 km from the Cape of Kannon. Its area was 26,000m2 at high tide. The depth of water is the deepest of all Kai-hous at around 40m. Although it took 30 years to complete the construction, one third of the third Kai-hou was submerged due to Great Kanto earthquake of 1923. Since these became obstacles on navigation route, the removal project was implemented in 2000- 3 �2007. All structures seen on the surface of the sea were moved away. Though we cannot confirm, underwater remains (basic parts of the structure) appear to be intact. Act on the Protection of Cultural Properties and Kai-hous Archaeological Heritage Site Act on the Protection of Cultural Properties (1950) adopted the legal terminology “buried cultural property” for the first time as a conception including ruins or relics. As long as underwater objects are found within the territorial sea, raised objects or artifacts could be treated as “buried cultural property” (Cabinet Legislation Bureau, September 18th, 1960). Then archaeological heritage sites would be delimited by arbitrary zoning around the areas which could contain “buried cultural property” or ruins. In case of the first and second Kai-hous, historical facts are evident. Among Shinagawa O-daibas which is historically and technically relevant to Kai-hous, the third and sixth O-daibas were designated as National historic site in 1926 by Historical Spot, Scenic Beauty and Natural Monument Preservation Law (1919). In 1995, the Agency for Cultural Affairs referred to heritage of industrial modernization as a type of cultural property due to a revision of the criteria of the designation for Historical Spot, Scenic Beauty and Natural Monument. Therefore the legal range of cultural property was extended from mid-Meiji era to end of WW II. In August 1 of 2002, Cultural Properties Department proclaimed that it surveyed to register Tokyo bay gun battery ruins as heritage of industrial modernization. It selected Motosu gun battery, the first and the second Kai-hous from a body of Tokyo bay gun battery ruins as “heritage of industrial modernization”. Research products could nominate as national historic site. In April 30 of 2003, Futtsu City Council of Cultural Property confirmed that the proposal of designation of historic sites should be embodied within the year on the memorandum titled “Respecting the Protection and Practical Utilization of the first Kai-hou and the Cape Futtsu” (Kosaka, 2004). Although more than 20 years have elapsed since then, the report is yet to be published. According to “the distributive map of ruins in Futtsu City” made in March 1975 for the first time, all Motosu gun batteries, the first and second Kai-hous weren’t registered as archaeological heritage sites. It was not until 1987 that the first and second Kai-hous were not only registered in “Map of Ruins,” but also Motosu gun Battery was registered in “the map.” Motosu gun battery, the first and second Kai-hous 4 �were registered in “the distributive map of ruins in Chiba prefecture” (March2000). Consequently the construction works shall be notified within 60 days in compliance with articles 92-95 of Act on Protection of Cultural Properties. In July 2010, it turned out that a branch office of MILT destroyed considerable parts of the second Kai-hou registered as archaeological heritage site. Worried the second Kaihou might collapse by typhoon or earthquake, the construction began in 2007 so as to remove obstacles on navigation routes. A section chief of Tokyo Bay Waterway Office told that no report was given from Third Regional Coast Guard Headquarters who owns the second Kai-hou, we didn’t perceive the second Kai-hou was included in Archaeological Heritage Site. In the meantime it was revealed that the construction was the whole renovation of the second Kai-hou, and Futtsu City Council of Cultural Property held an urgent meeting in July2010.We inquired the Chiba Prefecture Board of Education about this problem, and the Board replied as follows. First concerning the well-known archaeological heritage site registered as “the second Kai-hou,” the construction had been carried out without any notification or consultation for both prefecture and city Board of Education. Secondly, as regards the third Kai-hou, Tokyo Bay Waterway Office removed the sunken rocks and tried to record the state of ruins and to open the information to the public 2000 to 2007. Thirdly, as regards the construction of the second Kai-hou, a request paper (August 11, 2010) which stipulated the fact that many people in Futtsu committed to this construction was submitted to Tokyo Bay Waterway Office. The Different Treatment of Kai-hous by Different Administration Both the first and second Kai-hous have the Futtu city’s land register. These registers were decided as the matter respecting the jurisdiction of Kai-hous (decree 72) (Takahashi, 2004a). The third Kai-hou belonged to Yokosuka city. When sunken rocks were removed due to safe navigation, its land register was erased prior to the construction. Since 35% of the third Kai-hou became sunken debris, the underwater structures up to the depth of 23m from the surface were removed in 2007. This construction raised so called “Large-sized Barracks” from plenty of remains in February 2005. This was transported to Umikaze Park owned by Yokosuka city in February 2006, it is 5 �permanently open to the public since March 1 of 2006 (Fig. 4). A Body, which developed into NPO in February 2009, posed a problem about the conservation of the third Kai-hou remains in January 2007. There were some remains raised other than “Large-sized Barracks.” The Body held a symposium on the relocation to Oppama of other remains of the third Kai-hou in July 2007. “Large-sized Barracks” was designated as important cultural properties by Yokosuka city in March 10 of 2009. Regarding this chance as the best timing, the NPO consulted with MILT about the treatment of remains of third Kai-hou. Thus three remains named Observation Station, Searchlight and Side Storage Room were determined to be selected and relocated them to City Ground in Natsui land. After this construction was carried out in 2010, three underwater remains were open to the public in April in the following year. Then the NPO moved to get the designation of remains exhibited at Oppama as important cultural property. Designation of cultural properties by Agency for Cultural Affairs is of great use when citizens make applications for subsidy. Consequently three structures were additionally designated as important cultural properties. It is worthy of notice that Tokyo Fig. 4 Large-sized Barracks of the 3rd Kai- Bay Waterway Office was willing to disclose houRaised in February, 2005 is Permanently Open to the Public in Umikaze Park of their own actual conditions exposed by the Yokosuka City. (T. Nakada) removal construction to citizens. This suggests that the office recorded certainly information of building technology through observing remains raised (Takahashi, 2004a). “The construction History of the Third Kai-houin Tokyo bay” (a volume of 630 pages) published in March2010 by Tokyo Bay Waterway Office based upon lots of information is the precious and exhaustive document record. World Heritage and Kai-hous Etuko Takahashi who was one of authors of “The construction History of the Third Kaihou in Tokyo bay” stated that though a body of gun batteries in Tokyo bay including Shinagawa O-daiba deserved World Heritage, the current state remained seriously critical (Asahi Shimbun, 2009). Such a point of view is extremely significant. Because 6 �viewing or estimating Kai-hous in light of world heritage never permits different treatment of remains by the different authorities. Moreover from a view of World Heritage, historic remains including Kai-hous must be perceived as “in totality; the conditions of integrity to properties” (Operational Guidelines of the World Heritage Convention, para. 89). In fact, the first, second and third Kai-hous are constructed like arc shape between Cape Huttu and Saruis land. This could be overviewed as a landmark of the entrance of Tokyo bay, as Sumihisa Takahashi (1927-2005) emphasized repeatedly. He proposed the first Kai-houand Motosu gun battery at the end of the Cape Futtsu be regarded as Historic sites (Takahashi, 2002). In this sense, the expression of “Kai-hou three brothers” by the chief Kazuo Kosaka of Tokyo Bay Fort Fan Club is very symbolic. As regards the raised relics other than remains transported to Umikaze park, he stated it was desirable that Futtsu city conserve the rest of the raised relics which have historical relation with the first, second and third Kai-hous. This shows eloquently his deep insight. The idea of Kosaka and World Heritage Convention seems almost the same. The subjects of the convention are monuments, architectural works, elements or structures of an archaeological nature etc., which are of “outstanding universal value” from the historical point of view (articles 1 and 2). The Basic scheme of the Convention is to draw up the World Heritage List (article 11). The registration of the list is examined and decided based on applications by each state parties. The World Heritage Committee were created in order to examine such applications in detail. The World Heritage Committee drew up the global strategy in 1994. It mentioned new types of heritage such as cultural landscape, industrial heritage and modern architecture that had not ever been designated. Japan also added a new type of cultural property called cultural landscape to Act on the Protection of Cultural Properties in April2005. Its definition articulates “indispensable subjects to understand our lives or livelihood selected from lives or livelihood of people living in the region and landscape formed by its cultural climate” (article 2.1.5). Japanese provisional list have been drawn up by Agency for Cultural Affairs based upon the opinion of Council for Cultural Affairs. World cultural heritage special committee has made reference to the operational guidelines accepting proposals of prefectures and municipalities since 2007. It is 7 �expected that such selection is based on not political but purely archaeological examination. Fig. 5 The Whole View of the 2nd Kai-hou in Fig. 6 The Whole View of the second Kai-hou. (S. February, 2000. (Tokyo Bay Fort Fan Club) Takayama) Administrative tasks about Kai-hous The proposal to the First and the Second Kai-hous Before the destruction of considerable parts of the second Kai-hou was revealed, in the regular prefectural assembly in 2008 Mitsuru Yoshimoto proposed that the first and second Kai-hous be world heritage. In the assembly, when he questioned about survey of Agency for Cultural Affairs, the chief of board of education replied that although the first and second Kai-hous were selected as one of 50 sites and indeed the research was carried out, the report remains to be published as of February 2004. When Yoshimoto questioned whether a body of Tokyo bay forts should be registered and conserved as world heritage, the chief of board of education replied that the registration of world heritage needed the designation of national historic in advance (Yoshimoto, 2008). In the assembly in December 2010 soon after the destruction of the second Kai-hou was revealed, when Yoshimoto inquired whether the report was published, the chief of board of education replied that as of February 2011 it had not been published. Though Chiba Prefectural Board of Education alleged the report would decide the significance of the first and second Kai-hous (Yoshimoto, 2011), as of January 2014 it has yet to be published. The Present Conditions and Problems on the Second Kai-hou As the second Kai-hou has let alone for about 70 years since its abandonment, it has fallen into ruin (Fig. 5). The revetment protection and restoration works were 8 �implemented as “Renewal Project” by MLIT in 2007, some works were completed in 2013 (Fig. 6). However, in the construction, due to insufficient cooperation between project executors and administrative officers, the advance archaeological research was not implemented in conformity with Act on the Protection of Cultural Properties (Tokyo Bay Waterway office). When we participated in a marine inspection in 2012, we confirmed the state covered with concretes to rivet the coastline. The fact that the legal archaeological research was not implemented means that regardless of registration of archaeological heritage sites, “the degree of importance as cultural heritage” is never verified. Therefore researches to get hold of the current state and pick up poor information of remains is strongly required. It is desirable that such researches be carried out and the researchers publicly disseminate their products. The Treatment as Cultural Property of Parts of Foundations Left behind under the Third Kai-hou The depth of water of the third Kai-hou is around 40m. That of the second Kai-hou is only 1-4 m. The construction period of the third Kai-hou was much longer than that of the second Kai-hou. The amount of stones and sand used by the construction was approximately 16 times larger than that of the first Kai-hou, and about 4 times larger than that of the second Kai-hou. It is remarkable that underwater basic structures are still left behind on the seabed. Although we have not confirmed, it would be natural that the underwater basic parts be preserved in situ. Nobody can mention this information. Though Board of Education of Yokosuka city seems unaware of the fact, these remains are underwater cultural heritage. These remains were constructed about 120 years ago. These structures should be valued as not separate remains but integral part of the third Kai-hou. Such an understanding would enable us to learn the actual conditions of marine engineering works. However, it seems difficult that we implement archaeological researches to confirm the actual state. Because the sea area of the third Kai-hou is important point due to heavy traffic, and the depth of water is about 40 m. Accordingly we require the authorities to recognize underwater basic remains. Conclusion At the opening of a NHK TV program (August 31 of 2013) titled “Megaquake: the revival of Great Kanto earthquake,” “an artificial island” from the sky view was introduced as a marine important place for seismic observation or anti-terrorism policy. Seemingly the 9 �foundation of the island was covered with sand, so never did we dream that the island is underwater cultural heritage. However we assert the island is none other than the second Kai-hou. The fact that this historically important island was introduced as quite different island seems to have changed even the original value of the island. The construction technology of Kai-hous under turbulent times in the early years of Meiji era was excellent enough to have been required the transfer to the United States when it planned to construct Kai-hou in Chesapeak bay (Committee for Publishing a Construction History of Tokyo bay the third Kai-hou, 2005). A document titled “Matters respecting the construction of Kai-hou in Tokyo bay: An inquiry from US ambassador” (July 1906) was found in Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Japan inquired whether US also own the document in reply. That’s why an unknown history between Japan and US was revealed. In July 2003, Tokyo Bay Waterway Office found the official document in the US National Archives and Records Administration. These facts show that an appraisal which Japan solely devoted itself to import is not necessarily right. Japan had already exported the world highest level of technology to the US at that time. Yokosuka city consulted with the Agency for Cultural Affairs in May 2013 to designate Saruis land as national historic site based on Act on the Protection of Cultural Properties. The city has been trying to maintain it as a park since it was transferred from the government in 2007. As Takahashi and Kosaka pointed out, if we regard a body of batteries including Kai-hous as one package “in totality”, the designation of only one part as historic site could also contribute to “the totality” provided in the World Heritage Convention. A statement on national historical site submitted to the Agency for Cultural Affairs in 2014 is expected. References The Asahi Shimbun., August 25th, 2007, (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun., November 12th, 2009, (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun; Chiba(Ed.), July 29th, 2010, (in Japanese). Odawara Modern History Study (Ed.), 2012.Regional History of the South Kanto in Early Modern Japan: from the Perspective of Sun-Zu-So. Iwata Shoin, Tokyo, (in Japanese). Kosaka, K., 2004. Response of the Futtsu city to Tokyo bay Kai-hou. Journal of Tokyo 10 �Bay Science, Vol.2 (2): 65-66, (in Japanese). Tokyo Bay Waterway Office (Ed.), 2003. Mio (Fairway): the Changing Tokyo bay. Tokyo Bay Waterway Office, Yokosuka, (in Japanese). Committee for Publishing a Construction History of Tokyo bay the third Kai-hou (Ed.), 2005. Construction History of the third Kai-houin Tokyo bay. Tokyo Bay Waterway Office, Yokosuka, (in Japanese). Tokyo Bay Waterway Office (2013). Homepage, retrieval December 15, 2013. Fromhttp://www.pa.ktr.mlit.go.jp/wankou/jigyou_syoukai/dai2kai.htm. Liberal Democratic Party of Chiba (Ed.), January 14th, 2008. To Register the first and the second Kai-hou on the World Heritage List, Yoshimoto Mitsuru Prefectural Assembly Report, Chiba, (in Japanese). Liberal Democratic Party of Chiba (Ed.), February 1st, 2011. Revetment Repair Construction of the second Kai-hou is Being Enforced, Yoshimoto Mitsuru Prefectural Assembly Report, Chiba, (in Japanese). Johoji, A., 1971. Fortification History in Japan. Hara Shobou, Tokyo, (in Japanese). Takahashi, S., 2002. KyouSho(a memorial writing) for Professor Numata Makoto, the Chairman of the Society for Tokyo Bay Science. Journal of Tokyo Bay science, Vol. 1 (6): 184-85, (in Japanese). Takahashi, S., 2004a.A Thought on Kai-hou viewed Tokyo Bay Science. Journal of Tokyo Bay science, Vol. 2 (2): 48-49, (in Japanese). Takahashi, S., 2004b.the Cape Futtsu is Kai-mon (sea gate) of Tokyo Bay. Journal of Tokyo Bay science, Vol.2 (3): 108, (in Japanese). Chiba Prefectural Board of Education (Ed.), 2000.A Distributive Map of Buried Cultural Property in Chiba (4 volumes), Nagareyama, (in Japanese). Nagai, N., 2013. Shinagawa Daiba as Underwater Cultural Heritage. Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (Ed.), The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: the Pacific Ocean. The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Fukuoka, (in Japanese). Futtsu City Board of Education (Ed.), 1987.the Distribution Map of Buried Cultural Property in Futtsu city. Futtsu, (in Japanese). Yokosuka City (Ed.), 2009. The New History of Yokosuka City: Special Edition Cultural 11 �Heritage. Yokosuka City, (in Japanese). Yokosuka City (Ed.), 2012. The New History of Yokosuka City: Special Edition Military Affairs. Yokosuka City, (in Japanese). Biography Tatsuya Nakada (b. 1969) is an associate professor of Graduate School of Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. He is a member of the board of Association for regional and Cultural Studies. His specialty is International Law, inter alia Law of the Sea. His main themes most particularly include “Fishery Subsidies and International Fisheries Law” and “Archaeological Heritage Management and UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage”. In the process of emerging of international community laws, recently he has been always considering how well such laws should be incorporated into Japanese legal system. Toshiaki Hayashibara (1960) has completed master's degree at Graduate School of Literature of Toyo University. He is a member of the board of Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology. His specialty is archaeology; his main themes include Japanese prehistory bronze ware research, underwater cultural heritage and Archaeological Heritage Management. In the process of participating in underwater cultural heritage research all over Japan, he has most gradually come to have his doubts about treatments of underwater cultural heritage by Japanese management of archaeological heritage. Recently he has been actively giving presentations on underwater cultural heritage and Archaeological Heritage Management. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Cultural Property of Military Forts on the Sea or Kai-hou in Tokyo Bay: From the viewpoint of underwater cultural heritage Description An account of the resource At the end of the 19th century the Japanese government built several military forts on the sea or artificial islands inside Tokyo bay in order to defend its capital from foreign sea powers. Three outer forts or Kai-hou, which were between the cape of Kannon, the cape of Huttsu, and Saruis land, formed the first naval defensive line. The first fort started to be constructed in 1881, and then finished in 1890. The second was built between 1889 and 1914, and the third between 1892 and 1921. Among three, only the third one does not exist anymore. In 2000 the governmental demolition project of the third fort began mainly because of the congested seaborne traffic, and was completed in 2007. During the work, some of its building materials were salvaged, which have been exhibited in a city park since 2006; they are now Yokosuka-City-Designated Important Cultural Properties. The underwater structures of the fort were also removed and reconstructed in a council owned ground; in 2013 they were also registered as the above-mentioned cultural properties. On the other hand, the first fort is now owned and charged by the ministry of finance and the second by the ministry of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism. Although both have already been registered as Sites Which Contain Buried Cultural Properties by the local educational committee, the governmental restoration work of the second fort is under way without any legal procedures in conformity with the Japanese domestic law of Act on Protection of Cultural Properties. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tatsuya Nakada Toshiaki Hayashibara, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014