1 10 7 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/66d8200bc2f3091ec079fa026710224a.pdf c8127be33aae14cf801b44353b7a1d1c PDF Text Text A Geographic Analysis of Traders and Trade Goods in Japan’s Late Medieval Seto Inland Sea Michelle Damian University of Southern California, Department of History, Social Sciences Building (SOS) 153, 3502 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0034 USA Email: mdamian@usc.edu Abstract This paper will discuss ongoing research into the flow of both goods and people in medieval (14th - 16th centuries) Japan’s Seto Inland Sea area. Prior to colonialism and contact with the West, there was already a complex, well developed maritime network in place within Japan that has received little attention. Understanding the extent of the domestic trade network reveals the thriving trade between communities within the Inland Sea, in conjunction with the better known courtcentric tribute and tax system. Examining archaeological and written records concerning trade goods and collaboration among ships’ captains provides a clearer understanding of the networks and developments in this region. Although the foundation for much of this research comes from the documentary record, incorporating the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database paints a fuller picture of the networks within the Inland Sea before contact with the West. Key words: Medieval Japan, Maritime shipping, GIS (geographic information systems), Trade routes, Bizen pottery Introduction Japan has traditionally been considered a “closed country,” seen as almost entirely removed from any interactions with the rest of the world until contact with the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Scholars therefore tend to omit discussion of Japan’s role in Asian trade and ignore the established trade networks within the archipelago itself. Janet Abu-Lughod’s Before European Hegemony, though generally an excellent introduction to medieval trade routes beyond Europe, completely excludes Japan even though she devotes an entire chapter to Asia. Official documents clearly show trade connections with China and Southeast Asia throughout the premodern era, and mainland pottery and other goods are regularly 1 �excavated throughout archaeological sites in Japan1. Much of the medieval documentation of the domestic trade, though, shows goods coming from the periphery to the central court in the Kyoto region. While these connections are important to note, it ignores the role played by trade hubs in the provinces on the cusp of contact with the West. Understanding those domestic trade routes will eventually help clarify the role that smaller ports en route to the capital region would have played in transporting foreign goods. Through a geography-based analysis of the domestic trade routes in late medieval Japan, it becomes apparent that the connections and collaborations between different local ports and ship captains facilitated a thriving local trade. Sources and Methodology Though few trade-related documents from the medieval period have survived the centuries, one set of port records provides much information about Inland Sea shipping. The Records of Incoming Ships at the Hyōgo Northern Checkpoint (Hyōgo Kitaseki Irifune Nōchō, below, Records) record data for over 1900 vessels that passed through the checkpoint at Hyōgo, today part of Kobe City, in 1445 and the first two months of 1446 (Hayashiya, 1981). Each dated entry notes the port of registry of the ship, the type and volume of cargoes carried, the taxes levied on the items and dates collected, the name of the ship’s captain and the name of the warehouse manager that handled the incoming items2. As the records show the flow of goods from the provinces to Hyōgo, gateway to the central court region of Kyoto, this collection has been very useful in learning about center-periphery trade relations. By analyzing the imports through a geographical lens, though, the focus becomes on the roles of the provincial ports. From there it is possible to learn more about the connections between those provincial ports and understand more about regional trade networks. Sets of maritime regulations (Kaisen shikimoku or kaisen taihō) also reveal additional information about seafaring practices in the medieval period 3. The dates of these regulations are disputed, as the language used and the age of the extant 2 �copies suggest a late 16th century author but the dates on the documents themselves are from 1223. Even if they were written in the later era and predated to suggest an established precedent, however, their widespread recopying implies that though the written codification came later, the practices themselves were likely already widely followed. Other information about medieval trade comes from the archaeological record. Unfortunately in many cases there is little archaeological signature for the items noted in the Records, particularly for consumables such as rice, salt, and marine life. Site reports from locations along the Inland Sea help paint a richer picture of the flow of other items such as pottery or iron. Incorporating both the documentary information from the Records with the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database helps highlight the patterns of trade throughout the Inland Sea, suggesting new relationships between the locales and revealing some previously lesser-known trade hubs. Trade Routes: Commodities The Records note nearly ninety different cargoes being shipped throughout the Inland Sea in 1445. As it is impossible to discuss all of them in depth, this paper will focus on trade patterns for salt, the most traded commodity in the Records, and pottery, best representative of the archaeological signature. Since salt was recorded usually noting its production point (“Aga salt,” “Mihara Salt,” “Bingo Salt,” etc.), it is relatively easy to identify the different shipping routes. Even though (Fig. 1) reflects a large amount of data, the overall color distribution indicates that the salt often was shipped directly to Hyōgo from a port close to its point of production. Mihara salt came from the ports on Awaji Island near the port of Mihara, Katamoto salt from Sanuki province ports near Katamoto, and so on. Looking only at ports that shipped more than five hundred koku (1 koku = approximately 330 lbs) of salt to Hyōgo over the year, however, reveals further information about transshipment trends (Fig. 2). 3 �Fig. 1 All salt shipments in the Records (Michelle Damian) Fig. 2 Ports shipping more than 500 koku of salt in the Records. (Michelle Damian) 4 �One of best examples of an unexpected transshipment hub is Takasaki. Particularly in comparison to its neighbor ports of Onomichi and Setoda, Takasaki was not a major port. It shipped to Hyōgo only about one-third to onequarter of the total amount of goods sent by either Setoda or Onomichi. Yet even Takasaki shipped a smaller quantity of items, it served as a transshipment point for Suō salt, produced in Suō province west of Takasaki. The ports of Fig. 3 Shipments of cloth in the Records. (Michelle Damian) Tomita, Yanai, and Kaminoseki, actually located in Suō, sent less Suō salt to Hyōgo than the six hundred koku shipped from Takasaki in Aki province. The absence of Suō salt in other ports east of Takasaki strongly suggests that Takasaki was the primary destination for ships carrying that cargo. After those ships offloaded their cargo there, it was then in turn sent to Hyōgo. Takasaki’s role becomes even more interesting when other goods and locations are also considered. Cloth often was brought to Japan from the mainland via Kyushu. When mapping the shipments of cloth to Hyōgo in the records, Takasaki and the adjacent Kamagari are apparent as the major suppliers, with Sakihama a distant third (Fig. 3). In considering rice shipments as well, the only port shipping Kyushu rice to Hyōgo is Kamagari. A fourth product named nikomi in the Records is shipped to Hyōgo only from Moji and Kamagari4. Other ports noted in the Records that are closer to Kyushu, including the adjacent ports of Shimonoseki and Moji as well as all of the other Suō province ports, were bypassed by the Kyushu products in favor of the further Takasaki and Kamagari, but did not go as far as the much heavier trafficked Onomichi and Setoda. One possible reason for Takasaki and Kamagari’s favored role may have been an attempt to protect cargo shipments. The seas around the islands immediately to the west of Takasaki are home to strong currents and treacherous waters. Moreover, slightly southwest of Takasaki but east of 5 �Setoda were islands inhabited by pirate clans as early as the mid-1300s (Shapinsky, 2005: 147). In the Records, ships coming from the western ports were generally larger but less frequent than their counterparts from the eastern ports. Their captains would therefore have had to maneuver their large ships through dangerous shoals with which they were less familiar, and needed to defend against piracy to boot. Transshipping at Takasaki or Kamagari would have allowed them to transfer their goods to captains in smaller ships that were more familiar with the waters, without crossing over the more treacherous areas to Onomichi and Setoda. Items that allow the incorporation of the archaeological record into the analysis provide much more information about the spread of trade goods throughout the Inland Sea. The most obvious of these is in the analysis of pottery. The Records alone note that small jugs (tsubo), were shipped to Hyōgo from Sakai, Katakami, and Inbe (Fig. 4). Suribachi, a shallow bowl used in cooking, were shipped only from Jige, and only once throughout the entire year of records. There is a notation in one shipment from Ushimado that records six suribachi as part of the taxes levied on a shipment of sesame seeds, but as this was not recorded as part of the official taxable cargo it is an unusual case, and cannot necessarily be factored into the analysis of the typical cargo shipments. While the type of pottery unspecified Records, volume of in the is the total shipping from the Bizen area (including the Katakami and Inbe kilns) and the kiln ruins from the Inbe Fig. 4 Bizen pottery in the Records and in archaeological evidence. (Michelle Damian) 6 �area strongly suggest that the majority if not all of the pottery was Bizen ware (San’yo, 1978: 62)5. The pottery coming from Sakai is more questionable, but the pottery was brought in on the same boat that contained Kojima salt, also on the Bizen peninsula. This suggests that that vessel also visited or was shipping items from Bizen, and could therefore have been transporting Bizen ware to Hyōgo as well. While the Records provide information about the flow of Bizen pottery from its production point to Hyōgo, it is only a small part of the entire picture. In looking at archaeological site reports along the Inland Sea, the presence of Bizen ware is ubiquitous. Excavations in terrestrial settlements in Bingo province (Onomichi, Kusado Sengen), Sanuki (Nohara, Michi-shita site), Harima (Aboshi, MurotsuHyōgo)6, and even far inland in Aki (Yoshikawa Genshun site) reveal significant amounts of Bizen ware, ranging from suribachi cooking dishes, to tsubo jars, to larger vats and other implements. Underwater recoveries, which were not systematic excavations but simply pottery discovered through serendipity such as being caught up in fishing nets, also dot the Inland Sea. These are mostly located in the central inland sea area at sites near Naoshima, Aji, and Kugui-no-oki, and likely are the remnants of either shipwrecks or jettisoned cargo. The final type of site is represented only by Mizunoko-iwa, which was a shipwreck site that yielded nearly two hundred pieces of Bizen pottery (San’yo, 1978: 80-81). Looking at the sites alone certainly suggests a wider variety of usage for Bizen ware throughout the inland sea. Not only flowing from the production point east to Hyōgo and the central court, Bizen ware was also shipped out to destinations far west of the kilns. More Kamakura and Muromachi-era Bizen ware has been discovered on Honshu than on the western areas of Shikoku, possibly suggesting more direct interaction with the former area. Two sites are of particular interest. The first is Aboshi in Harima, a destination in between the kilns near Inbe and the checkpoint at Hyōgo. A number of pieces of Bizen pottery from the 15th century were found here, especially larger vats (kame) (Nakagawa, 2008: 119). They show 7 �evidence of use, and as such were likely imported to Aboshi as a final destination (Nakagawa, 2008: 124). Large numbers of pottery found in one area with no signs of usage would have been more likely to indicate a transshipment location. The information from the Records shows Aboshi as a small-to-medium sized port, sending sixty two ships to Hyōgo over the course of the year, most of which carried less than 100 koku of goods. It does not appear to have been a major source of transshipping based on traceable goods, but the evidence of Bizen ware used in Aboshi still suggests that there was direct trade happening with other estates along the Inland Sea. Instead of being a commercial center for incoming and outgoing goods, though, Aboshi was mainly an import destination. The second significant archaeological site is the shipwreck at Mizunoko-iwa. Located approximately six kilometers offshore of Shōdoshima, it is one of the only underwater discoveries of a Muromachi-era shipwreck site to date. Though the ship itself has been lost to the elements, the pottery cache recovered yielded 35 large jars (kame), 71 large jugs (tsubo), 14 small jugs (tsubo) and 66 cooking bowls (suribachi), totaling 189 objects. This provides at least a minimum representation of the number and types of items that would have been shipped longer distances. The ship’s intended final destination is unknown, though it may have been the Kumano area on the Kii peninsula. Bizen ware has often been discovered along the coast of Wakayama prefecture, and the wreck site places a ship leaving the kilns at Katakami and Inbe squarely along that route (San’yo, 1978: 65). The first archaeological evidence of ballast stones used on ships also comes from the Mizunoko site. Although the origin of the ballast stones has not yet been identified, studies have shown that they were not from the region near the kilns, which suggests that the vessel had loaded them at yet another port possibly from the Kishū or Shikoku area (San’yo, 1978: 87-88). The likely route of the voyage from Bizen directly to Kishū, as well as the combination of Bizen ware and ballast from a different location, suggests the direct interaction between two 8 �removed locales, further demonstrating the wide range of domestic ties and trade routes. Trade routes: People The maritime regulations suggest that voyaging together was a common occurrence. Several articles refer to the responsibility of one boat to lend aid to another in trouble, or to rescue individuals in the case of a shipwreck. As the regulations also suggest disputes in the case of allocating profits when cargo was lost or ships were damaged, it is possible that sailors traveling together also acted as witnesses to provide evidence to settle those disputes (Shinjō, 1994: 777). The Records note 171 vessels as edabune (“branch ships”), a term used in the maritime regulations as referring to an accompanying ship on a voyage 7. Understanding that this was a common practice further suggests stronger ties between individual captains. With common Japanese names such as Tarō Jirō or Shirō Gorō – roughly equivalent to trying to research the backgrounds of captains named “Bob” or “Joe” in the English world – and no other corroborating records, scholars have assumed that the captains in the Records were generally untraceable. Captaining a ship is a particular skill, though, particularly in the sometimes treacherous waters of the Inland Sea. In a finite geographical area, it is highly unlikely that there were multiple men with the same names plying the waters simultaneously. Examining the captain’s names through a geographic lens reveals that these individuals were indeed traceable and furthermore highlights collaboration between captains in their voyages. The voyages of Hyōe Tarō are an excellent example of one such ship captain’s network in play. His name appears associated with nine ships registered in Matsue, eight in Mihara, and three in Ushimado (once as primary and twice as secondary captain) (Fig. 5). The ships often arrive within one or two days of each other, and in one case a Hyōe Tarōcaptained vessel from Matsue and Mihara arrive on the same day. Since the same 9 �individual could not be physically captaining both vessels, at first glance it seems impossible that this was the same individual in every case. Fig. 5 Ports affiliated with Hyōe Tarō and his extended network. Considering the names of the captains of other ships that arrived in Hyōgo on the same days, though, the question becomes more complex. The same names appeared regularly, hailing from nearby ports – Yura, Murotsu, Hibi, and the same Matsue, Mihara, and Ushimado, though the majority were registered to Mihara. The table below details the names of the accompanying captains and the ports they were registered to, along with the type (Matsue, Mihara, or Ushimado) of Hyōe Tarō-captained vessel that they arrived in Hyōgo alongside (Table 1). Regardless of whether Hyōe Tarō’s ships were from Matsue or Mihara, the names of the accompanying captains were often the same: Emon Gorō, Mata Gorō, Gorō Tarō and others, mostly from Mihara, accompanied Hyōe Tarō’s boats regularly. 10 �Hyōe Tarō Vessels Port # of Boats* Registry Matsue 9 Accompanying Vessels Accompanying Port Affiliation (s) # of Boats* Captain Emon Tarō Mihara 1 Hibi 1 Gorō Tarō Mihara 3 Mata Gorō Mihara 2 Kanimori Tarō Mihara 3 Taifu Jirō Mihara 1 Mihara 8 Emon Tarō Mihara 6 Gorō Tarō Mihara 3 Mata Gorō Mihara 2 Kanimori Tarō Mihara 1 Yura 1 Taifu Jirō Mihara 1 Emon Jirō Murotsu 3 Hyōe Jirō Matsue 2 Ushimado 3 Gorō Tarō Mihara 1 Emon Jirō Murotsu 1 Hyōe Jirō Matsue 2 * “# of Boats” denotes the total number of vessels captained by the same person from the same port of registry. For example, Hyōe Tarō captained nine total boats from Matsue in 1445. The captains of the accompanying vessels listed to the right may have sailed with Hyōe Tarō’s Matsue boats from one to three times, and sometimes the same individual captained boats registered in different locations (e.g., Emon Tarō who accompanied Hyōe Tarō’s Matsue boats once on a Mihara and once on a Hibi boat). Table 1. Hyōe Tarō boats and networks In looking at cargo carried, all of the cargo from Hyōe Tarō Mihara and Matsue vessels as well as their accompanying ships consisted of Mihara salt, with Hyōe Tarō’s ships often carrying the largest cargo. The Ushimado vessels were exceptions; when Hyōe Tarō was primary captain it carried rice and in both secondary captaincies the cargo was Shima salt. With the common cargos combined with the connections between the individual captains, it seems likely that this was indeed the same Hyōe Tarō affiliated with all of the ships. The maritime regulations suggest that the shipowner and ship’s captain could be the same or could be two different individuals. Hyōe Tarō may have based himself in Mihara where he was accepted into that network of other ships’ captains, and also owned 11 �boats (or in the Ushimado cases where he is listed as secondary captain, perhaps shares in vessels) registered in other ports. If Hyōe Tarō were the shipowner but had someone else piloting his vessel, his name may have been written in the Records as the person primarily responsible for the ship and its cargo. The fact that he was an established member of the extant Mihara-based network allowed his boats from Matsue to join the voyages to Hyōgo, all carrying salt from Mihara. There are many such examples of captains’ networks that are revealed through a geographic analysis of individual names in the Records. The implications of this on the study of medieval Japanese labor practices are worth noting. Skilled workers, such as the ships’ captains, could be affiliated with ships registered to different ports in entirely different provinces. Most studies of medieval laborers focus on the agrarian sector, which were by their nature tied to the land they cultivated. Examining maritime practices shows that labor mobility may have been more possible than had been previously thought. In cases such as Hyōe Tarō’s, if he was indeed the ship owner for the Matsue vessels, it also implies the ability of individuals to own property in diverse regions – a privilege generally thought to have been reserved for members of the upper classes. Examining the geographic ties between the ship’s captains simultaneously suggests the potential for their mobility and their property owning. Conclusion Though this paper focuses on domestic trade routes in medieval Japan before direct interactions with the Western world began, the principles outlined here are still relevant to later maritime connections. This analysis demonstrates the established domestic maritime networks for both people and commodities and suggests transshipment hubs. Particularly in cases such as Takasaki and Kamagari, the geographic tracking of the flow of goods shows the role that relatively smaller ports might have played in transshipping goods from the southern regions. As Western trade was funneled through the offices in Kyushu, additional research will show whether those ports continued in their middleman role in 12 �shipping goods to eastern Japan, or whether their importance faded as infrastructure improved and the threat of piracy was squelched. The captains’ networks may have been useful in facilitating Western trade as well. Peter Shapinsky’s analysis of portolans (nautical charts) from early modern Japan shows their hybrid nature, using a mixture of Western and Asian scripts and iconographies (Shapinsky, 2006: 5). Further, he suggests that the ships’ crews in the 16th century were largely a mixture of nationalities and that the captains were the arbiters of knowledge on board, responsible for the safety of the ship and its crew and therefore for keeping accurate charts and records (Shapinsky, 2006: 15). The maritime networks of the inland sea show that collaboration between captains was already common practice, and could have easily extended their reach in cooperating with foreign captains in later years. The connections shown through this geographic analysis, while focused on domestic trade, are representative of the importance of the Inland Sea region as a shipping center. Privileging the geography and incorporating both documentary and archaeological evidence into the analysis further deepens our understanding of shipping and common maritime practices within medieval Japan. Acknowledgements I am grateful for the opportunity to be a part of the panel that Dr. María Cruz Berrocal and Dr. Mark Staniforth have coordinated. I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Joan Piggott, for her support at the University of Southern California. Financial support from the USC Provost’s Fellowship and the Fulbright Doctoral Fellowship for research both in the USA and Japan was critical. The Tokyo University Historiographical Institution and Meiji University both generously opened their archives to me. I am indebted to many people for their feedback during this process, but most especially from Dr. Kurt Knoerl and Sachiko Kawai. Endnote 1 For the purposes of this paper, the premodern era is defined as pre-Tokugawa era (i.e., prior to 1603) and the medieval period refers to the Kamakura through Muromachi/Sengoku periods (1185– 1603). The focus of this paper is largely the late medieval as represented by the Muromachi era (1337– 1573). 13 �2 The port of registry was not necessarily the beginning point of each boat’s voyage to Hyōgo, though in many cases it is likely that they were indeed the same. 3 The word “kaisen” literally translates to “ship going from place to place,” and usually refers specifically to a coastal trade ship. Since some of the articles in the regulations refer to riverboats, port regulations, and personnel issues, I have chosen to translate this as “maritime” rules or regulations. 4 The actual meaning of nikomi is unclear. It is thought to have been some kind of fish or marine good. 5 One kiln in the Furōzan area of Inbe was nearly forty meters long, which based on other contemporary kilns suggests that it was producing pottery from at least the early Muromachi era (15th c). 6 Murotsu-Hyōgo is different from the port of Murotsu in the Records. The latter is in Awaji province. 7 Flagships are referred to as honsen/motobune in the maritime regulations. The Records do not denote any boats as honsen, but do have several “nagabune” (longboat) notations which may have been another term for flagship. References Hayashiya, T., (Ed.), 1981. Hyōgo Kitaseki Irifune Nōchō. Chūo Kōron Bijutsu Shuppan, Tokyo. Nakagawa, T., 2008. Ceramics Unearthed at the Furuaboshi Site in Hyogo Prefecture. Trade Ceramics Studies, Vol. 28: 118–125. San’yō, S., (Ed.), 1978. Kaitei No Kobizen: Mizunoko Iwa Gakushutsu Chōsa Kiroku. San’yō Shinbunsha, Okayama-shi, Japan. Shapinsky, P. D., 2006. Polyvocal Portolans: Nautical Charts and Hybrid Maritime Cultures in Early Modern East Asia. Early Modern Japan, Vol. 14: 4-26. Shapinsky, P. D., 2005. Lords of the Sea: Pirates, Violence, and Exchange in Medieval Japan. PhD Dissertation. University of Michigan, Michigan, USA. Shinjō, T., 1994. Chūsei suiunshi no kenkyū. Hanawa Shobo, Tokyo. Michelle Damian has an MA in Maritime Archaeology from East Carolina University and is currently a PhD candidate at the University of Southern California. She has volunteered as Exhibits Editor with the online Museum of Underwater Archaeology (http://www.themua.org) since 2004. Her dissertation focuses on the maritime cultural landscape of Japan’s Seto Inland Sea, combining both written and archaeological evidence to explore maritime practices in the late medieval period (15th - 16th centuries). 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Geographic Analysis of Traders and Trade Goods in Japan's Late Medieval Seto Inland Sea Description An account of the resource This paper will discuss ongoing research into the flow of both goods and people in medieval (14th - 16th centuries) Japan’s Seto Inland Sea area. Prior to colonialism and contact with the West, there was already a complex, well developed maritime network in place within Japan that has received little attention. Understanding the extent of the domestic trade network reveals the thriving trade between communities within the Inland Sea, in conjunction with the better known court-centric tribute and tax system. Examining archaeological and written records concerning trade goods and collaboration among ships’ captains provides a clearer understanding of the networks and developments in this region. Although the foundation for much of this research comes from the documentary record, incorporating the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database paints a fuller picture of the networks within the Inland Sea before contact with the West. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Michelle Damian, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/54d57e105509e449c3e99e1b65b14073.pdf 5f2f3a9d54b60b7bf94d74df866ca01e PDF Text Text The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America and its causes José María Lancho Legalventure, C/Sagasta nº 24, 6º D, Madrid, Spain Email: Jml@josemarialancho.com Abstract The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue. Key words: Hispanic Heritage, shipwrecks, treasure-hunters, national and international waters, legal approaches Introduction The history of the submerged Hispanic heritage in the United States is the story of a stolen memory. In fact, it is of a memory that can still be robbed and one that has not had the effective legal protection that it deserves, given the nature of the destruction done and the irreversible loss of a common and valuable legacy. The scarcity of academic and scientific debate that this destructive process has meant for the entire historical registry of the history of the United States is surprising, especially when it involves a country that is without a doubt the largest archaeological power in the world. For every meter of marine depth that technology has conquered for mankind, thousands of square miles of sea bottom have been made vulnerable and unknown areas opened 1 �up to underwater archaeological ransacking. Nevertheless, in the United States that destruction has been selective. As a matter of fact, a close look into the legal and administrative practice involved with commercial access to marine archaeological sites in the U.S. evidences an unquestionable asymmetry in its treatment by virtue of its cultural origins. The above statement does not mean that the heritage stemming from other cultural origins has not been subject to what we can only define as legal plundering, but that in particular and foremost, the Hispanic cultural heritage –in spite of its special entity-has been subjected to quite specific aggression supported by concrete supra-scientific arguments, that have enjoyed scarce legal and judicial reaction in light of the dimension of such destruction, which we say has had a numbing effect on the American cultural and scientific conscience as it regards the disappearance of said legacy. Unfortunately, Admiralty perspective Law Fig. 1 Abraham Ortelius 1570 map. With Los Bolcanes and La Farfana the first and names applied to Hawaiian Islands. (Biblioteca Nacional de España) new internal regulations have not served to discourage treasure-hunters, nor have they provided homogenous rules to regulate activities directed at the underwater cultural heritage. In spite of the debates that have existed between the various administrations involved with marine sanctuaries, the different states and the U.S. National and Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the advances that have undoubtedly taken place, the situation is such that underwater excavations by treasure- 2 �hunting companies continue to be carried out on shipwreck sites by means of simple administrative permits that usually end up having no real scientific consequences (Fig.1). Analysis of the judicial practice in the United States related to the Hispanic sunken heritage in American waters My concerns for the weak legal situation of the Hispanic historical heritage in the United States made me undertake an analysis of the scope of this problem, and part of the conclusions reached are included herein1. An attempt has been made to explain the legal situation of the Spanish historical heritage in American waters as a “before and after” issue after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, in its sentence dated 21st July 2000 concerning the remains of the Spanish frigates “La Juno” and “La Galga”, ruled in favor of the Kingdom of Spain sovereign immunity2. However, these statements have not stopped additional jurisdictional activity, or even administrative authorizations, from favoring the treasure hunters’ looting of Hispanic shipwrecks, whether warships or any other kind. As a result, the treasure-hunting industry has basically survived the last 20 years by ransacking the underwater historical Spanish heritage in the United States. The district Courts reflected a number of guidelines in their rulings, in all matters related to the adjudication of archaeological sites that correspond to archaeological guarantees in the protocols regarding access to the sites. Those guidelines are analyzed as follows: Type of Legal Action Exercised Action in rem exercising the finder’s rights and subsidiary right of salvage. Preliminary Archaeological Design In none of the cases did the treasure-hunting company provide a project design for the activity on the site, nor contrasted prior information and background studies about the shipwrecks. Scientific Intervention Criteria · Proposed criteria: None at the point of origin. Treasure-hunting companies have never set forth any archaeological or research objectives. In all the claims and their related extensions, there are no descriptions or proposals for specifically-determined archaeological criteria, methodology or techniques. In some cases there have been references made to matters of ecological, but not archaeological, impact. 3 �· Prior methodology or techniques required by the Courts: None. The Courts have not identified or made any references to any internationally-accepted archaeological criteria. · Archaeological monitoring and supervision established by the Courts: Not found in any case. The Courts do not demand any site management or maintenance plans. Scientific results of the excavations As no archaeological project has been submitted, the Courts have never defined or proposed any appropriate methods and working techniques. · Dating and identification methods and on-site documentation: Unknown. Treasurehunting companies go out of their way to hide the shipwrecks’ identity-or delay disclosing as much information as possible-, especially when of Spanish origin. In the latter cases, there are no obstacles to obtain excavation rights. However, in 30% of the cases, the companies stated they knew the identity of the wrecks. As excavation often entails the destruction of the wrecks, on-site documentation needs to be produced for any subsequent reconstruction. · Historiographical analysis of the sunken remains: No scientific reporting. Only occasionally and with a markedly commercial intent, a non-scientific publication is produced and the name or identity of the sunken vessel furnished. However, no requests are made to show proof of its identity. · Other analysis made of the salvaged materials: None. There are no academic postfieldwork activities. No scientific data is obtained or added to site interventions that may be associated with the application of any internationally-acceptable archaeological and scientific methods. · Guarantees of access and dissemination to the scientific community: None. · Scientific results published: None. There has been no publication of any scientific results, except for what could be considered commercial literature aimed at facilitating the sale of the excavated remains. These conclusions about the facts involved in the context of legal proceedings in the 21st century give us ample indications of what happened in the 20th century and the enormous destruction that this industry has brought about. 4 �Norms and standards not applied to the sunken Hispanic archaeological heritage There is a powerful paradox within the scope of archaeological protection. In the meantime, United States Courts have been able to establish legal requirements, at least in theory, granting rights over historical shipwreck sites. That has been the case of Klein v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel (11th Circuit, 1985), which ruling established that the rescue of historical ships could not entail a greater risk than to leave the remains on the seabed, and that any excavation should follow clear archaeological criteria. Along those lines was the ruling in Cobb Coin Company, Inc. v. Unidentified Wrecked, the only one of its kind regarding the Hispanic heritage, dealing with the property rights over the historical objects obtained from a Spanish wreck. In that case the court said: […] there can be no suggestion that federal admiralty procedures sanction salvaging methods, which fail to safeguard items and the invaluable archaeological information, associated with the artefacts salved”. Notwithstanding these statements, in their practical application concerning the underwater Spanish heritage we can arrive at the following conclusions without the smallest margin of error: 1) The radical lack of application of any archaeological requirements on the part of American jurisprudence with regards to excavation of historical shipwreck sites. 2) The non-observance of scientific standards, at least those enjoying minimal recognition by the international community, and in particular the ones included in the 2001 UNESCO Convention. The divergence in the American judicial practice concerning the submerged historical patrimony of Hispanic origin has been radically contradictory not only with the increasingly-consolidated archaeological principles in academic circles, but also of the UNESCO itself. Despite this contradiction it is surprising that such divergence has not been dealt with in American academic debates. It is enough to point out the internationally-consolidated principle of giving preference to the in situ conservation of the underwater patrimony, the first of the options that must be considered prior to the intervention of a shipwreck site, according to Article 1 (fundamental principles) of the International Charter on the Protection and Management of the Underwater Cultural Patrimony, as ratified by the 11th ICOMOS General 5 �Assembly (1996). That very same criteria is also set forth in Article 2.5 of the 2001 UNESCO Convention. That is, any manipulation or removal that has not been given prior scientific consideration to its adoption in a subsidiary way to the in situ preservation is in violation of internationally recognized archaeological criteria. Notwithstanding, the Courts have allowed the archaeological debate over the access of treasure-hunting companies to historical shipwreck sites. In the 2004 case of Great Lakes Exploration Group LLC vs. Unidentified Wreck, the Western District Court of Michigan (1:04-cv-00375), the court denied the treasure-hunting company its request for excavation due to its lack of furnishing archaeological guarantees in it. In the matter of Columbus America Discovery Group vs. Atlantic Mutual Insurance Company (974 F. 2nd 450, 468), the court concludes that the efforts made to protect the historical element and archaeological value is a factor to ponder in determining the compensation of a salvage operation. In that case the shipwreck was that of the S.S. Central America, an American steamer sunk by a hurricane in 1857. In yet another case, Marex International, Inc. v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel (4:96-cv-00194-JFN), the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Georgia in Savannah granted the exclusive rights on the wreck to Marex because the company included the following elements in their methodology: compilation of a historical register of the remains; divers involved had been trained in the use of archaeological methods and employment of thorough excavation techniques; the use of a laboratory with the capacity of preserving the salvaged artifacts; and the hiring of experts to help evaluate and preserve the extracted remains. This matter involved the S.S. North Carolina, an American ship. However, despite the wisdom and intellectual acumen shown by the U.S. Courts in establishing these requirements, when the law is applied to underwater sites of Hispanic origin, for the most part those Courts not only fail to apply those laws directly, but they do not demand nor verify any aspects concerning archaeological criteria. This discrimination or “asymmetry” is even noticed nowadays in non-judicial administrations. Of over a dozen sites that correspond to historical remains designated by the State of Florida in the National Register of Historic Places, only two belong to Spanish sunken 6 �ships and are located in already-looted sites, even though dozens more are exploited annually with the knowledge of the Florida authorities3 (Fig. 2). Causes: The ideological element in carrying out the law Once the objective element of the problem is exposed, the significant fact remains that even the most benign aspects of U.S. norms are not applied in the case of sunken heritage of Hispanic origin. We then examine the direct ideological causes of this problem, which in a quantitative and qualitative way could be described as a cultural genocide, as well as one of the greatest cultural disasters in the 20th and 21st centuries. There is a generalized and highly-effective discourse throughout the treasure-hunting industry with respect to the historical patrimony of Hispanic origin, which was expressed as “The curse of the Black Legend” by the American reporter Tony Horwitz (2006) in The New York Times. Fig. 2 Joan Martines 1587 map. (Biblioteca Nacional de España) Treasure-hunters avail themselves of a brief but efficient “ideological capsule” from both the Courts and the academic world’s silent majority: the idea that the remains of Hispanic shipwrecks were tainted by a certain moral deficiency that excluded them from 7 �being considered historical legacies. The end result is that treasure-hunters become the executing arm of a sort of yellow historicism and retrospective pseudo-justice that makes archaeological sites incompatible with any inherent historical and scientific value. We all remember that during the negotiations of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage some illustrious members of the treasure-hunting family had no qualms about wearing jewels and personal objects that had been plundered from shipwrecked marine graveyards. Even the official reports to the shareholders and third parties put out by companies like Admiralty Holding Co. (published by the Securities and Exchange Commission in its 8-K form dated 9th October 2006) carry statements of that kind: “The treasure stolen from the New World was very important to the King of Spain and it actually sustained the economy of Spain during the period that it was being taken to Spain”. We are dealing with quite a generalized phenomenon, which uses the black legend to legitimize the ransacking of historical underwater remains of Hispanic origins, which thereby negate the true American historical and archaeological character, and even a moral or legal nexus with the societies to which those archaeological remains belong. Without a doubt, it is one of the most grievous cultural attacks that a develop society can perpetrate, while bearing what is necessarily a de facto extinction of an entire historical register of American history. Such attacks are similar to censure, book-burning or cultural assimilationist practices of the 19th and 20th centuries. “There’s a lot of blood on that gold”, someone in charge of Deep Blue told The Associated Press as he announced the likely finding of “El Salvador”, whose value was estimated to be $500 million. The scientific level and methodology that guides the treasure-hunting companies is thus evidenced. This line of reasoning becomes the redeeming force behind the precious metal that is the object of looting, while also destroying the cultural element that stigmatizes it. This argument is proper of the Black Legend and quite a handy one for ensuring the financial and legal survival of the treasure-hunting industry. It is equally striking that a discourse based on the reality of a cultural catastrophe could be so foreign to modern American society that has not been able to come up with a reply, nor seen enough merit to spark an academic debate. But what is even more striking is that such a level of discourse is allowed to caricaturize the 8 �history of Hispanic culture in North America, an essential part of the United States’ own history, which has so effectively used the Black Legend to deny any cultural value to the pillaged archaeological remains that were originally associated with the –mestizo, of course-- Hispanic culture in America. It is this same interchange of ideas that supports the criteria of the Sanctuary of the Florida Keys, as Pat Clyne (a historic treasure-hunter and executive vice-president of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage society), expressed when he said in a formal meeting before the Sanctuary authorities: “It is amazing that the very people who seem so sensitive of the gravesites of their ancestors, these very conquistadors who have…”. The invocation of a supposed original illegitimacy in relation to the ships’ cargoes, the previous contextual reference to the Indians’ suffering as a preliminary debate surrounding the present ransacking activities is practically universal, co-substantial with this emerging industry’s search for legitimacy. Likewise, it is a way of substituting any archaeological, cultural value, or moral rights debate, with a nationalist mechanical discourse. The urgent need for a new discourse is clear (Fig. 3). History hunters and golden legends: a legal epilogue in Hawaii Very recently, Kohala Coast Enterprises (KCE) petitioned the District Court for the District of Hawaii4, to grant exclusive salvage rights for an archaeological site that the company claims to have discovered on 23rd November 2011. The site corresponds to a probable 16th or 17th century shipwreck of a Spanish vessel, within navigable waters off the coast of the Island of Hawaii. The remains were found in an area which lies within the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, jointly managed by the State of Hawaii and the United States, through the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). Despite the fact that the company asked the judge to keep the location of the site secret and has also done its best to keep the cultural origin of the archaeological site under wraps, after consulting with NOAA, this organization issued a document through Malia Chow, the Sanctuary Superintendent of the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, that is one of the most singular and referable works that 9 �could open a whole new era when dealing with sunken heritage from Hispanic origins that have been targeted by treasure hunters. Some of the aspects and principles listed in that document include: archaeological preservation, the scientific objective of the intervention, as well as cooperation and information with the country of origin. However, the future problems faced by this possible discovery are much larger, as the scarce repercussion this case is having in the media and academic circles demonstrate. No doubt the history of the Pacific and its societies has suffered from the relentless succession of Eurocentric historicisms. Here, I must refer to one of the latest: the AngloSaxonism as a golden legend. The origin and development of this ideology does not come from long ago: Madison Grant (1916), John Robert Seeley (Bell 2005), Frank Hankins (1926), Joseph Arthur Gobineau (1853)… All of them describe the necessary nature of any golden legend: antagonism. This ideological element should not be minimized when we talk about heritage and its preservation. Conclusions No doubt a thorough questioning of the image of Captain Cook as the first European to set foot on the Islands of Hawaii may affect the historicist vision of that great navigator. This ideological element exists and I think it is easy to prove it. It is not possible to find in the English historiography the connection between: (1) the capture of the city of Manila by the English in 1762, (2) the steal by the last British governor of Manila, Alexander Dalrymple, of all the Spanish cartography in that city, i.e. more than two centuries of navigation and cartographical documents in the Southern Seas, (3) the conception, planning and documentation of Cook's voyages, significantly, by Dalrymple. My modest contribution to this work is that of identifying Alexander Dalrymple as the character that locates, works on, translates, classifies and summarizes the centuries of Spanish cartography in Manila and conceives a project for a British Empire5 that is being reborn from its ashes after the independence of its American colonies, and to single him out as the person who hands this decisive material to Cook for his later discoveries. British historians never linked the maps stolen from Manila to Cook's voyages. The lack of reference to Dalrymple in British historiography is no accident: the theft of the maps, the conception of an expedition that would allow reorienting the Imperial impulse towards the Pacific and the replacement by Cook in the climax of that intellectual 10 �adventure. The Admiralty needed a hero, free of suspicion of espionage, a new man not encumbered by intellectual debts to an enemy power that had to be replaced. The man chosen to command the missions to the Austral continent and the Pacific islands is Cook, a discrete, but talented Master of the royal Armada. At that moment he was not even a lieutenant. Cartography, exploration, discoveries... the narration of history has been, and still is, a tool for nationalisms, as the black and golden legends like that of Lord Sandwich’s conceived how the history of Cook's voyages should be told. Regardless of whether the ultimate goal is economic or political, it is interesting to observe how both survive. Can an archaeological discovery question the iron-clad axioms of the golden legend? Despite the communication from NOAA, the reach of the possible above-mentioned discovery in Hawaii has gone unnoticed by the academic world. As for the press, it will have to decide if it is willing to question the North American identity, overrule Anglo-morphism as an ideology and challenge its own identity. All this, as usually happens around the limits of knowledge, will be limited by prejudice. American waters have become a modern-day mythological River Lethe for a people and a historical record, the common heritage of the North-American and Hispanic peoples. There is a powerful and prevailing prejudice that affects the North-American scientific community and keeps American laws and legal practice from guaranteeing that a submerged archaeological site that corresponds to a shipwreck of Spanish origins may enjoy the maximum legal guarantees and protection, in line with American laws. Let the old verses of Homer serve as a warning to an American nation that accepts the sociallytainted fruit of the science of the forgotten: “Whoever tasted the soft sweetness of the lotus fruit, no longer thought about exploration nor returning home…”. Acknowledgements The author takes this opportunity to gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Agustin Rodriguez Gonzalez and Mrs. María Cruz Berrocal for their invaluable help and guidance. Table of cases · Grumpy
v.
Unidentified Vessel, United States District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana, 93-CV-26210H. 11 �· BDJ Discovery Group v. Shipwrecked Vessel Filed: September 23th, 2005 as 4:2005cv00122. · Sub Sea Research v. Unidentified Wrecked U.S. District Court Southern District of Florida 4:04cv10119-KMM. · Sub Sea Research Vessel, et al. v. Abandoned Vessel, et al. 4:02CV10068. · Marine Salvage, Inc District Court Southern District of Florida 04-22679 · Cobb Coin Company, Inc v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Mailing Vessel 525 F. Supp. 186, 208, 1983 AMC 966 (S.D. Fla 1981). · EURISCO CORP v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel 9810002 CIV-KING. · Bradley Williamson v. The unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel, 9:07-cv81030-KAM. · Bradley Williamson v. The Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel 9:2008cv80106. · United States District Court Middle District of Florida (Tampa Division), Odyssey Marine Exploration, Inc v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel/The Kingdom of Spain, The Republic of Peru, Case n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, doc 270, 3 June 2009. · United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, Odyssey Marine Exploration, Inc. v. Kingdom of Spain, Case n°10-10269, document n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, 21 September 2011. Endnote 1 The conclusions were presented at the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation, December 18th 2012. 2 Sea Hunt, In c.v. The Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634,638, 642 (4th Cir. 2000) 3 It is only right and just to recognize the moral and scientific solvency of the State of Texas authorities in the “Platoro” matter, and the archaeological efforts made versus the court’s criteria 4 Kohala Coast Enterprises, LLC vs. The Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, District Court for the District of Hawaii CV12-00552 SOM-RLP. 5 In his book “An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean, previous to 1764” (Dalrymple, 1767), in page VII and ss, there is an explanation by the author himself. In fact Dalrymple was elected to membership in the Royal Society (1771) as a result of his translations “of voyages to the South Seas & other places from Spanish”. References Bell, D., 2005. Unity and Difference: John Robert Seeley and the Political Theology of International Relations. Review of International Studies, Vol. 31 (3): 559-579. Dalrymple, A., 1767. An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean, previous to 1764. Dalrymple, A, London. Gobineau, J. A., 1853. Essaisurl´inégalité des races humaines. Librairie de Firmin Didot Freres, Paris. 12 �Grant, M., 1916.The Passing of the Great Race. Geographical Review, Vol. 2 (5): 354360. Hankins, F., 1926. The Racial Basis of Civilization; a Critique of the Nordic Doctrine. Alfred A. Kanopf, New York. Horwitz, T., 2006. Immigration - and the Curse of the Black Legend. The New York Times, July 9. José María Lancho Rodríguez (Madrid, 1970) is a Spanish lawyer expert in historical heritage and technology law. He has actively intervened in the case Odyssey Marine Exploration in advising both the Kingdom of Spain and at the Spanish Courts in the criminal action derived from this case. He has published articles in various magazines, newspapers, journals and blogs. His research and advocacy interests also include legal enforcement of environmental laws, intellectual property, antitrust and the patient selfdetermination rights. He has been involved in relevant cases on those fields. He is also president of Hispalinux, the largest association of users and developers of free software in Spain. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America and its causes Description An account of the resource The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource José María Lancho, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/72c7a1775b5ce69e207f884688c8ca5a.pdf 7017b35e045b8f019abdf8e676faf161 PDF Text Text The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Liu Miao Department of History, Xiamen University, No. 422, South Siming Road Siming District, Xiamen 361005, China Email: liumiao@xmu.edu.cn Abstract In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in AsiaPacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early panPacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Key words: Shipwrecks, East Asia, Kraak porcelain, Zhangzhou wares, Early globalization Introduction In the early 1500s both the Portuguese and Spanish of the Iberian kingdoms reached Southeast Asia and burst into the traditional trade network of Asia. They interacted with local cultures in East Asia and established the early global system through longdistance trading. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified in East Asian seas as both East Asian maritime vessels (e.g., Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the 1 �archaeological sites and shipwrecks of the same time. They help to reveal the early international maritime trading history between East Asia and the West. The Discovery of the Shipwrecks in East Asia Shipwrecks of this era have been investigated in southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese blue-and-white porcelains were the main cargoes. After a preliminary analysis, we can put these shipwrecks into several groups according to the time sequence.From the end of the15thcentury to the early 16thcentury, just before the advent of Europeans, the pattern of trade in East Asia had changed. The Lena Shoal wreck (Goddio et al., 2000) discovered off the Philippines, and the Brunei wreck (L’Hour, 2001), are the representative remains of this period. The porcelains from these wrecks are provincial wares of Jingdezhen, most of them belonging to the reign of Hongzhi (1488-1505). They often have decorations of lotuses, other floral designs and classic scrolls on them. The bowls and dishes are large, and many of the shapes, such as pen boxes, covered boxes and the angular ewers, hint at the Moslem market. Many of these vessels have been found in the Middle East and even in East Africa. Wares of this type have also been found all over Southeast Asia (Carswell, 2000). The next group of shipwrecks include Niushijiao shipwreck (Fujian) (Li, 2012), Panshiyu shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (Zhao, 2012), San Isidro shipwreck (Luzon, Philippines) (Dizon and Orillaneda, 2002), Xuande shipwreck and Singtai shipwreck (Malaysia) Fig.1 Jingdezhen Porcelain from Nan’ao No.1 (Brown, 2009). They include Chinese junks, Shipwreck. (Guangdong) vessels of Southeast Asia and also Portuguese ships. The main cargoes are provincial blue and white wares from Jingdezhen. But the dense patterning in sub-Yuan style which hints to the Islamic market begins to diverge. We can also find the early productions of Zhangzhou wares. Similar wares to those from the San Isidro Wreck also have been found in Southeast Asia, such as in the Philippines (Kamer, 1963) and Indonesia (Umarah, 1999). The chronology of these shipwrecks is around 1520s-1550s. 2 �The third group of shipwrecks include Nan’ao No. 1 Shipwreck (Guangdong) (Sun, 2012), Bei Jiao No.3 Shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006) and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal (Philippines) (Goddio, 1998). Blue and white porcelains were also the main cargoes of this group of wrecks. They included the thinly potted wares made of hard, white porcelain with exquisitely drawn traditional Chinese motifs of happy propitious implications, which were produced from the late Jiajing period through the early Wanli period (Fig. 1). The style of the porcelains had already changed greatly. Certain types were already being created for the export market in Europe. A very popular kind of plate had a central naturalistic motif with decorated rim, usually flat, with an undecorated cavetto. Another noteworthy phenomenon of this time was the abundant emergence of Zhangzhou ware (Figs. 2-3). They were the main cargoes of Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal. They are mainly the productions of Er Long kilns of Zhangzhou (Fujian Museum, 1997). This type of ware was also excavated from sites of Philippines and Indonesia. A few similar wares were found in the Manila galleon of San Felipe Figs. 2-3 Zhanzhou wares from Nan’ao No.1 (1576) (Von Der Porten, 2008). The typical Shipwreck. (Guangdong) Kraak panels were very scarce and only a few were designated early Kraak or protoKraak. The chronology of this group is around the 1560s to the 1580s. 3 �The fourth group include the vessel San Diego (Philippines, 1600) (Ongpin Valdes and Diem, 1993), the BinhThuan Shipwreck (Vietnam, 1608) (Flecker, 2004) and the Wanli Shipwreck (+1625) (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus, 2007). The San Diego vessel was a Manila galleon that sank off the coast of Nasugbu in the province of Batangas. One of the major items she carried on board was fine China, Kraak ware (Fig. 4), and also large quantities of blue Fig. 4 Kraak Porcelain from the vessel San Diego. (Philippines, 1600) Fig. 5 Kraak Porcelain from the Wanli Shipwreck. (Malaysia) and white porcelain and Zhangzhou ware, which was exported particularly to Southeast Asia. The majority of the entire remaining cargo of the BinhThuan shipwreck, which had a Chinese shipbuilding features, consisted of blue and white and over glazed enameldecorated Zhangzhou ceramics. The excavation of The Wanli Shipwreck in Malaysia's territorial waters revealed the largest quantity of Chinese Kraak porcelain which included a major cargo of some 37,000 pieces (Fig. 5). Kraak porcelain became extremely popular in the European markets. From these data we can see that the distinctive and paneled type of Kraak porcelain emerged abundantly in 1600 or so and swiftly became very popular in the first part of the 17th century. Zhangzhou wares were also produced and exported abundantly this time and much of them imitated the paneled decoration of Kraak porcelain of Jingdezhen. The date of this group should be the 1590s to the 1620s. 4 �The Destruction of the Traditional Trading System in Asia and the Early Global Trading System In the late 15th and early 16th centuries, just before the advent of the Portuguese, the trade network dominated by the Islam in the Southern Seas had been set up. With the Islamic culture spreading widely in Southeast Asia, some important Islamic regimes were established successively, such as Malacca, Saltanah Sulu, Borneo, etc. The old China was also included in the trade system. With the decline of Chinese official maritime trade, the private merchant forces began to rise. The site of Penny's Bay (Hong Kong) (Lam, 1989-1992) was an import private trade port of that time. As the representative of the Islamic culture, the fine porcelains of Jingdezhen in the middle Ming Dynasty were widely found in the sites and shipwrecks spread from East Africa to Southeast Asia. With the coming of the Portuguese and Spanish who pillaged and controlled the important trade of Southeast Asia at that time, the traditional trade system in the South Seas was completely broken. Macao and Manila (Philippines) became the important trade centers of this period. 1) In the beginning of 16th, the Portuguese conquered and took the port Goa in India and Malacca in Southeast Asia to establish presence for trade affairs. They gradually entered into the trade network in Asia. For a long time before 1557 they also took contraband trade with Chinese private maritime merchants in the islands near to the coast of southeast China, in the ports of Fujian, Guangdong and Zhejiang (Teixeira, 2000). Chinese scholars discovered the site of Shangchuan Island, Guangdong (Huang and Huang, 2010). Quite massive quantities of 16th century export ceramics were found, including some specially ordered wares for Portuguese. This verified that Shangchuan Island played an extraordinarily important role in the early Sino-Portuguese trade history during the 16th century, while the Xuande Wreck is thought to be the direct evidence of the Portuguese smuggling activities in the seas of East Asia before they settled in Macao in 1557.From the middle 16th century to the early 17th century Portuguese almost monopolized the trade routes of the Far East. After they settled in Macao in 1557 and Nagasaki in Japan in 1571, the Portuguese began their long distance and massive global trade. They took Macao as the base to carry on a triangle trade in the East Asian seas, in which China was the center. Macao rose in prosperity as it became the most important and largest 5 �commodity distributing center of Asia. Recently, a large quantity of Chinese export porcelains was excavated in Macao. Most of them are Kraak porcelain shards, including dishes and bowls with round and oval mouths, with reserved panels and protruding rims. A small number of red and green shards of bowls and boxes dating from the Zhengde and Jiajing periods which are similar to those of the samples found in Shangchuan Island. They showed the important position of Macao in the cultural exchange between East and West (Liu, 2010). There is also a large quantity of archaeological evidence along the Indian Ocean route from Goa to Europe (Sila Tripati et al., 2011; Liu et al., 2011; Castro, 2005). In 1571 Spain founded Manila City to establish rule in the Philippines and partake in Asian trade. They quickly established the trade with Chinese private merchants of Southeast China and the Manila Galleon trade route was soon prosperous. It functioned as a long distance and large-scale sea trade route connecting the Asian world with the American Continent until the early 19th century. Many Asian goods such as silks and porcelains were exported by the Spanish galleons and on the other hand, many New World goods, including Mexican silver, were brought to the Asian world. Except those from the shipwrecks of San Felipe and San Diego, the same style of blue-and-white porcelain productions from the Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kilns were also found in the shell mounds of Indian Village sites at Drakes Bay, California (Shangraw and Von der Porten, 1981). Recently, more and more Chinese ceramics of this time were excavated from the archaeological sites of Mexico, Peru and other Latin American countries (Kuwayama, 2002). Those Chinese ceramics imported into Latin America included high quality productions from Jingdezhen. A large part of them were also pieces from Southern Chinese kilns, especially Zhangzhou ware. Chinese vessels returned from Manila always took back silver. This was clearly written in Chinese historical documents (Zhang, 2000). The profitable trade to Manila was almost dominated by the maritime merchants of South Fujian. Innumerable Mexican silver cargoes were brought into China, especially to the south of Fujian and east of Guangdong. They were once used as currency in people’s daily life in those places. A total of four hundred and twenty eight silver coins were recovered from the San Diego. Those that were cleaned were recognized as coins of Philip II (1556-1598), minted in 6 �Lima and Philip III (1598-1621), minted in Mexico City. Most of them are irregularly shaped. People think this irregularity can mostly be attributed to the last stage of their manufacture wherein the excess weight of the coins was clipped off by the assayer to maintain their standard value. This early kind of silver coin is also found abundantly in the sites of South Fujian, such as Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Xiamen, etc. Most of them were excavated from cellars, and also a few from tombs (Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975; Chen and Shi, 1981; Fang, 2011; Zhang, 1988). Most of these coins are also irregularly shaped (Fig. 6), probably because they are the early type minted from the late 16th century to the first part of 17th century. We can see the design of the Cruze Florenzada on the cross and Great shield of the House of Hapsburg, Spanish coat of arms. According to the study of British numismatic experts, most of them were minted in Mexico City, and others minted in Potosi and Segovia, Spain. From these discoveries, we can often see that many of the silver coins were cut into pieces; we can also see the using traces. This verifies the historical record that they were once used as the circulation in people’s daily life. In 16th-17th centuries, with the arrival of Europeans and the large-scale intermediary trade practices they brought, East Asia was entangled into the global trade network. Chinese silk and porcelains, Southeast Asian spices, Indian textile, silver coin of Mexico and Japan, and other materials were the important goods and mediums of the global trade at that time. During this progress the style of the fine porcelains from Jingdezhen, as luxury goods, changed greatly. They used to be representative of material manufactured for the Islamic culture, but then changed to be products created for the export market of Europe, such as Kraak ware. On the other hand, the evidence from shipwrecks and other sites, for instance the lower quality products of Zhangzhou, shows they were produced mainly for the Asian market. This change implied the establishment of a new Asian trade system dominated by the Europeans. The rise of Chinese private maritime merchants Chinese ancient junk wrecks spread over the southeast coast of China and Southeast Asia. It implied the further development of Chinese maritime merchants and they were very active in maritime trade. With the opening of the Moon Port, Chinese maritime merchants could trade abroad legally. With the arrival of the Europeans, they took large7 �scale intermediary trade with Malacca, Macao, Japan, Manila, and were involved into the global trade network. They were active along Chinese waters from north of Japan to the south into Southeast Asian, playing an important role in the early global trade of the Westerners. They gradually became strong enough and changed into private armed groups. Guns and cannons are usually discovered in Chinese shipwrecks of this time, showing the conflict between private merchant groups and the government of the Ming Empire. It also shows the relationship of cooperation and competition between the Chinese merchants and the Westerners in 16th-17th centuries. At that time, the main way of trade the western colonists took was to establish bases at those ports where Chinese merchants often go and then transport the goods they shipped to the world elsewhere for profit. So both Portugal and Spain had taken active measures to attract Chinese merchants to trade. The early smuggling activities of Portugal along the coast of southeast China were carried out with the private merchants of Southeast China. During this process, Portuguese and private merchants of Southeast China, especially those of Fujian, associated more and more closely. They gradually took the place of Ryukyu and Malacca, to become the major trading powers in Asia (Ptak, 2003). After the Portuguese settled in Macao in 1557, more and more merchants from Fujian and Guangdong came and were enmeshed in the global trade. After the Spanish set up colonial rule in the Philippines, the Philippines had few goods to trade. Their supply mainly relied on Chinese businessmen. So the Spanish soon established commercial relationship with Chinese merchants, actively encouraging Chinese merchants to trade in Manila, and the number of Chinese ships sailing to Philippines grew every year. The expanding trade in Manila based on the traditional Chinese and Philippines’ commercial trade, became the real foundation of the Spanish Galleon trade. With the prosperity of overseas trade and ports along the coast of China, a series of handicraft and planting industries emerged and developed rapidly. The silk of Zhejiang, porcelains of Jingdezhen and Fujian, and even sugar and fruits were all produced and exported abundantly. Just as scholars have said, we should look at the late Ming Dynasty with the vision of globalization. At that time, China was involved in the process of economic globalization. Many European and American countries far away have been involved into the long-distance trade with China. With Chinese commodities, 8 �mainly silk and porcelain, sold throughout the world, 1/3 or 1/4 of the world silver output swarmed into China as the means of payment. Conclusions With the coming of the Westerners, the traditional trading system in Asia was destroyed, while the Europeans trade in Asia relied greatly on the cooperation with Chinese maritime merchants. It provided a broader overseas market for China along with the production and exportation of a series of handicraft industries in South China, such as silk and porcelain. So this progress also represents the rise of Chinese maritime merchants, especially those of South Fujian. In the Asian trade system dominated by Europeans, Chinese porcelain was an important good sold in Europe and in the interior of Asia. The change in decorative style and in the number of exports reflected how Europeans gradually deepened into Asian trade. Acknowledgements First of all, I am gratefully acknowledge the generous assistance and valuable information provided by Professor Chun-Ming Wu who was once my supervisor and now my colleague of Xiamen University. I would also like to extend my sincere gratitude to those underwater archaeologists especially those of China. My research on this paper based on the sources gained by their laborious task and many information and photos were provided by them. At last, special thanks go to Professor María Cruz Berrocal who kindly invited and helped me a lot for this conference. References Brown, R., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast China: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society under Royal Patronage: 153-158. Carswell, J., 2000. Blue & White: Chinese Porcelain around the World. British Museum Press, London: 131-134. Castro, F., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: Nossa Senora dos Martires, Lisbon, Portugal. In G.F. Bass (Ed.), Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventures with the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Thames and Hudson Ltd, London: 148-151. Chen, P., and Shi, X., 1981. Discussion on the Spanish silver coins excavated in Fashi, Quanzhou. Maritime History Studies, Vol. 3: 113-118. 9 �Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, R., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites Found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In X.You (Ed.), Yuan and Ming Blue and White Wares from Jiangxi, Jointly presented by Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 218-220. Fang, Zh., 2011. Foreign coins of Ming Dynasty excavated from Yunxiao, Fujian. Collections, Vol. 7: 107. Flecker, M., 2004.The BinhThuan shipwreck archaeological report. Christie's Australia, Melbourne. Fujian Museum, 1997. Zhangzhou Kilns. Fujian People's Publishing House, Fuzhou: 6991. Goddio, F., 1998. Discovery and Archaeological Excavation of a 16th century Trading Vessel in The Philippines. Kyodo Printing Co.Inc., Manila. Goddio, F., Pierson, S., and Crick, M., 2000.Sunken Treasures: Fifteenth Century Chinese Ceramics from the Lena Cargo. Periplus Publishing London Limited, London. Huang, W., and Huang, Q., 2010. Shangchuan Island and Early Sino-Portuguese Trade in the Sixteenth Century. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 59-87. Kamer Aga-oglu., 1963. Ming Porcelain from sites in the Philippines. Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, Vol. 17: 7-19. Kuwayama, G., 2002. Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Latin America. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History of Art) in the University of Michigan. Lam, P., 1989-1992. Ceramic Finds of the Ming Period from Penny's Bay - An Addendum. JHKAS, Vol.13: 79-90. L’Hour, M., 2001. La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. Textuel, Paris. Li, J., 2012. China’s Underwater Excavations of 16th-17th centuries Chinese e Export Porcelain. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), Proceedings of the International symposium: Chinese Export Ceramics in the 16th and 17th Centuries and the Spread of Material Civilization, Chinese Civilization Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 77-80. Liu, Y., Qin, D., and Kiriama, H., 2011. The Chinese Porcelains unearthed at Gedi Ruins 10 �in Coast Province, Kenya. Wenwu, Vol. 8: 37-60 Liu, Zh., 2010. Kraak Porcelain found in Macao. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 13-34. Ongpin Valdes, C., and Diem, A. I., 1993.Saga of the San Diego (AD1600). National Museum, Inc., Manila. Teixeira, M., 2000. A Porcelana No Comércio Luso-Chinês. In Zh-L. Wu (Ed.), International Symposium on East-West Cultural Interflow. Macau Foundation. Macao: 209. Ptak, R., (Tr.), Zhao Dianhong, collated by Qian Jiang, 2003. The Fujianese, Ryukyuans and Portuguese (c. 1511 to 1540s): Allies or Competitors. Jinan historiography, Vol. 2: 319-335. Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975. Five batch of foreign coins unearthed from Quanzhou, Fujian. Kaogu, Vol. 6: 352-379. Shangraw, Clarence., and Von der Porten, E., 1981. The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’Chinese Porcelains at Drake’s Bay, California, 1579 and 1595. Santa Rosa Junior college and Drake Navigator Guild, California. Sila Tripati., Pande, R., Rao, V. G., 2011. Study of Chinese Porcelain sherds of Old Goa, Indicators of Trade Contacts. Man Environment, Vol. 36 (2): 107-116. Sten Sjostrand and Sharipah Lok Lok Syed Idrus., 2007. The Wanli Shipwreck and its Ceramic Cargo. Department of Museums, Malaysia. Sun, J., 2012. The Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck of the Ming Dynasty in Guangdong Province and the Overseas Maritime Trade in Southeastern China. In Ch Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 155-169. The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006.The Discoveries of Underwater Archaeological Investigations in Xisha Islands (1998~1999). Science Press, Beijing: 150-185. Umarah, A., 1999. Zhangzhou (Swatow) Ceramics: Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries Found in Indonesia. The Ceramic Society of Indonesia, Jakarta: 42. Von Der Porten, E., 2008. Identifying the Sixteenth century Ship on a Beach in Baja 11 �California. San Francisco. Zhang Xie ( 张 燮 ), 2000. Dongxiyangkao ( 东 西 洋 考 ) (Study on China and West). Zhonghuashuju, Beijing: 132. Zhang, Zh., 1988. Foreign silver coins unearthed from Dongshan, Fujian. China Numismatics, Vol. 3: 74. Zhao, J., 2012. The new discovery of underwater archaeological investigations in Xisha islands in 2009-2010. In Ch. Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 176-178. Miao Liu (b. 1976) working as an associate Professor of Department of History, College of Humanities, Xiamen University and mainly engages in the research of Maritime Archaeology and Chinese export porcelain. She leads the project “Chinese Export Porcelain and the Maritime Culture” awarded by Chinese National Social Science Foundation. She is the member of the Editorial Board “The Shipwrecks Archaeology Report of Dinghai Bay, Fujian” (Science Press, Beijing: 2011) and published “The export of Chinese porcelains under the ban of maritime trade policy in the early Ming Dynasty” (Kaogu, 2012). “The Islamic Cultural Factors of the Blue-and-White Porcelains in the Early Ming Dynasty” (Journal of Xiamen University Arts Social Sciences, 2008), etc. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Description An account of the resource In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early pan-Pacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liu Miao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b7b29178461cc24bda6359dca26ae1cf.pdf 6175e5512607e95311461a44dc54f568 PDF Text Text Border and Shaping of Identities: The Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga, Mindanao (Philippines)1 Miguel Luque-Talaván Complutense University of Madrid, Geography and History Faculty Department of American History I, C./ Profesor Aranguren, s/n C.P. 28040. Madrid, Spain Email: mluque_t@ghis.ucm.es Abstract At the end of the 15th century, Southeast Asia underwent a process of islamisation. Muslim presence in Southern Philippines was strongly fought by the Spaniards since 1570 and until the end of their presence in this archipelago. They named these Muslims moors, due to the similarity they established between them and the Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula. The Philippines was a border territory and the Philippine society was used to live at the edge of the Imperial possessions. The Sulu Sea was a real border zone from a geographical, cultural and historical point of view, whose study allows us to analyse the relations between the Spaniards and the local powers, and vice versa. Within this context, we will focus on the analysis of the history of the Hispanic forts in the island of Mindanao, in particular of the Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga, a really strategic settlement in Southern Philippines, whose historical development allows us to analyse the different policies introduced by the Hispanic Monarchy in these regions subjected to its nominal sovereignty. Key words: Mindanao, Zamboanga, Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar, Piracy, Sulu Sea Mindanao, Sulu and Northern Borneo in the context of the Governorate and Captaincy General of the Philippine Islands, Border Issues At the end of the 15th century, Southeast Asia and China had begun their process of islamisation. Generally speaking, it can be said that commercial trade was what brought Islam to these regions via the commercial routes that crossed Northern Africa and Asia (Dupuis, 1975: 274; Al Faruqi and Lamya Al Faruqi, 1986; Robinson and Brown, 1992: I, 88-95; Guermon Prez, 1996: 392-395). Since 1500, there were Muslim population centres established along the Burmese coast, northern Sumatra and Malacca. And it was from that last place from where they established themselves in northern Borneo, the islands of Sulu, and Mindanao; as well as in the northern coast of Java, southern Borneo and the islands of Ternate and Ambon - in the Archipelago of the Moluccas - (Montero y Vidal, 1888: I, 88-95; Luque Talaván, 1998; Majul, 1999: 39-88). Muslim presence in the southern Philippines would be fought by 1 �the Spaniards. It was a conflict that, in a certain manner and in the minds of many Spanish people of the age, prolonged the fight against Islam that had been developed in the Peninsula from 711 to 14922. Particularly because of the pressure exerted by the Spaniards, the islamised Philippine indigenous population was reduced geographically speaking and in the 19th century - to a few isolated settlements in the south-eastern coast of Mindanao, a coastal strip located at the south of the same island than then connected with a territory called Cotabato, larger in area, that narrowed again until it came to the Spanish settlement of Zamboanga, close to which some small Muslim emplacements were located. The Sulu Archipelago was under complete Muslim authority, except for the three spots that Spain kept under control: the village of Isabela and an inland fort - both in the island of Basilan -, and another emplacement in the northern coast of the island of Sulu. It was also Muslim territory all the southern coast of Paragua or Palawan, the island of Balabac and the Cagayan Sulu, as well as the northern coast of Borneo. It can be seen how their presence especially in Mindanao was interrupted by the existence of small Spanish settlements usually military settlements; which were more abundant in the northern coast of the island than in the southern coast; as well as by large areas occupied by the insular indigenous groups3. Muslim piracy in the Philippines as an origin of border tension The hostile activity of many Philippines’ Muslim leaders marred the relationships between them and the Spanish authorities who considered them to be pirates; who used force in order to terminate a conflict that never came to an end. Hundreds of lives were lost in these costly armed conflicts, which also turned out to be, from an economic point of view, very expensive for the Spanish treasury. From the beginning of its presence in the Archipelago, the ongoing concerns that Spain had about this conflict were felt by several Spanish authors who wrote various books about this matter. Those writings, heavily eurocentric, intellectually fed entire generations that came to identify every Philippine Muslim known as moros with pirates, slave traders, cruel, bloodthirsty individuals, etc. This assessment led, in turn, to a whole new historiography and literature in which the perception of the other, the different, in this 2 �case the Muslim, deserves a new in depth analysis that is still pending (Luque Talaván, 1999: 57-86). Fortresses for a border It was not only historiography that reflected this matter, but in the Philippine coasts, out of the necessity of protecting themselves from pirates, a whole architecture for defensive-offensive purposes arose. It was composed of small forts for protection and watchtowers on high places to prevent attacks (Javellana, 1997; Caulín Martínez and Luque Talaván, 2002: 205-215). From an anthropological perspective, this architecture shows the border tension and the sense of insecurity and intolerance against what was considered to be different, strange and diverse (Lisón Tolosana, 1997: 141). Those defences, which we can refer to as static, coexisted with the dynamic defences depicted by the coastguard vessels in Philippine waters. These tasks, that showed little effectiveness in most of the cases, were already represented in the second half of the 18th century by a squad created in 1775 by the Governor and Captain General Simón de Anda y Salazar (1770-1776). Sometime after that, the same squad, under the governance of his successor José de Basco y Vargas (1778-1787), would be baptised as marina sutil (Montero y Vidal, 1888: I, 73-75; Martín Onrubia, 2006/2007: 155-159). All this contributed to make the Philippines a border territory in which society was used to live at the edge, or at the forefront, of the Imperial possessions, with all the associated risks. Therefore, the Sulu Sea became a real border zone from a geographical, cultural and historical point of view. These Muslim states had a strong maritime nature, with a very peculiar organisational system that had to be in contact with the international economy present in the area Chinese and Spanish, mainly and the rapid progress of the European colonialism and modernity. Its strategic position in an area of high commercial value progressively turned Mindanao, and especially Sulu, into a well developed area with a very vital economy where Europeans and Chinese traders too sought to acquire swallows’ nests, pearls, sponges, among other products; whereas the Muslims got in exchange goods they appreciated more, like firearms, textiles, etc. (Spoehr, 1968: 177-185; Warren, 1999; Warren, 2000: 7-8; Ollé, 2002; Malcampo, 2007; Crick, 2013: 86-97). 3 �Several campaigns against the Philippine Muslims were carried out already since the 17th century; even if it was during the first half of the 19th century, and more specifically during the mandate of Lieutenant General Narciso Clavería y Zaldúa, Count of Manila (1844-1849), when piratical activity took its biggest blows. In our view, Spain was interested in the eradication of piratical activity in Philippine waters for three main reasons: first, to protect the islands’ internal and external trade; second, to safeguard the christianised and hispanised Philippine villages that were usually under attack; and third and last, to avoid that other European powers like France or England, under the pretext of eradicating piracy, took control of the southern Philippines, as they had tried to do a few times before. To these reasons could be added the Crown’s intentions to harm the trade routes existent in the Muslim regions, in order to take away resources, and hence autonomy of action, from them. Hispanisation and construction of the Hispanic space in the southwest of the Philippine Islands, Life in military prisons During the second half of the 16th century and even afterwards, it can be considered that, in zones like the Philippine Islands, missions and prisons formed systems vanguard and protection of the Hispanic possessions4. The military occupation of the archipelago always suffered from a chronic lack of men and, for that reason, it was often necessary to enlist local natives. For example, we can mention that on 21 April, 1609, the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines Juan de Silva, only had five Spanish infantry companies; and on 26 June, 1626, the interim Governor Juan Niño de Tábora took 600 Spanish infantry soldiers and some veteran captains from the Flanders campaigns (Alía Plana, 1993: 18, note number 11). Many of the men sent to serve as soldiers in the archipelago had arrived to that destination to serve sentences for crimes committed: homicide, estupro, bigamy, sodomy, adultery, concubinage, and domestic abuse among others. There were also crimes such as vagamundeo, gambling, or desertion of the army. Some of these crimes were also accompanied by, apart from harsh destinations in Zamboanga or the Mariana Islands, spiritual punishments given by the Spanish Inquisition. Given the different types of offences, the time of punishment of duty in the islands was variable. The longer periods of sentence that have been documented correspond to ten years, and they often punished a sexual 4 �type of crime committed in New Spain. In the prisons, the psychological pressure exerted by the environment and the hard conditions of life to which the soldiers were subjected (badly supplied, late payments, poor diet, etc.) put them in extreme situations that caused different responses. One of the cases that the Spanish authorities watched the most was that of those prisoners who renounced the Catholic faith and converted to Islam. This was then a border society that certainly gave origin to a new kind of man yet to be studied (García de los Arcos, 1996: 118-119; Luque Talaván, 2011: 165-190). The Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga (Mindanao) As it usually happens with other cases, the history of this fortress perfectly summarises the situation of the Philippines during the Spanish rule. Since its establishment in 1635, it had to be abandoned in 1662 - together with the prisons of Terrenate, Calamianes and Iligan - by order of the then Governor and Captain General Sabiniano Manrique de Lara (1653-1663). The reason was the necessity to concentrate the few insular forces in Manila, with the objective of reinforcing the defences of the capital regarding a possible attack of the Chinese senior official Coseng or Cogsenya. A Real Cédula [Royal Decree] of 30 December, 1666 promulgated by Mariana of Austria, Queen Regent of Spain, ordered its restoration. The measure could not be applied until 1718, though (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 197-201; Molina, 1984: I, 127; Prieto Lucena, 1985: 116-140)5. In this section, we will examine its situation at a particular time of its history. For that purpose, we will make use of a very interesting written and illuminated work, product of the initiative of the Governor and Captain General Fernando Valdés Tamón (1729-1739), that gave a description of the state of the fortifications of the Philippines; and that was made in 1739 (Cuesta Domingo and Infante, 1995; Luque Talaván, 2010: 239-255). In 1739, the Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga, under the command of a Governor, was built with lime and pebble, rectangular shape and four bastions. It had a rampart at the entrance to the town, by the sea, that encircled it from the east and the south; where it externally had a stockade too. To the west, where there was a door, it had a marsh acting as a moat. To the north, where it faced the town, there was a man-made moat. On the other hand, the annexed town had its own and well planned fortification system. 5 �The defensive system of Mindanao also had, at that time, the forts of San José of Cagayan, San Francisco Javier of Iligan, Santiago of Dapitan - these three under the jurisdiction of the province of Cebu -; and the ones of San José of Tandag, San Francisco of Cateel and San Juan Bautista of Linâo - these three in the province of Caraga6. A new list of the state of the islands’ fortresses made in 1753 by order of Francisco José de Ovando y Solís, Marquis of Ovando, Governor and Captain General of the Philippine Islands (1750-1754), allows us to know that the fort of Zamboanga had 586 soldiers and seventy three cannons back then; being the one with the biggest number of personnel after the fort of the insular capital, which gives us a precise idea of its importance in the Philippine fortifications system (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 180-181)7. This was a border territory in a constant state of conquest that was at the same time both vanguard and preliminary position of the territories subjected to the sovereignty of the Spanish Monarchy. The strategic interest of this position is obvious; but we have to remember once again that its location was a busy commercial trade zone between the southern Philippines and the Moluccas, Borneo, China and other Southeast Asian places. Final thoughts Under some of the parameters set out above it is not difficult to imagine that the relationships with the indigenous populations of the area not only were not fluid, but in many cases difficult. With more detailed studies of the existent documentation we will undoubtedly be able to start assessing their exact terms. There is no uniform culture. And the space that is the focus of the attention in this current work is good proof of that. This environment would be a multicultural space, where a juxtaposition of human groups in a specific space of contact existed (García Canclini, 2005: 15-16, 29-Ss., y 101)8. The perception of the moro as an enemy was discussed by some Hispanic authors at the end of the 19th century. Thus, José Nieto Aguilar maintained that the Malayan-Muslim “(…) until today, has only met the castila as a soldier or as an intolerant friar and enemy of his religion”. Hence his hostile attitude and that Nieto Aguilar held that a change in the policy towards them was needed (Nieto Aguilar, 1893: 159; Luque Talaván, 1999: 57-86). 6 �It might perhaps be time for us experts to start to reinterpret the sources and the old historiography in order to stop seeing the Malayan-Muslim attacks to the Hispanic interests in the Philippines as mere piratical attacks. More than that, it is probable that the Muslim states of the southern Philippines, eager to maintain their independence, used these attacks to destabilise the castilas and slow down their expansion in the territories of Mindanao and Sulu. Towards that goal, some European powers supported the Muslims in their purposes, not because they were interested in their sovereignty, but because they wanted, on the one hand, to weaken the Spanish power in the region and, on the other hand, to take advantage of one of the most active and rich markets of Southeast Asia. Fortresses, like the one of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga, served as both offensive and defensive emplacements; as well as living and imprisonment spaces, depending on the circumstances. Life in the border was not simple for the soldiers stationed there. Its distance from the metropolitan and viceroyal centers of power and its proximity to the feared Muslim enemy must have activated survival mechanisms in the soldiers that remain to be revealed. The study of the border, and of its other side, enables a better understanding of ours. As Carlo Lisón Tolosana maintains: “The encounter, the communication, are given in the privileged space of the border. In reality, we are always at the border, we are a border. We constantly need to cross the wall in order to anthropologically see us from the outside and at distance and begin to get to know and re-know us. From the other side, we see us as incomplete, unfinished, surmountable. Border tension enriches us, it is a source of knowledge, it humanises us” (Lisón Tolosana, 1997: 141). And while this is true, it is nevertheless clear that the border is much more than that: it is a space of polysemy, of territories division, of conflict, of relationships of varying intensity, of cultural, symbolic exchange, etc. cultural confrontations that, sometimes, caused differences; and, sometimes, contributed to the homogenisation (Grimson, 2000; García Canclini, 2005). In the case of the military prisons of Southern Philippines, that “clash” served to mark differences and configure an identity among the Spanish community in confrontation with the native populations, considered to be enemies. 7 �Acknowledgements I am particularly grateful for the commentaries of José María Fernández Palacios, and the translation of José Luis Sedano Rosa. Endnote 1 This investigation is part of the research project: “Atlas etnohistórico y topogenético de las islas Filipinas” -reference: HAR2010-21063-HIST-, funded by the Ministry of Economy and Finance (Spain). 2 A testimony of this was given on July 3, 1753 by friar Pedro de la Santísima Trinidad Martínez y Arissala, archbishop of Manila: (“Asia/ Breve/ Resumen y Discurso/ en que se prueba ser el unico medio/ y el menos costoso y el mas/ util para librar las/ islas Philipinas/ de la Piratería y gravisimos males/ que cada año hacen los/ Moros/ convecinos en ellas/ en lo Sagrado y Profano/ La Guerra continua/ en sus Casas y tierras sin oir jamas/ tratado alguno de/ Paz, Alianza, ni Tregua/ con una Armada de quatro Galeras/ y ocho ó diez Pancos, que comanda-/se un General practico con in-/depedencia del Governador/ del Presidio de/ Samboangan. //”. The British Library (London). Manuscripts Room. Add. 17, 624, folios 78 recto – 89 recto). 3 Although the Spaniards gave the generic name moros to all the islamised groups inside the Philippine territory, under that generic name existed and exist several different groups. The most well known are the Tausug, the Samai, the Yakan, the Bajau, the Maranao, the Magindanao and the Ilanon. In Mindanao, the non-islamised populations are grouped under the generic name Mindanao Iumad, formed by eighteen ethinic groups (Zamora, 1992: 311). 4 About another border area of the novohispanic viceroyalty, see Páez Flores, 2002: 28. 5 Archivo General de Indias (Seville) —from now on AGI—, Filipinas, 201, N. 1, “Expediente sobre el restablecimiento del presidio de Zamboanga” (1665-1686). 6 Relacion en que, de orden de su Magestad Catholica (Dios le guarde) se declaran las Plazas, Castillos, Fuerzas, y Presidios de las Provincias sugetas à su Real Dominio en las Yslas Philipinas … Formada por el mariscal de campo don Fernando Valdès Tamon, à cuio cargo es el Govierno de dichas Yslas. Año 1739 (Real Biblioteca. Palacio Real. Madrid, folios 28 recto – 39 recto, y 61 recto y vuelto). 7 AGI, MP-Libros-Manuscritos, 81, “Descripciones con planos y figuras de la capital de Manila, puerto de Cavite, fuerzas de los presidios y otras fortificaciones en todo el distrito de las provincias que sugeta el real dominio en las Yslas Filipinas … Año de 1753”, XIV: Fuerza de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zamboanga en la isla de Mindanao, folios. 53 vuelto - 59 vuelto. 8 About the border and the ethnic groups, see Barth, 1982. References Al Faruqi, I. R., L. Lamya Al. Faruqi, 1986. The Cultural Atlas of Islam. Macmillan Publishing Company, New York. Alía Plana, J. Mª., 1993. El Ejército Español en Filipinas. El periodo romántico. Tabapress, [Madrid]. Barth, F., (Ed.), 1982. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Culture Difference. [2nd Reprint]. Universitetsforlaget, Oslo – Bergen – TromsØ. Caulín Martínez, A., M. Luque Talaván, 2002. Don Francisco Ramos y Bascuñana (1845-1917): un General de Brigada hellinense en Filipinas. In VV.AA., Segundo Congreso de Historia. Volumen IV. Edad Contemporánea, Instituto de Estudios Albacetenses “Don Juan Manuel”, Excma. Diputación de Albacete, Albacete: 205-215. 8 �Crick, M., 2013. L´archipel philippin et le commerce du Nanhai (IXe – XVIe siècle). In VV.AA., Philippines, archipel des échanges, [Ouvrage publié à l´occasion de l´exposition “Philippines, archipel des échanges”, présentée au Musée du Quai Branly à Paris, du 9 avril au 14 juillet 2013], Musée du Quai Branly, Paris: 86-97. Cuesta Domingo, M., Infante, V., (Ed.), 1995. Report in which, by order of His Catholic Majesty (May God protect him), the strongholds, castles, forts and garrisons of the provinces under his Royal Dominion in the Philippine islands are listed by Fernando Valdés Tamón. Editorial Turner: Banco Santander de Negocios, Madrid / Manila. Dupuis, J., 1975. Asia meridional. Editorial Ariel (Colección Elcano. La geografía y sus problemas. Serie de Geografía Universal. Serie II; núm. 4), Barcelona. García Canclini, N., 2005. Diferentes, desiguales y desconectados. Mapas de la interculturalidad. Editorial Gedisa (Colección CLA.DE.MA), Barcelona. García de los Arcos, Mª F., 1996. Forzados y reclutas: Los criollos novohispanos en Asia (1756-1808). Potrerillos Editores, México, D.F. Grimson, A. (comp.), 2000. Fronteras, naciones e identidades. La periferia como centro. Ediciones Ciccus La Crujía (Colección Signo. Serie Comunicación y Cultura), Buenos Aires. Guermon Prez, J. F., 1996. “Insulindio (mundo)”. In P. Bonte, M. Izard, Diccionario de Etnología y Antropología, Akal Ediciones, Madrid: 392-395. Javellana, R. B., 1997. Fortress of Empire. Spanish Colonial fortifications of the Philippines. 1565-1898. Bookmark, Inc., Makati City. Lisón Tolosana, C., 1997. Antropología de la frontera. In C. Lisón Tolosana, Las máscaras de la identidad. Claves antropológicas. Editorial Ariel (Ariel Antropología), Barcelona. Luque Talaván, M., 2011. En las fronteras de lo lícito: vida privada de los militares destacados en el suroeste de las islas Filipinas (siglos XVII-XVIII). In M. Mª. Manchado López; M. Luque Talaván (coord.). Fronteras del mundo hispánico: Filipinas en el contexto de las regiones liminares novohispanas. Prólogo de A. García-Abásolo. Universidad de Córdoba, Servicio de Publicaciones, Córdoba: 165-190. Luque Talaván, M., 2010. Iberoasia y el Pacífico español. Su imagen a través de los siglos. In M. Cuesta Domingo; M. Luque Talaván (Ed. and Coord.), Imago Mundi. 9 �Mapas e imprenta. [Catálogo de exposición. Biblioteca Histórica “Marqués de Valdecilla”, de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 11 de noviembre de 2010 a 18 de febrero de 2011], Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid: 239-255. Luque Talaván, M., 1999. La piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y norte de Borneo y su reflejo en la historiografía (siglos XVII-XX). Perspectivas Históricas. Historical Perspectives. Perspectivas Historiques (México, D.F.), 4 (enero-diciembre): 57-86. Luque Talaván, M., 1998. Mindanao, Joló y Norte de Borneo en la obra de Don Nicolás Enrile. El “Estracto Histórico de los Hechos más Notables que han Tenido Lugar al Sur del Archipiélago en el presente Siglo” (1800-1850). In VV.AA., 1ª Conferenza Internazionale di Studi sulle Isole Filippine: “Le Filippine tra Oriente ed Occidente: passato, presente e futuro”, Associazione Culturale “Italia-Filippine”, Reggio Calabria (Italia). [Actas no publicadas]). Luque Talaván, M., 1997. Narciso Clavería y Zaldúa: Gobernador y Capitán General de las islas Filipinas (1844-1849). Revista Complutense de Historia de América (Madrid), 23: 209-246. Majul, C. A., 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. University of the Philippines Press, Diliman, Quezon City. Malcampo, H. P., 2007. History of Zamboanga. Pre-Spanish and Spanish Period, 14001900. Western Mindanao State University Press, Balisawan, Zamboanga City. Martín Onrubia, M., 2006/2007. La actuación gubernamental contra la piratería malayomahometana de Filipinas durante el mandato del mariscal de campo Pascual Enrile (1827-1835). Revista Española del Pacífico (Madrid), 19-20: 153-173. Molina, A. M., 1984. Historia de Filipinas. Ediciones Cultura Hispánica del Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana, Madrid, Volume I. Montero y Vidal, J., 1888. Historia de la piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y Borneo. Imprenta y Fundición de Manuel Tello, Madrid, volume I. Nieto Aguilar, J., 1893. Colonización de Filipinas. Estudios prácticos acerca de la colonización con elementos peninsulares, de nuestras posesiones oceánicas. Reseña geográfico-geológico-minera de las mismas. Prólogo de A. Sáenz de Urraca. Establecimiento Tipográfico de Alfredo Alonso, Madrid. 10 �Ollé, M., 2002. La empresa de China. De la Armada Invencible al Galeón de Manila. Qaderns Crema (El Acantilado, 60), Barcelona. Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, J., 1974. El Marqués de Ovando, Gobernador de Filipinas (1750-1754). Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, Sevilla. Páez Flores, R. G., 2002. Pueblos de frontera en la Sierra Gorda queretana, siglos XVII y XVIII. Presentación de Stella María González Cicero. Archivo General de la Nación, México, D.F. Prieto Lucena, A. Mª., 1985. Filipinas durante el gobierno de Manrique de Lara (16531663). Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Escuela de Estudios HispanoAmericanos de Sevilla (Publicaciones de la Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevilla; CCCIV): Universidad de Córdoba, Departamento de Historia de América, Sevilla. Robinson, F., and Brown, P., 1992. Atlas culturales del Mundo. El Mundo Islámico. Esplendor de una Fe. Ediciones Folio: Ediciones del Prado, Madrid, Volume I. Spoehr, A., 1968. Archaeological Survey of Southern Zamboanga and the Sulu Archipelago. Asian Perspectivas, Vol. 11: 177-185. Warren, J. F., 2000. The Global Economy and the Sulu Zone. Connections, Commodities and Culture. [Second Impression]. New Day Publishers, Quezon City, Philipines. Warren, J. F., 1999. The Sulu Zone 1768-1898: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Zamora, M. D., 1992. Los indígenas de las islas Filipinas. Editorial Mapfre (Colecciones Mapfre 1492. Colección Indios de América), Madrid. Miguel Luque-Talaván is a lecturer at the Department of American History I of the Complutense University of Madrid. He has directed and taken part in several research projects, the last one under the title "Ethnohistoric and Topogenetics Atlas of The Philippine Islands". He has received several grants that allowed him to conduct researches in Mexico, Peru, Great Britain, USA, Portugal and the Philippines. His principal areas of specialization are the Derecho Indiano and the Iberoasia's History. As author or publisher, has published fourteen books and more than one hundred works. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Border and Shaping of Identities: The Fort of Nuestra Senora del Pilar of Zamboanga, Mindanao (Philippines) Description An account of the resource At the end of the 15th century, Southeast Asia underwent a process of islamisation. Muslim presence in Southern Philippines was strongly fought by the Spaniards since 1570 and until the end of their presence in this archipelago. They named these Muslims moors, due to the similarity they established between them and the Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula. The Philippines was a border territory and the Philippine society was used to live at the edge of the Imperial possessions. The Sulu Sea was a real border zone from a geographical, cultural and historical point of view, whose study allows us to analyse the relations between the Spaniards and the local powers, and vice versa. Within this context, we will focus on the analysis of the history of the Hispanic forts in the island of Mindanao, in particular of the Fort of Nuestra Señora del Pilar of Zamboanga, a really strategic settlement in Southern Philippines, whose historical development allows us to analyse the different policies introduced by the Hispanic Monarchy in these regions subjected to its nominal sovereignty. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miguel Luque-Talaván, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/7d69fd476a70b8c9d500930a68444b12.pdf 919a59be0734bbad79bc9f9742b341ee PDF Text Text Astilleros: the Spanish shipyards of Sorsogon Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines Email: mjlabolunia@yahoo.com Abstract When the Spanish colonizers reached Philippine soils, one of the earliest places they occupied is the tip of southern Luzon including the San Bernardino Strait. The whole area was known as Ambos Camarines and Albay. At present, it is the Bicol Region comprised of six provinces. As one of the earliest Spanish-occupied areas, it was exposed to Spanish activities like building of churches, government halls and shipbuilding. Ancient shipyards called astilleros are found in Bicol. These were used for construction and repair of the galleons that plied the Manila-Acapulco trade. This present archaeological study looks into the shipyards of Sorsogon where three shipyards were documented. Key words: Astillero, Shipyard, Embocadero, Metal smelting, Seamanship Introduction The Spanish colonization of the Philippine archipelago (Scott, 1994, 1992; Arcilla 1971; Pigafetta and Transylvanus, 1969) resulted in major changes in the lives of the peoples. Communities lost their independence with the Spanish imposition of the plaza complex resettling people within the government and church’s ambit (Jocano, 1998; Robles 1969). The majority of the local inhabitants were looked down by the colonizers because of their different manner of dressing, eating and skin color while at the same time surprised that these same people were very knowledgeable in seamanship and metallurgy (Agoncillo, 1990; Jocano, 1998; Scott, 1994, 1992, 1977). Their knowledge was exposed because of their ability to build different types and sizes of boats from memory. Since the Spanish government had decided to maintain the Philippines, there was a need to cut on cost both on the galleons and government. One measure was to build the galleons locally through the astilleros or shipyards. Filipino involvement were either direct through the actual construction of the shipyard, the galleons and as seafarers, may be indirectly through metallurgy and related activities (Agoncillo, 1990; Bolunia, 1995; Jocano, 1998; Mallari, 1999; Scott, 1981). The astilleros displaced many 1 �Filipinos because of their forcible transfer near the shipyard. Bicol experienced this. One of its provinces, Sorsogon, was the location of several shipyards particularly in the towns of Donsol and Pilar (Fig. 1). This present research looked into three astilleros in Sorsogon. The objective is to find out why the Spaniards decided to establish astilleros in this part of the archipelago and to validate what was written on documents by archaeological evidences . Fig. 1. Map of Sorsogon Province. (NAMRIA) Methodology Library and archival research were conducted. Interviews with key cultural consultants carried out. These were senior members of the population like Pedro Nocido, 85 years old, resident of the astillero since he was five. Archaeological activities included foot surveys, reconnaissance and excavations. Mapping of each astillero was done to produce visual representation of the sites. Artifacts like metal objects, earthenware and stoneware sherds as well as the features like furnace, ruins of buildings were collected and drawn and included in the analysis. Laboratory tests were conducted on some of the artifacts. 2 �The site The Bicol Region is found at the southern tip of Luzon, with Sorsogon as its southernmost province (Schurz, 1985; Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998). It was a favorable choice because it was directly located on the route of the galleons that plied the Manila-Acapulco trade. It had forests with the best trees for shipbuilding and a population who were skilled in boat-building and metal working. Sorsogon is bounded on the north by Albay, on the east by the Pacific Ocean, on the south by San Bernardino Strait, and on the west by Ticao and Burias Passes (Fig. 2). It has a total land area of 2,141.4 sq. km. The San Bernardino Strait or the Embocadero is the passage of all galleons (Malanyaon, Fig. 2. Maps showing the location of the astilleros in the towns of 1991). Two of its towns, Donsol (above) and Pilar (below). (NAMRIA) Donsol and Pilar, face the South China Sea on the west. Both towns are sheltered from typhoons. Both have extensive coasts dotted by bays, coves and major rivers that are navigable (Fig. 2). The town of Donsol is at the eastern side of the Donsol River (Dery, 1991; Goyena del Prado, 1981; Mallari, 1990). Its land area is approximately 156.3 square kilometers comprised of flatlands and low 3 �mountains, streams and rivers, with Donsol River (12.908 0 N and 123.5980 E) as a major river used for transport and food source. The town of Pilar (12.9260 N and 123.6760 E) is found east of Donsol with an approximate area of 248.1313 square kilometers of forests, hills, rivers and bays. An extensive mangrove surrounds it for a safe haven for boat and people. The Astilleros of Donsol and Pilar, Sorsogon Astillero is the Spanish term for shipyard. These were established during the Spanish Colonial Period to cut on the construction cost of the galleons that plied the ManilaAcapulco route (Schurz, 1985), the lifeline of the Spanish government. Their seaworthiness was of primary importance for an uninterrupted trade and exchange of European goods and silver and Chinese trade ware ceramics, silks and precious objects. The astilleros were either established at the mouth of a river like the Donsol astillero or on a cove like the Pilar astileros. The two astilleros of Pilar are separated by bodies of waters. One is inland while the other is nearer the sea. Both are adjacent to deep waters. The more inland is Binanuahan Astillero, located at the Pilar Peninsula. Prior to road networks, this can be reached by boat through Pilar Bay. The bay is a natural harbor and a natural barrier. The survey of the site yielded artifacts like slag, corroded iron nails, Chinese, European and local ceramic sherds. Documented were ruins of an old stone structure (Fig. 3) with a floor area of 288 square meters and thick walls (Bolunia, 2006). Provisions for large Fig. 3. One of the remaining walls of the structure in windows were also evident. A Panlatuan Astillero. (Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia). few meters away are remains of the palm palisade anahaw (Livistona sp.). It is approximately 100 m long with only the top visible during low tide. Two large wooden posts with a diameter of 40-50 4 �cm were also documented. The Panlatuan Astillero (Fig. 4) is located on a cove. Deep waters, two rivers, an extensive mangrove made it a favorable choice for an astillero including a vast flatland and a hill. Corroded iron nails, chain rings, bronze sheathing nails, iron tools, a porthole window, Chinese, European and local ceramic sherds, brick tiles and Spanish coin were recovered. A large slag concentration was also found on the northeastern side. Remains of large wooden posts were equidistantly buried. Ruins of watchtowers Fig. 4. The Panlatuan Astillero showing the location of the various features associated with the shipyard. (National Museum, Philippines) and a warehouse were also documented including remains of a big gate (Bolunia, Santiago and Penalosa, 2011). Two old deep wells were still being used by the owners. The Donsol Astillero is located on the lower reaches of the Donsol River. This astillero was established by reclaiming part of the mangrove around the area based on the auger-coring conducted (Bolunia, 1997, 1998). It has an approximate 5 �Fig. 5. The team members, Mssrs. Penalosa and Toling, posing beside the 3 m long anchor from the Donsol astillero. At right is a scientific illustration of the same anchor. (Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia) area of 11,000 square meters and thickness of 1.75 m with 19,250 cubic meters of sandy clay fill (Aguilera, 1997). Survey, test and full-blown excavations showed that 296 square meters were used for various purposes (Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998). Thousands of artifacts and ecofacts were recovered and the remains of the base of a furnace (Bolunia, 1997; 1998). Iron nails and spikes, copper sheathing nails and cut sheets, lead objects, Chinese and European trade ware ceramic sherds, animal bones, shells, wood, lime, stones, Spanish bronze coins, and more than 400 kg of slag were recovered (Bolunia, 1997; 1998). Earthenware moulds showing traces of melted copper and clay tubes or tuyeres were also recovered. A three-meter anchor was also found (Fig. 5). Coal, coke and charcoal were the fuel types recovered. The coke was of high quality based the analysis conducted by the Department of Energy (Bolunia 1998). Coal and coke are major ingredients in iron smelting together with lime and the ore. Charcoal was sourced from the mangrove (Rhizophora sp.) that grew abundantly around. It is a very good fuel because it burns longer and produces a high temperature. The furnace was for smelting based on the slag, lime and burnt surface observed. Iron tools like tongs, wedge, anvil were also recovered. Large wooden posts, approximately 30 cm were also documented in the direction of the 6 �river. Previous studies on the Manila Galleon trade usually focused on the shipwreck and its economic importance. Studies on the shipyards where these galleons were built and repaired are few (Dery, 1991; Schurz, 1985). These assumptions were arrived at after reviewing the available documents. The study of the astilleros showed that the Spaniards took advantage of the favorable landscape of Sorsogon and its strategic location in relation to the San Bernardino Strait. The Donsol Astillero was studied extensively because of its accessibility (Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998). The knowledge of the local people was picked when a three-meter Spanish anchor was exposed after a flood in the1950s. Mallari (1990; 1999) writes that a shipyard was built in Donsol where an encounter with pirates occurred resulting in the abandonment of its anchor. Pedro Nocido, mentioned of the presence of the frame of a big ship whose keel and ribs (frame) were eventually used as fuel. Furthermore, Nocido described that the area was flatland planted with hardwoods. Linguistically, the people residing in the Donsol astillero spoke the dialect spoken in Pilar. They are the only ones not speaking the Donsol dialect. They attribute this to their ancestors from Pilar which was a part of Donsol then. Nocido also mentioned that the Spanish mestizo owner was a friend of the Pilar astillero owners. The presence of wooden posts near the riverbanks can be associated with a pier. These wooden posts approximately 30 - 40 cm were deeply buried for mooring. The posts have pointed and grooved ends that would secure them. In the Panlatuan astillero, the wooden posts were still firmly secured even if only 30 cm can be seen during low tide. They were arranged either parallel or perpendular to each other. The presence of stone structures point to a single construction architecture prevalent during the Spanish period. The use of tiles as roof was observed as well as the construction of thick walls using riverine stones and adobe tuff. They have big window and door frames. The deep water well used adobe tuff while the watch tower used riverine stones. Lastly, the fence that enclosed the Panlatuan Astillero also used broken glass on the top for added protection. Based on the artifacts recovered, the structures documented and the accounts given by the cultural consultants, the astilleros were established to complement each other based on the types of activities that were carried out. The Donsol astillero was used as construction and repair site 7 �and smelting site while the Binanuahan astillero must have been the administrative site and the Panlatuan astillero the construction site and smelting site. It is easier to smelt ore in Donsol and Panlatuan because of the rivers that can transport the coal from its origin. It is also easy to roll the galleon once construction or repair work is finished. The waters nearby are also deep; favorable for rolling the ship. In the Binanuahan astillero, the remains of the palisade can be construed as a way of securing the place of administration. The ruins point more to a building of commerce because of the presence of big windows, a courtyard and doors. It has been said by many authors (Schurz, 1985; Mallari, 1990; Dery, 1991, 1996; Legarda, 1999) that the Bicol Region was the location of shipyards because of the forests and its skilled boatbuilders. Bicol, especially Sorsogon, is dotted with bays and coves as well as navigable rivers and streams that serve as transport system for humans and cargoes. Sorsogon faces the famous San Bernardino Strait or the Embocadero, the main access route for the galleons. Bicolanos, like the other boat builders, were capable of building big and small boats (Cuevas, Ronquillo and Santiago, 2006; Scott, 1981, 1994). Those who worked in the astilleros were not only skilled boat builders and mariners but also skilled in handling metals. Up to the present, there are still blacksmiths in Sorsogon making machetes and other objects that may be requested. Archaeological evidences have indicated that even as early as 500 BC there were already inhabitants in the archipelago who had knowledge of metallurgy (Beyer, 1947; Fox, 1970; Solheim, 2002; Dizon, 1988). Dizon (1979) in his archaeological excavation in Sorsogon was able to identify some iron tools and implements that date to 200 BC. This knowledge is thus presumed to have persisted until the coming of the Spaniards. It is not the domain of this paper to tackle how this knowledge was acquired. The shipyards of Sorsogon continue to beguile those who want to know what these bastions of Spanish colonization looked like. At present, there are no shipyards to construct galleons but many Bicolanos, especially those from the towns of Donsol and Pilar are still making boats either for their own use or for commerce. They still use their skills in choosing which wood is good for the keel and which 8 �should be used for other parts of the boat. They do not use blueprints or complex tools. When asked, their ready answer is still “because it has been done that way”. Discussion Previous studies on the Manila Galleon Trade usually focused on the shipwreck and its economic importance. Studies on the shipyards where these galleons were built and repaired are few and scanty (Dery 1991; Schurz 1985). Their locations were not specifically pointed out while the activities were left out for the reader’s own interpretations. These assumptions were arrived at after reviewing the available documents. Based on the three astilleros, the Spaniards took advantage of the favorable landscape and strategic location of Sorsogon. The Donsol Astillero was studied extensively because of its accessibility (Bolunia 1995; 1997; 1998). This location became a bane because many people decided to recycle the materials. The knowledge of the local people was alerted when a strong typhoon hit the town of Donsol in the 1950s flooding the whole town including the astillero. After the water receded, a 3 m Spanish anchor was exposed. Mallari (1990; 1999) wrote that there was once a shipyard in Donsol and an encounter with pirates occurred resulting in burning the galleon thus the anchor. My cultural consultant, Pedro Nocido, also mentioned of the presence of the frame of a big ship whose keel and ribs (frame) were eventually used by the locals for fuel. Had I come a earlier, I would have seen it lying on the shore. Nobody was familiar that the wooden frame was part of a ship although they often heard that these ships went to the alta mar or high seas. Furthermore, Nocido described that the area was flatland planted with hardwoods. Unfortunately, when I did my study, only coconut and fruit trees remained in the astillero. Linguistically, the people residing in the Donsol astillero spoke the Bicol Pilar dialect. They are the only ones not speaking the Bicol Donsol dialect. They attribute this to their ancestors originating from Pilar which was part of Donsol then. The Spanish mestizo owner was a friend of the owners of the Pilar astillero according to Nocido. The wooden posts near the riverbanks in all the three astilleros can be associated with the presence of a pier. These huge wooden posts approximately 30-40 cm in diameter that were deeply buried were neither for houses nor trading centers. This 9 �can be seen in the Donsol astillero where these wooden posts had pointed and grooved ends that would secure them from being swayed. In the Panlatuan astillero, the wooden posts were still firmly secured on the ground even if only approximately 30 cm can be seen during low tide. They were arranged either parallel or perpendular to each other. The presence of structures in the three astilleros also point to a single construction architecture that was prevalent during the Spanish period. The use of earthenware roofing tiles, thick walls using riverine stones and adobe tuff and lime mortar. The remains of the different structures are similar to those other Spanish period structures that have big windows and door frames. The deep well for water also used adobe tuff as building material. The foundation for the watch tower also used riverine cobble stones. Lastly, the fence that enclosed the Panlatuan Astillero did not only use cobble stones but also added imported broken glass on the top for added protection. Based on the artifacts recovered, the structures documented and the accounts given by the cultural consultants, the three astilleros were established to complement each other. This can be based on the types of activities that were carried out in the different astilleros where there was no duplication observed. The Donsol astillero was used as construction and repair site for galleons and smelting site too. The Binanuahan astillero must have been the administrative site while the Panlatuan astillero was also the construction site for galleons and smelting site for iron. It is easier to smelt ore in Donsol and Panlatuan because of the rivers that can transport the coal from Batan Island to the sites. It is also easy to roll the galleon once construction or repair work is finished and this same for the Panlatuan astillero. The area was large and it was possible to conduct various shipbuilding activities. The ruins of a watchtower as well as the possible warehouse and the large water wells are testament to its size. Large amount of slag and the oily soil can still be seen at present near the shore that would point to smelting activities before. The waters nearby is also deep, favorable for rolling the ship once it is built or repaired. In the Binanuahan astillero on the other hand, the remains of the palisade can be construed as a way of securing the place of administration. The ruins of the structure point more to a house or building of commerce rather than a storage structure because of the 10 �presence of openings for windows, a courtyard and doors. Unfortunately, it was impossible to see the full extent of the palisade because of natural (tidal changes) and human interventions. Interviews conducted with the locals confirmed the impression that much of the astillero is already underwater because of the presence of two river systems that meet nearby. It has been said by many authors (Schurz, 1985; Mallari, 1990; Dery, 1991; Legarda, 1999) that the Bicol Region was one of the areas where shipyards were constructed because it had some of the best forests where hardwoods can be found in addition to its skilled boat builders. Bicol, especially Sorsogon, is dotted with bays and coves as well as navigable rivers and streams that serve as transport system for human and cargoes alike. Both natural and human resources made Sorsogon a good choice for the establishment of astilleros with Sorsogon facing the famous San Bernardino Strait, the main route of the galleons. Bicolanos, like the other boat builders in the country, were capable of building big and small boats (Cuevas and Santiago, 2006; Scott, 1981; 1994). They were skilled boat-builders, mariners and metallurgists. At present, there are still blacksmiths in Sorsogon making machetes. Archaeological evidences have indicated that as early as 500 BC the inhabitants of the archipelago had knowledge of metallurgy (Beyer, 1947; Fox, 1970; Solheim, 2002; Dizon, 1988, 1979). This knowledge is thus presumed to have persisted until the coming of the Spaniards. The shipyards of Sorsogon continue to beguile people. At present, there are no more shipyards but many Bicolanos, including those from Donsol and Pilar still making boats for their own use or for commerce. They do not have blueprints nor complex tools. When asked, their answer is “because it has been done that way”. Acknowledgment I would like to acknowledge the help extended by the National Museum, Department of Tourism-Region V, Department of Energy, Sorsogon Provincial Tourism Council, Spanish Program for Cultural Cooperation, Drs. Francisco Datar and Meliton Ordillas, Messrs. Rey Santiago, Melchor Aguilera, Antonio Penalosa, Alfredo Orogo and the lot owners. 11 �References Agoncillo, T., 1990. History of the Filipino People. Garotech Publishing, Quezon City. Aguilera, M. L., 1997. Detailed Geological Study of Astillero Site in Barangay Dancalan, Donsol, Sorsogon. In The Astillero: A Metal Smelting Site, Bgy. Dancalan, Donsol, Sorsogon. A Report submitted to the Department of Tourism. National Museum, Manila: 1-14. Arcilla, J. S., 1971. An Introduction to Philippine History. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City. Beyer, H. O., 1947. Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and Provinces. The Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. 77 (3-4) July-August 1947. Bolunia, M. J. L. A., 1998. Astillero: An Archaeological Analysis of a 19th Century Metal Smelting Site. University of the Philippines, Unpublished Thesis. Bolunia, M. J. L. A., 1997. The Astillero: A Metal Smelting Site, Bgy. Dancalan, Donsol, Sorsogon. A Report Submitted to the Department of Tourism. National Museum, Manila: 15-53. Bolunia, M. J. L. A., 1995. Preliminary Report on the Archaeological Exploration and Test Excavation of the Astillero Site, Dancalan, Donsol, Sorsogon. Manuscript. National Museum, Manila. Cuevas, M., Ronquillo, W., and Santiago, R., 2006. Boat Building Traditions in Pre-18th Century Philippines. ASEAN-COCI, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Dery, L. C., 1991. From Ibalon to Sorsogon: A Historical Survey of Sorsogon Province to 1905. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Dizon, E. Z., 1988. Iron Age in the Philippines. PhD Dissertation. University of Pennsylvania, United States of America. Dizon, E. Z., 1979. Tigkiw na Saday: Final Report. Anthropological Papers No. 2, National Museum, Manila, p.49. Department of Energy., 1997. Energy Research Laboratory Report. Department of Energy, Makati, p.2. Goyena, D. P. M., 1981. Ibalon: Ethnohistory of Bikol Region. AMS Press, City. 12 Legazpi �Jocano, F. L., 1998. Filipino Prehistory: Rediscovering Precolonial Heritage. Punlad House, Quezon City. Fox, R., 1970. The Tabon Caves. National Museum, Manila. Mallari, F., S. J., 1990. Vignettes of Bicol History. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Mallari, F., S.J., 1999. Ibalon Under Siege. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Malanyaon, J., 1991. Philippines: A History of the Bikol Region. AMS Press, Naga City. Legarda, B., 1999. After the Galleons. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City. Pigafetta, A., and Transylvanus, M., 1969. First Voyage Around the World and de Moluccis Insulis. Filipiniana Book Guild, Manila. Robles, E. G., 1969. The Philippines in the Nineteenth Century. Malaya Books, Inc., Quezon City Schurz, W. L., 1985. The Manila Galleon. E.P. Dutton & Co., New York. Scott, W. H., 1994. Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture & Society. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City. Scott, W. H., 1992. Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Scott, W. H., 1977. Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History. Revised Edition. New Day Publishers, Quezon City. Scott, W. H., 1981. Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society. National Museum, Manila. Solheim, W., 2002. The Archaeology of Central Philippines: A Study Chiefly of the Iron Age and its Relationships. Revised Edition, University of the Philippines, Archaeological Studies Program, Quezon City. Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia is the Acting Senior Museum Researcher and is presently the Officer-in-Charge of the Archaeology Division. She earned her PhD in Anthropology from the University of the Philippines. Her research interests include prehistoric maritime trade and exchange. She has been working in Butuan excavating the fourth and fifth prehistoric Butuan boats ca. 12th-13th centuries CE. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Astilleros: the Spanish shipyards of Sorsogon Description An account of the resource When the Spanish colonizers reached Philippine soils, one of the earliest places they occupied is the tip of southern Luzon including the San Bernardino Strait. The whole area was known as Ambos Camarines and Albay. At present, it is the Bicol Region comprised of six provinces. As one of the earliest Spanish-occupied areas, it was exposed to Spanish activities like building of churches, government halls and shipbuilding. Ancient shipyards called astilleros are found in Bicol. These were used for construction and repair of the galleons that plied the Manila-Acapulco trade. This present archaeological study looks into the shipyards of Sorsogon where three shipyards were documented. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/7b453b38358fb25902d0e63a35005141.pdf 8cb91a98f954d706d4bb06ed6ebc70ce PDF Text Text The impact of mass media in the discrimination of Hispanic sunken heritage and the implementation of the UNESCO 2001 Convention Jesus García Calero Cultural section, ABC Newspaper, Spain Email: caleroje@gmail.com Abstract Sunken Hispanic heritage has been perceived sometimes just as an amount of gold and treasures. Unfortunately this widespread approach has prevented archaeologists to succeed in connecting the Hispanic-related cultural remains and shipwrecks with America’s naval archaeological record. The treasure hunting industry took advantage on this and now we regret the destruction of dozens of sites. UNESCO’s 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CUPCH) (henceforth the Convention) is still the only legal and cooperative framework available to avoid Hispanic sunken ships from looting and dissolving into the marketplace. This is why treasure hunters, from 2010, undertook coordinated attacks against the Convention, often displaying dishonest behaviors, as was demonstrated in Courts, and requesting to be considered fair archaeological contractors. They gathered unfavorable opinions against the Convention even from archaeologists who agree with the UNESCO criteria but want an enforcement of research and projects suggested in the Convention but are concerned about misreading "in situ" conservation as if it were "in situ" oblivion. Now a new Heritage Act in Colombia allows treasure hunting companies to dig colonial shipwrecks legally. This is a beachhead and a challenge for the Convention's signatory countries as well as for archaeologists. The more scientific standards we set, the more actively committed with research and sharing knowledge we must be. Key words: Hispanic, Underwater cultural heritage, Treasure hunters, Mass media, Discrimination Introduction America’s history can no longer be told confronting Hispanic and Anglo-Saxon visions. Revealing works such as John H. Elliott’s Empires of the Atlantic World (2006) have focussed on the intertwined tale of both cultures, surpassing some 20th century prejudices that lost all sense in the current multi-ethnic society. Elliott shows just how the fates of both empires in the New World were closely linked, with surprising contemporary nuances. It’s time to fight the wrong view on sunken Hispanic heritage as a collection of treasures just to be rescued. Perhaps the law of the sea (“finders, keepers”), conceived to justify fortuitous finds, has been shown to be harmful enough as well as inaccurate to define the premeditated and technologically-sophisticated search 1 �of shipwrecks laden with treasure. In the name of old postulates, the new treasurehunting businesses have committed - and are committing - one of the greatest cultural disasters to affect mankind in the 20th and 21st centuries. We are referring to what Tony Horwitz, the shrewd American columnist, expressed in his The New York Times article “Immigration – The Curse of the Black Legend” (2006). In that article, he quotes Carlos Fuentes, who said “The Hispanic world did not come to the United States; the United States came to the Hispanic world. It is perhaps an act of poetic justice that now the Hispanic world should return”. Thus the vision we now invoke is vindicated. And this year we’ve had the opportunity to think deeper on this matter, after the publication of “Our America” the new book by Felipe Fernandez-Armesto (2014), who describes clearly the struggle even inside the American historiography for taking into account the Spanish branch of the past we all share. The idea that the remains of colonial Hispanic sunken vessels correspond to stolen goods, and that the people who perished in those shipwrecks were morally deficient legitimizes the virtual sacking of those very remains, and is commonplace in the pages where bounty hunters announce themselves to their would-be investors. They show no interest in the study of the people from different backgrounds and cultures that were aboard those ships, nor in the scientific consequences of such a revealing study. Such ideology has nothing to do with archaeology. Is the adventurer, surging from the deep sites, a paradigm to anyone who has seen their wildest dreams come true or to whom Providence has rewarded the greatest of efforts by being covered with shipwrecked jewels ripped out of what once was a tomb? There is nothing exemplary about those practices. No single archaeologist worthy of his title can deny the character of the real American history in each and every one of those objects. And the same goes for the moral or legal ties with the societies and people they originate from. An entire historical record has been mistreated by a destructive industry, and a whole culture discriminated. The low or practically inexistent scientific level and methodology that have guided “traditional” treasure - hunting businesses that flaunt administrative permits is also a byproduct of an “ideology” with which they argue in favor of the fruit of their labor. Back in April 2006 when Wilf Bloom, in charge of Deep Blue Marine, announced (Hollenhorst, 2006) the likely finding of the ship “El Salvador”, he told the Associated Press: “There’s 2 �a lot of blood on that gold”. Bloom also made a commitment to invest 10% of the bounty on hospitals and schools in “the regions of South America plundered by early Spanish explorers”. Such good intentions did not go beyond paying lip service to the message, but did provide a handy justification designed to align public opinion with something similar to the idea of the redemption of a black legend… in order to turn a handsome profit. Similar harsh arguments, that painfully caricaturize the history of Spain and America have been bandied before official forums in the United States, a practice that fortunately has not affected the impeccable American archaeological and scientific policies, but has nevertheless influenced its people. Proof of this are the large mass media corporations, who act as sounding boards for those who talk about treasures and value archaeological finds in terms of how many million dollars they are worth. We can see it in most press releases, even in the best exceptions (such as how The New York Times treated the story of the finding of the so-called “Black Swan” on May 19th, 2007) (Aguayo, 2007). The weight of the treasure-hunter industry is usually overwhelming - 13 out of 17 paragraphs in that article - against the few voices of marine archaeologists. In our example, the article started thus: “Explorers for a shipwreck exploration company based in Tampa said Friday that they had located a treasure estimated to be worth hundreds of millions of dollars in what may be the richest undersea treasure recovery to date”. A good example of news media coverage of an important case is the litigation between Odyssey Marine Exploration (OME) and Spain over the cargo found in the remains of Spanish frigate “Mercedes”, where we can readily see that in the United States - where American courts have sided with Spain and where both the U.S. government and its Navy supported Spain’s position– there has been no other voice heard except for that of the Tampa Company and its media connections. Curiously enough, as a contrast and example of the problem that we pose here, two years after the “Black Swan” story, the same company announced the finding of the English ship “HMS Victory” in the English Channel, and we were told the story of the shipwreck and its victims from the newspaper article’s very first paragraph: “Sea explorers probing the depths of the English Channel have discovered what they say is a legendary British warship that sank in a fierce storm in 1744, losing more than 900 men 3 �and possibly four tons of gold coins that could be worth $1 billion” (The New York Times, February 2nd 2009). The difference in how the story is told from a heritage perspective shows how the story plays depending on its origin. While it may be a small subtlety, it has had a devastating effect on the Hispanic archaeological record. Without cultivating a mere curiosity for history, the average person only reads about tons of coins, hundreds of millions of dollars and, eventually, the tough litigation against a power that stars in this new version of the black legend. That poses a great challenge for the scientific community and the historian, who today has to bring about a change in that perception. The 2001 Convention After all has been said and done, it is true that the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH, 2001) remains at the center of the present debate as the only international legal and cooperative referent for the scientific community to approach a solution to the multiple, complex and polemical problems related to the historical underwater record. That is why we consider the implementation of its criteria as the most accessible safeguard of the endangered Hispanic heritage. Nevertheless, we shall see that in that regard, there has been a well-coordinated offensive in the last few years. In an article published in the Spanish daily ABC on November 22nd 2012, Filipe Castro and José Luis Casabán discussed the new forms adopted by the bounty-hunting industry: 1) The companies associated with large marine industries act in a shrouded veil of secrecy, on shipwrecks for which they already have buyers; 2) The traditional, ruinous companies, who are responsible for the destruction of a good part of the Spanish wrecks found off the American and African coasts in shallow waters; and 3) The other intermediaries, such as Odyssey Marine Exploration, who boast of being “a great company financed by its shareholders in the stock market, and are always quick to act and always reinventing themselves, with endless smokescreens to create illusions and situations, one step ahead of the mass media and of the regulating bodies, supported by important political entities in the USA” (Castro and Casabán, 2012). 4 �It is true, as is often heard, that most of the treasure hunters are involved in a ruinous business. Ever since the industry’s expansion, the ever-intelligent Peter Throckmorton (1990) understood that conservation of the heritage is a public concern. This debate, which I already touched on in a previous article entitled "Looting is not listed in the stock exchange" (García Calero, 2009), couldn’t be more applicable today. The reason is that we must assume the responsibility for the collective failure that supposes that the stock exchange and markets have not been able to choose a company that engages in the best practices. A company as protean as OME has seen a good share of its “creative force” impugned by its handling of the “Mercedes” case, not only due to the decisions it took in 2007, but also due to its attitude in the litigation against Spain. This is how the Honorable Judge Steven D. Merryday saw it when he condemned the company to pay the trial-related costs, and with harsh words said: They were searching for “a vessel and a location and a cargo all well documented and well known to Odyssey from the start and from long before the first day of this litigation”. The Judge also said: “To come to court and deny the truth of these facts is, as stated earlier, an unacceptable enormity propounded and maintained in bad faith and for an improper purpose”. Judge Merryday went on to say: "This bad faith conduct by Odyssey, dismissive of the applicable standards, dismissive of the court, and dismissive of the opposing party, cannot stand unaddressed by sanctions” (2007). So we would have to ask why this company who as Castro and Casabán have said (2012), pretends to be close to an archaeological dealer and hire archaeologists to supervise the work and even to publish its results, would print the "Odyssey Papers 13" in 2010. Back in 2009 the Tampa court had already shown signs that it would side with Spain against OME, and less than a year later, OME sponsored a symposium in New Orleans and published said “Papers 13”, whose main objective was to cast a reasonable doubt over the validity and the adequacy of the CPUCH. In that publication, Sean Kingsley (2010), a fine archaeologist who works for the Tampa company, makes an effort to distance the Odyssey practices from the old industry (he seems indignant when he cites Robert Grenier for referring (2006) to the old industry as one of “precious metal miners”). Kingsley goes on to justify the work done by Odyssey on the “HMS Victory”: “This careful and concerned approach to underwater cultural heritage is a world apart 5 �from the hit and run image depicted above by Robert Grenier, although it must be acknowledged that standards are far from uniform across the entire commercial marine archaeology field” [the underlining is ours]. Such final confession is striking when it refers to those who are directing continuous attacks against the CPUCH as an international referent due to the “irrelevance” of the in situ conservation criterion. Article 2.5 of the 2001 Convention states: “The preservation in situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the first option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage”. The ransacking of the “Mercedes” took place merely a year after Grenier’s comments, but for Odyssey the problem is the Convention, as is defended in “Papers 13”, made up of a combination of various authors united by a critical view. Evidently, nothing can prevent anyone from holding a contrary opinion or nuance to in situ conservation, above all in countries like Spain, where such criteria end up covering up for certain lack of action by civil servants regarding public initiatives to promote archaeological research of our rich underwater heritage. However, such posture is best understood in men like Kingsley when it is precisely the spirit of the Convention that the Joint Nautical Archaeological Policy Committee applied in the “HMS Victory” case, when it barred the Tampa Company from digging. We must remember that the British Ministry of Defense contracts have raised considerable and bitter polemic between archaeologists and Her Majesty’s Government, and that in Parliament, Lord Renfrew has shown this criticism at its highest level, as reflected in an interview (Bergareche, 2012) published by Spanish daily ABC. The Convention and its Annex, which regulates the necessary conditions before research can be deemed scientifically acceptable, worry the very same people whose conscience makes them say that “standards are far from uniform across the entire commercial marine archaeology”. Even then, there is also criticism from the archaeological world which, without impugning the Convention’s criteria, demands that it be applied in its totality, including the bases for the active research and training of a new generation of archaeologists who, out of the absence of projects and passive bureaucracy, will not have a more promising future. In Odyssey’s already cited «Papers 13», Filipe Castro writes on that subject (Castro, 2010). We agree: It is the same people who subscribed and regulated the Convention who should be most active and exemplary, and not hide 6 �behind a facade of passivity, because the heritage that we have to protect calls for knowledge as the first contribution to society. That is truly the real “treasure”. That is the permanent risk of the Hispanic heritage. It must not be touched without proper scientific method and the due respect to the sites. This makes the Convention pertinent and timely. The technology that allows us to reach the wrecks found in the depths is not enough to open a Pandora’s Box of contracting sui generis archaeological companies. The publications by Odyssey and other companies that warn against the danger of trawler fishing and other harmful activities are not enough to open the hunting season on the heritage. One must ask why, as in the two faces of Janus, the archaeologist and the treasure hunter live in such a narrow dialectic and increasingly confusing limits. And to understand why, we must go back to the origins. In those mythical days, when George Bass and a handful of pioneers were setting the basis for this scientific discipline, others were also laying the foundations of the treasure-hunting industry. In fact, in the case of the United States, organizations like the Council for Underwater Archeology, created in 1959, or the Sea Research Society in 1972, counted on diving experts among its founding members, like Robert Marx, who would quickly become one of the treasure hunters who has been most active on the Hispanic cultural heritage. The dichotomy between “trade goods” and “cultural artifacts” is then at the origins. Let us turn to the present. What will be the next battlefield, then? Without a doubt the problems are not over. To begin with, a recently passed law in Colombia will allow companies from 2014 on, to dig wrecks in return for 50% of the salvaged objects. Thus Colombia has launched the most aggressive attack on the Convention, something that is not entirely casual, because that law has turned the Caribbean country into a “beachhead” for the landing of treasure-hunting industry, who will take advantage of a historical opportunity to ensure their future as contractors. Colombian Constitution protects the underwater heritage as a result of its triple consideration of inalienable, embargo-proof and non-prescriptive. That of course means that in order to make a payment the cultural goods will have to be alienated. And that is exactly the treatment of the heritage that we denounce here as a traditional practice of treasure hunters, who in fact disconnect found objects from its cultural value, turning them into mere marketable goods. How is it 7 �possible that some coins or ingots themselves be worthy of being kept in a museum and yet not others? The magic is called “repetition criteria”. Colombia actively participated in the creation of the CPUCH, but changed its role just right before the vote and withdrew its backing to the project, in part due to the debates raised in a country where treasure hunters have always found loyal allies. What few people remember is that Robert Max is one of the inspiring forces behind the criteria of the new Colombian law, and has participated in the Colombian legislative debate from the very beginning. In fact, in 2003, in a hearing before that country’s Constitutional Court (2003), he stated for the first of the projects aimed at achieving the penetration of contractors to dig up treasure-bearing colonial-age shipwrecks. It is not a coincidence that in three different occasions during the last decade a legislative bill with the same purpose has gone before the Colombian parliament. As reported in El Espectador (“Treasure hunters eye Colombia”, June 6th, 2009) (Padilla, 2009), Marx’s presence in that Court in 2003 surprised more than a few. Curiously enough, that text was published in June 2009, right after Spain’s first-round victory over Odyssey in the Tampa court. It is as if, confronted with the likelihood of a possible defeat in the trial for the “Mercedes” cargo, where the industry risked future digs of Spanish wrecks in international waters, the powerful lobby became actively involved not only at the New Orleans congress, but also with its Colombian connections. And they achieved their objectives; the Colombian law takes effect this year. The 50% split between the State and the contractor has been popularized by Robert Marx over his more than 50 years of activity on Hispanic wrecks. And the repetition criteria is a trick that will be specifically applied on coins, jewels and ingots dug from future sites, but not on the nails, wooden planks nor ballast stones, that are also repeated but have no market value. What should worry those who are entrusted with protecting the heritage and also defending the CPUCH is the complete enforcement of what UNESCO dictates. Research, excavation and publication cannot be left for tomorrow, because with the available technology, we simply do not know how much longer the Hispanic underwater record will survive. Moreover, publishing becomes an urgent social responsibility for all archaeologists. We must call for action and results, while at the same time demanding 8 �scientific standards. Not taking an active part in in situ conservation is to abandon the excavation to the treasure hunters. An entire generation of archaeologists will be tempted to take the non-scientific road if they want to work, a dilemma that should never be imposed on any young lover of archaeology. Worst of all, in that case the discrimination against the Hispanic heritage will never be overcome because due to the mere fact of having arrived first to America, as John H. Elliot said. In the process of mining silver and gold, the Spaniards gathered both benefits and curses. From the beginning, the Spanish ships loaded with “treasures” (Treasury) were the favorite prey of the pirates of old. When the galleons sailed, their crews risked their lives over uncertain seas whose roads still lead to us. When they came under attack, they sold their lives and their flags dearly. Today, shipwrecked, they are helpless in light of the greed of these new, technologically super-refined pirates. The only defense we can offer them is to tell their story well and not to let a whole world of objects and artifacts that was sunk with them be dissolved, neither in the ocean nor in the market place. Acknowledgements I am very grateful to APCONF for the opportunity to make visible the Hispanic point of view of a problem we all share and let me speak to you from this far location. To the UNESCO for his role and commitment to the protection of the UCH. To María Cruz Berrocal and Veronica Walker Vadillo for their advice and ideas. And to all those who struggle to prevent our heritage to be destroyed by a profit motive. References Aguayo, T., May 19th, 2007. A Bountiful Undersea Find, Sure to Invite Debate. The New York Times. www.nytimes.com/2007/05/19/us/19treasure.html Bergareche, B., October 24th 2012. Colin Renfrew: ‘Los Estados recurren a empresas como Odyssey por ignorancia’. Diario ABC. www.abc.es/20121024/cultura/abci- renfrew-arqueologo-lord-odyssey-201210231911.html Broad, W. J., February 2nd 2009. Treasure Hunters Say They’ve Found a 1744 Shipwreck. The New York Times, www.nytimes.com/2009/02/03/science/03shipwreck.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=13883333 21-JEyXu6mX7CDdeVBRW4eXWA 9 �Castro, F., and Casabán, J. L., November 22nd 2012. Así operan los tres tipos de cazatesoros que benefician el hobby de los cleptócratas. Diario ABC. www.abc.es/cultura/20121122/abci-filipe-castro-cazatesoros-hobby-201211211941.html Castro, F., 2010. Archaeologists, Treasure Hunters, and the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: a Personal Viewpoint. Odyssey Papers 13. www.shipwreck.net/pdf/OMEPapers13-UNESCO.pdf Corte Constitucional de Colombia: SENTENCIA C-474/03 PATRIMONIO CULTURAL Y ARQUEOLOGICO DE LA NACION. 2003. Corte Constitucional de Colombia. Elliott, J. H., 2006. Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 14921830. Yale University Press, New Haven and London // Taurus, Madrid. Fernández-Armesto, F., 2014. Our America. A Hispanic History of the United States W. W. Norton and Company, pp. 402. García Calero, J., 2009. El expolio no cotiza en bolsa. Economía Exterior. July issue, 2009 www.academia.edu/5550882/El_expolio_no_cotiza_en_bolsa. Grenier, R., 2006. Introduction: Mankind, and at Times Nature, are the True Risks to Underwater Cultural Heritage. In R. Grenier, D. Nutley, and I. Cochran (Eds.), Underwater Cultural Heritage at Risk: Managing Natural and Human Impacts ICOMOS. pp X and XI. ICOMOS, 2006. Paris www.international.icomos.org/risk/2006/fulldocan.pdf Hollenhorst, J., April 4 2006 Utahns to dive for treasure. Desert News www.deseretnews.com/article/635196749/Utahns-to-dive-for-treasure.html?pg=all Horwitz, T., July 9 2006. Immigration - and the Curse of the Black Legend. The New York Times. www.nytimes.com/2006/07/09/opinion/09horwitz.html Kingsley, S., 2010. Underwater Cultural Heritage and UNESCO in New Orleans: an Introduction. Odyssey Papers 13: 1-6 www.shipwreck.net/pdf/OMEPapers13- UNESCO.pdf Ocean Navigator, january 2001. "Astrolabe found off Cape Verde Islands" www.oceannavigator.com/January-February-2003/Astrolabe-found-off-Cape-VerdeIslands/ 10 �Padilla, N. F., June 6th, 2009. Cazatesoros miran a Colombia. Diario “El Espectador”. www.elespectador.com/impreso/hallazgo-arqueologico/articuloimpreso144368cazatesoros-miran-colombia. Throckmorton, P., 1990. The World’s Worst Investment: Economics of Treasure Hunting with Real Life Comparisons. In Underwater Archaeology Proceedings, from the Society of Historical Archaeology Conference. Edited by Toni Carrel. Tucson, Arizona: 6-10. -UNESCO., 2001. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH). Jesús García Calero (Segovia, 1965) is a Spanish journalist, graduate from the Complutense University of Madrid. Since 1994 he has specialized in cultural information and he is chief editor for Culture and Entertainment sections in nationwide newspaper ABC, Madrid, from 1998. Most of his journalistic work addresses issues about Heritage, Art and History, from the theft of valuable maps and manuscripts in the Spanish National Library, to the case “Mercedes” and Odyssey Marine Exploration, or the polemic authoring of some Goya’s paintings -like “Colossus”- at the Prado Museum. He is also founder of the blog “Espejo de Navegantes”. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The impact of mass media in the discrimination of Hispanic sunken heritage and the implementation of the UNESCO 2001 Convention Description An account of the resource Sunken Hispanic heritage has been perceived sometimes just as an amount of gold and treasures. Unfortunately this widespread approach has prevented archaeologists to succeed in connecting the Hispanic-related cultural remains and shipwrecks with America’s naval archaeological record. The treasure hunting industry took advantage on this and now we regret the destruction of dozens of sites. UNESCO’s 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CUPCH) (henceforth the Convention) is still the only legal and cooperative framework available to avoid Hispanic sunken ships from looting and dissolving into the marketplace. This is why treasure hunters, from 2010, undertook coordinated attacks against the Convention, often displaying dishonest behaviors, as was demonstrated in Courts, and requesting to be considered fair archaeological contractors. They gathered unfavorable opinions against the Convention even from archaeologists who agree with the UNESCO criteria but want an enforcement of research and projects suggested in the Convention but are concerned about misreading "in situ" conservation as if it were "in situ" oblivion. Now a new Heritage Act in Colombia allows treasure hunting companies to dig colonial shipwrecks legally. This is a beachhead and a challenge for the Convention's signatory countries as well as for archaeologists. The more scientific standards we set, the more actively committed with research and sharing knowledge we must be. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jesus García Calero, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/df175cf202645a929321070bb2597e4b.mp4 cf2cebdfd96f49d69ee0439cb5ac4b26 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Moving Image A series of visual representations that, when shown in succession, impart an impression of motion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Video interview with Session 5 chair María Cruz Berrocal. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource María Cruz Berrocal and Mark Staniforth Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6/11/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014