1 10 12 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/dca92f83a85a0f01eb068d1bed1705b9.pdf 7e81fbe181c07bc4ddaddd46f6883ec3 PDF Text Text Disaster in the High Seas: The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, Ph.D. Associate Professor, History Department University of the Philippines-Diliman Quezon City, Philippines Email: loudeleon@rocketmail.com Abstract The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco Nuñez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters. This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellan’s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific. Key words: disasters, Pacific Ocean, Spanish expeditions, galleon trade, Philippines I. Introduction A story on Walter McDougall’s (1993) book1 narrated the historic first eastward trip from the Philippines to Acapulco. Fray Andres de Urdaneta was on his way back to Acapulco from the Philippines. He set a course north by northeast in the hope of bypassing the trade winds and finding the westerlies back to the Americas. Forty-five years earlier, Magellan first crossed the Pacific westward, but since then no one has been able to make a tornaviaje (return trip) using the same route through the Pacific. After a month, Urdaneta’s crew reached 320 north latitude, 1590 east longitude, the same coordinates reached by Saavedra in 1528 but abandoned after a five-day storm 1 Walter A. McDougall (1993). Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur. Basic Books, p. 25. 1 �crippled his ship, with his crew weakened by the cold and scurvy. Urdaneta then prayed for the intercession of St. Peter, patron saint of his ship San Pedro, that the westerlies would carry them back to Acapulco. The westerlies did pick up, the ship sailed eastward until the California current caught them and carried them southward to Mexico. They reached Acapulco on October 8, 1565 after sailing over twelve thousand miles in 130 days. Urdaneta unwittingly discovered the Kuroshio current2 flowing off Japan, the North Pacific Current flowing towards California, and the tornaviaje route that eluded earlier Spanish explorers. Thus began Spain’s mastery of the Pacific Ocean. According to Greg Bankoff (2006), “The Spanish Empire in the Pacific may have been motivated by ‘God, gold, and glory’ but its realization, in particular its extent and its pulse, was largely determined by the Pacific wind system.”3 Spain may have built an empire, but it came with considerable loss of life and property. The Pacific, contrary to Magellan’s initial impression of this “Spanish lake”, was far from calm. It is the birthplace of numerous tropical storms, the home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and the regular site of earthquakes and tsunamis. II. Initial Travels to the Philippines: From Ferdinand Magellan to Miguel Lopez De Legazpi, 1519-1565 Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan’s assistant and chronicler, kept a detailed account of the events of the 1519 expedition. The fleet began its voyage to the largely unknown waters in November 1520, with no clue as to direction or length of travel. Three months later, the food had deteriorated, and morale was low. He notes, “The tired crew only ate sea biscuits that were full of worms and smelled of the urine from the rats that had already eaten the good parts. Some men fought over old cowhides which they softened for four or five days in seawater 2 As described by Shirley Fish in her book, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House (2011), p. 64: “The Kuroshio Current begins off the coast of Taiwan and flows in a circular, clock wise pattern as far north as Japan. The current then merges with the North Pacific Current (NPC) which flows in a westerly pattern taking the ship towards the coast of Northern California and Mendecino. The NPC is the Pacific’s counterpart of the Atlantic’s Gulf Stream. Once off the coast of California, the galleon sailed south to Baja California and then to Mexico’s Cape Corrientes and Acapulco.” 3 Greg Bankoff (2006). “Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s Imperium in the Pacific, 1521-1898”, Environment and History 12, p. 67. 2 �before cooking them over a charcoal fire. Others caught and sold rats…and the demand for this kind of fresh meat could not be met. Nineteen of them perished from scurvy…”4 Scurvy is a disease that occurs due to the lack of Vitamin C and usually accompanies malnutrition. Symptoms include pale skin, sunken eyes, and loss of teeth. It was a common illness among sailors since the 15th century due to the absence of fresh vegetables and fruits, especially citrus, in their diets. These foods are highly perishable and cannot last for the several months that the sailors spend in long-distance travel in ships. A second voyage led by Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, and assisted by Juan Sebastian Del Cano [Elcano], was mandated by Carlos I to colonize the Spice Islands for the Spanish Crown. Leaving Spain in 1525 with an impressive fleet of seven ships and crew of 450, the Loaisa expedition barely survived the Atlantic crossing. Even before they crossed the Pacific, they were already down to four ships. After the Pacific voyage, only one ship reached the Spice Islands as three more ships were lost in the storms, while Loaysa and Elcano both died 5 of scurvy in July 1526.The October 31, 1527 trip of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron proved most favorable for the Spanish fleet. Not only were the northeast trade winds strong enough to push them across the vast ocean, thus making the trip faster, they also arrived in the Philippines after the typhoon season was over.6 Of course, it helped that one of the captains of the ships was a member of the earlier Elcano expedition and could have copies of the navigation charts. It was also the first time that a Spanish fleet originated from Mexico, instead of Spain, which means the food would remain fresher for a longer period of time during the Pacific crossing. However, Saavedra could not escape the curse of the Pacific. Only two weeks into the voyage, the crew discovered that the ship was leaking badly. Wright (1951) wrote,7 “…The water was pouring into the bread storeroom in the stern of the ship, in such quantities that the ship was settling rapidly. They hastened to lighten her by throwing overboard thirty quintales [equivalent to fifty days ration 4 Rodrigue Levesque (trans.) The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery by Magellan (n.d.). Levesque Publications, p. 14. 5 Ibid, p. 111. 6 Ione Stuessy Wright “Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron” in R. S. Boggs (ed.) University of Miami Hispanic-American Studies (1951). University of Miami Press, p. 17. 7 Ibid. p. 19. 3 �for forty men] of bread and meat and other foods, and set to work to get rid of the water….” On December 15, 1527, another misfortune happened to the crew. They encountered a storm, developed rudder trouble, and were forced to wait out the bad weather in the middle of the sea. Two other ships of the convoy – the Santiago and Espiritu Santo -continued on their journey, but after the storm passed, these two vessels were never seen again.8 It was Saavedra who first attempted the tornaviaje in June 1528 by sailing northeastward, but was apparently unprepared for the extreme weather condition and more storms. He returned to the Moluccas and departed for a second attempt in May 1529, only to be attacked by the native islanders along the way. Saavedra himself fell ill and died on the return voyage (estimated around October 1529), but barely out of the western Pacific region. The crew returned to the Moluccas a second time, but was later captured by the Portuguese and taken to Malacca. After the Spaniards surrendered their arms to the Portuguese, they were sent to India and finally got back to Spain in Portuguese ships. By the time Ruy Lopez de Villalobos set sail in October 1542, a lot of things had been learned about the Pacific. Captains were further instructed to keep a very detailed log of each day’s journey, measured in leagues. Despite all the preparation and the knowledge that went into the Villalobos expedition, the usual problems surfaced – leaking boats, lack of drinking water, and the occasional storms and gales, one of which caused one ship, the San Cristobal, to disappear.9 It would later resurface in Mindanao and rendezvous with the rest of Villalobos’s fleet. After several months in Mindanao, one of the ships -- the San Juan – would attempt to return to Mexico via the Pacific Ocean. The Villalobos expedition may have been better prepared for the journey this time around, but with the persistent lack of adequate knowledge of wind direction and sea currents occurring in the Pacific, this attempt was destined to fail. It would take Spain two more decades to figure this out before the incredible feat of returning to Spain via the Pacific would be accomplished. Miguel 8 Ibid., p. 21. Andre Gschaedler, “Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them”. PhD dissertation, Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University, p. 52. 9 4 �Lopez de Legazpi had one very distinct advantage as he set sail across the Pacific in November 1564 – he was assisted by Andres de Urdaneta, who, by this time, had been the foremost expert in navigation. He had been crossing the Pacific since the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, and that his knowledge of cosmography and navigation was well known throughout the empire. He became an Augustinian friar in 1552, and stayed in Mexico where he was exposed to more studies on seafaring, particularly on the meteorological observations made along the coast of California.10 The November 21, 1564 departure of the Legazpi fleet would have spelled disaster had it not been for the instructions of Urdaneta who outlined different sea routes for (1) departures between Oct 1 to November 10; (2) departures between November 10 and January 20; and (3) departures after January which should not proceed until March.11 Simply put, for every Pacific voyage, timing is paramount; one cannot take for granted prevailing winds and the sea currents at different times of the year. Needless to say, the voyage proceeded without any incident, and Legazpi reached Guam on January 26, 1565, and Samar on February 13, 1565.12 Urdaneta left Cebu to return to Mexico on June 1, 1565 aboard the San Pedro. Although this was the voyage that discovered the eastward route back to Acapulco, we do know now that out of the original 200 people on board, only about 30 people were able to reach their destination after four months. This fact, however, does not diminish the significance of this return voyage, and it would serve as the route that the Manila galleons would follow for 250 years. III. The Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade Conquering the Pacific didn’t end the disasters accompanying the subsequent Spanish expeditions. According to Shirley Fish (2011):13 “After the arrival of the San Pablo in Mexico, it was followed by the San Geronimo, which arrived at Cebu in October 1566. This proved to be a difficult journey for all those aboard the vessel as a mutiny arose on the ship. The captain was murdered by the mutineers and it was a miracle that the ship arrived in the Philippines at all.” 10 Ibid., p. 84. Ibid. p. 115-16. 12 Ibid., p. 149, 152. 13 Shirley Fish (2011). The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House, p. 65. 11 5 �Aside from mutinies, captains also faced the possibility of encountering pirates and rival foreign ships when traveling over international waters. The galleons were part of the Spanish Crown Trade Route (SCTR), a larger network of traditional merchant ships that sailed -routes. As discussed by Ruescas and Wrana (2012),14 “Thus, two lengthy maritime routes operated across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans simultaneously for over two centuries. Both of these lines were in turn connected by an overland route between Acapulco and Veracruz via Mexico City…. Through this overland route, the Atlantic and Pacific lines were connected forming a single combined route that stretched from Manila to Seville, linking Asia, America, and Europe….” For both the Atlantic and Pacific fleets, the Spanish Government established a highly-regulated system of laws that governed everything from cargo and provisions to weaponry and crew. The schedule for the voyages had to be strictly followed. Sailing to the Americas had to commence in the months of April or May in order to arrive in Mexico before the hurricane season, while the Pacific fleets can only start their voyage in October, but not later than January, to be assured of calm waters and favorable winds. The Atlantic waters were likewise used by vessels from other countries such as the Dutch and British ships which were always hunting for Spanish galleons. That is why as early as 1526, the King of Spain had decreed that vessels traveling to the Americas would be escorted by war ships. In contrast, the Pacific galleons were not accompanied by these vessels, but instead were fitted with cannons to be able to protect themselves. 15 At times, an incoming Manila galleon was escorted from Baja California to the port of Acapulco by additional armed warships. Alas, such precautions proved far from foolproof. One such example was when the Santa Ana was captured by Thomas Cavendish in 1587 off the coast of Baja California.16 The Santa Ana was originally with the war ship San Francisco when they left Manila, but both encountered a typhoon off Japan which considerably wrecked the 14 Javier Ruescas and Javier Wrana, “The West Indies and the Manila Galleons: The First Global Trade Route” in Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish Friendship Day 2011 (2012). National Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History Department, UP Diliman, p. 8. 15 Ibid., p. 28, 30 16 Ibid., p. 188. 6 �latter, leaving the Santa Ana to continue its voyage back to Acapulco alone and unarmed. In November 1587, the Cavendish fleet spotted the lone galleon sailing towards Baja California, chased it, and got control of the ship, the cargo, and the crew. After picking the best of the lot from the ship, Cavendish set the Santa Ana on fire and set off, leaving the burning ship which managed to drift to a nearby shore, eventually getting salvaged by the remaining crew and brought back to Acapulco.17 The Dutch were the more aggressive attackers of the galleons, who constantly dispatched ships to the Philippines. They had hoped to catch one of the incoming or outgoing galleons by blockading either Manila Bay or the San Bernardino Strait. One such encounter happened in December 1600 when Oliver van Noort led the attack in Cavite, which unfortunately resulted with the sinking of the San Diego.18 It was this San Diego that was later excavated by underwater archaeologists in 1993, and the artifacts are presently housed in the National Museum of the Philippines and the Museo Naval in Madrid (Spain). Let me end this study with an incident from the seventeenth century. One of the worst disasters for the Spanish flotilla was the tragedy that befell the Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion. The Concepcion had quite a reputation as the largest, most indestructible galleon of its time. It was built using the best tropical hardwoods in the Philippines and measured 160 feet long, 50 feet wide, with a carrying capacity of 2,000 tons. It was accompanied by the San Ambrosio, but had become separated from the Concepcion due to the strong winds they encountered. The San Ambrosio was able to stay the course and arrived in Acapulco safely; the Concepcion, however, did not. 17 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon, Accessed October 5, 2013. 18 “Oliver van Noort’s Attack on Luzon” in Blair and Robertson, ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11). The Philippine islands, 1493-1803 : explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century / tr. from the originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 55 Vols. URL: http://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/afk2830.0001.011/144?page=root;size=100;view=image;q1=blair. Accessed October 5, 2013. 20 Fish, p. 3. 21 Ibid, p. 3-4. 22 Ibid., p. 11-15. An annotated list of Transpacific Galleons, 1565-1815, can also be found in Fish, pp 492-523. 7 �Fish (2011) relates that on September 20, 1638, the Concepcion encountered bad weather and crashed into a reef off the southern coast of the Northern Marianas, where it eventually capsized and broke to pieces. An investigation conducted in 1644 concluded that the ship’s disaster: “…was brought about by a combination of bad weather and the lack of vigilance on the part of the pilots in charge of the ship’s navigation. Apparently, there was a disturbance on the galleon which had become so out of control that the navigation of the ship was completely forgotten. Perhaps there was a fight among the officers and crew or a mutiny was attempted with a planned takeover of the vessel. Whatever happened on the galleon, it appears that no one was paying attention to the ship’s course and the fact that it had been dangerously drifting towards the reef.” Eventually, the culpability was traced back to Manila and to the then Governor-General Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who was held responsible. Fifty-nine charges were brought against Corcuera, among which were (1) appointing his inexperienced nephew as Commander of the Concepcion which was probably one of the factors that led to a near-mutiny aboard the ship; (2) illegally-transporting personal cargo of jewelry, gold, and other items aboard the galleons back to Mexico, to be sold for profit; and, (3) numerous violations of Spanish trade laws. A recovery team was sent to Saipan by the Spanish government in Manila in 1684, to at least retrieve the ship’s cannons. But it was not until 1987 that an archaeological team led by William Mathers and his team of thirty men and women recovered the riches that the Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion buried off the waters of the Pacific for 375 years. Conclusion The Pacific Ocean had been the last frontier for the Spanish expeditions in the sixteenth century; their final obstacle to reaching the coveted Spice Islands. Erroneously named Pacifico by Magellan in 1520 which he based on its calm demeanor when he first saw the vast ocean, the Pacific is anything but peaceful. For it is the birthplace of numerous tropical storms, the home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and the regular site of earthquakes and tsunamis. The first hazard they had to overcome was the weather and the ocean current. A ship captain must possess enough skills and navigation know-how to even begin to sail the large ocean to lands unknown. Initially a venture based on trial-and error, they had to 8 �leave Acapulco at a specific time of the year, and carefully keep a daily log of their latitudinal position to even have any hope of surviving the months-long journey or reaching an island to replenish supplies. Another challenge is rationing their food and water supply and combatting physical diseases like scurvy, or emotional distress like loneliness and boredom. A second hazard is the violent climate. The Pacific is the birthplace of tropical storms, a phenomena entirely new to citizens of an almost hurricane-free Europe. As such, coping with shipwrecks, leaks, storms, and gales had become regular struggles for the hapless sailors. A third form of challenge was finding the tornaviaje route back to Acapulco. For some reason, the Pacific waters behaved differently going back east than moving towards the west. Sixteenth-century navigation meant relying on wind and sea currents in the absence of modern instrumentation. It took Spain all of half a century before hitting the Kuroshio Current off Japan which finally gave them that coveted return trip to Acapulco with a shorter travel time. This historic discovery paved the way for Spain to master the Pacific Ocean, establish their empire, and build a lucrative trade route for the galleons for 250 years. Finally, Spain had one last hurdle to overcome – piracy and attacks in the high seas. Carrying untold fortune between Manila and Acapulco, the galleons are virtual magnets to every daring treasure hunter with a sea vessel. The Portuguese had staked their claim over the Spice Islands and its surrounding lands and waters, and had used this ruse to capture Spanish vessels which wandered inside its territory. Meanwhile, the Dutch and British ships lie in wait in pivotal water channels like the San Bernardino Strait, Manila Bay, and Baja California. Although Spanish galleons frequently carry cannons and firearms to protect themselves, the length of the travel time and distance sometimes leave them weak and vulnerable to pirates and bounty hunters who maintain close proximity to the shore and thus remain healthy and ready to pounce on weary sailors. The cost of conquering the Pacific may have been enormous for Spain in the sixteenth century. The payback, however, was their enduring legacy in structuring the earliest techniques for modern navigation and map-making, pioneering the methods to building 9 �a formidable, cross-continent empire, and ushering in the first global trade by linking the largest landmasses of the earth – Asia, the Americas, and Europe. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bankoff, Greg, 2006. Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s Imperium in thePacific, 1521-1898, Environment and History (12): 65-88. Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, Alexander (eds.). ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11). The Philippinne islands, 1493-1803: explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century / trans. from the originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 55 Vols. Fish, Shirley, 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House. Gschaedler, Andre,1953. Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them. PhD dissertation, Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University. Levesque, Rodrigue (trans.), n.d. The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery by Magellan. Levesque Publications. McDougall, Walter A.,1993. Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur. Basic Books. Morga, Antonio de, 1962. Historical Events of the Philippine Islands. Writings of Jose Rizal Volume VI (Centennial Edition). Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission. Paige, Paula Spurlin (trans.),1969. The Voyage of Magellan: The Journal of Antonio Pigafetta. Prentice-Hall International. Ruescas, Javier and Wrana, Javier, 2012. The West Indies and the Manila Galleons: The First Global Trade Route. In Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in 10 �History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish Friendship Day 2011. National Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History Department, UP Diliman, 1-32. Wright, Ione Stuessy, 1951. Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron. In R. S. Boggs (ed.) University of Miami Hispanic-American Studies. University of Miami Press. Online Sources: “The Philippine Islands, ” http://philhist.pbworks.com/w/page/16367055/ThePhilippineIslands “Thomas Cavendish”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon Biography Maria Luisa de Leon Bolinao is an Associate professor at the University of Philippines Diliman. Her area of specialization is Asian History, particularly Southeast Asian History and West Asian History. She teaches the Contemporary Period (Post-War Philippine History), and her field of specialization is Environmental History. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Disaster in the High Seas: The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco Nuñez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters. This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellan’s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/14/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/14c8f3ea381590237f3f41e259b4b766.pdf d3965fcb793511b47d282a0415f9f200 PDF Text Text The outfitting and sailing of early sixteenth-century vessels in the Pacific: The Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536) Jose Luis Casabán Nautical Archaeology Program Department of Anthropology Texas A&M University College Station, TX, 77843-4352 USA Email: jlcasaban@tamu.edu Abstract This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, which took place between 1525 and 1536. On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, departed from La Coruña, Spain, to take the Moluccas for the king of Spain, Charles I. Only one nao reached its destination where the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, Hernán Cortés sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find Trinidad, a ship from the Magellan’s expedition, and to find out the outcome of the Loaysa expedition. He never returned. A close examination of eleven documents written by survivors of both expeditions revealed one hundred and twelve references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. This type of information is useful for nautical archaeologists since it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and be used to interpret the archaeological data. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an archaeologist approach an excavation site – the data is gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists. Keywords: Loaysa, Pacific Ocean, Outfitting, Saavedra, Sailing Introduction This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, which took place between 1525 and 1536. Between 1825 and 1837, Martín Fernández de Navarrete, a Spanish Navy Officer and historian, published a collection of five volumes about the voyages and discoveries of the Spanish since the fifteenth century. 1 �The original documents used for this collection were compiled and transcribed by Navarrete in different Spanish archives and libraries since 1789.The Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions were narrated in the fifth volume published in 1837. The account was based on the original manuscripts written by members and survivors of both expeditions and published as an appendix in the same volume. Navarrete cited thirtyseven documents to narrate both expeditions although only eleven of them provided references related to ship outfitting and sailing in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans (Table 1). The data gathered includes references to ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536) On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of García Jofre de Loaysa, departed La Coruña, Spain, where a Casa de las Especias (House of Spices) was briefly established (Spate, 1979). The objective of the expedition was to occupy the Moluccas and to control the spice trade. The expedition was a succession of disasters and only one ship, the nao Victoria, reached its destination where the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, Hernán Cortés sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find the nao Trinidad, a ship from the Magellan’s expedition, and to find out the outcome of Loaysa’s expedition. He never returned. In 1532, the Spanish survivors learned through the Portuguese that king Charles I had sold his rights on the Spice Island to the king of Portugal in exchange for 350.000 ducats in 1529 (Pigafetta, 2002). Between 1534 and 1535, the last survivors of both expeditions were taken to Cochin (India) and from there to Lisbon, where they finally arrived in 1536. Types of ships The ships that took part in Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions are the typical oceanic vessels of this period such as naos and caravels although there are also a pataje and a bergantín (brigantine) (Table 2). However, the term nao (ship) is also applied to all these vessels in a generic manner. Moreover, the caravel Parral is defined as a galleon in some documents while Saavedra’s ship, Florida, is named caravel in another document (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). With respect to the other two ships of 2 �Saavedra expedition, they are simply called navíos (vessels) without providing any other details about them (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The documents also refer to two fustas built at the Moluccas by the Spanish, and one galera (galley) used by the Portuguese in a naval combat. The variety of definitions for the same types of vessels reminds us that the debate about sixteenth-century ship typology still needs to be addressed. Additionally, the Spanish and Portuguese also adapted local boats from the Moluccas such as paroles (prahu) and caracoras (kora-kora). Sails The types of sails mentioned in the documents are the main, fore and mizzen sails. These references provide useful information about the sailing techniques during this period. For instance, all ships used the fore course for sailing while the nao Victoria’s main mast or Parral’s mizzen mast were repaired (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Moreover, the nao Victoria sailed 20 leagues only using the fore and mizzen sails while crossing the Pacific Ocean due to the bad weather (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The documents also inform us about the sailcloth carried on board the ships. The nao San Gabriel transported cañamaza (hemp canvas) and holandesa (Dutch canvas) which might be used to tailor new sails during the voyage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). During this period sailcloth was known in Spain as olona because a large proportion of sails mentioned on shipbuilding contracts came from Brittany’s towns such as Nantes and Olone (Smith, 1993). The word holandesais indicating a Dutch origin for this material. The San Gabriel’s pilot also tells us about the ship’s rigging lifespan that he estimates up to seven years (Smith, 1993). Navigation In his logbook, the pilot of the nao Victoria mentions that the position of the sun was measured every day at noon to determine the latitude. This routine was only interrupted when the sun was not visible because of the clouds. However, he does not indicate the type of instrument used for the observations, probably an astrolabe. In the same document there are several references to the use of sounding leads. This instrument was used to measure the depths and to identify the type of seabed. This data was crucial when ships navigated close to shore and it also helped to establish the position of the ship in relation to the coast (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). 3 �An emergency communication system was proposed by Elcano before the fleet crossed the Atlantic (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). If any ship got separated from the fleet before reaching the Strait of Magellan because of the weather, or any other reason, it would have to wait for twenty days at All Saints’ Bay (Brazil). After that time, a letter would be placed inside a clay pot buried under a cross placed on a visible spot. Then the ship would continue the voyage until the next meeting point where it would leave another message. This system was employed by the pataje Santiago which left a letter at Santa Cruz River that was found by the naos Victoria and San Gabriel. The letter informed the other ships that the Santiago and the rest of the fleet were on their way to the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The same system was employed in the Pacific by Saavedra. On his way to the Moluccas he left a letter buried in an island of the Marshals where his ship got separated from the rest of his fleet (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Richard Hawkins used a similar system during his expedition to the South Sea in 1593. He left the messages inside a musket barrel place on the top of a hill instead of in a pot (Hawkins, 1970). Ships equipment The documents often mention the ships’ pumps although they do not indicate their type. Pumps are normally cited in plural so it is possible that the ships were equipped with two pumps or carried a spare pump in case the main one failed during the voyage. Two pumps were recovered from the Sancti Spiritus wreck at the Cape of the Eleven Thousands Virgins (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837), and the nao Victoria used two pumps while crossing the Pacific Ocean because of the heavy leaking of its hull (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).It has to be noted that the House of Trade issued an ordinance during the reign of Charles I which made mandatory for oceanic vessels to carry two pumps, one of them as a spare (Consejo de Indias, 1943). On the other hand, archaeology provides examples of ships equipped with two operational pumps such as the Highborn Cay shipwreck, an early sixteenth century caravel, and the Emanuel Point I wreck dated in 1559 (Oertling, 1996). Saavedra also mentions how exhausting was working at the pumps and how he had to transfer men to his ships to helpwith the work (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). In the same way, the naos San Gabriel and Victoriakidnapped natives from various islands to work at the pumps (Fernández de 4 �Navarrete, 1837). This could indicate that the ships were equipped with burr pumps that require a lot of manpower to ensure their effectiveness in comparison with the suction pumps. The documents also include references to small service boats such asesquifes and bateles. According to O’Scanlan (1974), these terms were equally used to name both types of boats although bateles were larger than esquifes. During the Loaysa expedition, esquifes were used to carry people and messages between ships, to explore the shore and provisioning, and to transport materials and equipment from one ship to another such as during the salvage of the Sancti Spiritus remains (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The loss of a small boat meant that the crew of a ship could not go ashore to get provisions because the larger ships were unable to anchor in shallow waters. In that case, the crews depended on the natives to get food and supplies which was often uncertain. That was the case of Saavedra’s first attempt to return to New Spain across the Pacific. He had to return to the Moluccas because of the contrary winds and the loss of the batel that prevented him to get provisions during the journey (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Moreover, various ships had to share one esquife after theirs were lost during a storm in Bay of la Victoria (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The references to the ground tackle provide information about the number of anchors carried on board the ships, their effectiveness, and strength. In several occasions, anchors started to drag even when more than one had been deployed. That was the case of the nao Victoria that ran ashore in Bay of la Victoria despite deploying five anchors (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). A few days later, the same ship was at risk again in Gallegos River when its anchor broke near the stock and had to set sail to Santa Cruz River (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Saavedra’s ship also experienced difficulties with its ground tackle while anchoring at the Marshalls. In this case, two anchor cables were damaged due to the rocky bottom and the ship had to kedge off to abandon the anchorage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Moreover, a few days later the natives stole one of the two anchors he had deployed without a marker buoy (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). On the other hand, there are no references to the weight and dimensions of the anchors. 5 �Table 1. List of documents containing references to ships outfitting and sailing. (Navarrete, 1837) 6 �Provisions, containers and ballast These types of ships could not carry all the provisions needed by the crews to sail across the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean. The documents tell us how the Loaysa’s fleet had to get provisions from various islands before crossing the Atlantic and once they reached the American coast, the crew of nao Victoria killed a sea lion in Santa Cruz River to get fresh meat (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). After leaving the Strait of Magellan, the fleet got separated. The crew of the pataje Santiago realized that part of their provisions was carried on board the nao Victoria because its hold as too small. The ship only carried four quintales of biscuit and eight pipas of water that were insufficient for a journey of 2,200 leagues (12,100 km) across the Pacific Ocean. Moreover, the ship had lost its esquife getting provision before arriving at the Moluccas seemed almost impossible. For that reason the crew decided to abandon the expedition and to sail to New Spain that was only 1,000 leagues away (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Finally, when Saavedra arrived at the Marshalls, he ordered to fill some pipas with saltwater to be used as variable ballast (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). This was an unusual procedure because this type of ballast generally consisted of cobbles and pebbles of rock, or even sacks of sand (Smith, 1993). Hull maintenance Although the documents indicate that emergency repairs were carried out on the ships of both expeditions, these references are not common. The lack of facilities such as shipyards, tools and materials limited the type of repairs that could be made. For example, the nao Victoria had to be abandoned in Moluccas because its hull was so damaged that it could not be repaired. Frames and knees were broken after running aground at Bay of la Victoria, the seams between planks were opened while navigating across the Pacific, and the vibrations produced when the naval ordinance was fired on board (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Additionally, the documents also indicate that the ships carried materials for hull maintenance such as the cauldron of pitch that caught fire on board the nao Victoria (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).On the other hand, the expedition members adapted local materials to repair their ships or to build new vessels. That was the case of the solution provided to mitigate the effects of the ship worms on the hull of Saavedra’s ship before departing from the Moluccas to New 7 �Spain. A sacrificial planking layer was added to the ship’s hull with a coat of local bitumen used by the natives to caulk their own boats (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Table 2. Types of ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions. (Navarrete, 1837) Seagoing disasters and their remedies The demanding sailing conditions of the oceanic voyages increased the chances of seagoing disasters. The texts provide several examples and also show the vital importance of the ships’ carpenters in these expeditions. Carpenters were sent on 8 �anesquife from the Sancti Spiritus to fix the mainmast of the nao Victoria when it broke after departing from La Gomera. It took them three days to repair it. Meanwhile, the nao Victoria rammed the stern the caravel Santa Maria del Parral and, once again, an esquife with carpenters and planks was sent to repair the ship (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Storms could also disperse damage or sink the ships. The caravel Lesmes was driven south by a storm before arriving at the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, and probably saw Cape Horn before rejoining the fleet (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The nao Victoria run aground during a storm near the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins and damaged the rudder, keel and sternpost. The carpenters used planks and lead sheathing to fix the keel and sternpost and put the rudder back in place (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). This situation demonstrates that these ships carried on board enough spare materials to face this type of incidents, at least for limited period of time. Finally, another storm separated the Victoria, Lesmes, Parral and Santiago when they were leaving the Strait of Magellan (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837), and due to rough seas, the hull of the nao Victoria started to leak. In fact, the crew worked continuously at pumps until the ship reached the Moluccas Islands. Various members of the crew died of exhaustions due to the work and the food shortage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Ships ordnance and naval combats The members of Loaysa’s and Saavedra’s expeditions fought during several years against the Portuguese at the Moluccas with the help of the natives. For that reason, there are also references to ship’s ordnance and naval combats in the documents. While sailing across the Pacific, the ordnance was probably stored in the hold of the nao Victoria and it was only put on deck when they were approaching the Moluccas, in case they encountered the Portuguese (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The ordnance had no use in the Pacific because the possibility of finding enemy vessels was highly unlikely. In addition, if the artillery was carried in the hold, its weight improved the ship’s stability. The documents also mention the combat between the nao Victoria and various Portuguese vessels, including one fusta, one batel and several prahus. The vessels were equipped with pieces of artillery as they intended to sink the Spanish ship. Part of the ship’s ordnance had been disembarked to defend the Spanish base on land 9 �(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The lack of weight made the ship’s deck float too high on the water, making its artillery quite ineffective despite of the crew spending twelve quintales of gunpowder in firing the cannons. The cannon recoil caused more damage to the already weakened ship’s structure than the three shots taken from the Portuguese (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). After this combat, the nao Victoria was abandoned and two fustas were built using local timbers (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The Spanish carpenters ignored the characteristics of the local timbers and only one fusta was finally used because the other rotted before being launched (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The documents also refer another naval combat between the Spanish fusta and a Portuguese galley. This reference includes the typical pieces of artillery of this period such as bronze pedreros, sacres, versos as well as iron versos, large falconetes, and culebrinas (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The ordnance was very versatile and could be used in different types of ships or on land. Finally, during the sixteenth century, the proportion of foreign condestables and gunners in the Spanish fleets was important although the number of Spanish gunners increased by the end of the century (Pérez-Mallaína, 1998). This situation is also reflected by the documents which mention the presence of Flemish constables between the Spanish crew (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Conclusions The analysis of these eleven documents written by the survivors of the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions reveal numerous references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. On the other hand, most of the information is provided in an indirect manner because the authors do not intend to teach us outfitting methods or techniques. They were just describing the situations in which they become involved and how they solve the difficulties encountered while traveling to the other side of the world. This type of information is extremely useful for nautical archaeologists because it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and archaeological data. The accounts also contain 10 �practical descriptions about the use and maintenance of numerous elements of the ship’s outfitting. However, the data is not provided in a direct manner as a nautical treaty does. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an archaeologist approach the excavation of an archaeological site – the data is gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists. References Consejo de Indias, 1943. Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de la Indias, mandadas imprimir y publicar por la Magestad Católica del Rey don Cárlos II. Nuetsro Señor. 4 impresión. Gráficas Ultra S.A., Madrid. Hawkins, S. R., 1970. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins. Da Capo Press, New York. Fernández de Navarrete, M., 1837. Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los españoles desde fines del siglo XV. Volumen V. Expediciones al Maluco, viages de Loaisa y de Saavedra. Imprenta Real, Madrid. O’Scanlan, T., 1974. Diccionario marítimo español: que además de las definiciones de las voces con sus equivalentes en francés, inglés e italiano, contiene tres vocabularios de estos idiomas con las correspondencias castellanas: redactado por orden del Rey nuestro señor. Museo Naval, Madrid. Oertling, T. J., 1996. Ships’ Bilge Pumps: a History of Their Development, 1500-1900. Texas A&M University Press, College Station. Pérez-Mallaína, P. E., 1998. Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in the Sixteenth Century. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Pigafetta, A., 2002. Primer viaje alrededor del mundo. Dastin, Madrid. Smith, R. C., 1993. Vanguard of Empire: Ships of Exploration in the Age of Columbus. Oxford University Press, New York. Spate, O. H. K., 1979. The Spanish Lake. University of Minessota, Minneapolis. 11 �Biography Jose Luis Casabán is a PhD candidate in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&M University. His dissertation research focuses on the study of the 16th century Spanish seafaring and shipbuilding technology. He is also specialized in the applications of photogrammetry for underwater mapping and GIS. Since 2012, Jose is one of the co-directors of the Finisterre Project, whose objectives are the underwater survey, mapping, recording, and study of the remains of 1596 Armada shipwrecks discovered near Cape Finisterre, in the northwest of Spain. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The outfitting and sailing of early sixteenth-century vessels in the Pacific: The Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536) Description An account of the resource This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, which took place between 1525 and 1536. On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, departed from La Coruña, Spain, to take the Moluccas for the king of Spain, Charles I. Only one nao reached its destination where the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, Hernán Cortés sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find Trinidad, a ship from the Magellan’s expedition, and to find out the outcome of the Loaysa expedition. He never returned. A close examination of eleven documents written by survivors of both expeditions revealed one hundred and twelve references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. This type of information is useful for nautical archaeologists since it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and be used to interpret the archaeological data. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an archaeologist approach an excavation site – the data is gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jose Luis Casabán, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/d8d9714ea01741734d9379eccaaa5c10.pdf 07ee134fc48130fa36d35bc2699a5a9d PDF Text Text The Southeast Asian Galleon Trade: A process towards a re-assessment of human-environment interaction Jennifer Craig and Carl Hughes McGill University Indian Ocean World Centre Montreal, Canada H3A 0E6 Email: Jennifer.craig2@mail.mcgill.ca Email: carl.hughes@mail.mcgill.ca Abstract In 1939, William Schurz published ‘The Manila Galleon’ that has been considered a seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). In it, he proposed the shipping route of the galleon trade in the Pacific Ocean during the 16th to 19th centuries. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter eastern Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also used as the exit point by the galleons that travelled northeast out of East Asia and east bound across the Pacific. This paper will reconsider Schurz’s hypothesis with input from up to date analyses based on environmental data. Our results are displayed in layers on digital seascape in a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) format? These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) as well as the dynamic atmospheric and oceanic environment. The data for these layers were gathered from accessible online datasets generated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets were then reconfigured into algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth. This is overlaid with Schurz’s hypothesized historic shipping route. The results are a comparison of human-environment interaction and a re-assessment of a 75 year old hypothesis. Keywords: Chart, Digital, Geovisualizations, Manila Galleon, Maritime, Pacific Ocean Introduction This paper is a case study and part of a larger project that re-evaluates historians’ works on shipping routes in Southeast Asia from the 14th to mid-18th centuries CE (Common Era) for maritime archaeology purposes. It discusses the methodology to produce dynamic charts that visually represent human-environment interaction. The 1 �direct comparison of contemporary data on human activity and environment action was problematic because there is little information on maritime environment data prior to the mid-19th century. To overcome this issue, we incorporated recent atmospheric and oceanic data generated from readily available reputable sources. The results are an original figure of a chart created in 1939 and three charts created using GIS software. The first figure is William Schurz’s interpretation based on the Spanish archives. Of the three figures created by this exercise, the first chart is a detailed shipping route through the Philippines for the eastward journey. Schurz did not repeat the details for the westward journey but he inferred similar directions that were followed through the Philippines to Manila. The second chart showed the breadth of the possible shipping routes eastward bound for the Americas. The third chart showed the breadth of possible shipping routes westward bound across the Pacific Ocean. Schurz’s hypothesis William Schurz’s (1939) ‘The Manila Galleon’ is considered a seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). Part of the reason why the book had such impact was because it contained The Chart of the Pacific Ocean (Fig. 1; henceforth known as Schurz’s Chart). This is a visual representation of Schurz’s hypothesis of past Spanish shipping activity through the Philippines, across the Pacific Ocean and along the western coast of the Americas. However, the choice to include the figure at the beginning of the book is confusing because the chart did not represent Schurz’s whole discussion but only one of his subsections of a chapter. The subsection titled The Route (Schurz, 1939: 216-250) is summarized in Schurz’s Chart. Fig. 1 The Chart of the Pacific Ocean. (Schurz, 1939: no number) Image enhancement by Rachid Hedjam with Synchromedia laboratory, Ecole de technologiesuperieure de Montreal, University of Quebec, Canada. One can see from this figure that Schurz included the multiple possible routes the Spanish took to establish trade in Southeast Asia. Some of his directions may seem 2 �uncharacteristic of sailing; for example, when the ships heading eastbound suddenly switched direction from northeast to directly east. Other directions were unclear perhaps due to the scale of the chart, such as the route through the Philippines. The environment these voyages took place was highly dynamic; with air and water movement being the major contributors to the decision-making of shipping activity timing and location but the figure did not include this information. In fact, the water and air look placid, and appears practically non-existent. Perhaps this is a restriction during the time of writing because his text provided details of a very dynamic environment. Schurz expects his readers to be familiar with major planetary environment. For example, he writes of prevailing winds. Understanding where these winds blow are central to appreciating the degrees of latitude ships sailed on the Pacific Ocean’s east and west bound routes. Due to the Universal Laws of Gravity between the Earth, the Sun and the Moon, prevailing winds consistently blow across the Pacific Ocean eastward in the prevailing westerlies belt at latitudes 30º to 60º and westwards in the north-east trade winds belt between 5º to 30º(Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). Schurz’s exclusion of major water currents is not surprising. At the time of this publication, humans knew next to nothing about the seabed. In 1940, the Woods Hole Institute had just gathered survey information on the Indian Ocean and it was not until 1967 that Mary Tharp had completed her drawings of the bathometric rift and published her results in Mercador’s World (Tharp, 1967). Since then, oceanographers have discovered the planet’s ocean water currents are caused by the prevailing winds and effects of temperature caused by the Earth’s molten core seeping through the Earth’s Crust at seabed rifts (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). In the Pacific Ocean, the atmospheric and oceanic action is separated by the Equator into Northern and Southern Hemispheres (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). In both hemispheres, Subtropical Gyres are formed by the circulatory movement of water currents caused by the California Rift and Mariana Trench, along with wind direction caused by prevailing winds. The currents that form the north Pacific Subtropical Gyre are the Kuroshio Current, at approximately 15º latitude off the east coast of the Philippines, flowing northeast out of the Philippine Sea; to the east flowing the North Pacific Current; to the south, flowing California Current and returns westward across the Pacific Ocean from latitude 10-15º with the North 3 �Equatorial Current (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). Although these are major systems of the Earth’s planetary causes there are other seasonal environmental effects. One of the seasonal details that Schurz discussed is the monsoon. Schurz pointed out the ‘traditional route’ took months to complete because of the monsoon winds. The longest stretch of the journey was going through the archipelago from Manila to the Embocadero and crossing the Pacific Ocean. For the purposes of this paper it will suffice to say that the sea, as displayed by Schurz, does not show the dynamism of his text. He expects the reader to be familiar with the local weather patterns and planetary functions known in the 1930s. When he mentions monsoon he does not explain the regularity of shipwreck caused by extreme weather but instead implies this by mentioning the need to be out of harm’s way at the start of the season. This is certainly the case for the westbound journey timing to enter the Embocadero and the eastbound journey’s timing for leaving Manila. In order to visualize a closer reality to the shipping activities of past sailors, the authors are currently developing a methodology to display dynamic charts with historians’ hypotheses included as layers. This will provide a platform for comparisons of data, recognition of gaps in the literature and provide information for maritime archaeologists to recognize areas of potential highrisk for shipwreck of particular cultural groups during specific periods of time. This exercise identifies cultural-group-specific corridors of maritime activity. It identifies locations of Spanish galleons in the Philippines at certain periods of time; or when a shipwreck is located these charts narrow down the possibilities of date and ship-type. Alternatively, it notes if a shipwreck is in an unexpected area, leading to the hypothesis of bootlegging. Methodology: The Digital Data Geovisualizations bring the dynamisms of the environment to historians’ hypothesized routes. The results of this exercise are displayed in layers on digital seascape in GIS format. These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) and the dynamic atmospheric environment. The data for these layers are gathered from online accessible datasets generated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets are then reconfigured into algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth. 4 �This is overlaid with Schurz’s hypothesized historic shipping route for comparison and discussion. First, one had to prepare the data for GIS. This required ‘point creation’ of the geographical locations described in the historian’s text. With these points in place the authors followed Schurz’s text, the case study, to connect the points and sailing routes. The reader is reminded that the authors were focused on the Southeast Asian portion of Schurz’s data so the figures below do not include details about the route from the Pacific Ocean to the western coast of the Americas, nor along that coast. The westbound directions from Acapulco are assumed steady across the Pacific Ocean because, in comparison to the complicated course of the eastbound journey, the westbound journey is described as regular and straight across the Pacific to the Ladrones. For example, to describe the eastward route from Manila to the Embocadero Schurz (1939: 223-4) wrote 23.5 lines of text. From the Embocadero to the point where the galleon crossed the Pacific Ocean, Schurz (1939: 226-7) wrote 14 lines of text. The description for the westward route from Acapulco to Manila however, occupied only 8.5 lines of text (Schurz, 1939: 251-252). Results: Geovisualizations For the sake of clarity the ‘traditional route’ has been subdivided by the authors into six steps: 1) Manila to Embocadero; 2) Eastbound from Embocadero to Ladrones; 3) Eastbound from Ladrones to the Americas; 4) Southbound along the Americas; 5) Westbound from the Americas to Ladrones; 6) West-Northwest bound from Ladrones to Embocadero; 7) Embocadero to Manila. Steps 1, 2, 6 and 7 are displayed in full with only partial discussion of steps 3 and 5. Step 4 is not included in this paper. To discuss these locations and the consistent and seasonal environment the authors noted details of timing and direction. Our meaning of the term ‘Direction’ is specifically the geographical locations of the ‘traditional route’. ‘Timing’ discusses the months chosen for sail which correspond to environment data of seasonal high and low activity. Steps 1 and 7 are displayed in (Fig. 2). The east bound journey was timed to start with the beginning of the southwest monsoon. At this time, the winds were strong and would push the sails of galleons through the archipelago from early May to late September, with preference for timing during mid-June to mid-July (Schurz, 1939: 251-252). The route’s direction through the Philippines is provided in minute detail in the book’s text 5 �over two pages (Schurz, 1939: 221-222). However, Schurz’s Chart (Fig. 1) only showed Fig. 2 Schurz’s hypothesized Spanish galleon ‘traditional route’ through the Philippines from 1565 to 1730. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart created by Carl Hughes) the exit/entry point of the Embocadero at the San Bernardino Strait. Figure 2 brings to the foreground the following interesting points. The passage for the shipping activity should be littered with shipwrecks. However, at this time the authors are unaware of any underwater archaeology activity from the Verde Passage eastward. Perhaps this has to do with the highly active environment. At this time, there is little data available on the surface currents and wind force of the Philippines. Although an Oceanography article discussed some of these details in the Sulu Sea region, the area is outside the route discussed by Schurz (Lermusiaux, et al., 2011). Interestingly, Schurz provided minute details when the route was directed around the entire coast of Capul Island. He included what was viewed at the portside and starboard along with, one of the few times it is mentioned, distance. This may have been the same case for San Bernardino Island 6 �situated near the entrance of the San Bernardino Strait. The directions on how a ship was to sail through this point are confusing, hence the hashed triangle over the island of San Bernardino and out towards Catanduanes, “northeast with Sorsogon coast to port and San Bernardino to starboard; northeast by east seven leagues to the Embocadero with San Bernardino now to port and the island of Biri to starboard” (Schurz, 1939: 222). Step 2 and half of step 3 are displayed in (Fig. 3). Mid-July was recorded as the best time to use the wind power of the monsoon in order to reach and sail across the North Pacific. The Spanish galleons were recorded to regularly leave Manila from mid-June and reach the Embocadero in mid-July; and then head from the 2nd Midpoint to the Americas in September through November. Throughout most of the year, the winds and currents run east from the 2nd Midpoint to the Americas. In (Fig. 3), October is labelled because it is the middle of that period. In order to get to the Ladrones, they would need to rely on the July winds to push them out of the Embocadero, up to the latitude where the current flows eastward and along a narrow band of latitude running parallel to the arrows on Figure 3. Our data shows that north of the July currents, the wind direction is straight north then curves west. If this were the case, then ships may not have only stopped into the Ladrones but also ported the islands south of China and/or Japan. Schurz (1939: 230) did remark that ships reached Japan, “a galleon occasionally passed close enough to make out the mountains of Hondo to the west”. On the chart where the lines are solid, very definitive directions are provided. Where the hashed triangles are is the potential extent of where the ships may have sailed. Schurz does mention the full breadth of the route extended from the Shichi-to Islands to Guam but he is clear that the main area the ships sailed were between the Volcanes and Uracas (Schurz, 1939: 230-231). The ships again follow a very strict route to Midpoint 1 at 31º latitude and longitude east of Manila 28.5º”, then east northeast on to Midpoint 2 at between 36º and 37º in longitude 40º. Within the area represented in the key as the Extent of the Route, Schurz indulged in Spanish lore of the islands Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata (‘Rich in Gold’ and ‘Rich in Silver’). He spent some time discussing the importance of these islands and stipulated the reason the ‘traditional route’ remained on course for the length of time it did was because of these islands. Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata had multiple locations over hundreds of years. They were often likened to 7 �Ptolemy’s Chryse. Argyre Henry and Yule (1882) placed a start point from Orissa, West Coast India and sailed east across the Bay of Bengal to Arakan, Argyre (in Burma) in parallel to the Ganges. From there one went south to Chryse within Indo-China (i.e. Pegu and Irrawady Delta Myanmar/Thailand). of Fig. 3 Schurz’s ‘traditional route’ eastward from the Embocadero to mid-way across the Pacific Ocean. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart created by Carl Hughes) In 1885, William Muir in his publication on the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society cited Yule but went on to place Ptolemy’s Argyre in Arakan, Burma and Chryse as a misnomer (Muir, 1885). This is interesting timing as the British were attempting to colonize this part of the planet. Later, when the Americans displayed strong presence in the Pacific Ocean, Japan was thought to be Chryse / Rica de Plata (Chassigneux 1933; Moriarity and Roberts 1975). Considering these comments, the authors believe this is still an area open for debate and one that seems to move geography according to political maneuvers in colonization. Half of step 5 and all of step 6 are displayed in (Fig. 4). The westbound voyage was timed based on the Philippines’ northeast monsoon. It was recorded as best timing to have the galleons in Manila by mid-April. This journey was only a matter of weeks so the suggested date for leaving Acapulco was during the month of February through to the end of March (Schurz, 1939: 225). Spanish galleons sailed westbound from the Americas to Ladrones, then west bound from Ladrones to Embocadero. The westbound journey, like the eastbound, also had a wide zone of possible sail route. Within which any of the islands from the Marianas to Guam were potentially ported. A Royal Decree in 1668 declared Guam as a regular stop point for all Manila Galleons. In 1681, Guam 8 �was fortified and a royal governor and friars were sent to administer and convert the local populace in the name of the Spanish crown. When timing is considered, Schurz referred to Humbolt on the ‘serenity of the sky’, and did not mention a specific month in which the galleons had favorable conditions; except that it was best to enter the Embocadero prior to the start of the northeast monsoon that runs from late April to early October. This corresponds with Schurz’s (1939: 225, 252) comments that galleons were not expected to reach Manila again until mid-April. Fig. 4 Schurz’s ‘traditional route’ westward from the mid-Pacific Ocean, through the Ladrones to the Embocadero. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart created by Carl Hughes) Discussion and Conclusion The authors provided a methodology to create geovisualizations that displayed the complex seascape of exchange with details on shipping activity directions and timing. There are many and varied details to consider if one were to reassess the whole of Schurz’s chart so the authors narrowed their focus to only Southeast Asia and the western Pacific Ocean portion of Schurz’s ‘traditional route’, namely the Philippines and the Ladrones. The Philippines is an archipelago of over 7,000 islands that topographically intercepts the force of the Pacific Ocean in the Philippine Sea as it 9 �moves over/through the archipelago to continue to flow into the South China Sea, Sulu Sea and the Indonesian Throughflow. The Ladrones are the Marianas Islands (Schurz, 1939: 247), an archipelago to the east of the Philippine Sea and at the western boundary of the Pacific Ocean. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter westward into east Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also the exit point; then northwards close to Japan with the eastbound route out of East Asia and across the north Pacific. The locations mentioned in the text were all located and pinpointed on digital charts, along with lines drawn or hashed-marks used to display breadth of route. The geovisualizations provided more complete and dynamic figures to accompany the details of Schurz’s text. It also pointed out the locations of unexpected activities on the route, such as sailing around the entire island of Capul in the Philippine archipelago. With these more detailed figures, we can begin to surmise the possibility of bootlegging having occurred in the Ladrones. This area was visited by both the eastbound and westbound journeys. The long stay and the false ship manifests are other indicators that this area was a potential hotspot for illicit activity. The outcome of this exercise pointed out the inconsistencies between the text and figures. Schurz’s original chart (Fig. 1) showed an overlap of multiple documents. The key associated to the Schurz’s Chart entailed five routes, however in his text he discussed more. Schurz suggested that the galleon trade occurred within the period from 16th to 19th centuries, specifically from 1565 to 1815. The ‘traditional route’ existed from 1565 to 1762 without much argument but from 1762 to 1814 various other options were suggested, legislated, decreed and ultimately ignored. The Spanish consulado, “which embodied the commercial interests at Manila” (Schurz 1939: 226) nearly consistently argued to re-route different directions but these never took place (specifically in years 1777, 1782, 1786, 1791, 1794) (Schurz, 1939: 226). An example that Schurz does include in his chart but does not explain in the key is the Cape Bojeador option. It was never favored, nor followed by the Spanish (Fry, 1985: 17-18). It was endorsed by Philip Thompson, a British pilot of the royal navy who stated, “up the west side of Luzon [a sail ship] could climb to the twentieth parallel in two and a half or three DAYS” (Schurz, 1939: 224); whereas the ‘traditional route’ took nearly two 10 �MONTHS. Thompson’s route shortened the average time to Acapulco from five or six months to three months. If this is the case then why follow the southern Embocadero route? It was also interesting to note that modern day environment data was compatible for displaying the past seasonal environment information. The seasons Schurz discussed were from the archival records of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries and these matched the seasonality of the data collected by NOAA over an 18 year period, from 1992 to 2010. Acknowledgments We would like to thank our Team Leaders Brendan Gillon and Gwyn Campbell for their continued academic input and support. This project is funded by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada’s Major Collaborative Research Initiative for the project The Indian Ocean World: The Making of the First Global Economy in the Context of Human-Environment Interaction (http://indianoceanworldcentre.com/mcri). References Chassigneux, Edmond., 1933. Rica de oro et Rica de plata. In T'oungPao, Second Series, Vol. 30 (1-2): 37-84, Brill, available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4527041. Fry, Howard. T., 1985. The Eastern Passage and Its Impact on Spanish Policy in the Philippines, 1758-1790. Philippine Studies, Vol. 33 (1): 3-21. GeoNames., 2013. GeoNames http://www.geonames.org/ Geographical Database, retrieved from Lermusiaux, Pierre, F. J., Haley, Patrick J. Jr., Leslie, Wayne, G., Agarwal, A., Logutov, Oleg, G., and Burton, Lisa, J., 2011. Multiscale Physical and Biological Dynamics in the Philippine Archipelago: Predictions and Processes. Journal of Oceanography, Vol. 24 (1): 70-89. Moriarity, James. R., III and Roberts, William, R., 1975. Between Cipango and Quivira: The Legends of Rica de Oro, Rica de Plata and Las Islas del. Southern California Quarterly, Vol. 57 (3): 223-242, University of California Press on behalf of the Historical Society of Southern California, Santa Cruz, accessed on the World Wide Web 26/11/2013 at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41170604. Muir, W., 1885.Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, Vol. 17 (3): f1-f16, accessed on the World Wide Web 11 �26/11/2013 at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00165517. Schurz, W., 1939.The Manila Galleon. E. P. Dutton, (Reprinted 1959), New York. Tharp, M., 1967. Bathymetric Map. In Mercator’s World and reproduced for National Geographic Maps the 1999 November/December issue. Thurman, Harold. V., and Trujillo, Alan P., 2001. Essentials in Oceanography. Pearson Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, Seventh Edition. Yule, H., 1882. Notes on the Oldest Records of the Sea-Route to China from Western Asia. In Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography, New Monthly Series, Vol. 4 (11): 649-660, Wiley on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers), London, accessed on the World Wide Web 26/11/2013 at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1800301. Biography Jennifer Craig is an underwater archaeologist. She attained two Archaeology degrees from Memorial University in Newfoundland and University of Bristol. She continues to thank all the people whose projects she was/is invited to join. Jennifer started her Doctoral degree at the University of Oxford and continues at McGill University. Carl Hughes is a GIScientist. He attained a degree in Geography from McGill. He continues to work on novel web based mapping methods in his Masters degree at McGill University. He would like to thank the support and resources provided to himfrom within the Indian Ocean World Centre. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Southeast Asian Galleon Trade: A process towards a re-assessment of human-environment interaction Description An account of the resource In 1939, William Schurz published ‘The Manila Galleon’ that has been considered a seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). In it, he proposed the shipping route of the galleon trade in the Pacific Ocean during the 16th to 19th centuries. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter eastern Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also used as the exit point by the galleons that travelled northeast out of East Asia and east bound across the Pacific. This paper will reconsider Schurz’s hypothesis with input from up to date analyses based on environmental data. Our results are displayed in layers on digital seascape in a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) format? These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) as well as the dynamic atmospheric and oceanic environment. The data for these layers were gathered from accessible online datasets generated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets were then reconfigured into algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth. This is overlaid with Schurz’s hypothesized historic shipping route. The results are a comparison of human-environment interaction and a re-assessment of a 75 year old hypothesis. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jennifer Craig Carl Hughes, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/8a03a03e5a3081cad363fe1671f4d882.pdf 832a9cf0a4a07f2888368f764619c27e PDF Text Text A Seat at the Table: Addressing Artefact Biases in Asian Shipwreck Assemblages Brian M. Fahy Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology University of Oxford United Kingdom Email: brian.fahy@arch.ox.ac.uk Abstract The ceramic trade throughout Medieval Southeast Asia was prolific. Terrestrial sites have yielded massive amounts of ceramic material and the archaeological reports of shipwreck cargoes corroborate the versatile and extensive qualities of trade ceramics in the region. The sheer quantity of ceramic artefacts found in shipwreck assemblages, paired with a well-researched framework of the aesthetic, show that there is no doubt that we rely heavily on ceramic data to date wrecks and establish regional trading patterns. This paper will debate that we are too 'ceramo-centric' in our analyses of shipwrecks. While ceramics typically represent the bulk of the recovered material in these instances, many other types of media are present in the assemblage. Yet, these “lesser” materials suffer from a lack of investigation and therefore play virtually no role in the archaeological and historical assessment. This case study focuses on the nonceramic assemblages for six shipwrecks from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries of Southeast Asia (three Chinese-built and three Southeast Asian-styled junks). The typological study of the metallurgical, organic and geological material from these wrecks can complement much of the work surrounding existing trade models as well as reveal new concepts of crew life, belief systems and culture. These facets come together to offer a more holistic narrative as well as stimulating the need within the region for more study regarding the locations where past peoples mined and manufactured raw metals. Keywords: Southeast Asia, Ceramics, Metals, Shipwrecks, Trade Introduction Shipwreck biographies are primarily described through their ceramic complement. Ceramics make up the bulk of the archaeological material in a shipwreck assemblage, is the material most likely to survive the underwater environment over a long span of time, and, due to the large amount of terrestrial archaeology and historical study of the medium, have become a decent range-dating material as well. These combinations of features contribute very heavily on a shipwreck narrative purely due to its majoritive presence. This angle of research can be misleading since it creates a bias toward ceramic manufacturing and trading centres. Metals and organic material found in such an environment, while more likely to undergo chemical change or even complete 1 �erosion in these circumstances, still have been found in a preserved condition. This paper is an attempt to correct that ceramic bias by highlighting material that not only plays less of a part in the interpretation of the shipwrecks and their cargoes due to its quantified minority; it also plays less of a part due to the objectiveness of the community studying and documenting it. This heavy stress on ceramics in shipwrecks, as it pertains to Southeast and Eastern Asia, lend us to focus our interests on the ceramic centres of these regions, thereby “glossing over” regions that may not have a large ceramic presence, yet assuredly contribute a great deal to the trade both within the region as well as inter-regionally. This case study encompasses the assemblages of six 14th and 15th centuries shipwrecks; three Chinese built junks and three Southeast Asian styled boats to highlight a couple of examples in non-ceramic artefact studies that will hopefully prove the need for increased scholarship on these less fetishized materials. These wrecks have been chosen for specific reasons. Firstly, they are case specific to the appropriate temporal range of the study. This encompasses the formation of the Ming Dynasty; the reign of the Hongwu (洪武) Emperor (13681398CE) through a large portion of the Ming Ban up to and including the reign of Emperor Hongzhi (弘治) (1487-1505 CE). They also reflect the wide stretch of Southeast Asia (See Fig. 1). The Turiang in Peninsular Malaysia, the Bakau in Indonesia, the Fig. 1 Shipwrecks in this case study (shown in circle). (Brown 2009: 16) Ko SI Chang III and Rang Kwien in the Gulf of Thailand. The Lena Shoal along the Palawan coast and the Santa Cruz in the Lingayen Gulf, both found in the Philippines. These wrecks also represent the diversity of surveyed and excavated practices. The Ko Si Chang III, Rang Kwien, Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz were undertaken by academic departments of archaeology throughout Southeast Asia and Australia, or through cultural heritage schemes 2 �with local museums. The Turiang and Rang Kwien were excavations and surveys conducted by private entrepreneurs in conjunction with academics from the region. Some excavations were salvage operations; others were part of an educational programme. Sites like the Rang Kwien were visited over multiple seasons and used to teach new students methods of underwater excavation and conservation (Intakosai et al., 1983, 1984). The Bakau (Flecker, 2001) and the Turiang (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000) were excavations undertaken by private individuals in conjunction with local academics. However, their respective cargoes were handled differently and ultimately their final destinations reflect dissimilar filtering processes and circumstances. The Turiang assemblage ended up in a ceramic museum and most of the Bakau’s assemblage went to a hotel resort. These cases offer a glimpse into the various circumstances surrounding underwater archaeological projects in the area and may give insight into the biases that enter the filtering process both during and after each excavation. Metallurgical Examples This lack of existing scholarship on metallurgical material in shipwreck publications in Southeast Asia raise the question of why such artefacts have not been the focus of greater research. The reason may be a matter of aesthetics, corroded metalwork does not have the same intrinsic artistic beauty as ceramics; one of quantitative substance, in that too little metallurgical material survives; one of technological restriction, where scientific methods are not yet sufficiently advanced to glean adequate data; or simply money driven since ceramics are a more, sellable commodity. Metals are difficult to conserve and there is a smaller profit market for it. In the case of each item a combination of explanations exist for the lack of metallurgical research. Early Ming wrecks Turiang (1370 CE- 1400 CE) Large lumps of iron oxide were found strewn about the wreckage. The shape and appearance of these iron lumps imply that this cargo was shipped in a granular form. It is quite common for iron in this form to create a concreted mass when exposed to seawater. In these situations (where iron in powder form was stowed around ceramics and exposed to seawater for a long duration) these concretions occasionally envelop 3 �the ceramics. Similar iron lumps were recovered from the Royal Nanhai wreck, alongside traces of flattened bamboo. The existence of flattened bamboo suggests that the iron granules were stored into bamboo bags (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000). These bags not only made decent ballast for the ship, but probably worked rather well as a securing mechanism for more fragile items. In a subaqueous environment the bamboo degraded, and the loose powder filled the gaps of the ceramic material below, leading to ceramic inclusions within the iron masses. No iron in ingot form was recovered from the site. Rang Kwien (1400 CE - 1430 CE) Dubbed the “coin wreck”, The Rang Kwien’s major metallic cargo was nearly 200 kilograms of Chinese coins. Some of the coins date from as early as the 4th century yet the majority seem to come from the Hongwu reign (1368-1398 CE). The boat also carried eight copper ingots in its hold. Precious metals off the Rang Kwien include two early Ayutthaya-style gold bangles and one gold ring with gems. One bronze gong, one bronze mirror, one bronze bell, three bronze lime pots, as well as fishhooks, bronze harpoons, and hairpins make up part of the assemblage. (Intakosai et al., 1983, 1984). The second training excavation conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Department of Thailand in March of 2013 yielded more metallic cargo; additional copper ingots (totalling eleven) and a miniature bronze tool (E. Vatcharangkul, personal communication, 2013). Bakau (1410-1430 CE) In the initial report of the Bakau assemblage, the terms that Flecker (2001) used to describe the metallurgical assemblage were vague and unscientific; and he used terms such as “small stack” or, “an array”. An inventory for this wreck was given to me by Angie Liow, curator of the Maritime Experiential Museum in Singapore, which revealed dozens of items from this wreck that were never published (2013). Ten bronze guns were recovered, along with over two hundred Chinese coins from the Yong-Lo period of the Ming Dynasty (1403 CE-1424 CE). Ten bronze mirrors along with eight mirror handles were found, all of which were detached from each other. Six pairs of copper alloy tweezers, one bronze bell, and seventeen bronze gongs were a part of the assemblage, as well as two pewter carafes and one metal kendi. Tin ingots were recovered, along with a myriad of personal and professional copper alloy effects as well: 4 �crew use items include scissors, rings and lamps; hunting effects like fish-hooks and spearheads; metal dining wares like bowls, plates and spoons; as well as scale, net and sounding weights (Flecker, 2001). The partial documentation and recovery of this assemblage reflects one of many problems when dealing with a treasure hunted wreck. The motivations of the excavators in the procurement and the sale of this material while not completely understood, still show a prevalence to promote the more ornate and probably more expensive artefacts of the inventory. Middle Ming wrecks Ko Si Chang III (1460 CE – 1487 CE) Metal objects recovered from this wreck comprised over 2000 lead ingots. Descriptions of the ingots are consistent with lead ingots found in the assemblage of the Royal Nanhai (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000) Pattaya, and Ko Si Chang II (Green et al., 1987) wrecks. Plano-convex shaped copper ingots were part of the metallic assemblage of the Ko Si Chang III as well. Metal personal objects collected from the wreck include one lotus-shaped lead piece, a bronze phallus and a series of bronze lime pots (Green et al., 1987). Lena Shoal (1488 CE – 1505 CE) This wreck was found at a depth of ~46 meters and in a less trafficked area, it consequently yielded a diverse and sizeable metallurgical assemblage. Manufactured material such as cast iron bowls, copper repoussé wares and wrought iron needles were part of the cargo situated below deck. Thirty brass spiral bracelets were also part of the trade cargo. Four bronze gongs, Three Hongwu reign (1368-1398) coins were catalogued as well as three bronze cannons which was likely part of the ships armament. Raw material commodities of tin ingots and pig iron are also well represented within the assemblage (Goddio et al., 2002). Santa Cruz (1488 CE – 1505 CE) Another well-preserved wreck, the Santa Cruz yielded even more metallic material than the Lena Shoal. The accession inventory for the wreck noted one hundred and seventeen ingots of tin as well as six sheets of copper. Twenty two cast iron bowls were also present. The Santa Cruz excavation returned ship-use metallurgical artefacts as 5 �well. One cooking cauldron and one plate were recovered, along with thirteen net weights and three weighing scales. Twelve bronze gongs were found in the cargo hold, along with several brass spiral bracelets. The assemblage contained only three coins. Armaments on the Santa Cruz consisted of six bronze cannons. A metal box was catalogued in the assemblage as well. Perhaps most interestingly, the wreck yielded a unique bronze crown (B. Orillaneda, personal communication, 2012). Tables 1 and 2 indicate the presence of matallurgical material in the assemblages throughout this case study. It identifies the specific wreck the material was attributed to, along with the approximate date of each wreck. Object Narratives These metal artefacts can be divided into cargo and domestic assemblage. Cargo material can be further subdivided into raw and processed metals. While the assemblage items could have been broken down strictly by element, (i.e. iron items, copper items), such a material-based typology would not have been as thorough as one that considers the use of the objects themselves. The ship reports and excavation collections in this case study have already been conducted. That level of detail contributes to the body of archaeology, but as Muckelroy (1978) states, “It is necessary to go beyond the individual and specific events enshrined in these entities, and look at the maritime culture in which they were embedded”. Using a traditional, “by-material” classification method to analyse this collection would be slightly deficient, specifically when dealing with metallurgical raw material. Any sort of taxonomic study of metals is complicated by the corrosion and recovery process. It is highly probable that metallurgical material excavated in a seawater environment has taken on concretions and/or undergone degeneration to a point which the artefact looks profoundly different than before it sank. There are also few style and sourcing guides for the metallurgical material, particularly in Southeast Asia, which can be unfavourably compared to the ceramic material, where the level of provenencial detail that archaeologists and historians can attribute to ceramics is phenomenal. Style, form and glazing guides for many of the ceramics present in the assemblages of this case study can pinpoint the exact kiln site, and sometimes date ceramic material to the nearest decade in which it was produced. Terrestrial archaeology has sourced this information for us spectacularly. 6 �Selected examples of metallurgical objects that, when we go into more detail, help contribute to the shipwreck narrative are described below. Bronze Gongs, Mirrors and Tweezers Seventeen gongs were found on the Bakau wreck, four gongs were recovered from the Lena Shoal and twelve from the Santa Cruz. The quantities of bronze gongs on the Bakau and the Santa Cruz lead to the conclusion that these are traded cargo. Though the gongs are fewer in number from the Lena Shoal, the archaeological report notes that the gongs were grouped together, this also tends to suggest a cargo item (Goddio, 2002). Bronze mirrors were found on the Bakau wreck in substantial quantity (~10). In every case, their numbers are not nearly as prolific as traded ceramics, but in that regard they hold a higher place. It is a specialised commodity, possibly given/sold to only the most discerning of consumers. Isolated instances and detailed documentation of where this material was found may raise the issue that some of these Items were not cargo. It is possible that individual bronze gongs on these boats served as part of the ships’ equipment or crew possessions. Contemporary ethnographic studies documented the playing of these instruments in sets (three to seven gongs) in certain parts of Indonesia (Nicolas, 2009). However, the methods of playing the gong (or gongs) in East and Southeast Asia varied throughout history; therefore it cannot be assumed that they were played in a set (Nicolas, 2009). One single mirror was found in the assemblage of the Rang Kwien (Intakosai et al., 1983). Found attached to the keel of the boat, it has been suggested that this was a common practice by Chinese sailors to prevent disaster (Elisseeff, 2000). Its role (literally) within the boat, most likely makes this personal property of someone on the vessel. Depending upon where it was found in the keel, it is also plausible that the mirror rig could have been used as a signalling device. More study is needed to understand any mystical or practical connotations of its placement on the Rang Kwien. Six sets of bronze tweezers were in the assemblage of the Bakau (Flecker 2001). As they were found together during the excavation, it is assumed that they were a trade commodity (Flecker, 2001). More of these may have been in the cargo, but their small size could have made them both hard to find, and/or hard to survive the oceanic environment. An item like this represents a highly valued object, much like the bronze 7 �mirrors found within the assemblage. These two artefact types pair well together. A mirror would be necessary if a user desired to preen with a pair of tweezers. If we treat these objects (mirrors and tweezers) as a “set” of artefacts, they could promote discussion about concepts of grooming and vanity during this age, as well as debate on the cultural transfers on ideas of beauty and the exotic (Morrison, 2013). Tin Ingots Tin ingots were found on the Bakau (A. Liow, personal communication, 2013), Lena Shoal (Goddio, 2002) and the Santa Cruz (Orillaneda, n.d) wrecks. Two ingots were recovered from the Bakau, while the Lena and the Santa Cruz yielded over a hundred ingots each. They are all in the shape of a truncated pyramid. The tin ingots on the Bakau were not mentioned in Flecker’s (2001) article. Ship Use/Personal Metal Wares Quantification methods were used as the criteria to delineate personal material/ship use material versus material onboard for trading purposes. Isolated items and groups of item tallying less than three were assumed to be individually owned or ship property, while items that comprised of four or more were identified as trade material. Nautical themed artefacts (e.g., net weights and sounding weights, fishhooks, and cannons) are catalogued as ship use material regardless of inventory amounts. Individual high-end artefacts (e.g., jewellery, crown) are treated as either personal use or tribute wares. These criteria are also dependent upon the information gained regarding each ship excavation. If any of the isolated finds can accurately be provenanced in the respective cargo hold, then it shall be noted and deemed a trade good or tribute item. Spearpoint Of the six wrecks cited, only one spearhead was found on the Bakau wreck (Flecker, 2001). This can mean many things. It is possible that close quarter weapons were not perceived as needed on journeys such as these or simply that the spearheads (and the wooden hafts they were attached to) did not survive the long term immersion in seawater. Due to the lack of similar material on other wrecks, this was most likely not commonly used as a tool for fishing. Yet if the possibility of pirate invasion was real and cannons were a viable deterrent for such a scenario, I would beg the question that a 8 �boarding prevention plan would be in place and would facilitate the need for close quarter weapons like swords, knives and spears. Lamps A single metallic lamp was recorded in the assemblage of the Santa Cruz (B. Orillaneda, personal communication, 2012). Little is known about shipboard practices of lighting a boat at night. If lamps were commonly used in this capacity then they would most likely be a part of other shipwreck assemblages. There is, however, a lack of this type of artefact in shipwreck inventories of the same period. This may be another factor of the impact of the environment on the material or simply that other types of lighting implements are used. Conclusion Depending upon the author, the non-ceramic assemblage material in many archaeological reports and catalogues is summed up in a few paragraphs, and in some cases, merely one sentence. Some material found in the assemblages of this study was not even mentioned in the published material. This reflects the degree to which this material is considered when understanding the shipwreck narrative. The manner in which this material is highlighted mimic Brown’s (2009) catalogue on the chronology of Thai trade wares. Her goal was to group fourteenth and fifteenth century shipwrecks and glean their ceramic cargo in order to ascertain the presence (or absence) of cultural ceramic material (i.e. Chinese blue-and-white, Thai celadon, Vietnamese wares) and whether or not it corroborates with a ban on overseas trade during that time. Using this system of dated shipwrecks, an attempt was made to glean the metallurgical objects from the assemblages and reflect on any overlapping features of this material; both in terms of trading patterns and in terms of what possible cultural significances these objects signify. This contribution is valuable to the larger archaeological community because it is a start to a higher level of interpretation on material that has been largely neglected. The ships in this study yielded a wide variety of metallurgical artefacts. Metals, whether as raw materials or a finished trade good, were clearly a regular complementary part of the cargoes of trading vessels in fifteenth century Southeast Asia. In Table 2, we see a 9 �widespread increase in the trade of metallurgical raw materials. The iron granules carried by the Turiang were an isolated instance in this study. The copper ingots on the Rang Kwien and the Ko Si Chang III show an increased trade in the material but little could be ascertained as to its intended market. Since the Ko Si Chang III is the smallest boat in the study, it was most likely a local trading vessel. It could suggest a regional popularity for the material on the boat, or a boat bound for a larger emporia. The tin ingots from the Bakau, the Lena Shoal and the Santa Cruz clearly show the increased trading practice of this material. The few ingots found on the Bakau could reflect a sample of a new product while the nearly one hundred ingots found on each of the Lena Shoal and the Santa Cruz wrecks represent a stark increase in the trade of this raw material. This study of this type of material highlights some of the problems researchers encounter with modern maritime archaeology. Even in perfect conditions, archaeologists cannot assume to recover all of the material. Most of the metals undergo a physical transformation in seawater to some degree; it ranges from mild tarnish to complete disintegration. Due to this natural transformation, artefact inventories of this type of material will be lower. The corrosion of this type of material will result in the removal of some objects from the archaeological record. However we also need to understand the academic, economic and corporate environments and the motivations that surround these wrecks as well. Not all wrecks are excavated in the same manner, and the collection, selection and relation strategies will result in different kinds of shipwreck assemblages. Without being able to properly observe and document each excavation from beginning to end, we can only question the motivations behind each excavator pertaining to what material may have been purposefully overlooked or recovered. We have five shipwrecks excavated by different entities. Material that was possibly left in situ on the Bakau wreck might have been due to aesthetic reasons or monetary ones. An academic entity may have handled the excavation and material differently. Reciprocally, the excavations of the Santa Cruz and Lena Shoal, managed by the Frank Goddio and the HILTI Foundation, would have been different if managed by a firm like Seabed Explorations. The point here is that underwater archaeologists may use similar methods of extraction and conservation to bring an assemblage to the 10 �surface, but because of the different motivations and ambitions of the excavator involved on each wreck, we can only compare the assemblages with each wreck with a small degree of certainly and for commodities such as pottery rather than for metals. While these examples highlighted in this paper are all metallurgical in nature, they are not the only artefacts that suffer from this bias. This case study has also revealed various examples of organic material and stone-carved utility objects that experience the same representational deficiency in the underwater archaeological narrative. A similar presence/absence model of organic material found in ceramic containers in shipwreck assemblages can reflect trading patterns of material that otherwise has simply been cited in written sources. Table 1. Manufactured Metals in shipwrecks. Table 2. Raw Materials on Shipwrecks. Acknowledgements I wish to thank the APCONF committee for the opportunity to present my work. Thank you to the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology and my supervisor, Dr. Damian Robinson for your support and critique. I wish to thank the National Museum of Manila, the Underwater Archaeology Division and Museum in Chanthaburi, Thailand, and Angie Liow and her staff at the National Experiential Museum in Singapore for access to their 11 �collections. Thank you to fellow students Bobby Orillaneda, Veronica Walker-Vadillo and Peter Fiske for all the review and input on the paper. References Brown, R. M., and Sten Sjostrand., 2000. Turiang: A Fourteenth – Century Shipwreck in Southeast Asian Waters. Pacific Asia Museum, California. Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. Siam Society, Bangkok. Elisseeff, V., (Ed.), 2000. The Silk Roads: Highways of Culture and Commerce. Berghahn Books, Oxford. Flecker, Michael., 2001. The Bakau Wreck: An Early Example of Chinese Shipping in Southeast Asia. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 30 (2): 221–30. Goddio, F., Monique, C., Peter, L., Stacey, P., and Rosemary, S., 2002. Lost at Sea: The Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk. Periplus Publishing, London. Green, J., Harper, R., and Intakosi, V., 1987. The Ko Si Chang III shipwreck excavation 1986. In The Maritime Archaeology of Shipwrecks and Ceramics in Southeast Asia. Special Publication No. 4, Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Fremantle: 3979. Intakosai, V., 1983. Rang Kwien and Samed Ngam Shipwrecks. SPAFA Digest: Journal of SEAMEO Project in Archaeology and Fine Arts, Vol. 4 (2): 30–34. Intakosai, V., 1984. The Excavations of wreck sites in the Gulf of Thailand. In Final Report Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in Southeast Asia, I-W7, Cisarua, West Java, Indonesia, November 20-27, 1984. SPAFA Co-ordinating Unit, Bangkok: 133-143. Morrison, W. A., 2013. A Fresh Eye on Familiar Objects: Rethinking Toiletry Sets in Roman Britain. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 32 (2): 221–30. Muckelroy, K., 1978. Maritime Archaeology. New Studies in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Nicolas, A., 2009. Gongs, Bells, and Cymbals: The Archaeological Record in Maritime Asia from the Ninth to the Seventeenth Centuries. Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 41: 62-93. 12 �Biography Brian Fahy is currently a D. Phil Candidate at the University of Oxford, with the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology. His D. Phil thesis, “Holistic Shipwreck Narratives in 14th and 15th Century Southeast Asia”, will be completed at the end of 2014. He was previously awarded a Masters Degree in Chinese Archaeology through the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Oxford under Jessica Rawson. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Seat at the Table: Addressing Artefact Biases in Asian Shipwreck Assemblages Description An account of the resource The ceramic trade throughout Medieval Southeast Asia was prolific. Terrestrial sites have yielded massive amounts of ceramic material and the archaeological reports of shipwreck cargoes corroborate the versatile and extensive qualities of trade ceramics in the region. The sheer quantity of ceramic artefacts found in shipwreck assemblages, paired with a well-researched framework of the aesthetic, show that there is no doubt that we rely heavily on ceramic data to date wrecks and establish regional trading patterns. This paper will debate that we are too 'ceramo-centric' in our analyses of shipwrecks. While ceramics typically represent the bulk of the recovered material in these instances, many other types of media are present in the assemblage. Yet, these “lesser” materials suffer from a lack of investigation and therefore play virtually no role in the archaeological and historical assessment. This case study focuses on the non- ceramic assemblages for six shipwrecks from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries of Southeast Asia (three Chinese-built and three Southeast Asian-styled junks). The typological study of the metallurgical, organic and geological material from these wrecks can complement much of the work surrounding existing trade models as well as reveal new concepts of crew life, belief systems and culture. These facets come together to offer a more holistic narrative as well as stimulating the need within the region for more study regarding the locations where past peoples mined and manufactured raw metals. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brian M. Fahy, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/24588eecd4fbf2d12022196d20ddd53f.pdf 6196beedd0b120b4215b1cef5ca263f5 PDF Text Text Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection M. S. Jessica Lally Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation Washington 98908 USA Email: lally.js@gmail.com Abstract An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. Keywords: Beeswax, Chinese porcelain, Galleon, Oregon coast Introduction This study details the analysis of an assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds thought be directly associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon cost. The shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources (Franchere, 1967; Gibbs, 1993; Hult, 1968; Lee and Frost, 1968; Marshall, 1984) and archaeological research (Williams, 2007). Previous archaeological research indicates that the archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. The purpose of this study was to analyze the assemblage of sherds in order determine the age, nationality, and intended destination of the ship and its cargo (Lally, 2008). Methodology The Beeswax Wreck porcelain collection consists of 1577 porcelain sherds, with 1442 recovered through the beachcombing efforts of one individual over a period of more than 15 years from five separate locations near Manzanita, Oregon (Lally, 2008; Lally, 1 �In Press). The majority of the sherds are from Oswald West State Park (OWSP) and Nehalem Bay, with a small number of sherds collected from Tillamook Head, Tillamook Bay, and Nehalem Falls (map?). Also within the collection are 127 sherds collected from two archaeological sites, 35-TI-1 and 35-TI-4, curated at the University of Oregon Museum of Natural and Cultural History and Tillamook County Pioneer Museum (Table 1). Analysis of chronological and stylistic attributes of decoration style, motif type, and marks was conducted. Sherds were measured and identified to vessel element (base, rim, body) and vessel type (open-form, closed-form, cups, vases, etc). Degree of erosion, glaze, and cobalt tone were noted. A date range for the porcelain’s manufacture was determined based on 15 attributes and porcelain types to suggest a date range using South’s (2002) model of visual interpretation. Additionally, 13 attributes and types were used to establish a mean ceramic date for the collection using South’s (2002) equation. Those attributes and types excluded from the visual interpretation and mean ceramic date calculation were later compared to both methods in order to confirm or refine the date generated. Results Porcelain attributes identified during the analysis provide data on the manufacturing date. Examined independently, these attributes suggest a wide date range, indicating manufacture from both the Ming (1368-1644 AD) and Qing (1644-1911 AD) Dynasties. However, in many instances this apparently wide date range is due to the continued use of traditional Chinese motifs through time. Considered together, though, these attributes strongly suggest a date of manufacture for the collection between the later portion of the Transitional Period (1620 and 1683) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD). The visual interpretation model supports this, providing a date range between 1670 and 1700, as did the calculated mean ceramic date of 1690. Calculation of both is discussed in detail below. Analysis of sherd type identified six attributes and vessel types to which a date could be assigned. Grooved-foot rims were observed exclusively on monochrome white porcelain. This feature is particularly important in regard to the porcelain’s date of manufacture as the grooved foot rim was only produced between 1644 (Butler, 2002; Butler and Curtis, 2002; Curtis, 2002; Donnelly, 1967; Harrisson, 1995; Mudge, 1986) and 1690 (Harrison, 1995). A beveled foot rim, thought to be a feature unique to the 2 �Kangxi reign (1662-1722) (Vermeer, 2005), was observed on a single sherd (Sherd 8692). In addition, six sherds were identified as klapmutsen, or wide flat rims, generally attributed to production between 1620 and 1680 (Fischell, 1987), though possibly as early as 1613 (van der Pijl-Ketel, 1982). Sherds of lidded vessels, lidded cups, and lids were identified among the collection. The sherds are similar in measurement, potting, and decoration, indicating that the lids were likely intended for the lidded cups. Similar lidded cups were observed among the Vung Tau cargo of 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001). In addition to the cups, 19 sherds were identified as compressed globular boxes (or lids). Two of the compressed globular box sherds have unglazed bases, discolored slightly from exposure to kiln heat and curdled. Donnelly (1967) noted that during the post-Transitional Period and height of the Dehua kiln production, similar small globular boxes with unglazed, curdled bases were produced. These unique unglazed, curdled bases are indicative of origin at the Dehua kilns between 1675 and 1725 (Donnelly, 1967), when unglazed bases were out of fashion for other porcelain vessels (Butler, 2002). Four monochrome white sherds represent a variety of more unusual vessel types typical of manufacture at the Dehua kilns between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH386 bears a striking resemblance to Marco Polo Censers that Donnelly (1967) dated between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH88 is a molded European figure. Sherd NH657 is a molded petal, possibly from a Quan Yin figure. Decoration Attributes and Ware types The majority of the collection consists of porcelain sherds decorated with cobalt underglaze-blue outline-and-wash. Cobalt attributes are highly indicative of transitional Period (1620-1683 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture, being violet to violet-blue in color and lacking classic Ming Dynasty attributes such as the “heaped and piled” cobalt application. Ming Dynasty glaze characteristics are also absent from the collection. Two sherds clearly appear to be Chinese Imari (Numbers LL2/18, LL2/43), displaying gold gilt pine branches with red overglaze and underglazeblue. Chinese Imari remained popular from the late-1600s to the mid-1700s, and in general, red overglaze on Chinese porcelain was imported to Mexico in quantity during the late 1600s (Mudge, 1986). Two sherds in the collection (NH359 and NH532) are 3 �identified as Batavian ware, having brown slip applied to the exterior of the sherds and interiors decorated with underglaze-blue motifs. Batavian ware was only produced during the Kangxi Reign, specifically the late-seventeenth century to the early eighteenth century (Donnelly, 1967; Fuchus and Howard, 2005; Mudge, 1986; Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). The Beeswax Wreck collection also contains monochrome white sherds with molded ribbing, strikingly similar to Donnelly’s (1967) examples of wine cups and Rhinoceros Horn Cups made at Dehua kilns between 1650 and 1750. Motif Attributes Floral themes are the most common motif and accounted for 13 percent of the collection. A total of 39 Prunus blossom or Prunus plant motifs were identified, depicted in underglaze-blue, incised motif, and applied decoration. Two sherds (NH029, NH334) have Prunus blossoms depicted in white on a blue cracked-ice background (Fig. 1). This was an exceptionally popular motif, especially on Hawthorn Jars, during the Kangxi Reign (Frank, 1969; Kerr, 1986). Also among the Prunus motifs are several monochrome sherds that, based on examples provided by Donnelly (1967), Mudge (1986), and Bass (2005), appear to date between 1675 and 1710. Sherd NH392 can be assigned a specific date range based upon the chronology provided by Donnelly: it is decorated with a high-relief, molded and applied Prunus plant blossom, stem, and leaves, with a plain-centered flower with long petals and a single vein running the length of the petal. Donnelly dated this style from 1675 to 1725. The collection also contains a number of sherds decorated with peach and peony blossoms. While utilized Fig. 1 Sherd NH29, Prunus blossoms depicted in throughout the production of Chinese white on a blue cracked-ice background. (J. porcelain, these motifs strongly support Lally) a Shunzhi (1644-1661 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture (Lally, 2008; Lally, In Press) as both motifs experienced a period of increased popularity during 4 �those Reigns (Macintosh, 1977). Underglaze-blue floral scroll motifs also provide strong indications of manufacture date. A total of 143 sherds were decorated with tiger lily scroll, a motif Frank (1969) identifies as exclusive to Kangxi Reign export porcelain. Ten of the tiger lily scroll sherds include a four-petal flower often associated with the tiger lily motif (Lally, 2008; Lally, In Press) having been observed among shipwreck cargos dating between 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001: 72, figure 65) and 1735 (Chiến, 2002: figure 156). The tiger lily four-petal flower was also observed on three sherds absent tiger lily scroll. The tiger lily four-petal flower was depicted in similar fashion in the Vung Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker) shipwreck cargos, and reference examples dating between the late-seventeenth or early-eighteenth centuries (Harrisson, 1995: 33, figure 38; Valenstein, 1989: 224, figure 217). Six sherds display a variation of floral scroll, described among some sources as lion and plant design. Butler (2002:18) and Harrison (1995:45) provide examples of lion and plant design on porcelain vessels dating between 1650 and 1670. Boneless common style floral of scroll, under a glaze painting utilized in the Chenghua Reign (1464-1487) and also prevalent on Kangxi imitations of Fig. 2 Sherd NH483, hundred boys motif or the Chenghua Reign porcelain (Frank, scholars motif. (Jessica Lally) 1969), was identified on two sherds (NH218 and NH351). Thirteen sherds have human figure motifs. Six sherds (NH022, NH483, NH661, NH660, LL2/18/39a and LL2/18/39b) appear decorated with the hundred boys motif or the scholars motif (Fig. 2). A traditional motif utilized throughout Chinese porcelain production, the hundred boys and scholars motif were of immense importance during the Reign of Shunzhi (1644-1661) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) (Curtis, 2002: 50). Further indication of this time period is the manner in which the figure 5 �motifs are painted, being more typical of the Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign, with fine outline and violet-blue cobalt. The seven remaining human figure sherds are also painted in Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign-style and depict human figures in combination with landscape elements and lattice fences, common motifs in both Reigns (Curtis, 2002; Frank, 1969; Mathers et al., 1990). Paneled motifs are present on 12 sherds. Seven paneled sherds resemble the paneled motifs of the Vung Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), the Ca Mau (1723-1735) (Chiến, 2002) and the Geldermalsen (1752) (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988) wrecks. Five sherds, however, appear kraak-like, having specific attributes typical of kraak porcelain: decorative motif; v-shaped, inward-sloping footrim; “moth-eaten” edges (areas where the glaze is receded from the rims); and apricot colored foot rims. The quickly executed manner of decoration on these sherds may be indicative that the vessels were made during the height of porcelain production, post-1600. Several border motifs were identified within the collection. Three sherds depict the zigzag border motif, utilized during the 1640s or 1650s but used no later than 1675 (Butler, 2002). A single sherd (NH 235) was decorated with the stonewall or cracked ice border, which Butler attributes to the same time frame as the zigzag border. Sheaf and Kilburn (1988), however, suggest an even narrower time frame for the stonewall border, anywhere from 1660 to 1670. “Blobby dots,” were also identified on three sherds (NH44, NH226, and NH608). This motif was utilized as a background motif as well as a border motif and is generally attributed to manufacture between 1645 and 1660 (Butler, 2002; Curtis, 2002: 44). The collection contained 47 rim sherds with brown dressing, a trait that did not appear within the Chinese domestic or export market until the 1640s-1660s. It was eventually discontinued in early Kangxi and was not utilized again until the eighteenth century (Butler, 2002: 23). Marks A total of 32 sherds in the collection had hallmarks or symbol marks. Among identifiable marks were a single Artemisia leaf mark and three swastika marks. Both were symbols of good fortune used during the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) in place of the nein-hao, or reign mark (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986). Sherd NH482 contained a partial hallmark that translated as “of (the) beautiful jade” (Penglin Wang, personal communication April 6 �17, 2008). Although utilized during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) (Butler and Curtis, 2002:108), marks containing reference to the Jade Hall were particularly fashionable during the Shunzhi Reign (1644-1661) (Curtis, 1995; Curtis, 2002:42) and rarely used during the Kangxi Reign (Butler and Curtis, 2002:108). Date range determination Attributes and ware types within the collection tend to suggest a Transitional Period (1620-1683), Shunzhi (1644-1661), or Kangxi Reign date (1662-1722). To determine a narrower date range, analysis of attributes and vessel types was conducted. First, a visual interpretation of attributes and porcelain types associated with specific date ranges were conducted, using the model provided by South (2002). Second, a set of attributes was selected for determination of the mean ceramic date, again following South’s model (2002). This model is designed to examine occupation periods among sites, and unlike the visual interpretation method, takes into account the frequency of attributes by using a weighted average. Time frames, attributes, and types were adapted for the purposes of this study to reflect Chinese porcelain attribute dates. The mean ceramic date and visually interpreted date range were compared to known dates concerning the Chinese porcelain trade, the dates of two shipwrecks that Williams (2007) suggested as likely to be the source of the porcelain, and the collection attributes not included in the aforementioned calculations. These attributes were used to refine, narrow, or invalidate the dates suggested. Not all attributes and types were suitable for inclusion in the visual interpretation of attributes and mean ceramic date, and so were omitted either for lack of definitive information or for lack of consensus among existing porcelain literature. Often, existing Chinese porcelain literature refers to dates by nonspecific periods such as “late-seventeenth century” or “early 18th century.” In order to produce a mean ceramic date as well as a visual interpretation of attribute date ranges, more precise dates are needed. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, the most commonly agreed upon attribute date among existing research was used. When porcelain attributes and types were given a date range of “late,” “middle,” or “early” in the century, they were defined in this study as follows: early - turn of the century through the 30s, middle - 40s through the 60s, and late - 70s to the end of the century. A total of 15 dateable 7 �attributes and ware types identified among the collection were determined to have enough documentation among resources to be included in determining a date range (Table 2). The attributes and porcelain ware types are graphed on a timeline (Fig. 3). To determine the date range of the attributes, South (2002) suggests that at least half of the attributes coincide with the earliest time period marker. Similarly, at least half must coincide with the latest time period marker. However, the latest period marker must at least touch the beginning of the latest attribute observed. Thus, given 15 attributes and types, it was necessary that 8 7.5 (half of 15 or 15 ∕2) of them corresponded with each date range marker. As shown by Fig. 3, this provides a date range for the collection between 1670 and 1700, indicated by the solid vertical lines. A mean ceramic date was then calculated for the collection, providing a weighted average for attributes identified (Table 3). The mean ceramic date was calculated using the following equation (South, 2002: 217): Y= where n = the number of attributes identified, Xi = the median date for each attribute, and fi = the frequency at which it occurred in the collection. Utilizing the documented date range, a median date was calculated for each attribute. The median date was multiplied by the number of times the attribute occurred within the collection. The total sum of the frequency column was then divided into the total sum of the product column, resulting in a mean ceramic date. A total of 13 attributes and types were used, resulting in a mean ceramic date of 1690. That date falls closer to the later portion of the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700 AD), and supports the shipwreck identities proposed by Williams (2007). The indication is that the majority of features identified in the collection correspond to the later portion of the date range suggested by the visual interpretation model. Attributes and types not included in the mean ceramic date calculation or the visually interpreted date range support the dates generated by the two models. These include klapmutsen-style or wide flat rims (16201680 AD) (Fischell, 1987); evidence of Dehua kiln production (1675-1725 AD) (Donnelly, 1967; Gordon, 1977); human figure elements (1644-1722); the Prunus blossoms with cracked-ice motif (Kangxi Reign, 1662-1722 AD) (Frank 1969), lidded 8 �cups (circa 1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), an Artemisia hallmark (Kangxi Reign, 16621722) (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986), and non-kraak panel motifs (1690 - 1752) (Kerr, 1986: 65; Jorg and Flecker, 2001; Chiến, 2002; Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). Several attributes among the collection sherds are associated with dates earlier than the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700). Such motifs include the peach motif (Jiajing Reign, 1522-1566 or Shunzhi Reign, 1644-1661 AD) (Bai, 2002; LionGoldschmidt, 1978), hallmark reference to “the beautiful jade” (Shunzhi Reign) (Curtis, 2002: 42), lion and plant design-floral scroll (1650-1660) (Butler, 2002: 18, figure 3), and boneless floral scroll (1465-1487) (Frank, 1969). Considering these attributes along with early attributes used in both the mean ceramic date calculation and the date range determination, it is apparent that there is also a population among the collection sherds (approximately 5% of the total sherd population) that suggests an earlier date, possibly during the Shunzhi Reign. The presence of earlier attributes is a relatively minor issue as motifs were reused and older styles imitated in later reigns. Furthermore, such finds are not uncommon among shipwrecks. Often during the excavation and analysis of shipwreck porcelain cargoes, porcelain has been discovered that does not fit the time period of the shipwreck, or the time period suggested by the bulk of the porcelain cargo (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). They have, in large part, simply been considered anomalies. The appearance of a few “earlier” porcelain sherds among a collection of later sherds may, however, simply reflect a lack of information regarding export porcelain. Dates for only a few specific attributes are known for certain, or agreed upon among the existing literature. It is quite possible that many of the attributes considered to be early attributes in this study coexisted with later attributes. Discussion and Conclusion The Beeswax Wreck collection exhibits porcelain attributes and types typical of export types common to the markets in New Spain. The presence of monochrome porcelain, likely from the Dehua kilns, including ribbed and molded porcelain, Marco Polo censers, Batavian ware, and a sherd with a European face, are all indicators of European export. More specifically, large quantities of monochrome-white porcelain, as well as the identification of lidded cups and Middle-Eastern influences among the collection sherds, indicate that the ship was a Spanish vessel involved in the Manila trade. This supports 9 �the finding of Williams's (2007) research that indicates that the Beeswax wreck was a Manila galleon carrying quantities of porcelain, beeswax, and other goods from Manila to Acapulco. After consideration of attributes and porcelain types among the collection sherds, the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700), and the mean ceramic date (1690), it is apparent that the majority of evidence strongly indicates that the porcelain found on the Nehalem-Manzanita coast is from a Spanish Manila galleon that wrecked during the Kangxi Reign, specifically between 1670 and 1700. The date of the collection is not likely later as many late-Kangxi porcelain attributes are absent. Therefore, the identity of the shipwreck responsible for the porcelain deposition is not likely the 1705 wreck of the San Francisco Xavier. Rather, analyses conducted in this study strongly indicate that the Beeswax Wreck was the Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693. Fig. 3 Visually interpreted date range for the collection porcelain attributes. (Jessica Lally) 10 �Table 1. Number of Sherds in the Beeswax Collection by Provenience. 11 �Table 2. Attributes Used for Visual Interpretation of Date Range. 12 �Table 3. Attributes Selected for Mean Ceramic Date. Acknowledgements There are many who deserve thanks for their involvement and contribution to my research: Steve Hackenberger, Pat Lubinski and Scott Williams who provided guidance and support; Penglin Wang; Lise Zimmerman; and the Tillamook County Pioneer 13 �Museum; and Pam Endzweig and the University of Oregon Museum of Natural and Cultural History and John Dubé. References Bai, Q., 2002. Inscriptions, Calligraphy, and Seals on Jingdezhen Porcelains from the Shunzhi Era. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 24-34. Bass, G. F., (Ed.), 2005. Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventure with the Institute of Nautical Archaeology. Thames and Hudson, New York. Beals, H. K., and Steele, H., 1981. Chinese Porcelains from Site 35-TI-1, Netarts Sand Spit, Tillamook County, Oregon. University of Oregon Anthropological Papers No. 23, University of Oregon, Portland, OR. Butler, M., 2002. Introduction. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 12-23. Butler, M., and Curtis, J. B., 2002. Catalogue. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661. Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 82-244. Chiến, N. D., 2002. The Ca Mau Shipwreck: 1725-1735. Há Nôi, Viet Nam: Ca Mau Department of Culture and Information, the National Museum of Vietnamese History. Curtis, J. B., 1995. Chinese Porcelains of the Seventeenth Century: Landscapes, Scholars’ motifs and Narratives. China Institute Gallery, New York. Curtis, J. B., 2002. Shunzhi styles: The decoration and iconography of porcelains from Jingdezhen, 1644-61, In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 42-55. Donnelly, P. J., 1967. Blanc de Chine: The porcelain from Têhua in Fukien. Praeger, New York. Fischell, R., 1987. Blue and White China: Origins/Western Influences. In J. Esten (Ed.), Little Brown, Boston. Franchere, G., 1967. Adventure at Astoria, 1810-1814. In H. C. Franchere (Ed.), University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK. Frank, A., 1969. Chinese Blue and White. Walker, New York. 14 �Fuchus, R. W. II, and Howard, D. S., 2005. Made in China: Export Porcelain from the Leo and Doris Hodroff Collection at Winterthur. University of New England, Winterthur, DE. Gibbs, J. A., 1993. Pacific Graveyard. (4th edition), Binford & Mort, Portland, OR. Gordon, E., 1977. Collecting Chinese export porcelain. Main Street Press, New York. Harrisson, B., 1995. Later Ceramics in South-East Asia: Sixteen to Twentieth Centuries. Oxford University Press, New York. Hult, R. E., 1968. Lost Mines and Treasures of the Pacific Northwest. Binford & Mort, Portland, OR. Jorg, C. J. A., and Flecker, M., 2001. Porcelain from the Vung Tau Wreck: The Hallstrom Excavation. Sun Tree, Singapore. Kerr, R., 1986. Chinese Ceramics, Porcelain of the Qing Dynasty 1644-1911. Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Porcelain Associated with the Beeswax Wreck, Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Central Washington University. Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection, HarvardYenching Institute, Oregon, USA. Lee, D., and Frost, J., 1968. Ten Years in Oregon. Ye Galleon Press, Fairfield, WA. Lion-Goldschmidt, D., 1978. Ming Porcelain. K. Watson (Tr.), Rizzoli International, New York. Macintosh, D., 1977. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle. Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland, OR. Mathers, W. M., Parker, H. S., and Copus, K., 1990. Archaeological Report; The recovery of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion. Pacific Sea Resources, Sutton, V. Mudge, J. M., 1986. Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson and N. Potter, New York. Sheaf, C., and Kilburn, R., 1988. The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes: The Complete Record. Phiadon, Oxford. South, S., 2002 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. Percheron Press, New York. 15 �Valenstein, S. G., 1989. A handbook of Chinese Ceramics. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. van der Pijl-Ketel, C. L., (Ed.), 1982. The Ceramic Load of the Witte Leeuw: (1613). Jijks Museum, Amsterdam. Vermeer, M., 2005. Glossary, undercut. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://gotheborg.com/glossary/glossaryindex.htm Wang, P., (April 17, 2008). Personal communication. Williams, S., 2007. A Research Design to Conduct Archaeological Investigations at the Site of the Beeswax Wreck of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Unpublished report on file at Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR. Williams, S., In Press. The Beeswax Wreck, a Manila Galleon in Oregon. HarvardYenching Institute, USA. Biography Jessica Lally began her analysis of the Beeswax Porcelain Collection in 2007, as a portion of her graduate research project. Her work on the subject has continued, documenting additional finds and associated museum collections. Since 2008, Jessica has worked as an archaeologist for the Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation in Washington State. She specializes is regulatory compliance, documentation of Traditional Cultural Properties, and documenting traditional lifeways of indigenous peoples. Her professional interests are varied, including many aspects of proto-historic and prehistoric archaeology of the Pacific Northwest. 16 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection Description An account of the resource An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource M. S. Jessica Lally, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6a7473ea5a87a40995343a3ec25a99f0.pdf efd5864c643ce2e369d34295003c00cd PDF Text Text Oceanic deaths aboard the Manila galleons Miguel Luque-Talaván Complutense University of Madrid Geography and History Faculty Department of American History I 28040 Madrid Spain Email: mluque_t@ghis.ucm.es Abstract In the present investigation we aim to make an approach to some aspects concerning life aboard the Manila Galleon (from the 16th to the 19th centuries), such as diseases, death and burial of bodies, the psychology of the crew in face of these facts, etc. All with the aim of contributing to a better knowledge of the life of the crew and the passengers on one of the most complex and long-lasting sea trade routes that have ever existed in the Modern Age. Keywords: Manila Galleon, Tornaviaje, Acapulco, Life Aboard, Marquis of Ovando Introduction The present text focuses on an event that happened quite often on the Manila Galleon trade route: the death of some, sometimes many of its passengers, especially during the Tornaviaje (return journey) from Manila to Acapulco. There are several cases that we have been able to collect as examples during the course of our investigation. One of these cases is particularly significant based on the importance of the person involved in it. We refer to the death of Don Francisco José de Ovando y Solís, marquis of Ovando, in 1755, who was on his way back to Spain after having served as Governor and Captain General of the Philippines from 1750 to 1754. Through the analysis of this case and similar others we aim to approach the way in which death was confronted in one of the hardest and oldest overseas communication routes in History. A hard and long journey: the trans-pacific galleon Both the Acapulco-Manila outward route (which set sail in the month of April) and the Manila-Acapulco return route (which set sail in the month of June) were long and full of difficulties. More than 2000 leagues were covered from Acapulco to Manila. The Tornaviaje, which was longer, used to take about five or six months. Although in 1724, 1 �the La Sagrada Familia galleon took nine months to complete the voyage (Luque Talaván, 2013: 64). In such a long journey, diseases were very frequent, with scurvy being very common and one of the diseases that claimed more casualties. This feared illness, of which nineteen crew members of the Fernando de Magallanes – Juan Sebastian Elcano journey (1519-1522) were the first casualties in the Pacific, used to appear in about two or three months from the beginning of the route due to the lack of vitamine C (Pigafetta, 1988: 61-62)1. One of the ships of the expedition lead by Miguel López de Legazpi, the famous patache San Lucas, would reach the novohispanic port of La Navidad in 1565 after a very hard voyage: lack of water and supplies, scurvy and an attempted revolt aboard that ended with two men thrown into the sea as a measure of punishment and to set an example. Even at the late date of 1806, the San Andrés galleon suffered the loss of thirty six men due to the scurvy (Carrera Stampa, 1959: 104-105; Schurtz, 1992: 207, 241-242; Veyrat, 1995: 186; Vas Mingo and Luque Talaván, 2002: II, 603-618). Judging from the preserved testimonies, the journey, especially from Manila to Acapulco, was very harsh; which caused great mortality (Cruz, 1962: 139-141)2. The severity of this navigation is attested by, for example, the statements of father Pedro Cubero Sebastián dated to the 17th century (Cubero Sebastián, 1680, chapter XLV); or the ones made by the Italian passenger Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, who took the mentioned journey from 1697 to 1698 and left the statements written in his renowned Giro del Mondo3. Health issues aboard Health issues aboard the Manila Galleon were similar to those given in the West Indies Fleet. Thus, to diseases that might appear on journeys across the Pacific like colds and other lung conditions arising from the ascent towards the north in order to avoid the 1 In this same expedition travelled a surgeon and three barbers, of whom only one survived (Pollak, 1973: 231). Domingo Galán Ahumada has transcribed the list of products of which the expedition first aid kit consisted of, see: Galán Ahumada, 1988: 16-18. 2 In regard to the voyagem see: Schurz, 1919: 632-638; Cruz, 1962: 97-118; Velázquez, 1968: 159-178; García de los Arcos, 1996: 175-180; Yuste, 2000: 139-150. 3 In recent days a new study about Gemelli Careri’s work has been published: Bernabéu Albert, 2012: 229-317. 2 �trade winds; several types of dermatitis, the already mentioned scurvy, dysentery, etc. we need to add the ones transmitted by mice and insects (Veyrat, 1995: 186, Nussio, 2001: 106). Many of the aforementioned diseases were contracted or made worse due to the weakness of the passengers and the crew, which had its origin in sudden changes of temperature, along with undernourishment or lack of hygiene. Diet was, for most people, poor in variety and quality; consisting mainly of biscuits made from bran, salted fish and meat, and some legumes. Big quantities of water that tended to go bad a few weeks after having boarded and was strictly rationed 4, and wine were stored in clay pots in order to drink (Pérez-Mallaína Bueno, 1992: 152; Nussio, 2001: 103-104). Due to their importance, provisions in the Manila galleons were under the care of a master of provisions and rations, a cook, a storekeeper and a waterkeeper (Lorente Rodrigáñez, 1944: 112-113; Carrera Stampa, 1959: 103). Meanwhile, prophylaxis was almost non-existent. The limited space of the ships resulted in overcrowding and, along with it, in the accumulation of waste and odours coming from stagnant water in the holds, excrements, stored food and body effluvia, that rarefied the atmosphere aboard. This became a breeding ground for numerous infectious-contagious diseases. To gain a clear understanding of the problem, it should be taken into account that there were between four and six hundred people in each ship, passengers and crew combined (Lorente Rodrigáñez, 1944: 113; Landín Carrasco, 1978: 68; Pérez-Mallaína Bueno, 1992: 139-148; Veyrat, 1995: 176). Another important matter in these sailings was the psychological suffering that came from the fear and the mental exhaustion of people obliged to live in the limited space of the ships, under dangerous circumstances and with no sign of land for months. This situation kept happening well into the 19th century on the sailing ships en route between Cadiz and Manila. Furthermore, this situation could cause all sort of conflicts and arguments among the members of the crew and the passage (Fernández Palacios, 2011: 111-119). 4 For example, the San Diego transported fifty five barrels of water —the equivalent of 24000 litres—; valid for a month of self-sufficient navigation (Veyrat, 1995: 182). Several large clay pots where the precious liquid was stored have been found in the wreckage of the ship, some of which are exhibited at the Naval Museum of Madrid (Spain), See: VV.AA., 2000: 260-261. 3 �The ships that made the trans-pacific route were not always provided with the services of a qualified health professional. Surgeons, doctors, pharmacists or barbers were taken on board many times only on the condition that they owned a well-stocked medicine chest. In each case, these persons had to face the medical emergencies resulting from the previously described diseases or from the accidents that tended to happen aboard the ship bruises after sudden swerves of the ship, blows from the sea, falls from the yard arm, etc (Veyrat, 1995: 186-187; Vas Mingo and Luque Talaván, 2002: II, 603618). The naval health staff’s medicine chests from the 16th and 17th centuries were mainly stocked with remedies of vegetable origin that were applied by using the language of those times anointings, rubbings, garglings and fumigations, antidotes, syrups and purgatives (Ballesteros et al., 1947: 521-523; Zúñiga Cisneros, 1978: 381382; Veyrat, 1995: 186-187; Schaedel, 2000: 433; Gracia Rivas, 2006: 167-185). In addition to these medicines, health staff had tools such as saws, trepans, bandages, dressings, mortars and pestles in order to crush powders and prepare ointments, weighing scales to calculate dosages, funnels, palette knives, spoons, braziers to warm up preparations, etc 5 . The preferred methods to alleviate the patients’ diseases or humors were purging by means of enemas and syringes and bloodletting performed in the arms, sometimes on an ongoing basis, which instead of relief could cause the hastening of the death of a weak patient. These practices, as well as surgical operations, were performed at the bottom of the main mast; close the ship’s centre of gravity, in order to achieve the maximum possible stability to perform such delicate procedures. Medical attention in the ports of Manila and Acapulco Although health measures were taken on board, these were not always effective and either the patient died, or he reached the port of destination in a precarious state of health. For the latter case, two hospitals were built: one in Manila and another one in Acapulco. The one known as Hospital de las Naos del Comercio was built in Manila in 1625. The only information of it existence is provided by Díez de la Rosa, who says that 5 Several objects that must have belonged to a surgeon have been found in the wreckage of the San Diego galleon, such as a small golden porcelain jar for ointments, two big containers made of the same material, weighing scales lead weights in conical shapes and a bronze mortar (Veyrat, 1995: 186-187). 4 �its function was to give assistance to the crew of the merchant ships of the Philippines. The aforesaid hospital was funded by the Real Patronato, which set aside 1000 pesos per year for its maintenance. Francisco Guerra Pérez suggests that such amount was intended to pay the stay of the merchant ship sailors in the Hospital Real de Manila founded in 1571- therefore raising the question of the existence of a specific Hospital de las Naos del Comercio (Guerra Pérez, 1994: 548) 6 . Meanwhile, in Acapulco, the health facilities in which the crew and passengers that arrived sick to the novohispanic port were taken care of was the Hospital de Nuestra Señora de la Consolación, founded in 1570. Supported with the income of the Real Patronato, a two percent rate on the goods from the Philippines was used for its repair in 1651. At the beginning of the 18th century the Hospital gave assistance to numerous sailors and soldiers of the Fort of San Diego so, in practice, it was a military hospital. For this reason, those in charge - the Brothers of Charity first, and the Real Caja de Acapulco later - received two reales, later increased to three, for each sailor’s or soldier’s convalescence (Guerra Pérez, 1994: 262-263; Luque Talaván, 2008: I, 397-398)7. In addition to the port of Acapulco, the galleons anchored occasionally, and between the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 19th century, in several locations of Baja California - like the Mission San José del Cabo -, as well as in the ports of San Blas, La Navidad or Barra de Navidad, Manzanillo and Zihuatanejo. The progressive development of this network of small ports of anchorage to support the navigation of the Manila galleon also served the purpose of the Crown of consolidating its presence in such a vast region, especially during the troublesome - from a warlike point of view 18th century8. In this regard, it should be noted that the first land that the ships on the Manila-Acapulco route spotted in months was the coast of California, where they could replenish provisions. “The journey of the Nuestra Señora del Rosario in 1706 can be considered to be representative. It set sail from Manila on July 6, it left behind the 6 In Manila, during the 16th century, there was a scarcity of doctors, pharmacists and medicines (GarcíaAbásolo Gónzález, 2000: 202). In regard to the Army health facilities on Philippine soil, see: Clavijo y Clavijo, 1944: 289-306; Clavijo y Clavijo, 1950a: 383-Ss; Clavijo y Clavijo, 1950b; Casero Nieto, 1985: 101-124. 7 Francisco Santiago Cruz tells how the Manila galleons used to leave some of those gravely ill in the Jesuit Mission San José del Cabo, located on the southern end of Baja California. After the expulsion of the Order in 1767, the mission was abandoned (Cruz, 1962: 141). 8 The following book is very useful: Pinzón Ríos, 2011. 5 �Embocadero9 on August 3, it crossed the meridian of the Marianas on September 29, it found “signs”10 on November 16, it sailed past Cabo San Lucas on December 4 and entered the port of Acapulco on December 20, after a journey of five months and fifteen days” (Schurtz, 1992: 240). Religious practices on the high seas: oceanic death and burials The issue of death on the sea is deeply related to the sailors’ and passengers’ devotions and religious practices, who were obliged to use this uncertain means of transportation. Orations, prayers, ex-votos, rituals, faiths and legends are plentiful in this transport. These questions have been addressed very efficiently by specialized historiography, for different ages and geographical spaces (Gil Muñoz, 2004; Ferrer Albelda et al., 2012). We are only going to address then the issue of death and burial on the high seas of the members of the crew and passengers that died during the course of the navigations. For example, the 1606 galleon registered a total of eighty deaths during its journey; while the 1629 galleon only had five deaths. A very tragic case is that of the San José, which was found drifting in 1657, a year after it set sail from Manila, with all its crew and passengers dead. In 1678, father Cubero Sebastián made the journey to Acapulco aboard the San Antonio de Padua galleon, where only a hundred and ninety two men out of the four hundred who left Manila arrived alive. Just on the journey between the coasts of California and Acapulco he officiated at a hundred and ninety two funerals (Cubero Sebastián, 1680: 321-339; Schurtz, 1992: 241-242). The ceremonial followed in these occasions was very simple for the sailors, whereas a more elaborate funeral could be arranged for distinguished people. The bodies, wrapped in a shroud, were weighed down with stones or water pots (Tempère, 2002: 115-116). It is not hard to imagine the terrible feeling that the death of their colleagues might cause among the persons embarked. The oceanic death of the marquis of Ovando (1755) We could mention innumerable examples of all of the aforesaid until now. In this regard, documentation is well explicit, but we will only focus on one of them 11: the death of the 9 Particular reference is made to the Embocadero of San Bernardino [Strait of San Bernardino]. Natural signs that indicated the proximity of the American coast. 11 In the Archivo General de Indias, we have been able to locate one of them. For example, that referred to the death of the Bishop of Troas, Friar Ginés de Barrientos (OP), aboard the Nuestra Señora del 10 6 �marquis of Ovando, who died aboard the Santísima Trinidad y Nuestra Señora del Buen Fin galleon during the return journey to Spain across New Spain. The large ship left Manila on July 23rd 1755 commanded by the marquis of Villamediana. The diseased and casualty statistics are highly significant: twenty sick persons on October 1st, sixty on November 30th, eighty on December 24th, one hundred and two on January 4th 1756; one hundred and fifty on the 13th of the same month. On February 1st, two hundred sick persons were disembarked in Cabo San Lucas, at the southern end of the Baja California peninsula, and left to the care of the Jesuits of Mission San José del Cabo. Out of the four hundred and thirty five crew members that initially left Manila, eighty two died on the high seas. The cause of such many deaths was a tabardillo or typhus epidemic outbreak that made a significant dent in great part of the members of the crew and passengers. William Lytle Schurtz notes that upon arriving in Acapulco, the ship had no more than twenty seven men able to stand on their own feet. It was a thankless journey for Ovando since, in addition to the terrible disease and its fatal outcome he suffered the loss of his infant son, Ignacio José Camilo, on August 5th born aboard the ship on July 29th. Ovando fell ill on August 16th. On December 6th he was brought the Viaticum. Finally, death took him on December 9th, 1755 when the ship was sailing on the same latitude as the Gulf of California, in whose waters, following the seafaring tradition, he was laid to rest (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 241-242; Zárate Toscano, 2000: 418). Before his death, he was able to make his will; a document rich in information in which he wanted to leave his earthly and spiritual matters sorted out. Among the aspects related to his burial, Ovando ordered to be shrouded in the habit of St. Francis, to whose Third Order he belonged; to have his heart extracted in order for it to be placed inside a reliquary at the foot of the Nuestra Señora del Buen Fin statue in the convent of Santa Clara in Cáceres (Spain), and to have masses celebrated for the eternal repose of his soul. Ovando’s firstborn son, José Francisco, II marquis of Ovando12, unable to comply with the request relating to his father’s heart, ordered a Rosario, San Francisco Javier y Santa Rosa galleon, in 1698 – Archivo General de Indias (Seville), Filipinas, 119, N. 4-. 12 He himself born aboard the Nuestra Señora del Rosario galleon on April 15 1750, on his parents’ outward journey from Acapulco to Philippines (Zárate Toscano, 2000: 418). 7 �golden heart to be made so it could replace that of his father’s and be placed in the location stated in his will (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 242-243). Final thoughts The aforementioned Gemelli Careri’s words in relation to the oceanic voyage may serve as a good summary of what has been said above: “The voyage from the Philippine Islands to the American continent can be considered the longest and hardest that exists worldwide, not only because of the vastness of the ocean to be crossed, almost half of the globe, against the headwinds, the storms that take place in it, one after the other, and the diseases that afflict the people on board for seven or eight months, remaining for a long period of time close to la Línea, sometimes in the cold, sometimes in temperate weather, sometimes in warm weather, which is sufficient to wreck a man as tough as iron, and much more a man of flesh and blood, who during the navigation is not fed very well (…).” (translated from: Schurtz, 1992: 233). In short, what we have intended is to point out, with several examples, some of the aspects related to life aboard the Manila galleon, contributing to delve deeper in the understanding of a sea route that is still in need of new studies of the many aspects that compose it. Acknowledgements I am particularly grateful for the commentaries of José María Fernández Palacios, and the translation of José Luis Sedano Rosa. References Ballesteros Gaibrois, M. R., Santaella, D., Espinosa Navarro., 1947. Aportaciones de los médicos y farmacéuticos españoles a la obra de España en América. Anuario de Estudios Americanos (Sevilla), Vol. 4: 521-578. Bernabéu Albert, S., (coordinador), 2012. Dossier: los trabajos y los días en el Galeón de Manila: el relato de Gemelli Carreri. Anuario de Estudios Americanos (Sevilla), Vol. 69 (1): 229-317. Carrera Stampa, M., 1959. La nao de la China. Historia Mexicana (México), Vol. 9 (1): 97-118. Casero Nieto, J. A., 1985. Hospitales y enfermerías navales en las islas Filipinas durante la colonización española. Revista de Historia Naval (Madrid), Vol. 9: 101-124. 8 �Clavijo y Clavijo, S., 1950a. La Orden hospitalaria de San Juan de Dios en la Marina de guerra de España: Presencia y nexo IV centenario de la muerte del Santo Fundador 1550-1950. S.n., Madrid. Clavijo y Clavijo, S., 1950b. La obra de la Orden Hospitalaria de San Juan de Dios en América y Filipinas. Artes Gráficas Arges, Madrid. Clavijo y Clavijo, S., 1944. La trayectoria hospitalaria de la Armada española. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto Histórico de la Marina, Madrid. Cruz, F. S., 1962. La Nao de China. Editorial Jus (figuras y episodios de la historia de México), México, D.F. Cubero Sebastián, P., 1680. Breve relación, de la peregrinación que ha hecho de la mayor parte del Mundo Don Pedro Cubero Sebastián, Predicador Apostolico del Assia, natural del Reyno de Aragon; con las cosas mas singulares que le han sucedido, y visto, entre tan barbaras Naciones, su Religion, Ritos, Ceremonias, y otras cosas memorables, y Curiosas que hà podido inquirir; con el viage por tierra, desde España, hasta las Indias Orientales. Escrita por el mismo Don Pedro Cubero Sebastian. Por Iuan Garcia Infançon, Madrid. Fernández Palacios, J. Mª., 2011. De la aventura incierta al placer de viajar en el siglo XIX: la evolución de las comunicaciones navales entre España y Filipinas a través del relato de los viajeros. Revista Española del Pacífico (Madrid), Vol. 24: 101-131. Ferrer Albelda, E., Mª C. Marín Ceballos, Á. Pereira Delgado., (coordinadores), 2012. La religión del mar. Dioses y ritos de navegación en el Mediterráneo antiguo. Universidad de Sevilla, Secretariado de Publicaciones (Spal monografías; 16), Sevilla. Galán Ahumada, D., 1988. La farmacia y la botánica en el Hospital Real de Marina de Cádiz. Editorial Naval (Hombres, hechos e ideas; XX), Madrid. García de los Arcos, Mª F., 1996. Forzados y reclutas: Los criollos novohispanos en Asia (1756-1808). Potrerillos Editores, México, D.F. García-Abásolo Gónzález, A. F., 2000. Formación de las Indias orientales españolas. Filipinas en el siglo XVI. In L. Cabrero Fernández (coordinador), Historia General de Filipinas, Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica (Historia): Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional (Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores), Madrid: 171-205. 9 �Gil Muñoz, M., 2004. La vida religiosa de los mareantes. Devociones y prácticas. Ministerio de Defensa, Secretaría General Técnica : Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, Madrid. Gracia Rivas, M., 2006. La Sanidad naval española: De Lepanto a Trafalgar. Cuadernos de Historia Moderna. Anejos (Madrid), Vol. 5: 167-185. Guerra Pérez, F., 1994. El hospital en Hispanoamérica y Filipinas 1492-1898. Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo, Secretaría General Técnica, Madrid. Landín Carrasco, A., 1978. Mourelle de la Rua. Explorador del Pacífico. Ediciones Cultura Hispánica del Centro Iberoamericano de Cooperación, Madrid. Lorente Rodrigáñez, L. Mª., 1944. El Galeón de Manila. Revista de Indias (Madrid), Vol. 15: 105-120. Luque Talaván, M., 2013. Océano Pacífico, océano de intercambios. In Varela, J.; A. Gutiérrez; M. Luque; A. Reséndez, De La Florida de Ponce al Pacífico de Balboa (1513-2013), Ayuntamiento de Valladolid: Fundación Consejo España-EE.UU: Centro de Estudios de América (Casa Colón): Universidad de Valladolid, Seminario Iberoamericano de Descubrimientos y Cartografía, Valladolid: 59-82. Luque Talaván, M., 2008. Galeón de Manila. In L. Cabrero Fernández; M. Luque Talaván; F. Palanco Aguado (coordinación y dirección), Diccionario histórico, geográfico y cultural de Filipinas y el Pacífico, Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación de España): Fundación Carolina, Madrid: Vol. I, 397-398. Nussio, E., 2001. Vida y muerte en los viajes a las Américas, durante el siglo XVI. In E. Martín Acosta; C. Parcero Torre; A. Sagarra Gamazo (compiladoras), Metodología y nuevas líneas de investigación de la Historia de América, Servicio de Publicaciones, Universidad de Burgos, Burgos: 103-114. Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, J., 1974. El Marqués de Ovando, Gobernador de Filipinas (1750-1754). Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, Sevilla. Pérez-Mallaína Bueno, P. E., 1992. Los hombres del Océano. Vida cotidiana de los tripulantes de las flotas de Indias. Siglo XVI. Sociedad Estatal para la Exposición Universal Sevilla 92 : Servicio de Publicaciones de la Diputación de Sevilla, Sevilla. 10 �Pigafetta, A., 1988. Primer viaje alrededor del globo, Ediciones Grech, Madrid. Pinzón Ríos, G., 2011. Acciones y reacciones en los puertos del Mar del Sur. Desarrollo portuario del Pacífico novohispano a partir de sus políticas defensivas, 17131789. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas (Serie Historia Novohispana; 87) : Instituto Mora, México, D.F. Pollak, K., 1973. Los discípulos de Hipócrates. Una historia de la Medicina. Círculo de Lectores, Barcelona. Schaedel, R. P., 2000. La nueva farmacopea. In Historia General de América Latina. Volumen II. Director del volumen: Franflin Pease, G.arcía-Y.rigoyen. Codirector: Frank Moya Pons, Ediciones Unesco: Editorial Trotta, París: 433-451. Schurt, W. L., 1992. El Galeón de Manila. Estudio introductorio, notas y bibliografía de L. Cabrero [Fernández]. Traducción al español de P. Ortiz Armengol, Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, Madrid. Schurz, W. L., 1919. The Voyage of the Manila Galleon from Acapulco to Manila. Hispanic American Historical Review , Vol. 2 (4): 632-638. Tempère, D., 2002. Vida y muerte en alta mar. Pajes, grumetes y marineros en la navegación española del siglo XVII. Iberoamericana (Berlín), Vol. 5: 103-120. Vas Mingo, M. M. del; M. Luque Talaván., 2002. Medicina y terapéutica medicamentosa en las navegaciones transpacíficas del Galeón de Manila (1565-1815). Notas para su estudio. In F. A. Antón Burgos; L. Ó. Ramos Alonso, Traspasando fronteras: el reto de Asia y el Pacífico, Asociación Española de Estudios del Pacífico: Universidad de Valladolid, Centro de Estudios del Asia, Valladolid: II, 603-618. Velázquez, Mª del C., 1968. La navegación transpacífica. Historia Mexicana (México), Vol. 18 (2): 159-178. Veyrat, E., 1995. Vida a bordo. In VV.AA., El San Diego. Un tesoro bajo el mar, Compañía Española de Petróleos, S.A. CEPSA, Madrid: 170-194. VV. AA., 2000. El galeón de Manila. Catálogo. Aldeasa: Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, s.l.. Yuste, C., 2000. Un océano de intercambios. In VV.AA., El galeón de Manila. Catálogo, Aldeasa, Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, s.l.: 139-150. 11 �Zárate Toscano, V., 2000. Los nobles ante la muerte en México. Actitudes, ceremonias y memoria (1750-1850). El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Históricos: Instituto Mora, México, D.F. Zúñiga Cisneros, M., 1978. Historia de la Medicina. Tomo II. La Medicina de los tiempos modernos: siglos XVI y XVII. Ediciones Edime, Caracas-Madrid. Biography Miguel Luque-Talaván is a lecturer at the Department of American History I of the Complutense University of Madrid. He has directed and taken part in several research projects, the last one under the title "Ethnohistoric and Topogenetics Atlas of The Philippine Islands". He has received several grants that allowed him to conduct researches in Mexico, Peru, Great Britain, USA, Portugal and the Philippines. His principal areas of specialization are the Derecho Indiano and the Iberoasia's History. As author or publisher, has published fourteen books and more than one hundred works. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oceanic deaths aboard the Manila galleons Description An account of the resource In the present investigation we aim to make an approach to some aspects concerning life aboard the Manila Galleon (from the 16th to the 19th centuries), such as diseases, death and burial of bodies, the psychology of the crew in face of these facts, etc. All with the aim of contributing to a better knowledge of the life of the crew and the passengers on one of the most complex and long-lasting sea trade routes that have ever existed in the Modern Age. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miguel Luque-Talaván, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/559faca3d210e85b7892a2c75884b232.pdf b3a652b025647a012f023591600d30c1 PDF Text Text Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period Bobby C. Orillaneda Underwater Archaeology Section National Museum of the Philippines P. Burgos Street, Manila Philippines 1000 Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology University of Oxford United Kingdom Email: bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com Abstract The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. Keywords: Shipwrecks, Southeast Asia, Maritime trade, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand Introduction The Southeast Asian region played an important role in the development of global maritime economy in the sixteenth century. Anthony Reid’s thesis on the ‘Age of Commerce’ highlighted the economic prosperity in Europe, the eastern Mediterranean, 1 �China, Japan and perhaps India from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries (Reid, 1988, 1990, 1993). The ‘long sixteenth century,’ Wallerstein (2004) noted, is the period ‘during which our modern world-system came into existence as a capitalist worldeconomy.’ The raison d'etre for this commercial boom was largely the demand for spices (pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and camphor) and other exotic marine and forest products in India and Southeast Asia (Reid, 1980, 1993). Although the spice trade intensified in the fifteenth century, the arrival of the Europeans in Southeast Asia created new market opportunities and reoriented maritime network circuits as the region accommodated the new players in addition to the Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian Ocean merchants (Reid, 1980). This led to the emergence of insular and mainland Southeast Asian-controlled trade centres such as Aceh, Banten, Makassar, Demak, Gresik, Surabaya, and Hoi An that catered mostly to international seaborne trade (Reid, 1989, 1999; Lockard, 2010). The Europeans later established their own port cities, with the Portuguese in Melaka and the Spanish in Manila and, a century later, the Dutch in Batavia (Doeppers, 1972; Andaya, 1992; Thomaz, 1993). Reid (1993: 23) summarised the range and diversity of exchanged trade commodities in Southeast Asia: “The pattern of exchange in this age of commerce was for Southeast Asia to import cloth from India, silver from the Americas and Japan and copper-cash, silks, ceramics and other manufactures from China, in exchange for its exports of pepper, spices, aromatic woods, resins, lacquer, tortoise shell, pearls, deerskin, and the sugar exported by Vietnam and Cambodia”. For non-Southeast Asian traders, Indian cloth and silver were crucial commodities as these are what Southeast Asians wanted in exchange for spices and other natural and manufactured products (Lieberman, 2009). The Southeast Asian Scene in the Sixteenth Century At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Ayutthaya and Melaka became dominant trade centres in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1999; Andaya and Andaya, 2001; Lockard, 2010). Melaka underwent a difficult transition as the Portuguese takeover in 1511 caused the exodus of Malay rulers and maritime trade was diverted to other areas. The Muslim traders who felt the discriminatory policies of the Christian Portuguese opted to dispatch their goods at Brunei, Johor, Aceh, Patani and Perak (Reid, 1989; Lieberman, 2009). The setback in the Indonesian archipelago was, however, compensated with the 2 �establishment of a trading concession in Macau in 1557 that led to the Portuguese being the sole carrier of the China and Japan trade that exchanged Chinese silk and gold with Japanese silver bullion (Boxer, 1953). Ayutthaya benefited from Melaka’s difficulties in the early part of the century and became the focus for the China, Southeast Asia and Muslim trade (Reid, 1995; Lockard, 2010). The kingdom’s expansionist ambitions led to war with the Toungoo rulers of Burma who seized and destroyed the Thai capital in 1569, transferring the lucrative China trade to Cambodia (Wade, 2000). Meanwhile China, incognizance of the ineffective implementation of the previous overseas trade restrictions during the early Ming period, officially lifted its maritime ban in 1567 and opened the Yuegang ports in Fujian to foreign trade (Lockard, 2010). In its early stages, “fifty junks per year were licensed to trade at first, but this figure grew to 88 by 1589 and to 117 by 1597” (Reid, 1993: 18). Majority of the Chinese trading vessels were destined to Southeast Asian markets1. When the civil wars in Japan came to an end in the middle sixteenth century the Japanese opened its ports to international trade (Andaya, 1992). The Japanese merchants sailed into Southeast Asian waters using the Red Seal permit with accompanying letters and gifts from the shogun. The foreign enterprise was, however, short lived as the ports were closed again in 1635 due to the Tokugawa government’s restrictive overseas policy although the Japanese-Siam trade remained open and continued until the eighteenth century (Lieberman, 2009). The Entry of the Europeans The Portuguese appearance in Melaka and the Spanish in the Philippines in the early sixteenth century was a consequence of European territorial, economic and religious ambitions in Southeast Asia (Dixon, 1991). Both countries were primarily driven by the desire to acquire Southeast Asian spices and other natural and manufactured produce that were in growing demand in Europe (Boxer, 1953; Phelan, 1959). The Portuguese reached Southeast Asia via the western route through the Cape of Good Hope and India, establishing trading outposts along the way. By 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque captured Melaka, Southeast Asia’s premier city in the 15th century in order to take control of Southeast Asia’s maritime trade (Boxer, 1953; Hall, 2004; Leiberman, 2009). By the middle sixteenth century, Andaya (1992: 355) notes, “Portuguese trade had to all 3 �intents and purposes become a part of the Asian system”. Melaka continued its role as a trade entrepôt under Portuguese authority for more than a century albeit in gradually declining capacity before the Dutch successfully seized the city in 1641 (Dixon, 1991). Spain’s arrival in the Philippines in 1521 was an extension of its colonial policies that began in the Americas in the fifteenth century (Phelan, 1959). After initial occupations in Cebu and Panay, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi finally settled in Manila in the late sixteenth century (Doeppers, 1972; Reed, 1979). Manila became the commercial centre of the world in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries due primarily to the galleon trade that linked the trading commodities of the east and west (Schurz, 1985; Fish, 2011). The galleon trade would run for 300 years, from 1565 to 1815. The Chinese demand for American silver from the trade brought Chinese merchants to Manila to trade silk, porcelain and other manufactured merchandise in exchange for the precious metal (Phelan, 1959; Andaya, 1992). This is evidenced by the large number of Chinese junks licenses (wen-yin) to Manila during the period 1589 and 1592 (Reid, 1995). Japanese merchants also sailed to Manila to exchange their silver for Chinese silk and Southeast Asian spices and bulk foods. Other Southeast Asian port cities brought spices and other natural and manufactured produce to Manila in exchange for Chinese, Japanese and American commodities. The Shipwrecks The proliferation of port cities meant new shipping routes and shipping destinations. It is also logical to assume that the number of ships increased in direct proportion to the greater demand of foodstuffs, staples and merchandise. Below are the ships that were excavated in Southeast Asian waters dated to the sixteenth century (Brown, 2009): The San Isidro The San Isidro wreck was found in 1996 during an underwater survey approximately nine km from the shore of San Isidro, Cabangan, Zambales (Goddio, 1997; Dizon and Orillaneda; 2002). Subsequent excavation of the site in the same year revealed a shipwreck with predominantly Chinese ceramic cargo. The Chinese ceramics were predominantly blue and white porcelains of the Zhangzhou ware type, otherwise known as “Swatow” wares that were dated to the early sixteenth century, during the reign of 4 �Chinese emperor Zhengde (1506 - 1521 CE) (Goddio, 1997; Tan et al., 2007). The other ceramic wares were two stoneware jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns in Thailand and a blue and white box possibly from the Chu Dau kilns of Vietnam. Other artefacts included iron bars that may have been used as ballast, iron-cooking cauldrons, a knife, betel nuts that were found in a small jar, a coconut a sap of the Agathisphilippinensis Warb or almaciga tree used for caulking. Initial measurements of the timber remains estimated that the length of the ship could be 15 m and ‘clinker’ ship construction type, with the planks connected with ropes made from plant fibers (Goddio, 1997). Much of the hull was constructed using material commonly found in the Philippines. Analysis of the hull structure and the wood composition indicated that the San Isidro ship may have been a local boat used to transport trading commodities from bigger trading ships to land-based merchants and equipped with sails, no outriggers and similar to the indigenous Garay, Parao and Barangay Philippine boats (Santiago, 1997; Tan et al., 2007). The Xuande The Xuande site was found in 1996 between the coasts of Malaysia and Pulau Tionam (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). Chinese blue and white porcelains and monochrome white-glazed wares were found, as well as Thai ceramics from the Sisatchanalai kilns and the Sukhothai kilns (Sjostrand et al., 2006). Other finds include bracelets and glass beads that were found inside a stoneware jar. It is notable that no shipwreck remains were found despite deeply probing the seabed and sub bottom profiling. This could be due to the soft wood composition of the vessel (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002). The cargo mound, however, formed on the outlines of a ship that led to estimation that the shipwreck could have measured 28 m long and 8 m wide. The initial fifteenth century date of the site based on the Xuande reign marks turned out to be misleading (Brown, 2009). The presence of sixteenth century blue and white ceramics along with two bronze cannons that could not have been manufactured earlier than 1520 CE revealed that the shipwreck was 100 years later than previously assumed (Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). The porcelains with Xuande reign inscriptions were actually copies made by potters who worked during the reigns of later 5 �Chinese emperors, most probably during the Zhengde (1506 - 1521 AD) and Jiajing (1521 – 1567 AD) reigns (Brown, 2009). KoKradat This shipwreck was discovered in 1977 by a Thai-Danish team and excavated in 1979 and 1980 as part of a training course in maritime archaeology sponsored by the Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization Project in Archaeology and Fine Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Green et al., 1981; Prishanchit, 1996). The site lies near KoKradat Island, Trat Province, southeast Thailand (Green et al., 1981). The ship remains comprised fragments of the lower hull, its planks edge-joined by wooden dowels, indicating Southeast Asian shipbuilding construction (Green et al., 1987). The wood was also identified as of the genus Terminalia found in Africa and Southeast Asia (Prishanchit, 1996). Approximately 35 tons of ballast stones were found scattered around the site. The majority of the recovered artifacts comprised of Thai stone wares from the Sisatchanalai kilns and earthen wares from possibly Thai kilns, as well as different types of Chinese blue and white porcelains. Based on the stylistic analysis of the ceramic cargo, the shipwreck was dated to the mid-sixteenth century (Brown, 2009). After examination of the circumstances of the wreck and its cargo, Green (1981:42) concluded that ‘the vessel may have been carrying an additional light cargo, or, she was returning home in ballast, with a small proportion of her cargo unsold, or undischarged’. The site was deemed significant as it showed the association of Sisatchanalai wares with Chinese blue and white materials, indicating the continued operation of the Thai kilns well into the sixteenth century (Green et al., 1987). KoSamui The KoSamui shipwreck was excavated by the Thai Fine Arts Department in 1984 off the shores of SuratThani (Intakosi, 1984). The wreck contained mostly earthenware pots, lids, stove, kendi, from local Thai kilns as well as small and large stoneware jars and celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns (Green et al., 1987). A few pieces of Chinese blue and white wares were also recovered. Similar large storage jars were also found in other 15th and 16th centuries shipwrecks in Thailand such as the Pattaya, Ko Si Chang III, and KoKhram. The meagre amount of large 6 �Sisatchanalai jars were found in the shipwreck, indicating that these were utility wares and not used for trade. Storage jars from the Mae Nam Noi kiln site in Singburi Province were also recovered (Charoenwongsa and Praicharnjit, 1990). The ship was reported to be double planked and without a keel. The Wanli A fisherman accidentally discovered the site in 1997 approximately six nautical miles off Tanjong Jara, in the state of Terengganu, on the east coast of Malaysia (Sjostrand et al., 2006; Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Exploration and cargo recovery in 2004 revealed a site extensively damaged by fishing trawlers and as high as 90% of the ceramics have been damaged (Sjostrand et al., 2006). The blue and white ceramic pieces were of the ‘Kraak’ type wares, manufactured in the kilns of Jingdezhen. Other artefacts included two iron cannons, various bronze and brass objects, a sounding lead, and tons of ballast stones (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007).The parts of the wooden ship found appeared to be joined by iron nails (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Based on the measurements, the ship was approximately 18 m long and 6 m wide and constructed with a ribbed framework, suggesting a European style of shipbuilding. However, the wood used was a tropical type most frequently found in the Philippines and India. It appeared that this is a European type vessel that had been built in South-East Asia or India and had later additional ‘sacrificial’ planks added in China to compensate for woodworm damage (Sjostrand et al., 2006). Sjostrand (2006) surmised that the ship belonged to a Portuguese merchant based in Macao and may have been used on the Estado de India route that serviced the Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route and may have carried the whole range of Chinese ceramics that were traded during the period. It is believed that the Kraak wares were primarily destined for Europe; while others could be traded in local South-East Asian markets. The Royal Captain Junk The Royal Captain junk, found in 1985, was located west of Palawan Island in the Philippines (Alba, 1988; Goddio, 1988). A wide range of ceramic wares, predominantly blue and white porcelain wares of various shapes, sizes and decoration was recovered along with stoneware jars, coloured glass beads, bronze gongs, iron bars, copper 7 �bracelets, and other metal objects. Goddio (1988: 115) concluded that “(the style of the ceramic wares) very clearly points to the Wan Li Period (1573 - 1620 AD)”. The nature of the recovered material evidence indicated the Royal Shoal junk to be an Asian vessel despite the very meagre wooden remains. Its small size meant it travelled shorter distances, possibly from Borneo to Manila, carrying trade goods in exchange for other in demand merchandise back to its home port (Goddio, 1988). Conclusion The study of shipwrecks and its associated cargo is just a part, albeit an important one, in untangling the complex and multi-layered maritime trade of sixteenth century Southeast Asian maritime trade. Based on the shipwreck material evidence, two general themes are examined: The ships The ships enumerated in this paper are of a wide range of type, size and construction. The information gathered from documents is insufficient to generate conclusive statements about vessel types and destinations but some information can be gleaned from them. The San Isidro, KoKradat and KoSamui wrecks appears to be examples of local, coastal traders that engaged in commercial activities within their immediate sphere. The San Isidro ship may have transported merchandise from bigger junks to local ports and carried out local trade between small ports and polities within the Philippines. The KoSamui ship was reportedly double-planked with no keel, an indication that the vessel is not built for long-distance, ocean-going voyage, as keels are needed to survive in a more hostile open sea environment. The KoKradat, meanwhile, is constructed using the local Southeast Asian tradition as evidenced by the use of wooden dowels in edge-joining the planks. Both the KoSamui and the KoKradat also carried predominantly local Thai ceramic wares. The Wanli, on the other hand, was constructed with a ribbed framework; a diagnostic European style of shipbuilding built for long distance trade. Sjostrand (2006, 2007) posited that the vessel serviced the Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route. The Royal captain junk and the Xuande did not yield any wooden vestiges due to various reasons. It is speculated that the Xuande was constructed using soft wood that deteriorated over time while the Royal Captain timber 8 �remains also deteriorated and widely dispersed as it sits on top of a shallow reef and exposed to natural elements. The cargo Although historical documents emphasise the importance of spices as the primary driving force of the global maritime economy, the enumerated shipwrecks also show other types of artifacts that have been circulated and exchanged throughout Southeast Asia. Ceramic wares, mostly porcelain and stone wares from China seemed to be an important trading commodity as all the ships contained significant amounts in its holds. This gives tangible evidence of the re-exportation of these wares for Southeast Asian markets and beyond. From the late fourteenth century and most of the fifteenth century, these wares were largely absent outside China when the country restricted overseas trade and economic exchange can only be carried out through official and diplomatic foreign missions. The European demand for Chinese ceramics is also apparent in the Wanli shipwreck that carried porcelains made for the European market. There are also significant amounts of Thai stone wares but are mostly storage jars that contain liquids, foodstuffs and spices except for the Thai ceramics found in the KoSamui with Sisatchanalai celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets and the Xuande that consisted of jarlets from Sisatchanalai and bowls from Sukhothai kilns that may be for trade. The presence of the Thai wares in sixteenth century shipwrecks also meant that some Thai kilns were still in operation during this century. The Wanli shipwreck on the other hand, carried predominantly Chinese blue and white porcelains destined for Europe that, at this time, was in great demand for Chinese ceramics. Iron bars were also found in the lower hulls of most ships as paying ballast and are used to manufacture other metal objects. Other items of trade included copper bracelets, glass beads and bronze gongs. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology (OCMA) especially my supervisor, Dr. Damian Robinson, for allowing me to engage in a research that, at first glance, may be outside the immediate scope of my thesis topic but is also equally important in terms of Southeast Asian maritime trade elucidation. Thanks also to my 9 �colleagues at the Thailand Underwater Archaeology Division (UAD) for permitting me access to their valuable shipwreck data and most importantly to the National Museum of the Philippines for permitting me to go on study leave to pursue my graduate studies. Endnote Reid (1993:19) further noted: “roughly half the Chinese junks in 1589 were licensed for the “Southern Seas”—the Philippines and Borneo. Spanish-controlled Manila was an important destination due to the galleon trade that brought American silver that the Chinese highly desired (Andaya, 1992). Of the half licensed for the “western seas,” the principal destinations were west Java (8), Cochin-China (8), southern Sumatra (7), Siam (4), Cambodia (3), and Champa (3). Japanese merchants began engaging in maritime trade in the fifteenth century, bringing silver to Chinese and Southeast Asian markets (Lockard, 2010). References Alba, L., 1988. A preliminary report on the 1985 Royal Captain Shoal expedition. Paper read at the Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists in Western Europe Second International Conference, Paris, Musee Guimet on 19 - 23 September 1988. Andaya, L. Y., 1992. Interactions with the outside world and adaptation in Southeast Asian Society 1500-1800.The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, 1(Part 2), Cambridge University Press, England: 345-95. Andaya, B. W., and Andaya, L. Y., 2001. A History of Malaysia. University of Hawaii Press, Hawaii. Boxer, C. R., 1953. The Portuguese in the East, 1500-1800. Portugal and Brazil: An Introduction. With the assistance of W. J. Entwistle, Clarendon Press, Oxford: 185-247. Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. Siam Society. The Siam Society under Royal Patronage, Bangkok. Brown, R. M., and Sjostrand, S., 2002. Maritime archaeology and shipwreck ceramics in Malaysia. Dept. of Museums and Antiquities and Nanhai Marine Archaeology Sdn. Bhd. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Charoenwongsa, P., and Praicharnjit, S., 1990. Underwater Archaeology in Thailand II: Ceramics from the Gulf of Thailand. (In Thai with English summaries), Department of Fine Arts, Bangkok. Dixon, C., (Ed.), 1991. Southeast Asia in the world economy (No. 16), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 10 �Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, B., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi, Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong kong: 211-223 Doeppers, D. F., 1972.The development of Philippine cities before 1900. Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 31(4): 769-92. Fish, S., 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565-1815. Author House. Bloomington, Indiana. Goddio, F., 1988. Discovery and archaeological excavation of a 16th century trading vessel in the Philippines. World Wide First, Lausanne, Switzerland Goddio, F., 1997.San Isidro Wreck ’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic cargo’s study. Unpublished excavation Report, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Prishanchittara, S., 1981. The excavation of the KoKradat wreck site, Thailand 1979-1980. Special Publication, Dept. of Maritime Archaeology, Western Australian Museum. Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Intakosi, V., 1987. The Maritime Archaeology of shipwrecks and ceramics in Southeast Asia (No. 4). Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 4: 1-36. Hall, K. R., 2004. Local and International Trade and Traders in the Straits of Melaka Region: 600-1500. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 47 (2): 213 – 260. Intakosi, V. 1984. The Excavations of Wreck sites in the Gulf of Thailand. SPAFA Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in Southeast Asia, I-W7, Cisarua, West Java, Indonesia, November 20-27, 1984,Spafa Co-Ordinating Unit. Lieberman, V., 2009. Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context 800-1830. Mainland Mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia and the Islands, Vol. 2, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 11 �Lockard, C. A., 2010. "The Sea Common to All": Maritime Frontiers, Port Cities, and Chinese Traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750. Journal of World History, Vol. 21(2): 219-247. Phelan, J. L., 1959. The hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish aims and Filipino responses, 1565-1700. University of Wisconsin Press, Wisconsin. Prishanchit, S., 1996. Maritime Trade during the 14th to 17th Centuries: Evidence from the Underwater Archaeological Sites in the Gulf of Thailand. In Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: 275-300. Reed, R. R., 1979. The Foundation and Morphology of Hispanic Manila: Colonial Images and Philippine Realities. In D. K. Basu (Ed.), The rise and growth of the colonial port cities in Asia. Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz: 169- 177. Reid, A., 1980.The structure of cities in Southeast Asia fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 11(2): 235-250. Reid, A., 1988.Southeast Asia in the age of commerce. Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut. Reid, A., 1989. The organisation of production in the pre-colonial Southeast Asian polity. In F. Broeze (Ed.), Brides of the Sea: Port Cities of Asia from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth centuries, (Vol. 1), University of Hawaii Press, Hawaii: 56-74. Reid, A., 1990. An 'Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 24 (1): 1- 30. Reid, A., 1993.Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450-1680. Expansion and crisis, Vol. 2.Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut. Reid, A., 1995. Documenting the Rise and Fall of Ayudhya as a Regional Trade Centre. In Reid, A. (Ed.), Charting the shape of Early Modern Asia. University of Washington Press, Washington: 85 – 99. Reid, A., 1999. Charting the shape of early modern Southeast Asia. University of Washington Press, Washington: 39- 55. Santiago, R., 1997. Preliminary Observation of the San Isidro Wreck. In San Isidro Wreck’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic cargo’s study. Unpublished Excavation Report, National Museum of the Philippines Schurz, Manila. 12 �Sjostrand, S., Bin Haji Taha, A., and Bin Sahar, S., 2006. Mysteries of Malaysian shipwrecks. Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Sjostrand, S., and S. LokLok., Syed, I., 2007. The Wanli shipwreck and its ceramic cargo, Malaysia. Dept. of Museums Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Schurz, W. L., 1985. The Manila Galleon. Historical Conservation Society. Tan, R. C., Li, J. A., Dizon, E. Z., and Orillaneda, B. C., 2007. Zhangzhou ware found in the Philippines: "Swatow" export ceramics from Fujian 16th-17th centuries. Art Post Asia, Malaysia. Thomaz, L.F.F.R., 1993. The Malay Sultanate of Melaka. In Anthony Reid (Ed.), Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief. Cornell University Press, Ithaca: 69-75. Wade, G., 2000. The Ming shi-lu as a Source for Thai History Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 31(2): 249-294. Wallerstein, I. M., 2004.World-systems analysis: An introduction. Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina. Biography Bobby C. Orillaneda is currently studying for a doctorate degree in maritime archaeology at the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology in the University of Oxford. He is also a Museum Researcher at the Underwater Archaeology Section of the National Museum of the Philippines and has been involved in underwater archaeological projects since 1999 and has worked in the Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan Sri Lanka and Egypt. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period Description An account of the resource The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bobby C. Orillaneda, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/7c0ccb1c1189faec8d0702f52c565177.pdf 93452adb14f3d1912b3121bd9fe95dc6 PDF Text Text East in the West : Investigating the Asian presence and influence in Brazil from the 16th to 18th centuries. Cliff Pereira Royal Geographical Society, London, ,SW7 2AR United Kingdom E-mail: cliffjpereira@hotmail.com Abstract This study is the second part of investigative research into early Asian presence in the Atlantic. The first investigation focused on the islands of Macaronesia (Canary Islands, Madeira, Azores and Cape Verde Islands), and resulted in a better understanding of the motives, means and influences that defined Asian presence in some of these islands, and not in others. It identified the existence of a maritime “Lusitanian space” which provided the vehicle of culture contact, and conveyance of Luso-Asians into the Atlantic World primarily through maritime employment, the work of the Society of Jesus (commonly known as the Jesuits) and within the entourage of people in governance and social prominence. This initial multi-disciplinary investigation hinted at a connection between Portuguese Asia and Brazil, which forms the basis of this research study. Keywords: Iberia, Portugal, Brazil, Maritime trade, Networks, 16th, 18th, centuries, Asia, Roteiro Introduction The arrival of Columbus in the Bahamas in 1492 and Cabral in Brazil in 1500 were voyages associated with the discovery of “the Indies” (i.e. all regions east of the Cape of Good Hope), resulting in the terms Indians or “Indios” for the aboriginal inhabitants of the Americas. To avoid confusion and respect the rights of the indigenous Americans this paper uses the term “indigenous Brazilians” when describing the aboriginal people of Brazil. Luso-Asians are Asians who came under the sway of Portuguese influence since Vasco Da Gama arrived in Calicut in 1498. From an archival perspective they were characteristically Catholic and had Portuguese names. Remnants of Luso-Asians still exist in Asia and in other parts of the world (Pereira, 2011). Luso-Asians shared aspects 1 �of culture, including maritime traditions, art, architecture, religion and cuisine that were reinforced by centuries of Iberian rule and the impact of Iberian-based Catholicism. Methodology. Preliminary research was conducted prior to the fieldwork. This shaped the study to focus on specific localities and disciplines within the limitations of time and funds. The resultant focus is on the period from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, concentrating on Northeast Brazil. The field work was concentrated in two areas in the state of Bahia; the state capital of Salvador in the north and the southern provincial capital of Ilhéus where tangible and intangible aspects of heritage were identified. This study aims to academically validate and interpret the multidisciplinary investigation in a discussion leading to a conclusion. Discussion. In the early sixteenth century Portuguese colonisation with European settlers only really existed in Macaronesia, where the islands were originally uninhabited, with the exception of the Canary Islands. Portuguese colonisation in Brazil was based on initially sending out degredados (petty criminals) and adventurers who were sentenced to the new lands in the hope that they would settle among the indigenous Brazilians, learn their language and culture and produce a mixed population who would later serve the Portuguese as translators, and allies against hostile local or foreign invaders (Bradford Burns, 1980). Between 1530 and 1535 the coast of Brazil was divided into 15 almost equal parts of around 50 leagues, each governed by a hereditary captain. Each captaincy extended inland from the coast to the longitudinal line established by the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas between Spain and Portugal. The Brazilian state of Bahia was composed of the Baia, Ilhéus and Porto Seguro captaincies. Portuguese presence in the Indies focused on strategic coastal feitorias (Factories) that were protected by forts. In 1534 Francisco Pereira Coutinho (d.1547) who had been at the conquest of Goa in 1510 was offered the captaincy of Baia. A factory was established at Salvador, Baia, but Brazil at first offered little in comparison to the riches of the East Indies and Coutinho established a wooden fort (Russell-Woods, 1998). In the Ilheus captaincy the village of Ilheus was founded in 1536 (Vianna, 1893). Another Asia-hand Tomé de Sousa (1503 -1579) arrived in Salvador as first governor-general of 2 �Brazil in 1549 with the first Jesuit missionaries (Russell-Woods, 1968). He established a shipyard in Salvador and encouraged the escala (calling for victualling and repairs) of Portuguese East Indiamen. But Lisbon was keen to keep a tight control on the high value imports from Asia including those (e.g. pepper) that were under a royal monopoly (Bentley Duncan, 1972). In the East Indies, trade and fortification was followed by the church who effectively managed the spiritual life of the new lands, moving into agriculture, education and medicine. A Misericordia was established at Salvador in 1549, just forty-four years after the one in Cochin, India (Malekandathil, 2001). It probably initially administered to the sailors, slaves and indigenous Brazilians. Through works by Jesuits in India like Garcia d’Oterga (Dalby, 2002) the use of Asian spices and herbs in medicine, were passed to the Jesuits in South America, and Jesuit discoveries spread from Tropical America to Asia (Hobhouse, 1987).The Misericordia in Salvador still holds a collection of labelled drug containers called mangas de farmácia for the major spices; pepper (Piper nigrum), cloves (Sygium aromaticum), and nutmeg (Myristica fragrans) and cinnamon (Cinnamomum zeylanicum). All of these came from Asia (Malekandathil, 2001). The Jesuit priest Manoel de Nóbrega described how the first bishop Dom Pedro Fernandes Sardinha (d.1556) who served in Goa arrived in Salvador “with all his attendants and crew in good health” in 1552 (Vianna, 1893) and pronounced Ilheus as town and separate parish. Since their arrival in the Ilheus captaincy the Jesuits controlled the extraction of timber for construction and the navy, especially in the Fundo das Doze Légaus (Dias, 2010). Fieldwork suggests that the original Portuguese settlement at Ilhéus was on the easily defensible quarter now known as the Alto de Vitoria, with a harbour frontage below it within the estuary along what is now Avenida Dois De Julho. On the hill was a wooden church that was later built into the stone church of São Jorge in 1556. The third governor of Brazil was Mem De Sá (c1500 -1572) who assumed the role in 1558. Labour shortages led the colonists to enslave the indigenous Brazilians who were under the patronage of the Jesuits missions. De Sá was retained long after his difficult term (Bradford Burns, 1980) which was marked by a reduction of the number of East India vessels arriving in Lisbon. But in the following decade the number of East India 3 �vessels reaching Lisbon would increase to levels unseen for seventy years with many calling at Salvador. The area around the bay or Baia de Todos Santos known as the Recõncavo contains many rivers, islands and promontories that offered routes and easily defensible sites for the establishment of sugar estates and engenhos (sugar mills). On the outskirts of Santo Amaro is the small cloistered convent at Praça Frei Bento that includes the Museu do Recolhimento dos Humildes. Unfortunately the museum was shut, however a sister of the convent acknowledged the existence of many items which displayed Asian influences. São Francisco was the third town of the Recõncavo to be settled by the Portuguese. After Mem de Sá had subjugated the indigenous Brazilians he gave his land to his son Francisco who paid for the construction of the convent of Santo Amaro and the church with the possible Asian religious artefacts. Felipa, the daughter of de Sa’ eventually inherited the land and married Fernando de Noronha Third Count of Linhares (1540-1608), who was the cousin of the viceroy of India between 1629 and 1645. In the Ilheus captaincy Mem de Sá founded the engenho (sugar mill) on the Santana River at the site of the Church of Nossa Senhora de Santana. This is one of three pre-1550 churches in Brazil and has some architectural similarities with churches in Goa. The mill, large estate and church became the property of the absentee Fernando de Noronha and passed into the possession of the Jesuits. By 1585 Brazil was the largest producer and exporter of sugar in the world (Sequeira Antony, 2004) and Salvador developed rapidly (RussellWoods, 1968). The first stone fort to be built in Brazil was the Fort of Santo Antonio de Barra Salvador constructed in 1583, which is now the Museu Náutico da Bahia. A vessel called the Saveiro was once common in the calm waters of the bay and the Recõncavo. Many of the features of this craft have similarities with Asian vessels, especially Arab dhows for inshore trade. In fact the Saveiro is constructed with the use of measurements based on the palm of the hand, and an instrument from India called the Graminho. Another craft was the coastal raft or Jangada whose name itself is from Malayam (the language of Kerala, India). It appears that the Jangada was once widespread along the coast of Brazil, but is now only found in the Northeast, especially Ceará. 4 �At the Museu da Gastronomia Baiana local cuisine featured as an intangible heritage and sensory experience. In Brazilian popular culture the African connection to Baiana cuisine is stressed. However there are many ingredients that are not of African origin. The coconut (cocos nucifera) appears to have been unknown in the Atlantic at the time of the Portuguese discoveries and work on plant distribution suggest that there were two centres of origin for the coconut in tropical Asia. The Portuguese first encountered the coconuts in Eastern Africa where they called them “Indian palm or nut trees” (Linschoten, 2005). But the importance of the coconut tree was highlighted in India where they described how the Indians produced books “written on leaves of some trees which appear to be palms on which they always write and of these trees and their fruit are made these things; sugar, honey, vinegar, fruit and cordage for ships and for all other purposes” (Roxburgh McClymont, 1914). The Portuguese subsequently introduced the coconut to tropical Atlantic. However, this is quite different to introducing the technology and knowledge to produce the “things” encountered in India, especially the production of coir for cordage. The Portuguese word cayro (coir) is a corruption of the Malayalam “Kayara” (Linschoten, 2005). The production of coconut milk (as opposed to coconut water) by scraping and shredding the hard white coconut meat is done on a metal scraper and the extraction of the milk is done on a grinding stone in India. The use of the milk is a characteristic of South Indian and Southeast Asian cuisine. But two specific Baiana recipes use coconut milk; the popular prawn or fish Moqueca, and the chicken Xinxim de Galinha. The chicken recipe is particularly interesting for its use of ginger (zingiberi), garlic and onions. This combination is termed the “Indian culinary trinity”. It also has cloves and black pepper. Ginger in its green form was rare in Europe until the late twentieth century and was imported since medieval times from Asia as a ginger preserve. Garcia d’Orta mentioned that the best quality of preserved ginger came from the Bay of Bengal (Dalby, 2002). Asian influence is strongest in Brazilian sweets. The grated coconut that produces coconut milk is used in Brazil to make Cocada (Coconut Ice). The Brazilian and Goan versions of this sweet have the same name and use lime as flavouring. In Asia the outer flesh of the nutmeg was also preserved in sugar (Dalby 2002). When the Portuguese took the Guava from Brazil to India they called it Pera (i.e. Pear). The Goans produced a preserve that they 5 �called Perada, and it is this recipe that returned to Northeast Brazil where it is known as Goiabada. The Mango was introduced to Bahia from India along with Mangada (Mango preserve). Another Brazilian sweet that demonstrates Indian influence is the steamed rice pudding known as Acaça. The joining of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns opened the Portuguese empire to English and Dutch attack, resulting in much reduced Portuguese shipping from Asia and attacks on Salvador in 1625 (Russell-Woods, 1968) and Ilheus in 1635 (Vianna, 1893). Asian administrators such as the Viceroy of Goa Vasco Mascarenhas (1605-1678) were appointed to Brazil and despite the prohibition on the escala for ships returning from the Indies in 1656 and further decrees (Sequeira Antony, 2004), ships calling at Salvador from Lisbon were carrying Asian wares as shown by the artefacts from the 1668 wreck of Santissimo Sacramento. This period was marked by the growing presence of the Jesuits who between 1657 and 1672 began construction on a Jesuit church in Salvador. In 1677 the Viceroy of India Dom Pedro de Almeida (d.1678) was ordered to send spice cultivators to Bahia and in 1682 two Canarin (Goan) spice cultivators were to be sent to Bahia (Sequeira Antony, 2004). In that year the Jesuits succeeded in growing pepper and cinnamon at their Quinta de Tanque or Casa Suburbana de São Christavão (Russell-Woods 1998). In 1690 under the governorship of Antonio Luiz Gonzalves de Camara Coutinho (1638-1702) two Canarins were sent to Bahia. Their names were Laurenço de Noronha and Salvador de Tavora, both aged 30 and from Bardez. These men were unable to accomplish their work as spice cultivators and were returned to Goa as they were unskilled at peeling cinnamon bark (Sequeira Antony, 2004). Coutinho ended his governorship in 1694 and went on to serve as viceroy of India. The Misericordia in Salvador holds a painting of Captain Francisco Fernandes de Sym that appears to have been executed at the end of the seventeenth century and is accredited to Laurenço Veloso (d.1708), a Goan-born painter, who was trained by the Jesuits in Goa. Veloso also painted the local merchant Coronal Domingas Pires Carvalho in the Igreja da Ordem Terceira de São Francisco in Salvador. It seems that Carvalho was responsible for funding the rebuilding of the church in 1702. Two other viceroys had served in India in the seventeenth century and were later to serve in Brazil; Viceroy Pedro António Meneses de Noronha de Alburquerque (1661-1731) was appointed as 6 �viceroy of Brazil between 1714 and 1718 and Vasco Fernandes Cesar de Noronha de Albuquerque (1673-1741) who served as Viceroy of Brazil between 1720 and 1735. In 1722 a Portuguese Dominican missionary Brother Gabriel Baptista arrived in Bahia from India and established the Dominican order in Brazil (Vianna, 1893). Bahia increasingly offered a market for European and Asian goods and the British East India Company bound to or from Bombay or Bengal would often put in at Salvador. (Sequeira Antony, 2004). In 1750 fresh orders were issued from the Royal Court for married couples, especially from Bengal and the Coromandel Coast of India who were weavers or dyers of cottons and “muslins”. In a reply the viceroy of India explained the reluctance of Indians to go to Brazil due to caste restrictions and there being few Catholic converts among the textile workers. In 1752 the viceroy sent six Canarins as paid workers to Bahia with a detailed report on the uses of the coconut tree in Goa. Two died of scurvy on the voyage. For the remaining four we have the names of three of them, Pedro Ventura Castilho, João Rebeiro and Laurenço Raposo. These Canarins found that the palm trees of Brazil were not suitable for the extraction and production of palm arrack (Sequeira Antony, 2004). When the captaincy of Ilhéus was incorporated into the captaincy of Bahia in 1761 the functions of the captaincy were replaced by the comarça (county). In 1763 Rio de Janeiro replaced Salvador as the capital of Brazil and in 1767 the Portuguese crown outlawed the escala (Sequeira-Antony, 2004). The plantation at Ilhéus was destroyed by ants in 1788 and in 1798 the Viceroy of India was asked to remit teak plants from Daman, and Sandalwood from Goa, Timor or Solor for transplanting in Brazil. It appears that the cultivation of teak had been undertaken in the Comarça dos Ilheus (Sequeira Antony, 2004). Conclusion. From 1502 to around 1650 the jewel in the Portuguese Crown was India with its connections to the Spice Islands. Toby Green (2007) argues that the inquisition was established earlier in Goa then in Brazil because that was simply where greater profits could be made. The suggestion is that the colonisation of Brazil was initially based on a “blue-print” used by the Portuguese in the Indies. It is interesting that the Portuguese chose to locate Ilhéus within a river estuary, on an easily defensible island which is a 7 �similar geography to Cochin and Goa in India. Evidence of transfer of experience and skills acquired in Asia to Brazil was considerable, even though the social conditions were different. The Indian historian Dr. Malekandathil (2001) has suggested that the lack of sufficient ships for the India run in the early sixteenth century forced the construction of vessels at Cochin, where initial plans for a shipyard were established in 1504-1505. With Indian Teak, the yard was capable of building large vessels such as the 800 tonne capacity carrack Santa Catarina do Monte Sinai launched in 1520. This ship became the flagship of Vasco da Gama on his third voyage to India in 1525. Malekandathil (2001) points out that the master shipwright was Portuguese, but essential carpenters and dockyard workers were Indian. These vessels were in contact with Brazil and the returning Portuguese East Indiamen were manned with a supplement of “East Indian” crew. It is proposed that these men introduced Asian constructional elements found in the production of the Saveiro around Salvador. These shipwrights may have also initially introduced or at the least modified the raft that they named the Jangada in Northeast Brazil. Interestingly it is the culinary historian Michael Krondl (2007) who states that “the little Iberian kingdom never produced enough sailors to man every spritsail and ratline in its navy, as a result it had long been common for other nationals to join up”. Though in this case Krondl was discussing the employment of Europeans and not Asians. Contrary to the view of John Ferguson (1923) that “little interest seems to have been taken in coconut planting by Portuguese”, it appears that the Portuguese were fully aware of the importance of the coconut tree for its safe water, and useful cordage and promoted its cultivation in the tropics. In the sixteenth century prominent administrators, clergy, soldiers and merchants were transplanted from Asia, accompanied by an entourage of followers, wives, concubines, servants and slaves. As pointed out by Bradford Burns (1980). Portuguese women were notably absent from the settlement pattern during the first century of Portuguese-Brazilian history and the Portuguese became increasingly attracted to indigenous Brazilian, Asian and African women, but we have no idea of the early movements of Luso-Asian women whose voices and original names are rarely recorded. However in the second half of the eighteenth century Goan women were definitely sent to Brazil (Da Silva Gracias, 2001). Women are repositories of culture and we can attribute the use of coconut in Baiana 8 �cuisine to Luso-Asian women, or possibly enslaved African women from India. They also introduced the use of key spices. Ginger arrived in Brazil from São Tomé in the sixteenth century. But Russell-Wood (1998) does not explain how ginger got to the West African islands. Transplanted ginger production in Brazil and Africa was so successful that in 1578 the King forbade exports from the Atlantic in order to protect Asian exports. In the seventeenth century sugar production required abundant labour by enslaved Africans. At the same time the rise of the Dutch forced the Portuguese to consider other sources for spices and Asian textiles leading to specific requests for Luso-Asians in attempt to transplant Asian agriculture and textile technology to Brazil (Russel-Woods, 1998). This was also a period when Asian influences and presence were linked with the Jesuits and their global organisation, which acted like a modern multinational corporation, where concepts, technologies and people are relocated depending on needs. Brazilian ports like Salvador were regarded by captains, crew and passengers returning from Asia as places to legally and illegally exchange Asian exotics for Brazilian sugar, tobacco and gold. Among the items imported from the Indian Ocean were Zimbo’s or Buzio de Costa (Cowrie shells). These shells were important for the Atlantic slave trade, where they served as a currency and were among the artefacts recovered from the Santissimo Sacramento that sank off the coast of Salvador on 5th May 1668. Also in the wreck were ceramics from Macau bearing the coat of arms of the Silva family, which connects the wreck to Francisco Correa da Silva who died during the incident (Pernambucano de Mello, 1979). The recovery of Nozeras (Nutmeg containers) from the wreck suggest Asian trade and Luso-Asian contact via Lisbon. In conclusion this paper suggests that Luso-Asians were not isolated in Asia, rather they were present in and influencing the Atlantic World in a variety of ways in the sixteenth century. Luso-Asians have left identifiable legacies from their contact with early colonial Brazil in a number of disciplines. It also appears that people from all sectors of LusoAsian society were transplanted into seventeenth century Brazil directly from Asia or through Lisbon. This research like the previous one in Macaronesia breaks new ground for merely considering Asian heritage in this region of South America (Pereira, 2011). It is not the only Luso-Asian heritage in the Americas that has been ignored and a similar 9 �and overlapping Hispano-Asian (Filipino) narrative in the Americas remains to be fully studied. This opens up the notion of Asians across the Pacific, thereby combining the distribution of peoples with that of trade and ideologies in a global Iberian network (Junco, 2011). Bibliography Bentley Duncan, B., 1972. Atlantic Islands. Madeira, the Azores and the Cape Verdes in the Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago. Bradford Burns, E., 1980 A History of Brazil. Columbia University Press. Guildford. Dalby, A., 2002. Dangerous Tastes: The Story of Spices. British Museum Press. London. Da Silva Gracias, F. 2001. Goan Women in other Lands. In Malekandathil, P and Mohammed, T.J. (Eds.), The Portuguese, Indian Ocean and European Bridgeheads. Tellicherry: 364-373. Dias, Marcelo Henrique (2010). The Mercantile Forest: timber exploration in the captaincy of Ilheus in the18th Century. Revista Brasileira de Historia, 30(59) 193-214. Retrieval December 27, 2013. From http://www.sceilo.br/sceilo.php?script=sci_artex&pid=S010201882010000100010&Ing=en&ting=en. Ferguson, J., 1923. Coconut Planter’s Manual. Ferguson’s “All About the Coconut Palm” (Cocos nucifera). Treating of the history and cultivation, chemistry and physiology of the palm, and about its commercial products. Ceylon Observer Press. Colombo. Green. T., 2007. Inquisition-The reign of fear. Pan Books. London. Hobhouse, H. 1987. Seeds of Change: Five Plants That Transformed Mankind. Harper & Row. New York. Junco, R., 2011. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons. In M. Stanforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jago-on, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. Manila: 877-886. Krondl, M., 2007. The Taste of Conquest: The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice. Ballantine Books. New York. 10 �Linschoten, H., 2005. The Voyage to The East Indies. Volume 1. Elibron Classics. London. Malekandathil, P. 2001. Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India 1500-1663. Manohar Publishers and Distributers. New Delhi. Pereira, C., Luso-Asian influences in Macronesia. In M. Stanforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jagoon, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.),Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. 2011. Manila: 981-990. Pernambuco De Mello. U., 1979. The shipwreck of the galleon Sacramento 1668 off Brazil. The International Journal of Archaeology and Underwater Exploration. Vol. 8(3) 211-223. Roxburgh McClymont, J., 1914. Pedralaurez Cabral (Pedro Alluarez de Gouvea). His Progenitors, his life, his voyage to and from America and the Indies. Forgotten Books. London. Sequeira Antony, P., 2004. The Goa-Bahia Intra-Colonial relations. 1675-1825. MESHAR. Tellicherry. Russell-Wood, A.J.R., 1968. Fidalgos and Philanthropists: the Santa Casa de Misericordia of Bahia. 1550-1755. Duke university Press. London. Russell-Wood, A.J.R., 1998. The Portuguese Empire 1415-1898. A world on the move. John Hopkins University Press. Baltimore. Vianna, F.V. 1893. Memoir of the State of Bahia. Bahia Print & Book Binding Office of the “Diario da Bahia”. Salvador. Biography: Cliff Pereira is a senior researcher specialised in bringing the strands of history and geography, community, heritage and academia together to create factual, colourful, strong, interwoven social narratives with equity and cultural sensitivity leading to personal and community empowerment with an emphasis on shared cultural spaces. He has broad experience consulting for development in the heritage sector, especially for small, medium-sized and large museums, sensitive narratives, diversity and inclusion and accessibility. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource East in the West : Investigating the Asian presence and influence in Brazil from the 16th to 18th centuries. Description An account of the resource This study is the second part of investigative research into early Asian presence in the Atlantic. The first investigation focused on the islands of Macaronesia (Canary Islands, Madeira, Azores and Cape Verde Islands), and resulted in a better understanding of the motives, means and influences that defined Asian presence in some of these islands, and not in others. It identified the existence of a maritime “Lusitanian space” which provided the vehicle of culture contact, and conveyance of Luso-Asians into the Atlantic World primarily through maritime employment, the work of the Society of Jesus (commonly known as the Jesuits) and within the entourage of people in governance and social prominence. This initial multi-disciplinary investigation hinted at a connection between Portuguese Asia and Brazil, which forms the basis of this research study. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cliff Pereira, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/914cc6338642585d5b75ca6155cbc631.pdf c48a9ee57bfdd64486addea0890318d9 PDF Text Text All our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without, Spanish and European Colonial Reception of Philippine Indigenous Craft Roderick Stead Centre for Maritime Archaeology Southampton University Southampton SO17 1BJ UK Email: mrs1e08@soton.ac.uk Abstract When the European visitors arrived in the Philippines from the Sixteenth century, they encountered a range of indigenous craft ranging from logboats to plank-built vessels. These boats, especially the plank-built vessels, were built in a very different style to their own. They were particularly interested in the single and double outriggers employed on these craft. The plank-built craft used hand carved strakes rather than sawn timber and were held together by dowels and treenails. The hull strakes were fastened together by the lashed-lug technique or sewn. No metal fastenings were used in the construction. Similar techniques were used throughout Island Southeast Asia. They recognised the maritime skills of the Filipinos and soon used them as crew on their own vessels and as craftsmen to build European-style vessels using local materials. The Spanish noted the suitability of the local vessels in the Philippine environment, due to their speed and ability to cross shallow coral reefs, even though they were largely ineffective in fighting against European vessels. They continued to employ boats built in the local tradition for communications and to suppress maritime raiders from the areas not under colonial control. These vessels continued in this role until replaced by steam vessels in the nineteenth century. This paper will explore the European views on these traditional craft and the way they were utilised and adapted by the Spanish and other Europeans powers. Keywords: Plank-built vessels, Colonialism, Sail, Paddle, Philippines Introduction The first recorded European visit to the Philippines was by Magellan in 1521, whilst in the service of the Spanish crown. This visit was well documented by his chronicler, Pigafetta (1874) (translated by Stanley, 2010). He was immediately impressed with the local plank-built boats he saw, the balangay, which he transcribed as ballanghai. Pigafetta records “we came upon two long boats, which 1 �they called ballanghai, full of men. In the largest of them was the king sitting under an awning of mats” (Stanley, 2010: 76). He also records a conference near Samar “the king… led us under a place covered with canes, where there was a ballanghai, that is to say, a boat, eighty feet long or thereabouts, resembling a fusta. We sat with the king upon its poop” (Stanley, 2010: 78). The fusta was a kind of light galley from this period, used mainly in the Mediterranean, with a single mast, a lateen sail and usually up to 18 oars. The picture below (Fig. 1) is of a Portuguese fusta, with 22 oars, from a book by Jan Huygen van Linschoten, a Dutch traveller. Despite this comparison, most commentators of this period were struck differences Philippine by the between the indigenous craft and the European tradition. They were Fig. 1 Portugese fusta from Jan Huygen van Linschoten, particularly 1595 interested in the shallow draft, which was necessary to sail over the numerous coral reefs and the use of the double outrigger in order to give lateral stability. The practice of sitting o n the outriggers in order to paddle was remarkable and was feasible only in the warm tropical waters of the islands. The Asian lug sail was also a novel approach compared to the square sails or lateen sails to which they were accustomed. The Philippine vessels were part of a larger tradition that was found through much of Indonesia. Therefore many of the comments referred to vessels in the Moluccas or Sulawesi as much as in the Philippines. 2 �The European Colonial Settlement in the Philippines The main Spanish interest was initially in the Moluccas and in the trade with China and so the colonial regime developed slowly in the Philippines. After a number of exploratory voyages, Miguel López de Legaspi founded the initial settlement at Cebu, which was an established emporium for Chinese and Southeast Asian traders. Fort San Pedro was built there in 1565. A further settlement was built on the island of Panay. In 1571 Legaspi moved the capital to Manila, another established trade emporium. The young colony was threatened by Chinese and Japanese pirates and Moslem raiders from the south, but the main danger was the rivalry with other European colonial powers, particularly the Portuguese and later the Dutch. Few Spanish settlers came to the Philippines, but it proved a fertile opportunity to convert the animist inhabitants to Christianity and the Church maintained a strong grip on the colonial administration (Phelan, 1959). Indigenous Philippine Craft Our knowledge for the Philippine craft in the pre-colonial world is limited. The evidence we have is drawn essentially from the accounts of early travellers or colonisers, referred to below. There is little archaeological information available, although this is expanding steadily as new discoveries are made. There is a single archaeological site with preserved vessel hulls, at Butuan in Northern Mindanao (Scott, 1981: 1). There is also some, very limited, iconographic evidence such as the Manunggul Jar, which appears to illustrate a logboat conveying a dead soul to the afterlife. This is one of the most famous prehistoric artefacts from the Philippines, currently in the National Museum in Manila, which was discovered in a cave of the same name in Palawan and has been dated to 800 BC (Dizon and Ronquillo, 2010: 22). The jar is for a secondary burial and the figures on this ceramic show a log boat used to transport the soul. The dead soul is the first figure with crossed arms conveyed by a boatman who is paddling the logboat. The front of the boat is carved with anthromorphic details of eyes, nose and mouth. The boat appears to have had a pole mast, which is now missing. There is considerable evidence from ethnographic sources that many of the traditional skills and design features have been retained until the present day. The banca remains the standard 3 �small fishing boat and means of local communication throughout the islands (Fig. 2). This is a plank built vessel with double outriggers with many similarities to traditional craft. However there is now a very rapid rate of change as engines have largely replaced sails and paddles to power these vessels. The vessels observed by the initial visitors fall into two categories; logboats and plankbuilt boats. category An was intermediate the log boat expanded by the addition of washboards or strakes of wood or rattan to increase freeboard and make the boats more seaworthy. The logboats were more familiar to the visitors as Fig. 2 Modern banca. (M. R. Stead) they follow closely examples from other parts of the world including the Americas, Africa and Europe. The plankbuilt boats were more exotic in that they were constructed of hand carved planks rather than sawn timber. The hulls were fastened together using dowels recessed in the planks and lashings to the ribs. There were no nails in these vessels at all. It was these plank-built vessels that generated most comment. They were perceived to be very insubstantial for maritime voyages. There are extensive European textual descriptions from the sixteenth century and later years. The Spanish sources are most extensive, but are supplemented by a range of accounts from other European visitors in English, Portuguese and Dutch. The Tagalog/Spanish dictionary of Pedro de Buenaventura, Vocabulario de La Lengua Tagala, elromance castellaño presto primero (Vocabulary of the Tagalog language with Castillian Romance given first) published in 1613 is particularly valuable. It lists sixteen types of boats from the log boats, bilog and bawoto, to the plank-built boats, the balangay, kopit, birok and biroko. Many words for nautical activities and boat equipment are included. These are, of course, just the Tagalog names and the dictionary does not include the 4 �names in Visayan or other Philippine dialects. However there are other dictionaries for those areas, such as the later Diccionario Español-Bisayaparalasprovincias de Samar y Leyte (De la Rosa-Alcázar, 1914). Accounts by Europeans who had sailed vessels built in the local tradition, or had even constructed such craft, are particularly valuable. The most complete guide to the indigenous ships and the shipbuilding techniques used to construct them are contained in Ignacio Francisco Alcina’s unpublished text, Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas (Alcina 1668: 159-215). He recorded that he had actually built and sailed more than twenty such plank-built boats. He discussed the balangay, the biruk and the caracoa, after stressing that these plank-built boats were all constructed in a similar way. The biruk was mostly for carrying cargo and the balangay was a general-purpose vessel. The caracoa was used for raiding and warfare and built in a style to accommodate a large crew. Logboats The logboats are simple dugout vessels cut from large tree trunks. As the Philippine forests were well supplied with large trees suitable to construct such boats then these were the most likely vessels utilised since prehistory for local fishing and communications. A recently discovered example is the logboat found at Rosales in Pangasinan province, northwest Luzon. This is a 7.10 m logboat found in a tributary of the Agno River, one of the largest rivers in Luzon, which drains into the Lingayen Gulf. This has been radiocarbon dated to between 1480 and 1650 AD with a 95% probability (Stead, 2014: 12). Alcina (1668: 197-199) describes the construction process for a logboat in detail and all his technical terms are in Visayan with some use of Iberian terminology. He refers to a logboat as a balato. A fresh trunk was felled and stripped to a depth of two fingers. This reflects the experience that the soft outer wood would tend to rot. A centre line (called a kutur) was provided to give a guide to the carpenter. The upper part of the trunk was removed by axe or adze, often leaving an upstanding bow and stern. They would carve out the inside leaving protrusions in the wood to support the thwarts (agar). The ends would be trimmed into a boat shape. 5 �The most difficult technical issue was to achieve a suitable thickness of wood, so that the boat was robust, but not too heavy, which was achieved by using a gauge or auger called a lokob. This would leave trial holes in the timber that would need to be patched carefully. The tools used to excavate were a square adze (daldag) and a skewed adze (called a binkong).The thwarts had a key role to provide beam strength to the hull, as well as seating for the paddlers and as a basis for lashing on washboards or extension planks. According to Alcina (1668: 167), a typical baloto would be up to nine (9) m in length with a beam up to one metre. This represented eight to ten man-day’s construction time. These log boats would often be furnished with a single or double outrigger to improve stability. Lateral stability has often been a problem for log boats in any environment and the Philippine solution was very effective. Due to the difficulties of working nets over the side of a log boat, outriggers may be absent or they might be removed for convenience whilst fishing. Planked Boats The hulls were constructed with hardwood planks attached to a central keel or a simple centre plank. Sawing technology was not used before the colonial period and the planks were carved by hand, using axes and adzes. Lugs were left carved as protrusions on the inner side of the planks to form transverse rows. The usual method of fixing the planks together was by the use of circular dowels, inserted in the edges of the individual strakes. The size of these dowels was about 3 cm in diameter. The boat was then lashed together using the carved lugs on the inside of the planks and series of ribs. Transverse thwarts were also lashed to the lugs and ribs to create a firm inverted bell-shaped structure. Balangay The planked boat, the balangay, referred to above in the account of Pigafetta, were very numerous in the pre-colonial period. Antonio de Morga, a senior civil servant in the Spanish service, referred to them in his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (De Morga, 1609: 190). He describes the barangays as “certain quick and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides”. These early accounts indicate that they were general-purpose, cargo-carrying 6 �vessels widely used in inter-island trade. They were propelled by rowers or paddlers and by sail. De Morga also noted the palm leaf awnings or cayanes, which gave protection to the boat and the crew from the fierce tropical sun. He noted that the ships would not capsize due to the outriggers and, even if flooded, the bamboo outriggers would prevent the boat from sinking. Alcina (1668: 201-202) described the barangays “the lightest that were used and are still being used by these natives here. They are built upon a square keel, adding boards for the side. They are completed with low sides suitable for rowing…” We are in the fortunate position of having a number of balangay boats that have been discovered at the Butuan site in Northern Mindanao (Stead and Dizon, 2011: 3). These were buried in silt deposits in the estuary of the Agusan River. A total of twelve hulks or wreck fragments have been reported in total. Three balangay vessels have been fully excavated and a further hull is currently being excavated. These correspond closely to the descriptions of these vessels and are between 14 and 20 m long (Stead and Dizon, 2011). Three underwater wrecks in Philippine waters appear to be the remains of such Southeast Asian vessels, although the hull remains are fragmentary. These are the Pandanan wreck and the Wreck and Lena from the Shoal Palawan, Santa Cruz wreck from Zambales (Dizon and Ronquillo, 2010: 201-213) (see Fig. 3 for a photo of a modern replica). Fig. 3 Replica balangay boat, National Museum, Manila. (P. L. Stead) The Caracoa The caracoa was a military version of the balangay. It was considered larger and faster, and was most suitable for raiding and slave trading. As Retana (cited by Martínez de Zúñiga, 1803: ii, 513)has pointed out, this word does not appear in early Tagalog or Visayan dictionaries, but as the word exists in both Spanish and Portuguese dictionaries, he suggests that this may be a Portuguese rendering of the 7 �Malay root of corocoro. The Spanish documents from the colonial period in the Philippines consistently refer to these vessels as the caracoa, but in the Moluccas corocoro was the more normal name. Blair and Robertson (1904) list 117 references to the caracoa in their compendium of sources from the Spanish archives. Alcina (1668: 207) refers to this class of vessel and commented that they were traditional in the Philippines and were widely used in his time. He said “It closely resembles the brigantines of Spain, although (the caracoa) is larger in size”. He notes that this is due to the outriggers, paddling seats on the outrigger booms and the fighting platforms, which were features of the caracoa (Alcina, 1668: 207). He also gave the opinion that “For these islands they are the best ships or vessels and the most suitable for war fleets. These people used them in ancient times when, as infidels, they went out to plunder other enemy islands ….”Alcina (1668: 207). He specifically mentions that Spanish authorities continued to construct caracoa in the seventeenth century for military use. The rowers and sailors would be Filipinos, but the soldiers would normally be Spanish. The same arrangement can be noted on the Manila galleons that carried many Filipino sailors. He comments that the caracoa was a more comfortable means of travel in the Philippines than the Spanish ships due to many being fitted with a thatched palm roof. However, he notes that the Spanish made these vessels heavier and their boats often could not catch the raiding vessels built in the traditional style. These vessels were used for carrying dispatches, defence against pirate attacks from the Sulu Sea and for major assaults on pirate bases. A manuscript, thought to be by Pedro Gutierrez S.J., describes a typical example of the use of the caracoa to repulse pirate attacks from the Moslem south (Gutierrez, 1637). This raid was by four Muslim ships and their repulse by Spanish-led caracoas is also recorded in Montero y Vidal (1888: 162). William Dampier, the English buccaneer, describes this type of vessel as used by the Sultan in Mindanao as seen in his voyage in the seventeenth century. He describes how the boats were rounded like a half-moon, but with outriggers designed for paddling. He recounts how “there run a-cross the Out layers two tire of Beams for the Padlers to sit on, on each side of the Vessel. The lower tire of these Beams is not 8 �above a Foot from the Water; so that upon any the least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water, and the Men that sit are wet up to their Waste; their Feet seldom escaping the Water. And thus as all our Vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without (sic)” (Dampier, 1797: 230). Current knowledge of the caracoa is based mainly upon iconography, such as the representation (Fig. 4) from Thomas Forrest (1779). None of these vessels survive until today and, as yet, there are no identified examples in the archaeological record. Forrest was well acquainted with the caracoa as he acquired two small ones, the ‘Banguey’ and the ‘Borneo’ to assist his proa galley in his eighteenth century voyage in Southeast Asia. The ‘Banguey’ measured just 18ft (5.5 m) keel length with a beam of 8ft (2.4 m, and carried a crew of 14 men. Forrest (1779: 23) gave a particularly clear description in a footnote to his account of his voyage “a corocoro (caracoa) is a vessel generally fitted with outriggers, having a high arched stem and stern, like the points of a half moon. They are used by the inhabitants of the Molucca Islands chiefly, and the Dutch have fleets of them at Amboyna, which they employ as guarda costas. They have them from a small size, to above ten tons burthen; and on the cross pieces which support the outriggers are often put fore and aft planks, on which the people sit and paddle, beside those who sit in the vessel on each gunnel. In smooth water they can be paddled very fast, as many hands may be employed in different ranks or rows. They are steered with two commoodies (broad paddles), and not with a rudder. When they are high out of the water, they use oars, but on the outriggers they always use paddles.”The caracoa were not really a match for a European vessel in a fleet action. When Legaspi took Manila in 1571, there was a sea battle in Manila Bay with twenty or thirty local vessels, mainly caracoas. These mounted one or two culverins each. The Spanish defeated this fleet without difficulty (Anon, 1572, Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon). De Morga took two caracoas in his fleet when he sailed out against the Dutch under Van Noort in 1600. They could not keep up with the European style ships d ue to the choppy sea and adverse winds (de Morga, 1609: 177). It was reported that caracoas were used by the Spanish against the Maranao tribes around Lake Lanao 9 �in Mindanao in 1639, by transporting them overland as components and reassembling them at the lake (Scott, 1981: 10). The joanga was a larger size version of the caracoa and typical of the Moluccas, Mindanao and the Sulu Sea. A description of the joanga, or juanga, is contained in a paper by de Bobadilla which describes an action in 1638, “they were all embarked in a Fig. 4 Illustration of a caracoa (corocoro). (Reproduced fleet of caracoas, which from Forrest, 1779: plate 12) are oared vessels much used in Filippinas, carrying from fifty to a hundred rowers apiece. There are larger ones called juangas, and carry from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty rowers (sic)” (de Bobadilla, 1639). Paris (1841: 91, 92) describes one of these vessels as observed in the Moluccas, drawing on information from the voyages of Pagès (1782). He refers to this vessel in French as a buanga. His drawing shows a total 74 rowers on each side in three banks, rather similar to a classical Roman trireme, but with a further 18 paddlers on the outrigger platform. Taking the two sides together this would give a total of 184 crew, engaged primarily in powering the vessel. The joanga and caracoa remained in service into the nineteenth century for raiding and piracy in the whole of Southeast Asia from bases in the Sulu Sea area. However, the outriggers were eventually discarded and the vessels came to have heavier lines and a broader beam. This may reflect the need to carry heavier guns. Eventually, they were defeated when the Spanish and British and Dutch navies 10 �brought in steam powered naval units (Warren, 1981: 256-258). One of the last voyages recorded in a caracoa was by the famous naturalist, Wallace, in 1859, when he rode on a Dutch government-owned vessel from Bacan to Ternate in the Moluccas. This boat was of four (4) tons burthen, with twenty rowers (rather than paddlers), a thatched canopy, a low freeboard, and double outriggers at five (5) feet either side of the hull. There was a tripod mast and a mat sail. He complained about the constant drumming, used to keep the rowers in time (Wallace, 1869: 358). Conclusion We are indebted to the early Spanish explorers and colonialists, and travelers from many nationalities for most of the information we have on the indigenous Philippine boats. Hopefully the progress of maritime archaeology in the area will contin ue to supplement these early sources. Acknowledgements My thanks to my supervisors for this research work, for their guidance, Dr Lucy Blue and Dr Jesse Ransley, both of the University of Southampton, as well as Dr Eusebio Dizon of the National Museum in Manila. References Alcina, I. F., 1668. Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas…, Part One, Book 3, Vol. 3: 197-213, re-published in 2005 by UST with a translation by C. J. Kobak and L. Gutiérrez, Manila. Anon., 1572. Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon, mss. translated by Blair and Robertson in their compendium of documents, Vol. 3: 156-7. Blair, E. H., and Robertson, J.A., 1903-7.The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, 55 Vols, Clark, Cleveland. de Bobadilla, D., 1639. Glorious victories against the Moros of Mindanao, paper printedin Mexico and translated by A.B. Myrick, reprinted in Blair and Robertson, Vol. 29: 86-03. Dampier, W., 1797. A New Voyage around the World, 1927 edition, Argonaut Press, London. Dizon, E. Z., and Ronquillo, W. P., 2010. Maritime and Underwater Archaeology in the Philippines, from A Passage to Asia. Bozar, Brussels. 11 �Forrest, T., 1779. A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas from Balambangan. G. Scott, London. Gutierrez, P., 1637. Defeat of Moro Pirates MSS in Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid, trans by A. B. Myrick and E. H. Blair. Huygen van Linschoten, J., 1595. Reys-gheschrift vande navigatien der Portugaloysers in Orienten, Cornelis Claesz, Amsterdam. Martínez de Zúñiga, J., 1803. Estadismo de las islas Filipinas. In W. E. Retana (ed and annotated) in 1893, Madrid. Montero y Vidal, D. J., 1888. Historia de la Pirateria Malayo-Mahometana en Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo, Madrid. de Morga, A., 1609. Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, trans by J. S. Cummins for the Hakluyt Society, 1971, London. Pagès, P. M. F., de 1782 Voyages Autour Du Monde, Et Vers Les Deux Poles, Par Terre Et Mer, Pendant Les Annes 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1773, 1774, & 1776, Chez Moutard, Paris. Paris, F. E., 1841. Essaisur la constructionnavale des peuples extra-Europeens : oucollection desnavires et piroguesconstruits par les habitants de l'Asie, de la Malaisie, du Grand Ocean et del'Amerique ... pendant les voyagesautour du monde de l'Astrolabe, la Favorite et l'Artemise, Arthus Bertrand, Paris. Pedro de San Buenaventura, 1613. Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala, republished by Domingo de los Santos in 1835. Phelan, J.L., 1959. The Hispanization of the Philippines, Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses 1565-1700. University Press of Wisconsin, Madison. Pigafetta, A. trans. by J. E. H. Stanley, 2010. First Voyage Round the World by Magellan: Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and Other Contemporary Writers. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. De la Rosa-Alcázar, S., 1914. Diccionario Español-Bisaya para las provincias de Samar y Leyte, Santos y Bermal Manila. Scott, W.H., 1981. Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society. Anthropological Papers No. 9, National Museum, Manila: 1-38. 12 �Stead, M. R.,and Dizon, E., 2011. A National Cultural Treasure Revisited – Reassessing the ‘Balangay’ Boat Discoveries. In Mark Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Manila: 425 436. Stead, M. R., 2014. Dating a Philippine Logboat. Nautical Archaeology, Nautical Archaeology Society, Spring 2014: 12. Wallace, A. R., 1869.The Malay Archipelago, The Land of the Orang-Utan and the Bird of Paradise, London, MacMillan, reprinted 1989, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Warren, J. F., 1981.The Sulu Zone 1768-1898. Singapore University Press, Singapore. Biography Roderick Stead was originally trained as an economist and accountant. Since 2004 he has re-trained as an archaeologist with a specific interest in maritime archaeology. His current research interest is the development of Philippine indigenous craft. He has a BA in Archaeology from Birkbeck College, University of London and completed an MA in Maritime Archaeology at the University of Southampton in 2010. Currently he is a PhD student at the Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the University Southampton 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource All our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without, Spanish and European Colonial Reception of Philippine Indigenous Craft Description An account of the resource When the European visitors arrived in the Philippines from the Sixteenth century, they encountered a range of indigenous craft ranging from logboats to plank-built vessels. These boats, especially the plank-built vessels, were built in a very different style to their own. They were particularly interested in the single and double outriggers employed on these craft. The plank-built craft used hand carved strakes rather than sawn timber and were held together by dowels and treenails. The hull strakes were fastened together by the lashed-lug technique or sewn. No metal fastenings were used in the construction. Similar techniques were used throughout Island Southeast Asia. They recognised the maritime skills of the Filipinos and soon used them as crew on their own vessels and as craftsmen to build European-style vessels using local materials. The Spanish noted the suitability of the local vessels in the Philippine environment, due to their speed and ability to cross shallow coral reefs, even though they were largely ineffective in fighting against European vessels. They continued to employ boats built in the local tradition for communications and to suppress maritime raiders from the areas not under colonial control. These vessels continued in this role until replaced by steam vessels in the nineteenth century. This paper will explore the European views on these traditional craft and the way they were utilised and adapted by the Spanish and other Europeans powers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roderick Stead, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e5437f1323681fdd18f5a57a92a2ef56.pdf 02c8cd13e8024965162da571d520b67d PDF Text Text A Manila Galleon in Oregon: Results of the “Beeswax Wreck” Research Project Scott S. Williams Naga Research Group 1324 Eskridge Blvd SE Olympia, WA 98501 USA Email: Beeswax.wreck@gmail.com Abstract The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. Keywords: Manila, Acapulco, Philippines, Beeswax, Porcelain, Geoarchaeology Introduction At the turn of the 19th century, the first Euro-American settlers in the Oregon Territory of the Pacific Northwest coast noted wreckage on the beach of the Nehalem Bay sandspit in what is now Tillamook County, Oregon (Fig. 1). The unknown ship was constructed of teak and carried a large cargo of beeswax in the form of large blocks and candles, which were strewn for miles over the spit and shores of the lower Nehalem Valley. The amount of beeswax scattered over the beach and lower valley was so great that mining the beeswax became a source of income for early settlers in the area. Both the “Beeswax Wreck” as it was called and its cargo were the topic of much speculation in the scientific and popular press throughout 19th and 20th centuries, because the ship 1 �wrecked at least a century prior to Euro-American settlement of the region and its large cargo of beeswax made its origin a mystery to the settlers. Since 2006, a volunteer group of professional archaeologists, historians, coastal geomorphologists, and interested community members, in coordination with Oregon State Parks and the Oregon State Archaeologist, have researched the origin and identity of the Beeswax Wreck. The goal of the research has been to locate wreck remains and confirm the identity of the vessel. Archaeological evidence indicates that Fig. 1 Portion of NOAA Chart 18520 showing the Beeswax Wreck Project Area. The Nehalem sand spit extends from the town of Manzanita to the river mouth, in the area marked “Nehalem Beach” on the chart. Short Sands Beach is the large cove at Cape Falcon. (NOAA Chart 18520) the Beeswax Wreck was a Manilla galleon en route to Acapulco, sailing or drifting north of the normal galleon trade route when it wrecked off Nehalem at 45 degrees north latitude. Based on stylistic analysis of design motifs on recovered sherds of the porcelain cargo that the ship carried, the vessel wrecked sometime between 1670 and 1700, during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing Dynasty (Lally, 2008). Project Location and Environment Nehalem Bay is located on the Nehalem River in Tillamook County, northwest Oregon (Fig. 1). Nehalem Bay is protected by a 5-6 km long sand spit that varies in width from 0.5-1.0 km, extending south from Neahkanie Mountain. Neahkanie Mountain is a large headland that rises abruptly from the ocean to an elevation of 497 meters and marks the north limit of the Nehalem River watershed, the Manzanita dune field, and the Nehalem littoral cell (Peterson et al., 2011). The seaward side of Neahkanie Mountain presents sheer cliffs, broken by the large sandy cove known as Short Sands Beach and 2 �other, smaller coves and natural rock arches (Fig. 2). Today, Nehalem spit is vegetated with introduced non-native beach grass, shrubs and trees. The fore dune along the beach reaches 10-15 m in elevation. Prior to the mid 20th century, however, the Nehalem Spit was an active dune field with little to no vegetation and dune heights of 58 m (Cooper, 1958). Starting in the 1950’s, Oregon State Parks undertook an intensive program of planting non-native beach grass to stabilize the dunes for park development. Between the fore dune and a large sand ridge known as Cronins Point to the east lies a low-lying deflation basin. Prior to revegetation efforts and construction of the Nehalem Airstrip, this deflation basin often became a lake in winter and portions of it still pond water to this day. Historically, much of the wreck debris and beeswax was found in this area as windblown dunes migrated over the spit, alternately exposing and covering wreck materials. The introduced beach grass and other non-native vegetation has since stabilized the dunes, and wreck materials are now only found through chance excavations associated with development in the area (Peterson et al., 2011). Historical Accounts The Lewis and Clark expedition noted that the local Clatsop Indians brought beeswax to trade with the explorers when they were camped on the Columbia River in the winter of 1805-1806 (Moulton, 2003). The wreck itself was first recorded in 1813 by the fur trader Alexander Henry (Coues, 1897). Local Indians told Henry the wreckage and beeswax were from a large ship that had wrecked many years before the fur traders Fig. 2 Shoreline cliffs and offshore pinnacles, Neahkanie Mountain. Short Sands Beach is the large sandy beach in the left background; Neahkanie Mountain rises out of the picture to the right. View to northeast. (Richard Rogers, Beeswax Wreck Project). settled the area in 1811 (Coues, 1897: 768). The origin of the ship was a mystery, 3 �although Henry referred to the wreck as that of “the Spanish ship… cast away some years ago, and the crew all murdered by the natives” (Coues, 1897: 841). The wreck and the mystery of its beeswax cargo were written about extensively in newspapers and regional journals as settlement of the region increased in the latter half of the 19th century (cf. Giesecke, 2007; Williams, 2007, 2008). Popular novels were even written describing the supposed adventures of the wreck survivors (Rogers, 1898; 1929). When conditions were right and wreckage was exposed or beeswax was found, newspapers in Oregon and across the country carried stories about the wreck, speculating whether the beeswax was truly the cargo of a ship or a natural deposit of mineral wax (Cotton, 1915). Arguments over whether the material was beeswax cargo from a wrecked ship or petroleum wax seeping from underground continued through the early decades of the 20th century, and exploratory wells were drilled to locate the presumed vast fields of oil thought responsible for the wax. In the latter half of the 20th century archaeologists and historians became interested in the wreck (Gibbs, 1971; Marshall, 1984). Its origin and identity were the focus of several archaeological investigations (Woodward, 1986; Scheans and Stenger, 1990). Some investigators suggested the vessel may have been an Asian junk, a Portuguese merchant, or a Dutch or English pirate rather than a Manila galleon (Stenger, 2005; Woodward, 1986). Much of the accessible wreck material was collected by local residents and souvenir hunters in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and only small pieces of beeswax and sherds of late 17th century Chinese export porcelain and earthenware are rarely collected by beachcombers in the area today. The Beeswax Wreck Project The Beeswax Wreck Project is as an all-volunteer organization bringing together various professionals and community members interested in the Beeswax Wreck. The first phase of the project synthesized known historical and archaeological information pertaining to the wreck and prepared a research design to guide the project (Williams, 2007). Information on the wreck includes 19th and 20th centuries newspaper and journal articles; physical remains such as beeswax blocks and candles, ceramic sherds, and wooden artifacts in museums and private collections; and reports of previous 4 �archaeological and geotechnical investigations in the area. Evidence indicates that the Beeswax Wreck carried goods typically transported by Manila galleons, including Chinese export porcelain, earthenware dragon jars, and Philippine beeswax in large blocks marked with Spanish shipping symbols, material not normally transported on Asian junks. The quantity of the beeswax is a significant clue to the nationality of the vessel that wrecked. Historic accounts indicate that during the 19th century anywhere from 5 to 20 or more tons of beeswax was shipped from Nehalem to markets in Oregon, California, and Hawaii (Cotton, 1915). The volume of beeswax was so large that several 19th century observers assumed the source was natural petroleum wax, as they could not conceive of any “ancient” ship carrying so much beeswax, despite the shipping symbols carved into the beeswax blocks, the presence of candles with wicks, and even bees preserved in the wax. Radiocarbon dating of the beeswax and diagnostic Chinese porcelain associated with the wreck indicate the vessel sailed during the mid to late 17th century (Erlandson et al., 2001; Lally, 2008). In the comprehensive and detailed Spanish records of galleon sailings and losses, only two Acapulco-bound galleons went missing during that time: the Santo Cristo de Burgos, which disappeared in 1693, and the San Francisco Xavier, lost in 1705 (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916; Levesque, 2002; Schurz, 1939). The San Francisco Xavier has been identified as the likely candidate for the Beeswax Wreck by previous researchers (Giesecke, 2007; Marshall, 1984). Our initial research focused on the San Francisco Xavier as the most likely vessel for the Beeswax Wreck for two reasons: 1) Schurz’s (1939) statement that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and wrecked near the Marianas Islands, citing Hill’s (1928) account; and 2) a large tsunami struck the Oregon coast in 1700 AD, and we expected such an event would have obliterated evidence of Fig. 3 Remote sensing survey areas on Nehalem Spit and offshore. (Scott Williams, Beeswax Wreck Project) a vessel that wrecked prior to that year. 5 �Fieldwork began in 2007 with terrestrial magnetometer survey of the Nehalem spit, from the town of Manzanita to the river mouth during the lowest tide of the year. This survey covered the length of the spit, from the fore dune crest to the low tide level (Fig. 3), to determine if any ferrous objects such as cannons or anchors were present from a ship wrecked on the tsunami-eroded beach and covered by sand redeposited on the spit after the tsunami. Additional survey was done in the deflation basin near the airstrip, in areas reported to have contained wreckage into the 20th century (Giesecke, 2007). With no magnetic anomalies detected either along the shore or in the deflation basin, a limited marine survey was conducted just offshore and parallel to the spit, using a Zodiac and magnetometer. Several potential anomalies were located (Fig. 3), but deteriorating weather conditions prevented accurately locating the sites. Ground penetrating radar surveys were started in 2007 as well, to characterize the geomorphology of the spit and the effects of the tsunami (Peterson et al., 2011).Also in 2007 analysis was started on a large collection of porcelain sherds collected over the previous fifteen years by a resident beachcomber who recognized the sherds as potentially associated with the wreck. The dispersed pattern of these sherds in terrestrial sites suggests an offshore source is “feeding” a beach deposit at Neahkanie (Fig. 1), perhaps off the wreck. Further evidence of an offshore source is suggested by an area of the spit with tsunami deposits incorporating the porcelain sherds (Peterson et al., 2011), which limits the date of their arrival in the bay. Based on these factors, our focus shifted to the possibility of a pre-tsunami wreck, with lower hull deposits offshore and the historically described distribution of terrestrial wreck materials being the result of tsunami deposition. In 2008, a second magnetometer survey was conducted from the river mouth to Arch Cape, north of Neahkanie Mountain (Fig. 3). Weather and ocean conditions prevented diving on the magnetic anomalies identified during that survey. Analysis of the porcelain was completed that same year, confirming that the cargo represented Chinese export ware intended for the markets in New Spain, and dated to the period between 1670-1700 with 1690 AD as the mean manufacturing date (Lally, 2008; In Press). Geotechnical surveys continued through the summers of 2008 and 2009 (Peterson et al., 2011). A terrestrial magnetometer survey was conducted of Short Sands Beach in 2010 to determine if anchors or other large 6 �metallic artifacts might be present there (Fig. 4). None were found. Continued mapping of porcelain finds resulted in the identification of a likely search area for the offshore source (Fig. 4). In late 2011, a multi-beam sonar survey identified two potential wreck sites in the area. Dive surveys to examine the two sites were undertaken in the summer of 2012, but were limited due to adverse weather conditions. No wreck materials were found. Additional magnetometer and side scan sonar surveys were undertaken on the offshore anomalies in the summer of 2013. The surveys produced promising signals, but poor visibility, rough ocean conditions, and equipment issues limited our ability to finish Fig. 4 USGS 7.5 minute quad maps showing the Beeswax Wreck Project Area showing areas of remote sensing surveys by type. (Beeswax Wreck Project) the systematic survey and dive on the sites. No offshore wreck deposits were located before bad weather forced an end to the dive season. Discussion The Pacific Northwest is a tectonically active area that has undergone repeated megaearthquakes and associated subsidence-generated tsunamis, with the last major rupture in 1700 (Atwater, 2005; Peterson et al., 2011). Based on our analysis of the historical record along with recovered ceramic types and their association with dated tsunami deposits, we know that the Spanish vessel carrying these ceramics wrecked before the last sailing of the San Francisco Xavier. We now believe that the Beeswax Wreck is instead the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693. Reports of its demise in the Marianas Islands are based on a fictional story first offered by Hill (1925; 1928) and then repeated by Schurz (1939) as fact. We propose that the 7 �following sequence of events distributed and then buried debris from a single galleon, which wrecked on pinnacle rocks or in shallow water offshore of Neahkanie Mountain prior to 1700 AD. After the vessel wrecked, the Cascadia earthquake of 1700produced a large tsunami that swept onshore wreck debris over the spit and into Nehalem Bay and the river channel, depositing material on inflow strandlines (Peterson et al., 2011). Heavy materials such as ballast, cannons and porcelain likely remained offshore where the galleon sank, while lighter materials such as timbers and beeswax floated south onto the spit. The returning tsunami wave deposited more material on the outflow strandlines, including debris described as the inland wreck and porcelain sherds found in the tsunami drape deposit. One section of superstructure, historically described as the offshore river-mouth wreck, lodged in the bar at the river mouth. Following interseismic rebound and uplift, the beach began recovery and sand washed into the ocean by the tsunami was redeposited on the beach, eventually burying wreck debris by the mid-1900s. The study by Peterson et al., (2011) showed that the spit did not subside or erode enough for a post-tsunami wreck (e.g., the San Francisco Xavier) to have been washed over the spit by normal ocean processes. Therefore, historical accounts of wreck materials in the back-dune basin of the spit and the lower reaches of the Nehalem valley indicate those materials had either washed into the back-dune area through nowburied channels, or were carried over the fore-dune by the tsunami wave. The GPR survey revealed that there were no relic river channels through the spit, and that the spit has been stable for at least the last 1000 years in terms of size, elevation, and river mouth location (Peterson et al., 2011). The only viable mechanism for ship timbers and beeswax to get over the fore dune and up the river valley is a tsunami cresting over the spit. To explain Schurz’s (1939) account that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and sank near the Marianas Islands, we note that other sources (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916) make no mention of any known wreckage or survivors from the Santo Cristo de Burgos, only that the ship disappeared without any knowledge of its fate. Schurz cited Hill (1928) as the source for his assertion the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned, yet Hill’s account is clearly apocryphal. Additional archival work in Seville in 8 �2012 located documents (Archivo de Indies, 1699) confirming that as of 1699 the Santo Cristo de Burgos was still missing, with no survivors and no wreckage having been found up to that date. In conclusion, the multi-year, multi-disciplinary research conducted on the Beeswax Wreck has resulted in the development of a working hypothesis on the identity of the vessel and potential locations where underwater wreck deposits are likely to be found. Archival research for the project has confirmed the total loss of the Santo Cristo de Burgos in 1693, and refutes the claims by Hill (1925; 1928) and Schurz (1939) that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned in the west Pacific. The research also revealed a number of sources that can be used to correlate future finds with archival records, including 998 pages of documents detailing the crew and construction details of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, and accounts of the 1692 aborted voyage and the refitting for the 1693 voyage. In the near future, as weather and funding allow, we plan to expand the survey area and conduct additional dive surveys on the targets identified in 2013. If we can confirm the identity of the Beeswax Wreck, we will likely solve the mystery of the fate of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, as well. Acknowledgments The Beeswax Wreck Project has been possible through the generous financial and technical support of Naga Research, Dr. Mitch Marken and the Nehalem Valley Historical Society. This paper has benefitted from the insight and research of Dr. Mitch Marken, Dr. Curt Peterson, Richard Rogers, and numerous others, although any errors or omissions are the sole responsibility of the author. The paper has greatly benefited by review of earlier drafts from Dr. Lance Wollwage and Craig Holstine. References Archivo de Indies., 1699. Letter dated 29 April 1699. Filipinas 26, R.7, N.27, Audiencia de Filipinas, Archivo General de Indias, Seville. Atwater, B., 2005. The Orphan Tsunami of 1700: Japanese clues to a Parent Earthquake in North America. U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 1707, University of Washington Press, Seattle. Blair, E., and Robertson, J., 1909. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803: Explorations by 9 �early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European Nations to the beginning of the Nineteenth century / translated from the originals. A.H. Clark Co., Cleveland. Cooper, W., 1958. Coastal sand dunes of Oregon and Washington. Memoir Series of the Geological Society of America No. 72, Geological Society of America, Boulder. Cotton, S., 1915.Stories of Nehalem. M.A. Donohue and Company, Chicago. Coues, E., 1897. New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: the Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry Fur Trader of the Northwest company and of David Thompson official Geographer and Explorer of the same company 1799-1814,Vol. II. Francis P. Harper, New York. Dahlgren, E., 1916. Were the Hawaiian Islands visited by the Spaniards before their discovery by Captain Cook in 1778? A contribution to the Geographical History of the North Pacific Ocean especially of the relations between America and Asia in the Spanish period. AMS Press, New York. Erlandson, J., Losey, R., and Peterson, N., 2001. Early Maritime contact on the Northern Oregon Coast: Some notes on the 17th Century Nehalem Beeswax Ship. In Jason Younker, Mark A. Tveskov, and David G. Lewis (Eds.), Changing Landscapes: “Telling our stories,” Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Coquille Cultural Preservation Conference, Coquille Indian Tribe, North Bend: 45-53. Gibbs, J., 1971. Disaster Log of Ships. Superior Publishing Company, Seattle. Giesecke, E., 2007. Beeswax, Teak and Castaways: Searching for Oregon’s lost Protohistoric Asian Ship. Nehalem Valley Historical Society, Manzanita. Hill, P., 1925. Romantic Episodes in Old Manila: Church and State in the Hands of a Merry Jester -Time. Sugar News Press, Manila. Hill, P., 1928. Romance and Adventure in Old Manila. Philippine Education Co., Manila. Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Blue and White Porcelain associated with the “Beeswax Wreck,” Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished thesis, Department of Anthropology, Central Washington University. Ellensburg. Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain collection, Nehalem, 10 �Oregon, USA. Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge. Lévesque, R., 2002. History of Micronesia, Vol. 20.Lévesque Publications, Québec. Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland. Moulton, G., (Ed.), 2003.The Definitive Journals of Lewis & Clark, Vol. 9, John Ordway and Charles Floyd. U. of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Peterson, C., Williams, S., Cruikshank, K., and Dube, J., 2011. Geoarchaeology of the Nehalem Spit: Redistribution of Beeswax Galleon wreck debris by Cascadia Earthquake and Tsunami (~AD 1700), Oregon, USA. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal, Vol. 26 (2): 219-244. Rogers, T., 1898. Nehalem, A Story of the Pacific AD 1700. H. L. Heath, McMinnville, OR. Rogers, T., 1929. Beeswax and Gold: A story of the Pacific AD 1700. J. K. Gill, Portland. Scheans, D., and Stenger, A., 1990. Letter Report: 35-TI-1A and Related Porcelains. Ms. on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR Schurz, W., 1939.The Manila Galleon. E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., New York. Stenger, A., 2005. Physical evidence of shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast in Prehistory, Current Archaeological Happenings in Oregon (CAHO), Vol. 30 (1): 9-13. Williams, S., 2007. A Research design to conduct Archaeological Investigations at the site of the “Beeswax Wreck” of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem. Williams, S., 2008. Report on 2007 Fieldwork of the Beeswax Wreck Project, Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem. Woodward, J., 1986. Prehistoric Shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast? Archaeological Evidence. Manuscript on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office., Salem. Biography Scott Williams received his Bachelor’s in Anthropology from the University of Hawaii in 1985 and his Master’s in Anthropology from Washington State University in 1989. He has conducted archaeological research throughout the Pacific Basin and in various Pacific Rim nations for government agencies, private consultants, and the Bishop Museum, Honolulu. He currently resides in Olympia, Washington, and is the Cultural Resources Program Manager for the Washington State Department of Transportation, 11 �overseeing the agency’s archaeology and history program. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Results of the "Beeswax Wreck" Research Project Description An account of the resource The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Scott S. Williams, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014