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                    <text>Early Modern Japanese Whaling: An Iconographic Study
Michelle Damian (University of Wisconsin-Whitewater, Assistant Professor of History)
ABSTRACT
Small museums can be the repository of mighty collections. The New Bedford Whaling Museum (NBWM) in
Massachusetts, USA, is one such example. The NBWM holds a significant collection of artwork depicting early
modern (17th – 19th c) Japanese whaling. A systemic analysis of the imagery in these pieces allows us to learn
more about the equipment and strategies used in whaling in the early modern period. This paper provides an initial
review of those collections, highlighting the types of vessels used, tools and other equipment, and important
shoreline infrastructure associated with whaling that are depicted in the artwork.
Keywords: Whaling, Japan, Museums, Artwork
Abbreviations: NBWM (New Bedford Whaling Museum)
List of Figures
Figure 1. A typical representation of a chase boat. Maker once known (Japanese). Geigyo Hinshu Zukan
[Fourteen Varieties of Whales], 1760. Watercolor on paper, 10.5 in. x 20.25 ft. (26.7 x 6.2 m.) New Bedford
Whaling Museum, Gift of the Kendall Whaling Museum, 2001.100.4456. Image courtesy of the New Bedford
Whaling Museum.
Figure 2. Spearhead with tang revealed, showing holes for ropes and fasteners. After Yuyuken Kizaki
(Japanese). Shoni no Moteasobi Kujira Ikken no Maki [Net Whaling in Hizen Province, Kyushu], 1817.
Watercolor on paper, 10.5 in. x 27.5 ft. (26.7 cm x 8.4 m.) New Bedford Whaling Museum, Gift of the Kendall
Whaling Museum, 2001.100.4426. Image courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum.
Figure 3. Maker once known. Whaling Scene on the Coast of Japan, 1855. Engraving on paper, 6 x 9.25 in.
(15.2 x 23.5 cm.) New Bedford Whaling Museum, Gift of the Kendall Whaling Museum, 2001.100.10758.
Image courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum.
Figure 4. Hiroshige Shigemasa III (Japanese, 1843-1894). Kagura Nite Hikiageru Zu [Pulling in by a Kagura
Winch], c. 1877. Woodblock on paper, 6.25 x 9 in. (16.1 x 22.5 cm.) New Bedford Whaling Museum, Gift of
the Kendall Whaling Museum, 2001.100.6666. Image courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum.

INTRODUCTION
At first glance, a small museum in Massachusetts (USA) does not appear to be an ideal location to
conduct research on early modern (17th – 19th c) Japanese whaling. And yet the New Bedford Whaling
Museum (NBWM) is just that. Their collections naturally focus on New Bedford as a port city and the
history of whaling culture in the New England region. In 1843, however, a whaling ship returned to
New Bedford with a Japanese castaway, sparking a strong relationship between Japan and this
Massachusetts coastal town. Furthermore, the museum also enjoys a close association with Taiji, a town
in Japan famous for its modern whale hunts. The curator of the town of Taiji’s historical materials
serves as an advisory guest curator for the NBWM. 1 With these ties in mind, it becomes clearer why
Frank Sowa, ‘Seaside Communities in Crisis: On the Construction of Collective Identity in a Japanese
Whaling Town after the Moratorium,’ Annuals of Marine Sociology/Roczniki Socjologii Morskiej 23 (2015): 33.
The Taiji Whale Digital Museum (https://kujira-digital-museum.com/en/categories/12/articles/) further notes
that several scrolls depicting whaling near Taiji are owned by both the Taiji museum and the NBWM, and the
NBWM also holds reproductions of some of the scrolls owned by Taiji.
1

1

�the NBWM has nearly nine hundred Japan-related items in its museum and library collections. This
paper will provide some examples of what we can learn about early modern Japanese whaling and its
infrastructure from those artifacts.
THE NBWM COLLECTIONS
For the purposes of this study, I focused on the NBWM sources related to early modern Japanese
whaling. My intent was to learn more about the strategies of whaling in the early modern period via the
artwork created at the time, and to catalog the vessels and equipment, capture and processing
techniques, and evidence of shore support. I was able to view approximately 50 items at the museum. 2
19 were scrolls, 17 were woodblock prints, and the remainder were a variety of engravings,
sketchbooks, and other types of artwork.
The medium mattered for content analysis. Woodblock prints featuring whales generally fell into the
‘landscape print’ genre, showcasing scenes with whales as a novelty. When whale hunts were shown,
usually the images were less detailed and the scene was depicted from afar, as though an observer was
watching from shore. Woodblock prints were mass-produced for a popular audience, commemorating
a notable scene, and so they were perhaps trying to recreate that outsider, observer’s view. Scrolls,
however, appear to have been made more for insiders, used as a means to disseminate information about
whales and whaling. They could be as long as approximately 10 meters, though many were shorter.
Many begin with a brief textual introduction and a scene consisting of a whaleboat, a harpoon, and a
spear – effectively showcasing the tools of the trade. This was often followed by depictions of several
types of whales, likely the ones most hunted in that region. Some scrolls included more details of whale
anatomy, providing diagrams of how to butcher it. Still others showed scenes of the whale hunt itself,
from the chase to the kill, then towing it back to shore and processing the carcass, and in some cases
even showing the celebrations after a successful hunt. Many of the scrolls are very precise in their detail,
providing a type of manual for whaling. The scrolls appear to be more representative of whaling hunts
overall, and provide information on the types of vessels and equipment used in whaling. 3
Perhaps the most important scroll is the Isanatori Ekotoba. Published in 1832 in Edo (modern Tokyo),
it recounts details of whaling done by the Masutomi whaling group based in Ikitsukishima (modern
Nagasaki prefecture). 4 Far more detailed than most of the other scrolls preserved in the NBWM, the
illustrations are more complex and also include brief descriptions of the equipment, locations, and
whales themselves. The range of depictions of whaling throughout all of the artistic examples are rich
fodder for information about early modern Japanese whaling. The following sections will provide some
examples of what we can learn through careful study of the museum collections, focusing particularly
on whaling boats and equipment.
WHALING VESSELS
Nine scrolls include standalone depictions of whaling vessels, simply presented as a representative boat
out of context (Figure 1). The most commonly depicted vessel is the chase boat (seko-bune 勢子船)
and some scrolls also include net boats (ami-bune 網船 or sōkaibune 双海船). In most cases the chase
2

Although the museum does have close to 350 Japan-related items in their artifacts collection, and nearly 600
documents in the library, many of them were more modern objects, or alternatively were items brought back
from Japan by New Bedford whalers. Early modern items depicting Japanese whaling were more limited.
3
The analysis includes only items that the author was able to view at the museum. There may be more
depictions, but if a scroll was on exhibit, for example, only portions of the scroll were visible.
4
Jakobina Arch, Bringing Whales Ashore: Oceans and the Environment of Early Modern Japan (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 2018), 128–29. The version in the NBWM is incomplete.
2

�boats are presented at the beginning of the scroll. They are almost uniformly colourful, with flowers
and stripes adorning the hull. Most images include a ‘hashtag’ (#) on the stempost, indicating that they
were affiliated with the Taiji whaling fleets. 5 While most of the depictions are relatively simplistic, two
construction features do stand out: the sharp raked stempost with a decorative end, and the washboard.
The latter comes to an end as it nears the stern, and other depictions of the chase boats in action show
that that open area was where the rowers gathered to propel the vessels using sculling oars. 6 The
Isanatori ekotoba suggests throughbeams are also present in these vessels, though most other depictions
do not have that level of detail. As these boats needed to be fast and maneuverable to corral the whale
and get close enough to launch harpoons, it stands to reason that the stempost/cutwater would be the
most distinctive feature. The tall washboard likely provided some stability for the harpooners as they
hurled the weapon at the whale.

Figure 1. A typical representation of a chase boat. Maker once known (Japanese). Geigyo Hinshu Zukan [Fourteen
Varieties of Whales], 1760. Watercolor on paper, 10.5 in. x 20.25 ft. (26.7 x 6.2 m.) New Bedford Whaling Museum,
Gift of the Kendall Whaling Museum, 2001.100.4456. Image courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum.

As of the seventeenth century the prevalent way to hunt whales was through using nets to surround and
capture the creatures. 7 The fact that only two scrolls specifically depict the net boats out of context is
therefore somewhat surprising. One is somewhat amateurly drawn, while the other is in the array of
boats depicted in the Isanatori Ekotoba. These boats are larger and wider than the chaser boats, since
of course they would need to transport the net and maintain stability after the whale was trapped. Unlike
the chase boats, the net boats have a rudder and what appears to be a mast. The masts are unstepped and
lay across a horizontal beam supported by two upright posts at the stern of the vessel, and none of the
scrolls depict the masts being stepped and used to sail. One scroll appears to show a sailor tugging at
the mast as though to step it, perhaps to set a sail to counteract the tugging of the trapped whale, but
5

Hayato Sakurai, ‘Whales Caught on Paper Waves: Scroll Paintings of Whales and Old Japanese Whaling,’ in
Whaling and History III (Sandefjord, Norway: Vestfoldmuseene IKS, 2010), 43.
6
Yuyuken Kizaki, Shoni no Moteasobi Kujira Ikken no Maki. New Bedford Whaling Museum, accession #
2001.100.4426
7
Arch, Bringing Whales Ashore: Oceans and the Environment of Early Modern Japan, 63–64.
3

�there is no evidence of a sail in sight. Solid throughbeams are placed at regular intervals in the stern
especially, providing stands and support for the rowers.
WHALING TOOLS
Eight scrolls have detailed depictions of the harpoons and spears used for whaling. These are often
found at the beginning of the scroll, showing the tools used for the hunt. In most cases only the blade is
shown, without a handle. The reasons for this are unclear, though if these scrolls were indeed meant in
part to be a ‘manual for whaling,’ it may be to reveal the holes in the tang and base of the spear blade
that would be used to attach it to the pole. One scroll, ‘Whales Caught at Kumano-ura (Ki Peninsula),’
does have labels saying ‘the handle should be attached through this hole,’ indicating the holes in the
tang, and another notes the hole in the base as the point to thread the rope through (Figure 2). 8 These
are the exceptions rather than the rule, as most scrolls have minimal text associated with the tools
beyond a brief description of the ideal length.

Figure 2. Spearhead with tang revealed, showing holes for ropes and fasteners. After Yuyuken Kizaki (Japanese). Shoni
no Moteasobi Kujira Ikken no Maki [Net Whaling in Hizen Province, Kyushu], 1817. Watercolor on paper, 10.5 in. x
27.5 ft. (26.7 cm x 8.4cm)

The harpoons depicted have an asymmetrical head, with one point longer than the other. There seems
to have been no set length, as some are described as being between 2 and 3 shaku (60 – 90 cm) long,

8

Anonymous, ‘Whales Caught at Kumano-ura (Ki Peninsula),’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, accession #
2001.100.4462; Shoni no Moteasobi Kujira Ikken no Maki #2001.100.4426
4

�and others suggest over four shaku (120 cm). 9 Two scrolls, the Isanatori ekotoba and a second untitled
scroll, show a range of different harpoons, and so the different lengths may have been affiliated with
various harpoon styles. The Isanatori ekotoba also displays a remarkably detailed range of rope knots
used to secure the harpoon and allow for its recovery.
Nets are another critical part of early modern Japanese whaling, yet they are depicted far less often than
the harpoons or spears. Only three scrolls show details about whale nets, including how to knot or fasten
the ropes to weave the net, and also how to attach the nets to their wooden floats. Two of the three
provide dimensions for the floats as well. The Isanatori ekotoba further includes a scene where villagers
are weaving the net on shore. Over twenty people are involved in uncoiling the individual ropes and
spreading the net out as they weave it. Based on the spectators shown viewing the process, even weaving
the nets appears to have been a major endeavor in the town.
ONSHORE INFRASTRUCTURE
A full analysis of the maritime cultural landscape involved in early modern whaling is beyond the scope
of this paper, but two onshore structures should be noted here. Several pieces of artwork include
lookouts or winches, both critical parts of the whale hunt and processing experience.
Five pieces of artwork (three scrolls, one woodblock print, and one wood engraving) represent lookouts.
They are small, permanent structures atop a shoreline hill or mountain. Various means of signaling were
used to notify the boats at sea. Some depict a man swinging long white paper strips on a pole, others
show flags, and still others suggest that fire/smoke signals were used to signal the presence of a whale.
Many have some combination of the above. One of the more notable items in the NBWM collection is
a wood engraving from ‘Ballou's Pictorial Drawing Room Companion,’ published in Boston in 1855. 10
The engraving shows 17 boats surrounding a whale, but the lookout is also clearly visible, with two
men standing atop the roof of the lookout building, one waving a flag (Figure 3). Accompanying text
reads in part, ‘Whaling is an occupation of large numbers of the Japanese, and they are exceeding expert
in it, though we will venture to say by no means to be compared with our “Long Tom Coffins” of
Nantucket and New Bedford.’ This is followed by a brief description of the whale hunt. 11 In 1855,
formal diplomatic relationships between the United States and Japan were just beginning, as Matthew
Perry had first arrived in Edo just three years prior. Yet there was obviously interest and awareness of
Japanese whaling in Boston at this time, accompanied by a seemingly good-natured sense of rivalry.

9

Niwa Shohaku, ‘Illustrations of Whales,’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, Accession # 2001.100.4465;
Anonymous, ‘Geigyo Hinshu Zukan,’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, Accession # 2001.100.4456; ‘Whales
Caught at Kumano-ura (Ki Peninsula),’ #2001.100.4462
10
The scene is copied from a work published in 1832 by Phillip Franz von Siebold, a German physician who
accompanied the Dutch delegation stationed on Dejima (modern Nagasaki prefecture) from 1823 to 1829.
Peabody Museum of Salem, Whaling Prints in the Lothrop Collection, Salem: Peabody Museum of Salem,
1987. 146.
11
Anonymous, ‘Whaling Scene on the Coast of Japan,’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, Accession #
2001.100.10758
5

�Figure 3. Maker once known. Whaling Scene on the Coast of Japan, 1855. Engraving on paper, 6 x 9.25 in. (15.2 x 23.5
cm.) New Bedford Whaling Museum, Gift of the Kendall Whaling Museum, 2001.100.10758. Image courtesy of the New
Bedford Whaling Museum.

Winches appear in three scrolls and three woodblock prints. They are large, wooden structures with
four arms, and two or three men push each arm to wind the rope and drag the whale or its blubber on to
shore. All three versions of the woodblock prints – all by different artists – focus on the men pushing
the winches, some with facial expressions indicating the effort expended to haul the massive whale.
One is part of a triptych, with the other two panels showing a graphic offshore flensing scene. The
triptych is labeled as part of a series on ‘Japanese Famous Goods’ in Hizen province, and another is
labeled as one of ‘The Great Illustrated Japanese Products’ series (Figure 4). 12 It suggests that the
winches were emblematic of whaling and the efforts put in to processing the whales.

12

Kuniyoshi, ‘Nihon Meisan Zukushi. Hizen no Kuni Goto, Hirado, aruiwa Kishu niwa Shoshoura nite Kujira
wo Toru Zu.’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, Accession #2001.100.6668; Hiroshige Shigemasa III, ‘Kagura
nite hikiageru zu,’ New Bedford Whaling Museum, Accession #2001.100.6666
6

�Figure 4. Hiroshige Shigemasa III (Japanese, 1843-1894). Kagura Nite Hikiageru Zu [Pulling in by a Kagura Winch],
c. 1877. Woodblock on paper, 6.25 x 9 in. (16.1 x 22.5 cm.) New Bedford Whaling Museum, Gift of the Kendall
Whaling Museum, 2001.100.6666. Image courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum.

CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE STUDIES
This preliminary look at the collections of the New Bedford Whaling Museum suggests the rich
potential in using artwork to understand more about early modern Japanese maritime cultural heritage.
While perhaps not generally useful to understand specific aspects of ship construction for whaling
vessels, the array of associated tools, weapons, and infrastructure detailed in the scrolls reveal more
about the full maritime cultural landscape associated with early modern whaling in Japan. This is but
one group of sources, and museum collections in Japan have additional whaling scrolls that should be
brought in for a more comprehensive comparison. The NBWM provides an excellent example of the
potential for small museums to hold important collections, and is a reminder not to overlook these types
of institutions when conducting research.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to Jordan Berson, Emma Rocha, and Mark D. Procknik at the New Bedford Whaling Museum for opening their
collections to me, pulling a large number of items out for viewing in a short period of time, and providing space in the research
library for me to take photographs to my heart’s content. I could not have made the trip to conduct this research without
financial assistance from the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater and Dean Frank Goza. I also thank Dr. Jenny Craig for her
flexibility with my submission of this paper, and Dr. T. Kurt Knoerl for always being a sounding board, editor, and providing
moral support.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arch, Jakobina. Bringing Whales Ashore: Oceans and the Environment of Early Modern Japan. Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 2018.

7

�Digital

Whale
Museum,
‘Traditional
Whaling
in
Taiji.’
May
29,
2023.
https://kujira-digitalmuseum.com/en/categories/12/articles/
Peabody Museum of Salem. Whaling Prints in the Lothrop Collection. Salem: Peabody Museum of Salem, 1987.
Sakurai, Hayato. ‘Whales Caught on Paper Waves: Scroll Paintings of Whales and Old Japanese Whaling.’ In Whaling and
History III, 37–44. Sandefjord, Norway: Vestfoldmuseene IKS, 2010.
Sowa, Frank. ‘Seaside Communities in Crisis: On the Construction of Collective Identity in a Japanese Whaling Town after
the Moratorium.’ Annuals of Marine Sociology/Roczniki Socjologii Morskiej 23 (2015): 21–35.

8

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                <text>Damian, Michelle . 2023. “Early Modern Japanese Whaling: An Iconographic Study.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2020 </text>
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                    <text>Ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck
Phạm Ngọc Uyên
Fine Arts Museum, Ho Chi Minh City [Bảo tàng Mỹ thuật], Deputy Director
ABSTRACT
The fifteenth and sixteenth century Cù Lao Chàm / Hoi An shipwreck’s cargo consists of several different types
of ceramics. This essay introduces three types of blue and white ware, based on their external appearance of
glaze, decorations, and designs. In my doctoral research and for the purpose of this paper, the initial phase is a
Collection-based Research to identify Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck’s ceramic cargo in Vietnamese museums. In a
parallel study, my literature review explores across Asia Pacific Region shipwrecks and kilns with similar
ceramics contemporary to the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck. My hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese
ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries CE are based on indigenous belief aesthetics that set criteria for
pottery artistry and kiln production. This work adds data in the current gaps of knowledge about Vietnam’s
ancestors’ role in ceramic production and exchange across the Asia Pacific Region during the initial stages of
European colonialism.
Keywords: ceramics, shipwrecks, kilns, indigenous design criteria

INTRODUCTION
My working hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth
centuries CE are based on indigenous market criteria across the Asia-Pacific Region. To explore this
hypothesis I first review three types of ceramic Vietnamese museum collections from the Cù Lao
Chàm (also referred to as Hoi An) shipwreck, hence why this paper fits best within this Session on
Collections-based Research. Specifically, my work is looking across the whole ceramic cargo from
one shipwreck, although they are now housed in several collections across multiple museums and
personal collections. From this preliminary survey of the glaze, decorations, and designs of three
different types of blue and white wares, I have confirmed similar ceramic types exist in other
collections from kilns and shipwrecks in Vietnam, as well as others in the region.
The paper briefly introduces the Vietnamese ceramic collection of the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck dating
to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in the collections of five Vietnamese museums: National
Museum of Vietnamese History (VNMH), Museum of Vietnamese Fine Arts (VNFAM), History
Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (HM), and provincial museums in Hải Dương (HD) and Quảng Nam
(QN). The shipwreck provenience is Chàm Island, off the city of Hội An, in Quảng Nam province,
Vietnam. The site was excavated over three years between 1997-2000 CE. The remaining part of the
ship’s hull was 29.4 metres long and 7.2 metres wide. A total of 240,000 artefacts were excavated
(Pham Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 94).
Excavated artefacts are diverse, including ceramics, fine bronzes, metal kitchen utensils, bowls,
Chinese copper coins, mortars, spices, seeds, etc. Chinese copper coins identified were Kaiyuan
Tongbao (開元通寶) of the Tang dynasty (618-907) and Hongwu Tongbao (洪武通寶)of the Ming
dynasty (1368-1644). It is worth noting that scientists have discovered eleven sets of human remains
of merchants and crew members on the ship. Among them is a set of human remains identified as that
of a woman about twenty years old with Thai ethnic characteristics. Based on the characteristics of
hull timber, human remains, some utensils on the ship, ancient documents and Thai commercial
history, it can be estimated that it is likely that the Cù Lao Chàm ship was built in Thailand and
Chinese workers may have been involved (Guy 2005, 108), dating to the fifteenth century. The ship is
also said to have sailed from Ayutthaya (Thailand) to Tokin (Vietnam) after spending the spring and
summer months in the Gulf of Tokin (Phạm Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 94; Guy 2005, 111).
The cargo’s ceramic artefacts include Vietnamese, Chinese and Thai, of which the majority is
Vietnamese
1

�Figure 1. Images from underwater excavation of the Cù Lao Chàm / Hoi An shipwreck (Butterfields 2000).
(Top) Francis Pope, Mensun Bound (Excavation Director, University of Oxford) and Jak in the control room;
(bottom) Underwater excavation of a ceramic.

In 2000, after verification by the Government of Vietnam (Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc Quân
2008: 19), 10 percent of the artefacts (including total of 4362 ceramic pieces) from the shipwreck were
selected and distributed to the two national Vietnamese museums VNMH and VNFAM, as well as the
Ho Chi Minh City HM, while 5,562 pieces went to the two provincial museums HD and QN. These
provincial museums were selected due to the likelihood of the original ceramic production in the areas
of Hải Dương and Quảng Nam. The remaining 90 per cent of the cargo’s ceramics were consigned to
Butterfields for worldwide dispersal (Butterfields 2000). This is important to know because I bring up
examples in my discussion from the Vietnamese collections and private collections abroad. Table 1
summarises the number of ceramics in the five museum collections.

2

�Table 1. Summary of ceramics numbers from Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck in Vietnamese museum collections, including
preliminary research on known sites with similar ceramics.
References
Museum
Number of
Number of
Number of
Number of
Known sites with similar
name
blue and
Double
miniatures
barbed rim
ceramics
white
phoenix
dish
pouring
vessel

QN

On-going*

1

2754

2

HD

No statistics
yet

2

2743

23

VNMH

No statistics
yet
304

0

2237

25

1**

206

15

4187

1

2205

03

VNFAM
Ho Chi Minh
City HM

Ko Khram Shipwreck,
Thailand (1975,1979): Jarlet
Ko Si Chang III Shipwreck,
Thailand (1986): Jarlet

Orillaneda
2012
Orillaneda
2012

Padanan Shipwreck,
Philippines (1995): Dish, jar
Santa Cruz Shipwreck,
Philippines (2001): Covered
box, jarlet
Thăng Long Citadel site (Hà
Nội) (2008-2009): Barbed
rim dish

Orillaneda
2012
Orillaneda
2012
Bùi Minh Trí
2017

*Currently under review from excavation years 1997-1999
** Data from artefact in gallery

CERAMIC GROUPS
Ceramics from the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck make up more than 50-70 percent of the Vietnamese
ceramics in the five museums’ inventory and include blue and white ceramics of three types: double
phoenix pouring vessel, miniatures, and barbed-rim dishes; all were made in Chu Đậu, Mỹ Xá, Hải
Dương province (Phạm Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 96). We know the production location
because traces of the Chu Đậu ceramics kiln production of five-prong spurs (introduced under the
Trần dynasty 1226-1400 CE) were recorded on some of these ceramics (Bùi Minh Trí and Kerry
Nguyễn Long 2001, 19).
Blue-and-white ceramics
Double phoenix pouring vessel – Vietnamese version of popular contemporary double mandarin ducks
The ‘double mandarin ducks’ were a popular motif in Chinese and Japanese art, symbolising
endurance and faithfulness (Snowdon 2016, 15). This suggests such pottery was exported to the
markets of north and northeast Asia. But the double mandarin duck motif was not favoured in the
Persian market (Du 2020, 3). Philippe Truong (2007, 241) believed that Vietnamese potters may have
produced their versions for export (the ‘double phoenix’) without ever seeing prototypes, which is
why they were decorated with the phoenix shape instead of the duck design. This also inadvertently
created unique and rich variations compared to the originals from China. The great volume of pottery
in the provincial museum QN collection indicates that Đại Việt was engaged in the international trade
across Asia, in which the glazed ceramics played a significant role during the fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuries (Guy 2015, 107). Truong (2007, 241) proposes that the jar’s shape imitated the
brush washer used in oriental calligraphy under the Xuande reign (1425-1435 CE) of the Ming
dynasty. However, Sumarah Adhyatman (1989, 6) proposes this jar-type was used for ceremonial wine
on special

3

�occasions like weddings. Another regional shipwreck that includes this ceramic type is the
fifteenth-sixteenth century Lena Shoal shipwreck in the Philippines (Truong 2007, 241).
Pointedly, Figure 1 (left) shows an example of the ‘double mandarin ducks’ from the collection of the
Ho Chi Minh City HM. A similar item can also be found in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, gifted
from a private collection (Truong 2007, 241: pl.193). It has a compressed spherical shape with an
upright neck, and the shoulder is mounted with facing duck heads and tails. It is coloured with an
underglaze blue outline forming the feathered bodies and feet separated by water grasses. The slightly
concave base is left unglazed. The duck heads and tails were applied to the walls after the compressed
body was formed. The Hội An hoard jar had a hole in the beak of one duck head, so that it could
function as ewer or water dropper, following Chinese prototypes from the Ming dynasty (Bonhams
2017, 38).
The Vietnamese ‘double phoenix’ is rare in the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck ceramic collections of the
museums in Vietnam, as each museum has recorded only one or two specimens and sometimes not
intact condition. Although the pouring vessel is damaged, it is the only artefact in the HM representing
the Vietnamese “double phoenix pouring vessel” type of the Cù Lao Chàm group (Figure 1 left). The
VNFAM houses an exquisite example of the ‘double phoenix’ (Figure 1 right).

Figure 1. Double phoenix pouring vessel – Vietnamese version of popular contemporary double mandarin ducks.
(Left) A pouring vessel with motif ‘double mandarin duck’ shape, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm collection,
15th-16th century. H: 11 cm; D: 15 cm, Ho Chi Minh City HM (BTLS.16894). (Middle) A pouring vessel decorated with
the same motif, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm collection, 15th-16th century. H: 13 cm; D: 17.5 cm, HD
(BTHD.4988/Gm 3886). (Right) A pouring vessel decorated with the same motif, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm
collection, 15th-16th century. H: 10.5 cm; D: 16 cm, VNFAM (5489 G2 1994) .

Vietnamese miniatures
There are many shapes and patterns of Vietnamese miniatures varying in size from 1.4 to 8.0
centimetres. They are further categorised with an under-glaze cobalt pattern and overglaze enamel
colour. Such ceramics account for more than 50 per cent of the total collection from the Cù Lao Chàm
shipwreck stored at the five museums in Vietnam (Figure 2).

4

�Figure 2. A variety of Chu Đậu miniatures, HM (BTLS.17622, 18075, 18101, 18905, 18954, 19198, 28560)

The Ming court banned the export of ceramics to foreign countries in the fifteenth century,
encouraging the kilns in Vietnam and Thailand to ramp up exports to Indonesia, South Sulawesi and
the Moluccas (Adhyatman 1989, 7). Vietnamese potters thus sought and found new markets. The
presence of Vietnamese ceramics with an underglaze cobalt pattern in Southeast Asian collections (i.e.
Jakarta National Museum, Pusat Museum in Jakarta; Singapore National Museum; Asian Civilisations
Museum in Singapore; The National Museum of the Philippines, etc.) shows this expansion in cultural
exchange.
The Vietnamese miniatures have not only been found in settlement sites, but also in religious
monuments or burial areas on the coast in both mainland and island Southeast Asia; for example in
south Sulawesi, east Java, Kalimanta, the Moluccas and other islands (Adhyatman 1989, 6-7; Dupoizat
2013, 106). Near the town of Lobo in the Philippines (Adhyatman 1989: 6; Kerry Nguyen Long 2001,
186), examples of these small wares were found in tombs and temple grounds, where a village or clan
treasure was buried, or in burials as grave goods (Beck 1989, 10-12). The correlation of these sacred
places with miniatures assemblages indicate they were used in religious rituals, or possibly precious
heirlooms, that contained cultural values such as myths or magic (Adhyatman 1989, 6; Guy 1997, 47).
Beck (1989, 12) suggests the alternative that miniatures were used for medicine, cosmetics, or
water-droppers for calligraphy. In Indonesia some are known as ‘onroang pabora’, meaning medicine
container. A specific example is that of the guri guri, with a 17.0 centimetres high lid made of
intricately carved wood that is of the Batak culture in northern Sumatra. In their medium of art, Batak
wood carving and textile prints are as notorious in fashion as blue and white pottery is in ceramics. I
agree with Beck and further suggest the Vietnamese miniatures were a ceramic version of the
wood-Batak medicine containers that met the needs of the consumer market in insular Southeast Asia.
Miniatures have been recovered from the Philippines mid-fifteenth century Pandanan shipwreck and
various Malay land sites such as Baten Girang in west Java, Bukin hasang near Barus (Sumatra) or
Kota Batu, capital of the Sultanate of Brunei (Dupoizat 2013, 108).

5

�Barbed rim dishes
The large deep dish with the barbed rim is rare, and this style represents only 2.0-3.5 per cent of the
Cù Lao Chàm ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums. These dishes have mouth diameters from
30.6 to 43.8 centimetres and are decorated with the most sophisticated and fine patterns. The
technique evolved out of an artistic interest in using more colour enamels (emerald green, red) for the
overglaze painted decoration and gold enamel, sometimes substituted for yellow, thus enhancing the
luxurious feel of the vessels (Phạm Quốc Quân 2011, 222). While the underglazed cobalt blue is still
clear, the overglazed decorations are now only visible as ghost lines. Generally, barbed-rim dish
features include the interior well finely painted with two styles, an interior well bordered by lotus or
peony, and the base is washed chocolate brown (Butterfields 2000, 3-18). The interior well styles are
either mythical animals which can either be the kylin, phoenix or dragon fish or nature scenes of birds
and landscape. The interior well is bordered by either scalloped double band of lotus or peony petals.
The moulded cavetto is defined by a large lappet band with central panels of flowering lotus. These lie
beneath a shaped band of cloud scrolls on the wide everted rim with a raised foliate lip. The exterior is
painted with jeweled lappets above the high ring foot. Figure 3 includes examples from Vietnam
museums and a private collection.

Figure 3. Barbed rim dishes. (Upper Left) Dish with crane and cloud 15th-16th century, Hoi An shipwreck, NMVN
(24384) (Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc Quân 2008: 160). (Upper Right) Dish with landscape 15th-16th century,
Hoi An shipwreck, QN (BTQN.1982/S.1883) (Phạm Ngọc Uyên 2022). (Bottom) Stem cup with landscape, Hoi An
shipwreck, Nguyen Van Dong’s collection (Bùi Minh Trí, 2017, 197: pl. 20)

In Figure 3 the plates were painted in underglaze blue, overglaze iron-red and green, with a lavish use
of gold. The decoration can only be seen in high-class export products, satisfying the desires of the
wealthy in Indonesia and the Philippines (Kerry Nguyen Long 2001, Bùi Minh Trí 2015). It is a
fifteenth-sixteenth century Vietnamese decorative technique (Phạm Quốc Quân 2011, 222).
A band of scalloped lotus or peony petals surrounding the main motif is a general decorative pattern,
the hallmark of Vietnamese potters (Truong 2007, 208). According to William Willetts (1971, 11), this
frieze was so popular it was copied at Swatow (Shantou, Guangdong province, China) during the
sixteenth century. An example of this is the large Chinese dish in the collection of the National
University of Singapore (Bùi Minh Trí and Kerry Nguyen Long 2001, 146).
6

�John Guy (1997, 54-56) indicated that one of the most popular types of trade ceramics in Southeast Asia
was the large serving dish. Many of these were intended for the Islamic market, however, while
polychrome enamels were intended for Southeast Asia markets. These serving dishes suited communal
eating customs. Such 600-year-old stoneware plates tell of a tragic story on the high seas.

CONCLUSION
This paper has introduced examples of three types of blue-and-white ceramics from the Cù Lao Chàm
shipwreck now stored in collections of five museums in Vietnam. In a parallel study I have identified
multiple ceramics with similar motifs in museums of insular Southeast Asia, and the literature that
explains their use. Their use is considered that of indigenous beliefs and burial practices. The next
steps of my research are to explore ethnographic data collected in the indigenous communities of
insular Southeast Asia. I seek to parallel politico-economic hypotheses narrowed to criteria for
analysing consumer shipping segments and the consumption markets, by expanding this research to
explore through ethnographic records the question of what indigenous belief aesthetics set criteria for
pottery artistry and kiln production.

Bibliography
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Adhyatman, Sumarah. “Preface”, Vietnamese ceramics miniatures, 5-8. The Collection of Ulrich J. Beck. Switzerland,
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Nội: KHXH Publications, 2017.
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8

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ceramics contemporary to the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck. My hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese&#13;
ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries CE are based on indigenous belief aesthetics that set criteria for&#13;
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                <text>Uyên, Phạm Ngọc. 2023. “Ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Michelle Damian. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1963 </text>
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                    <text>Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong: a collection of living maritime cultural
heritage and oral history
Shadi Kalantar (PhD candidate at University of Naples “L’Orientale”, skalantar@unior.it)
Zeinab Hadi (PhD student at University of Tehran, zeinab.hadi@ut.ac.ir)

ABSTRACT
Bandar-e Kong is a port-town located in the Iranian coasts of the Persian Gulf, which flourished in the 17th
century CE with the presence of the Portuguese. Since then, Bandar-e Kong has been a departure point for
Iranian ships sailing the triangle trade to India, Africa, and the Persian Gulf. The topic of this paper fits best
within the Session: Collections-Based Research because this paper aims to introduce Bandar-e Kong’s living
maritime heritage through the Ethnological Museum’s collections.
The Ethnological Museum collections were donated by the town residents. It was founded in 2011 by retired
captains and mariners of Bandar-e Kong, sailors themselves to Africa and India. These sailors turned curators
preserve the UNESCO’s intangible heritage of Traditional Skills of Building and Sailing Iranian Lenj Boats in
the Persian Gulf. In 2020 the authors were funded by the Municipality of Kong to document the objects curated
at this museum.
Our holistic approach recorded all vessels and related tools. All objects underwent morphological analysis, and
each sailor-curator was interviewed to amass oral histories on the construction and use of the objects. These
details together ultimately produced an oral history of the port-town of Bandar-e Kong during August and
September of 2020.
*All letters and wording not in Latin alphabet are Persian.
Keywords: intangible cultural heritage, maritime ethnography, Persian Gulf, Bandar-e Kong
List of Pictures:
Picture 1: top: the Portuguese remains on the coast of Kong (copyright permission by Ayub Zarei); bottom: boatyard of
Kong looking to the east (recorded by Shadi Kalantar).
Picture 2: left: Nakhoda Ḥạ̣ mūd (copyright permission by Ali Bahri); right: Sarhang (copyright permission by Mohammad
Ḥasanzade).
Picture 3: top left: a jahle, a jar which is also used as a drum (accession number KEM-309); top right: a wooden mortar made
in Africa (KEM-138); bottom left: a fragrance burner for cloths, probably made in India (KEM- 206); a tambūre or tanbūn
which is used in spiritual ceremonies (KEM-095). All images recorded by authors.
Picture 4: top left: qādūfs (accession number KEM- 22-23); top middle: Indian oars (KEM- 24-25); top right: mīdāf (KEM35); bottom left: a glass buoy (KEM- 71); bottom right: mokassar (KEM- 26). All images are recorded by authors.

1

�INTRODUCTION
The Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong is a public effort to safeguard the national intangible
heritage of navigation and ship/boat building in Iran. Objects are donated, entrance is free and
curators volunteer. These curators are retired mariners from the triangle trade between the Persian
Gulf, India, and Africa. Their presence and conversation play integral roles in the museum
collections.
In 2020 the authorities of the Municipality of Kong funded the authors to create an inventory form
and accession each object in the museum collection. The outcome resulted in eight overarching
categories. This process of collections management and the ensuing discussion on our select objects is
why our paper fits best within the Collections-Based Research Session.
Of the 491 objects recorded, we narrow our discussion to four. We selected the four objects as
examples of the richness of intangible heritage in our recording process. Following is a short
introduction to the port-town of Kong, the creation of the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong,
our inventory framework and results, and discussion of four objects from the collection.

BANDAR-E KONG
Bandar-e Kong or “Kong Port” (‫)بندر کنگ‬, is a town in the west of Hormozgan province, on the
Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf. Today, Kong is approximately 6.5 Km² with a +20,000 population.
The Portuguese had their main port on the island of Hormuz until 1622 when Iranians repossessed it
(Lorimer 1915, 23-27; Al-Salimi and Jansen 2015, 223-235; Vosuqi and Khayrandish 2005).
Subsequently, the Portuguese attacked Iranian coasts to recoup their losses. In response, Iran’s king,
Shah Abbas the Great, agreed the Portuguese could settle along the coast (pointedly not on an island)
(Floor 2006, 238-239) (1625 CE). The Portuguese chose Kong and remained there until 1721-22 CE
(Stiffe 1899, 297; Floor 2006, 429-439; Habibi and Vosuqi 2008, 13-16). The Portuguese presence is
still visible with the castle ruins (picture 1 top) with more likely to the east, based on geomagnetic
survey (Mohammadkhani 2020, 95-99).
Aside from the Portuguese, Kong remained an active port for Iranian ships sailing to Africa, India and
west of the Persian Gulf (Tavernier 1678, 94-95; L’Estrang 1686, 157; Lorimer 1908, 1041;
Noorbakhsh 1996; Hassannia and Bahri 2018). This continues to the present day; the Mihandūst ( ‫میهن‬
‫ )دوست‬voyage from Dubai to Mombasa that Kaplan reported is a good instance (trip completed in
1974 Kaplan 2015). There is still an active traditional (wood) boat-building yard (picture 1 bottom), at
33 hectares (calculated in Google Earth) possibly the largest along the Persian Gulf. The wooden
ships, known as lanj/lenj in Iran, are still built, repaired, and sailed thus continuing nautical traditions.

2

�Picture 1: top: the Portuguese remains on the coast of Kong (copyright permission by Ayub Zarei); bottom: boatyard
of Kong looking to the east (recorded by Shadi Kalantar).

The living knowledge and practice of lanj building, in addition to the high number of old and retired
mariners concentrated in this little town, characterises Kong as a centre for traditional maritime
heritage. So, naturally the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong’s collection of ship and boat
related objects and traded goods were gathered by retired sailors, captains and boatbuilders. These
mariners continue to carry their maritime cultural knowledge. Some ethnographic and oral history
studies have been previously done, which attempted to record the oral maritime history and intangible
maritime heritage of Bandar-e Kong, specifically the terminology and function of maritime and
navigational tools curated in the museum (Noorbakhsh 1996; Parsa 2013; Hassannia and Bahri 2018;
Hassannia and Zarei 2020).

3

�ETHNOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF BANDAR-E KONG
History of the building
The Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong (‫ ) موزه مردم شناسی بندر کنگ‬is in a building located on the
property of Hadj Mohammad Rashedan (‫ )حاج محمد راشدان‬and descendants. This building was a tradehouse of goods from Africa, India, and the southern countries of the Persian Gulf. After decades of
abandonment, in 2011, captain Ali Bahri (‫)علی بحری‬, better known as Nakhoda Ḥamūd (‫)ناخدا حمود‬
attempted to establish the museum. Serendipitously, Traditional Skills of Building and Sailing Iranian
Lenj Boats in the Persian Gulf was inscribed on the UNESCO’s “List of Intangible Cultural Heritage
in Need of Urgent Safeguarding” (Nomination file No. 00534). So, through the public attempt to
safeguard national maritime heritage the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong came into
existence.
Nakhoda Ḥamūd, along with the former mayor of the town Ayoub Zarei (‫)ایوب زارعی‬, worked to
support our project funded by the Municipality of Bandar-e Kong. In 2020 the authors documented
the museum collections and recorded oral history of maritime Bandar-e Kong in interviews with the
retired sailors who now volunteer as curators at the museum.

THE PROJECT OF DOCUMENTATION
Our project saw the value of the storytelling of the sailor/shipbuilder-curators. They gather together
every evening for tea or coffee and share stories from their travels to India and Africa. Bystanders,
including researchers or visitors, can listen to their experiences and guidance on the use of the
museum collections. The collections were donated and include a variety of everyday-life objects to
maritime and navigation tools.
Framework
The aim of our project was to document the museum collections for scholarly use and to create an
inventory list for authorities and curators of the museum. This project was carried out from 15 August
2020 to the end of September 2020 on site, over four weeks, and an additional +two weeks to digitise
and edit the pictures. In total 491 objects were measured, photographed and described in the inventory
forms we created; in some cases, drawings were also made.
The utility of many objects, especially boat and ship related objects, were unknown to the authors,
therefore, interviews with the mariners-curators were carried out to figure out the utility as well as
terminology of maritime objects and other unknown elements. Here, the challenge was that these
maritime terms are in the local dialect of Hormozgan which is called bandari (Pelevin 2010) and they
mostly have no synonym in standard Persian. So, it was decided to document the objects with their
bandari terms in the inventory list and define them. As mentioned, bandari maritime terms have been
studied before (Eqtedari 1963; Mohebbi 1996; Noorbakhsh 1996, 86-106; Tabibnezhad 2011; Parsa
2013, 145-150; Hassannia and Bahri 2018, 111-118), however, the terms that were previously
undocumented are now written in the inventory list. In addition, the name of the donator, where
available, is recorded in the inventory list with the accession number.
To record the objects’ function Ali Baḥri /Nakhoda Ḥamūd (picture 2 left) and Mohammad
Hasanzade (‫( )محمد حسن زاده‬picture 2 right), better known as Sarhang (‫ )سرهنگ‬were interviewed.
Ali Baḥri, on the one hand, is a retired captain and his father, whose nickname was Ḥamūd, was a
captain too. Nakhoda (‫)ناخدا‬, could be translated as both captain and shipowner in the past (Tibbetts
1971, 58; Agius 2008, 415), however, today it only refers to captain. In this article, Ali Baḥri, who is
referred to in this article by his reputation as Nakhoda Ḥamūd, was born in 1936 in Kong. Since his
4

�father was a well-known nakhoda as well, he always kept his father’s company onboard as a child. He
soon started to work on a fishing craft and later became a nakhoda himself.

Picture 2: left: Nakhoda Ḥ̣amūd
(copyright permission by Ali Bahri); right: Sarhang (copyright permission by
̣̣
Mohammad Ḥasanzade).

Mohammad Ḥasanzade, on the other hand, used to be a sarhang onboard. Sarhang, which is also
known as mojaddami (‫ )مجدمی‬and moqaddami (‫)مقدمی‬, oversees all the sailing tasks onboard such as
landing and docking (Tibbetts 1971, 58; Agius 2008, 419, 178-181). Ḥasanzade, himself, says:
‘sarhang gets orders directly from nakhoda and he should know everything about a sailing ship, every
piece of it. He supervises sails, docking, landing, rising, lowering and changing the directions of the
sails’. He is thus referred to, in this article, as Sarhang. He was born in 1945 in Kong and when he
was eleven or twelve years old, he went on his first sea voyage on a sailing ship with his father. They
travelled to Abadan on the west of the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf and then to Tanzania in Africa
and back to Kong. Sarhang started working on a ship as an unpaid young trainee and slowly, over
time, advanced to the position of being a sarhang.
Now that we’ve introduced our main interviewees, we will explain how we documented oral histories.
The authors posed questions to these sailor-curators, amongst others, at their daily gathering. The
authors followed the conversation amongst them in relation to the question. The questions sometimes
led to disagreements so, different opinions and points of views on a subject were compared. In this
article, where information is provided by Sarhang or Nakhoda Ḥamūd, it is quoted by their names and
where the information is gained from a group’s conversation, it is mentioned as “group-discussion”.
Collections and Objects
The museum’s collections were categorised into seven classifications: Boat and Ship Related ( ‫اجزاء و‬
‫)الحاقات قایق و کشتی‬, Boat and Ship Models (‫)مدل قایق و کشتی‬, Handicrafts (‫)صنایع دستی‬, Vessels (‫)ظروف‬,
Modern Items (‫)اشیاء مدرن‬, Musical Instruments (‫ )آالت موسیقی‬and Others (‫ )متفرقه‬for those that could
not be categorised to any of the above mentioned ones.
The Boat and Ship Related Collection includes paddles and oars, sailing affiliations, navigational
tools, crew’s personal boxes and other tools such as glass buoys (picture 4 bottom left). Boat and Ship
Models is a small collection of few locally made dhow models and some made in India. Vessels
5

�Collection has a variety of locally produced potteries (picture 3 top left), to Chinese and European
fine ceramics and glasses, jars for carrying Indian pickles, and African mortars (picture 3 top right)
that have been traded around the Indian Ocean in the 20th century. Handicrafts Collection has a variety
of locally produced items to Indian and African items that sailors brought as souvenirs from their
voyages (picture 3 bottom left), with handicrafts, such as baskets, that mariners made onboard during
sail. Modern Item Collection includes radios, televisions, phones and clocks that mostly are bought
and brought from Dubai and Kuwait in the second half of the 20th century. The Musical Instruments
Collection mostly has local drums and one tambūre (‫ )تمبوره‬or tanbūn (‫ ) تنبون‬which is a string
ceremonial instrument (picture 3 bottom right). We selected four objects from the Boat and Ship
Related Collection to narrow our discussion.

Picture 3: top left: a jahle, a jar which is also used as a drum (accession number KEM-309); top right: a wooden
mortar made in Africa (KEM-138); bottom left: a fragrance burner for cloths, probably made in India (KEM- 206);
a tambūre or tanbūn which is used in spiritual ceremonies (KEM-095). All images recorded by authors.

Paddles and Oars
Three pairs of wooden oars, one pair of wooden paddles and one single paddle are available in the
Boat and Ship Related Collection. All the three paddles are the same type, but the oars are two
different types. Sarhang and Nakhoda Ḥamūd recalled their names as following and other mariners in
the group-discussion confirmed them: paddles are called qādūf ( ‫( )قادوف‬picture 4 top left) or African
paddle ( ‫)پاروی اِفریقایی‬, one pair of oars are called Indian oar ( ‫( )پاروی هندی‬picture 4 top middle) and
the other two pairs are mīdāf ( ‫( )میداف‬picture 4 top right).
The shafts of qādūfs vary from 170 to 172 cm among the three qādūfs and the widest part of the blade
is 60-61 cm. This type of paddle has an arrowhead shaped blade and in the top of the shaft has a
handle to hold the paddle (grip). The paddles are carved out of wood in one piece and there is no joint

6

�in them. We were informed in a group-discussion that this kind of paddle was purchased in African
ports such as Mombasa. Sarhang remembers that qādūf, or the African paddle, was only used for
paddling on a canoe. The Indian oars, as qādūfs, are carved from the trunk in one piece and the only
joint part is the grip. The shaft is 140 cm and the blade, which is round, is 30 cm. Mīdāf, from which
two pairs are available, has a longer shaft, approximately 200-220 cm, and the blade, unlike the
previous ones, is attached to it with iron nails.
This study brought up a contradiction with previous terminological studies over the terms mīdāf and
qādūf. In Parsa’s glossary for Bandari maritime terms (2013, 234) mīdāf is mentioned as an equivalent
for jaddāf which refers to the wooden structure which is built out of water for ships to stay still when
they are not in the water. Ghādūf or ghādif (qādūf), on the other hand, according to Agius (2008, 183184, 406) means sailor (lit. rower). In addition to that, we faced another controversy, this time among
the mariners in the group-discussion, about the usage of the Indian oars. Some described the objects
as oars, while others described the objects used both as oars for small boats and as paddles for canoes.
Mīdāfs, however, are certainly oars, as Sarhang recalled a song that they used to chant while rowing
with mīdāfs to synch the rhythm of rowing, which is the repetition of two words: ‘hele, yāmāl’ (in
Persian ‫ یامال‬،‫)هله‬.

Picture 4: top left: qādūfs (accession number KEM- 22-23); top middle: Indian oars (KEM- 24-25); top right: mīdāf
(KEM- 35); bottom left: a glass buoy (KEM- 71); bottom right: mokassar (KEM- 26). All images recorded by authors.

Mokassar
Mokassar (‫( )مکسّر‬picture 4 bottom right) is a tool which, according to Sarhang, is for making ropes
from date palm’s fibres or coconuts’ husks. The Arabic word means broken so maybe it refers to the
shape of this tool which has four grooves on the four sides. Linguistic analysis of these words’
etymology requires further study and was not intended for our current study.
7

�Mokassar is 70 cm high and has a quadrangular shape and its lower part is wider than its upper part
like a pyramid with a flat top; the lower part is 15 cm wide, and the upper part is 10 cm. There are
four grooves on the four corners in which fibres cross and there is a hole on the upper part from which
this tool is hung and spun. Rope is made from the spinning fibres. To make thicker ropes, thinner
ropes would be spun together.

CONCLUSION
Cultural heritage belongs to nations and people. They are the best guardians of one’s heritage,
especially intangible heritage. The Ethnological Museum of Kong is a good example of how people,
in a public effort, can preserve their own heritage and without much money for support. Unlike many
great ethnological museums that exhibit collections from locations at a great distance from their
heritage, the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-a Kong is located in its local context and has the
capability of providing close interaction for visitors with the living carrier of intangible maritime
heritage - the knowledge-keepers of traditional sailors and ship-builders. This project is an attempt to
conserve the traditional maritime knowledge and contribute to the body of maritime oral histories.

Acknowledgement
This project was funded by the municipality of Kong which we are grateful for. We especially thank our interviewees,
Mohammad Hasanzade and Ali Baḥri for being very patient and helpful as well as other mariners of Bandar-e Kong that
were present at our group-discussions. We also acknowledge the support of Ayoub Zarei, former mayor of Kong who is an
admirer of maritime cultural heritage.

Bibliography:
Agius, Dionisius. Classic Ships of Islam From Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean. Leiden. Boston: Brill, 2008.
Al-Salimi, Abdulrahim and Jansen, Michael (eds.). Portugal in The Sea of Oman Religion and Politics. Vol. 5. Hildesheim.
Zurich. New York, 2015.
Eghtedari, Ahmad “‫ محمد علی سدید السلطنه کبابی بندر عباسی‬:‫ ”اصطالحات کشتی در جنوب ایران و رساله اوزان چو تألیف‬In ‫نشریه فرهنگ ایران‬
‫زمین‬. Vol. 11 (1963): 135-154
Floor, Willem. The Persian Gulf: a political and economic history of five port cities. Washington DC: Mage, 2006.
Habibi, Hasan and Vosuqi, Mohamman B. The Historical, Political and Social Study of Bandar Abbas Documents. Tehran:
Iranshenasi, 2008.
Hassannia, Mohammad and Bahri, Yaqub. ‫دریانوردی و لنج سازی بندر کنگ با تاکید بر بوم مسی‬. Tehran: Jonub Publications, 2018.
Hassannia, Mohammad and Zarei, Ayub. Lasting Heritage of Sailors and Lanj Builders. Tehran: Jobub Publications, 2020.
Kaplan, Marion. So Old a Ship Twilight of the Arab Dhow. London: Harriman House, 2015.
L’Estrang, R.O (ed.). Travels of Monfieur Thevenot into The Levants. London: Printed by H. Clarck, 1686.
Lorimer, J.G. Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia. Vol. 1. Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Printing, 1915.
Lorimer, J.G. Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia. Vol. 2. Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Printing, 1908.
Mohammadkhani, Kurosh. “Magnetic survey in the Portuguese castle of Kong” In Human and the Sea: a Review of
Thousands of Years of Relationship between Humans and the Sea in Iran edited by Fereidoun Biglari, Jebrael Nokandehm,
Abdolmajid Naderi Beni and Ali Hozhabri, 95-99. Tehran: National Museum of Iran and Ports and Maritime Organization of
Iran, 2020.

8

�Mohebbi, “Parvis. A Persian Nautical Glossary from ca. 1900” In Iran. Vol. 34 (1996): 129-133
Noorbakhsh, Hossein. Koung Port: the city of navigators and shipbuilders in the Persian Gulf. Second edition. Tehran:
Tabatabai, 1996.
Parsa, Ali, ‫بادبانهای جنوب‬. Tehran: Nashre No, 2013.
Pelevin, Mikhail. “Materials on the Bandari Dialect” In Iran &amp; the Caucasus. Vol. 14 (2010): 57-78
Stiffe, A.W. “Former Trading Centres of the Persian Gulf: Kung” In The Geographical Journal, No. 13 (1899): 294-297
Tabibnezhad Motlaq, Abdolmajid. ‫ فرهنگ لغلت و اصطالحات صیادی و دریانوردی بوشهر و خلیج فارس‬:‫خیران‬. Bushehr: Bushehr
Publications, 2011.
Tavernier, John Baptista. Voyages. London,1678.
Vosuqi, Mohammad B. and Khayrandish, Abd al-Rasul. Jarūn Name. Tehran: Miras-I Maktub, 2005.

9

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Iranian ships sailing the triangle trade to India, Africa, and the Persian Gulf. The topic of this paper fits best&#13;
within the Session: Collections-Based Research because this paper aims to introduce Bandar-e Kong’s living&#13;
maritime heritage through the Ethnological Museum’s collections.&#13;
The Ethnological Museum collections were donated by the town residents. It was founded in 2011 by retired&#13;
captains and mariners of Bandar-e Kong, sailors themselves to Africa and India. These sailors turned curators&#13;
preserve the UNESCO’s intangible heritage of Traditional Skills of Building and Sailing Iranian Lenj Boats in&#13;
the Persian Gulf. In 2020 the authors were funded by the Municipality of Kong to document the objects curated&#13;
at this museum.&#13;
Our holistic approach recorded all vessels and related tools. All objects underwent morphological analysis, and&#13;
each sailor-curator was interviewed to amass oral histories on the construction and use of the objects. These&#13;
details together ultimately produced an oral history of the port-town of Bandar-e Kong during August and&#13;
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                <text>Kalantar, Shadi  and Zeinab Hadi. 2023. “Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong: a collection of living maritime cultural heritage and oral history.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Michelle Damian. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1920 </text>
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                    <text>15th century carnelian bead cargo of the Indian Ocean World: a conversation starter on
collections-based research in the Asia-Pacific
Jennifer Craig (APConf5 Committee Member, Publication Lead Coordinator)

ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract fits best within the Collections-based Research Session because existing museum
collections of carnelian beads from two archaeological shipwreck sites were analyzed. The sites include different
ship constructions located at the far ends, to the north and south, of the Philippines; and they carried comparable
artefacts. Both the Pandanan (1460-1487 CE) and Santa Cruz (1488-1505 CE) shipwrecks carried cargoes of
similar ceramics (i.e. Chinese Jingdezhen and Thai Maenam Noi) and black glass beads (i.e. west India soda
alumina); yet these sites also carried dissimilar cargo in both the ceramics and glass beads. Both sites also carried
disproportionate carnelian beads. The resources to conduct the work to study carnelian are the morphological
analysis of measurement and descriptors, technological analysis of SEM and compositional analysis of LA-ICPMS. My research questions ask what geographic patterns these analyses indicate of the carnelian beads: What is
the source of the carnelian? Where were the bead workshops? What sailing routes did the carnelian move over to
ultimately shipwreck off the Philippines? The expected results are that riverine systems that connected interior
Indian carnelian were used to move raw material to west India bead workshops, via the Indian Ocean, Bay of
Bengal into the Straits of Malacca to Southeast Asian entrepôt.
Keywords: Collections-based research, rigor, connectivities, shipwreck
List of Tables and Figures:
Table 1 lists the Santa Cruz and Pandanan carnelian cargo average concentrations and standard deviations for
the elements used in the statistical analysis with samples in parts per million converted to log10 values.
Table 2 Agate/Carnelian artefacts analyzed in this study and their primary predicted group memberships from
Canonical Discriminant Analysis.
Figure 1 A Principal Component Analysis scatterplot of the agate/carnelian geologic sources and the
agate/carnelian artifacts plotted by their first and second components.
Figure 2 A biplot of the agate/carnelian geologic sources with the agate/carnelian artifacts plotted by their first
two discriminant functions.

INTRODUCTION
In January 2023 I attended the Society for Historical Archaeology conference. This North American
focused conference included a luncheon on Collections and Curation that invited practitioners of
Collections-based Research. Wondering if I might be an oblivious participant, as someone who had
recently completed a PhD dissertation on shipwreck beads collections stored in the National Museum
of the Philippines, in the luncheon I found that there was a very clear definition of what collection-based
research entailed for the North American Archaeologist/Curator, “using existing collections to pose and
answer scholarly questions/it is a form of archaeological excavation in its own right. Searching through
the contents of boxes and old catalogs found deep in repositories is a process full of
discoveries/collections that can be generated over a period of decades by academic institutions,
museums, volunteer organizations, and cultural resource management firms” (King 2014). This led me
to think that if I was unaware of this definition then perhaps it is because it is not a concept in the Asia
Pacific Region. I was curious to discuss with colleagues in the APConf 2023 of our ideas of collectionsbased research, including how might we like to define our own regional version, and I also wanted to

1

�share what remained to published of my work on the NMPL collection of carnelian beads from two
shipwrecks.
The topic of this paper fits best within this Session 23 on Collections-based Research because my case
studies are museum collections of carnelian beads from two archaeological shipwreck sites in the
Philippines. My research questions and methodologies are grounded in maritime archaeology,
linguistics and museology. I wanted a space to explore what epistemologies I bring to collections-based
research within a session of peers doing work on “collections''. My archaeology epistemology intersects
with maritime-historical –indigenous-material science archaeology. Maritime archaeology in that my
theoretical framework is the maritime cultural landscape, connecting artefacts and places across land
and water. Historical archaeology in that I mostly work with objects made within the second millennia,
with a slant of Art History in that I work across decades. Finally, built out of my exploration of linguistic
methodologies to study cultural concepts and a human worldview, I am guided professionally by
Indigenous-feminist archaeology. I use heart-centered practices: (1) show care for the living and the
dead; (2) recognize we are all emotional and social as well as intellectual beings; (3) act upon our needs
for responsible relationships with each other, with a range of communities, and with archaeological
records, and; (4) emphasize rigor (Supernant, Baxter, Lyons, &amp; Atalay 2020). Archaeometry contributes
to the rigor of my answers to research questions on connectivities across large areas in short periods of
time.

CASE STUDIES
The case studies under consideration are the shipwrecks Pandanan (1460-1487 CE) and Santa Cruz
(1488-1505 CE). The first was a Vietnamese-Chinese barge located in south-west Philippines and the
second a South China Sea Tradition open-ocean vessel located in north-west Philippines. Aside from
the hull design and location, several differences exist between the cargoes. The Pandanan cargo included
Chinese Longquan celadon, Jingdezhen and Guangdong with Burmese Twante, Vietnamese Chu Dau
and Thai Si Satchanalai; High magnesium black glass beads morphologically identical to black west
India soda alumina (in similarities); Small and long red west India soda alumina glass beads; three agates
(one pendant, two rough cornerless cube/pentagon). The Santa Cruz cargo included Minyao Chinese,
blue and white Cham and Go Sanh Cham wares, Sukhothai fish plates; Waxy yellow east India glass
beads; Potash high potassium blue wound glass beads; 54-106 hexagonal prism carnelians/agates; 2684 small lozenge carnelian/agates; one cornerless hexagon quartzite. Despite these differences the
shipwrecks also carried three similar types of cargo: Chinese Jingdezhen and Thai Maenam Noi
ceramics; black glass beads (i.e. west India soda alumina) (Craig 2021; Craig &amp; Dussubieux 2022). I
return to these details later as I consider context and connectivities across vast water bodies of the Indian
Ocean and the seas in the Southeast Asia Region. This paper narrows into the discussion on the carnelian
beads.
Carnelian beads
The range of carnelian/agate quantity comes from the inventory notes at the time of excavation and my
morphology analysis results. The Pandanan excavation report included three agates. My morphological
analysis recorded one pendant, and two rough cornerless cube/pentagon. The Santa Cruz inventory
included 190 carnelians/agates beads. My morphological analysis recorded 54 hexagonal prisms and 26
small lozenge carnelian/agates.

2

�RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct the work include the National Museum of the Philippines directors
Jeremy Barns and Angel Baptiste, staff in the Archaeology Division Mary Jane Bolunia and Eusebio
Dizon, staff in the Underwater Archaeology Division Clyde Jago-on and Bobby Orillaneda, and staff
from the Records Section Nida Curvas. During fieldwork I appreciated the research assistance by Emil
Bersamira and Bobby Orillaneda. The fieldwork was supported by the Social Science and Research
Council of Canada MCRI, Society for Nautical Research, Brasenose College and Oxford University
Meyerstein. The stone beads were exported for compositional analysis with Laser ablation inductively
coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), this details the elemental “recipe” (periodic table) of
the stone to compare with known geological sources, by Laure Dussubieux (Chicago Field Museum,
Elementary Analysis Laboratory) with funds from the National Science Foundation (BCS 1321731) and
the Bruce and Barbara Trigger Award of the Anthropology Department McGill University; and
statistical analysis and training supported by MITACS Research Training Award (2020). En route a
fortuitous encounter with Dennys Frenez (Università di Bologna, Department of History and Cultures,
Prehistory and Protohistory of Asia), Mark Kenoyer and Randall Law (University of Wisconsin–
Madison, Department of Anthropology) with permission from NMPL colleagues, led to technical
analysis of the bead bore putty impression samples at different magnifications (300X, 100X, 50X, 20X)
with SEM- Hitachi 570 (University of Wisconsin–Madison, Laboratory of Experimental Archaeology).
The technological analysis unanimously pointed to Indian craftsmanship where long faceted hexagonal
beads are generally drilled with larger diameter diamond drills, and the smaller tabular lozenge shaped
faceted beads are generally drilled with thinner diamond drills (Kenoyer pers. comm. 25 April 2017).
Randall used statistical analysis with program SPSS [Table 1] using canonical discriminant analysis
(CDA) to compare the Pandanan and Santa Cruz carnelian compositions to known agate sources (Carter
&amp; Dussubieux, 2016; Law et al., 2013).
Table 1 lists the Santa Cruz and Pandanan carnelian cargo average concentrations and standard deviations for the
elements used in the statistical analysis with samples in parts per million (PPM) converted to log10 values. These are
compared to the four geologic sources Ratanpur, Mardak, Shahr-i-Sokhta and Ban Khao Mogul (reproduced/adapted
from Carter and Dussubieux 2016:327, Table 3). When comparing these tables it is possible to see the difference between
the elements and their ranges to notice how some line up but most are out of range. This indicates possible shared
geography of source material but currently outside these locations. For example, with select elements the bead 1170E
fits within the PPM range for Scandium (Sc) and Uranium (U) but not otherwise.

8829
A

8829
B

8829
C

8829
D

8829
E

1170
A

1170
B

1170
C

1170
D

1170
E

B

23.31

23.15

41.12

6.61

24.42

B

10.51

33.41

15.45

24.89

16.08

Ni

3.39

1.95

2.66

2.94

1.78

Ni

2.66

1.55

1.44

1.56

1.15

Sb

1.16

0.48

1.16

0.66

1.19

Sb

1.00

3.78

0.28

2.11

0.88

Sc

2.86

2.19

2.28

2.85

2.00

Sc

2.21

2.12

1.96

1.88

1.81

U

0.06

0.02

0.02

0.02

0.05

U

0.35

0.09

0.01

0.02

0.01

1389
Ei

1389
Fi

1389
Gi

1389
Hi

1389
Mi

1389
Ni

1389
Oi

1389
Pi

1389
H

1389
I

1389
J

1389
K

1389
L

1389
M

1389
N

B

9.28

9.48

12.97

3.52

15.02

4.05

32.18

6.21

20.23

58.89

12.41

37.05

18.21

26.78

12.98

Ni

0.76

3.54

0.69

0.2

1.97

1.98

1.96

1.90

4.86

2.50

1.91

2.61

1.74

0.96

0.92

Sb

1.51

1.32

1.14

1.21

1.66

1.50

1.62

0.64

4.52

2.97

0.73

1.72

1.55

2.32

1.38

Sc

1.58

1.40

1.22

1.32

2.12

1.96

1.42

1.34

2.59

2.84

2.29

1.97

1.95

1.58

1.62

U

0.55

0.95

0.12

0.04

0.08

0.18

0.10

1.02

0.08

0.04

0.14

0.06

0.08

0.01

0.03

3

�FRAMEWORK
My research questions ask what geographic patterns these compositional, morphological, technological
analyses indicate of the carnelian beads: What is the source of the carnelian? Where were the bead
workshops? What sailing routes did the carnelian move over to ultimately shipwreck off the Philippines?
The results indicate the first two questions are well researched and relatively clear routes can be drawn,
while the third question points to gaps in the literature.

RESULTS
The expected results are that riverine systems that connected interior Indian carnelian were used to move
raw material to west India bead workshops, via the Indian Ocean, Bay of Bengal into the Straits of
Malacca to Southeast Asian entrepôt.
My compositional results are that the Santa Cruz carnelian was sourced from an unknown location
(Figure 1/TABLE 2), likely along the Deccan Traps of India (Carter &amp; Dussubieux 2016). Perhaps there
was some overlap with Ratanpur and Shahr-i-Sokhra but that's largely speculative (Figure 2).
Technological analysis results of Indian craftsmanship adds details on the workshop location likelihood.
The bead workshops near Ratanpur were in Limodara during the sixteenth century. The initial process
of drying the stone and changing its colour by heating continued in Limodara (Dames 1918, 143; Lunde
&amp; Craig 2015, 22). Kenoyer, Vidale &amp; Bhanet (1991, 45) show the location of agate bead production
exclusively in Gujarat with raw materials from Ratanpur and Limodra, both situated along the Narmada
River, flowing into the sea downstream of Broach (Lunde &amp; Craig 2015, 27).
0.25
0.2
0.15
0.1
Shahr-i-Sokhra

0.05

Ratanpur (I)
0

Mardak Bet (I)
Santa Cruz

-0.05

-0.1
-0.15
-0.2
-0.4

-0.3

-0.2

-0.1

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

Figure 1 A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) scatterplot of the agate/carnelian geologic sources and the
agate/carnelian artifacts plotted by their first and second components (created 23/6/2016). This graph shows Santa Cruz
carnelian of largely unknown source. Perhaps some overlap with Ratanpur andd Shahr-i-Sokhra but that's largely
speculative.

4

�Table 2 Agate/Carnelian artefacts analyzed in this study and their primary predicted group memberships (PGM) from
Canonical Discriminant Analysis (CDA). CDA assumes that all groups (sources) are present in the dataset when
generating PGMs. That is, it will provide an assignment even if the true source is not present because data is expected
to anchor to centroids.
Site name and dates
Santa Cruz 1488-1505 CE

Pandanan 1460-1487 CE

Database ID

Agate/Carnelian

Predicted Group Membership

8829_D

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

8829_B

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

1170_C

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

8829_A

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

8829_C

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

8829_E

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

1170_E

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

1170_A

Agate

Mardak Bet (MB), India

1170_B

Agate

Shahr-i-Sokhta (SiS), Iran

1170_D

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Mi

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Ni

Agate

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Oi

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Pi

Agate

Shahr-i-Sokhta (SiS), Iran

11389_Ei

Carnelian

Shahr-i-Sokhta (SiS), Iran

11389_Fi

Carnelian

Ban Khao Mogul (BKM), Thailand

11389_Gi

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Hi

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Ii

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Ji

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Ki

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Li

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Ai

Carnelian

Mardak Bet (MB), India

11389_Bi

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Ci

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Di

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_Qi

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_I

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_J

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_K

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_H

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_L

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_M

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

11389_N

Carnelian

Ratanpur (RTP), India

3043_A

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

3043_B

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

1087_F

Agate

Ratanpur (RTP), India

5

�Figure 2 A biplot of the agate/carnelian geologic sources with the agate/carnelian artifacts plotted by their first two
discriminant functions. The four labeled artifacts are outliers from those that have either a primary or secondary PGM
assignment. All four were predicted to belong to one Indian source. Of those four, one had a PGM in the Thai source
and three had PGMs in the Iran source.

The importance of ports in the transport system is significant because the Gujarat area was strategically
placed along the main shipping route. Early 16th century records by Ludovico di Varthema (travelled
from 1503 to 1508), mentions the agate/carnelian trade of Cambay and the wide web of foreign markets,
reached by ‘Mohammedan sea-faring traders’ along the Red Sea, East Coast of Africa, the
Mediterranean and the Far East (Arkell 1936, 299). For the carnelian/agate source Shahr-i-Sokhra the
port of Hormuz was likely. During the years 1325-1622 CE, the bulk of the India trade passed through
Hormuz, and continued to do so even after the Portuguese took the city in 1514 CE (Lunde &amp; Craig
2015, 26). Hormuz had a significant advantage over Aden, its main rival. “Ships out of Hormuz could
sail to Gujarat almost all the year round, hugging the coasts of Makran and Sind, while Yemeni and Red
Sea ships were completely dependent on the monsoon system, with narrow windows of opportunity for
safely crossing the Indian Ocean.” (Lunde &amp; Craig 2015, 26).
Contemporary to the dates of the shipwrecks Pandanan and Santa Cruz, the port Rander (destroyed by
Portuguese in 1530 CE) was described by Duarte Barbosa in 1514 CE as trading with Malacca, Bengal,
Tenasserim, and Pegu. Prior to the silting of the estuary to Rander in the 16th century, stone beads were
shipped out of Cambay by Portuguese and Gujarati merchants along with glass beads from Broach. The
importance of Bharuch from the turn of the millennium through the 18th century, located 25 nautical
miles from the sea on the north bank of the Narmada River (Maqbul Ahmad 1960, 58; Lunde &amp; Craig
2015, 24), indicates the heavy riverine traffic of the Narmada River. Narmada River to Limodara and
6

�on to Bharuch/ Broach on southeast of Cambay’s estuary and Tapi River to Rander share a baseflow
source in the Deccan Plateau grabens (Vanderkluysen et al. 2011). This is to say the mineral content of
the geology is similar (Das, Krishnaswami &amp; Kumar 2006).

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, presumably stone beads exported via Broach were along the river systems or in the
saltwater on shallow lightering-craft. The archaeological and historical text evidence together indicates
that bead production and port location were inextricably linked in Gujarat (Lunde &amp; Craig 2015, 27).
However, large gaps in the literature still remain for the story on how carnelian beads may have moved
through the Bay of Bengal into the Straits of Malacca to Southeast Asian entrepôt.
Returning to my raison d’etre of creating this session for discussion in our APConf 2023, on ideas of
collections-based research, including how we might like to define a version in the Asia Pacific region. I
consider the beads and Rey Santiago as I go into this question. Rey was my bead mentor. He curated the
records and objects of bead collections in the NMPL, cultivated methodology of their study, (and the
part that hooked me onto these small finds) extrapolated the stories of each bead from water and land.
With these intangible and tangible inputs to my collections-based research, I propose that we, “pose and
answer scholarly questions/it is a form of archaeological excavation in its own right. Searching [with
mentors/ghosts/spirits/colleagues] through the contents of boxes and old catalogs found deep in
repositories is a process full of discoveries[/magic/kinship-making/affirming that include] collections
that can be generated over a period of decades by academic institutions, museums, volunteer
organizations, and cultural resource management firms [so as to gather stories and storytell]” (King
2014; Supernant 2020; Supernant, Beisaw, Garrison, &amp; Surface-Evans 2020).
Acknowledgements
To all of you mentioned in this text – Thank you! This includes the people who directly handled the beads, conducted paperwork
to support this research, funded me and who produced the publications referenced below.
Namely my thanks goes to Andre Costopoulos and Gwyn Campbell. Jeremy Barns, Angel Baptista, Mary Jane Bolunia, Clyde
Jago-on and staff, Nida Curvas and staff, Dr Eusebio Dizon, Mauro Alvarez. I really appreciated the people who worked with
me on a regular basis Bobby Orillaneda, Emil Bermisera, Vergil San Mateo, Allan Quinto, Paolo Tabirao, Larry Alba, Amelia
Alhambra, Rey Bautista, Marcelo Cercado.
Rey Santiago for his bead analysis training in 2011 and for providing access to photograph his Bead Typology Plates A - K.
Nick Burningham for his mentorship and our long discussions and shared writing on ship construction technique. Along with
Tom Vosmer, Eric Staples, Alessandro Ghidoni for our discussions on Arabian Sea People’s shipbuilding
Laure Dussubieux for her compositional analysis of the beads at the Chicago Field Museum and
dive buddy Mike Knight for his security in Chicago.
Mark Kenoyer and Randall Law for their study of my stone beads after a chance meeting in an Oman Workshop on Shared
Archaeological Heritage of Oman, India and Pakistan; and Dennys Frenez for helping me to learn how to conduct and record
a technological analysis of bead bores.
Financial support was provided by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (specifically Major
Collaborative Research Initiative / Indian Ocean World Center), the Nautical Research Society’s Tomlin Award, National
Science Foundation administered by Elemental Laboratory Chicago Field Museum, and twice awarded Bruce Trigger Award
from the Anthropology Department McGill University, McGill Faulty Excellence Award, Statistical training supported by
Mitacs Research Training Award.
Professional training in Museum Studies at the Western Australia Maritime Museum’s Department of Maritime Archaeology
with the support of the prestigious Australia Endeavour Award.
Many thanks go to Francisco Urbie of the Inter-Library Loans department at McGill University.
Friends who worked with me along the way are namely Charlotte Pham, Veronica Walker Vadillo, Clifford Pereira, Brian
Fahy, Kris Farmen, Kendra Besinger. This extends to my office colleagues and friends of the Indian Ocean World Center,
McGill University: Lori Callahan, Tyler Yank, Omri Bassewitch Frenkel, Peter Hynd, Eric Bell, Rebekah McCallum, Caroline
Seagle, Joseph Howard, Carl Hughes and Lillian Fradin, Pablo Arroyo.

7

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Supernant, K., A. M. Beisaw, A. E. Garrison, and S. Surface-Evans. “Epilogue: Ghosts, Haunting, and Refusals to Erasure.”
In Blurring Timescapes: Subverting Erasure: Remembering Ghosts on the Margins of History, edited by S. Surface-Evans, A.
Garrison, and K. Supernant, 185-195. New York:Berghahn, 2020.
Vanderkluysen, Loÿc, John J. Mahoney, Peter R. Hooper, Hetu C. Sheth, and Ranjini Ray. “The Feeder System of the Deccan
Traps (India): Insights from Dike Geochemistry.” Journal of Petrology 52, 2, (2011): 315–343.

8

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                <text>15th century carnelian bead cargo of the Indian Ocean World: a conversation starter on collections-based research in the Asia-Pacific</text>
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                <text>The topic of this abstract fits best within the Collections-based Research Session because existing museum&#13;
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ship constructions located at the far ends, to the north and south, of the Philippines; and they carried comparable&#13;
artefacts. Both the Pandanan (1460-1487 CE) and Santa Cruz (1488-1505 CE) shipwrecks carried cargoes of&#13;
similar ceramics (i.e. Chinese Jingdezhen and Thai Maenam Noi) and black glass beads (i.e. west India soda&#13;
alumina); yet these sites also carried dissimilar cargo in both the ceramics and glass beads. Both sites also carried&#13;
disproportionate carnelian beads. The resources to conduct the work to study carnelian are the morphological&#13;
analysis of measurement and descriptors, technological analysis of SEM and compositional analysis of LA-ICPMS. My research questions ask what geographic patterns these analyses indicate of the carnelian beads: What is&#13;
the source of the carnelian? Where were the bead workshops? What sailing routes did the carnelian move over to&#13;
ultimately shipwreck off the Philippines? The expected results are that riverine systems that connected interior&#13;
Indian carnelian were used to move raw material to west India bead workshops, via the Indian Ocean, Bay of&#13;
Bengal into the Straits of Malacca to Southeast Asian entrepôt. </text>
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                <text>Jennifer Craig</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Craig, Jennifer. 2023. “15th century carnelian bead cargo of the Indian Ocean World.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Michelle Damian. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1918 </text>
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                    <text>Preliminary analysis of the early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of
the pre-colonial Philippines, c.1400 – c.1600
NM Austero1,2, BC Orillaneda1, LM Neri2
1
2

Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines
School of Archaeology, University of the Philippines, Diliman

ABSTRACT
This study presents seven early handheld guns also known as “handgonnes” or hand cannons recovered from
shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines. In this paper, three guns HHG-001, HHG-002, and
HHG-003, feature shorter and stubby barrels with prominent reinforced sections, bulbous breech regions, and
flared muzzles. The flared muzzles of these guns are typical of a blunderbuss type and or dart-firing guns of the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The remaining handheld guns HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and
HHG-007, on the other hand, are tapered gun barrels without prominent reinforcement rings, and unflared
muzzles that are probably designed for a single bullet and long-range firing. The smallest unflared muzzle gun
HHG-005 measures only 39.1 cm long with a 1.31 cm bore diameter. While HHG-007 is the heaviest with a
prominently thick gun barrel probably designed to withstand more powder charges.
Compositional analysis using Portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy showed that most of these guns were
made of leaded tin bronze alloys. Comprised mainly of 37.77% to 83.57% copper, 3.11% to 22.41% tin, and
0.87% to 47.72% lead with other trace elements including arsenic, bismuth, nickel, and manganese, among
others. The discovery of these guns in various merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and
Lena Shoal shipwrecks is clear evidence of their use by the early seafaring merchants. The use of pXRF also
revealed traces of possible black powder elements such as sulphur and potassium thereby suggesting the actual
usage of these guns that warrants further investigation. Despite their size and offensive functions against pirates
and crews of enemy ships, firing them would have been intimidating.
Keywords: Seagoing firearms, handheld guns
Lists of Figures
Figure 1. Early handheld guns with flared muzzles.
Figure 2. Early handheld guns with unflared muzzles.
Lists of Tables
Table 1. Early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines with
their gun lengths and bore diameters.
Table 2. Percent composition of major and minor elements of the seven early handheld guns using portable
X-Ray Fluorescence analysis.

INTRODUCTION
Small artillery pieces are among the few of the vast number of archaeological materials discovered
from most of the maritime and underwater sites in the Philippines. The archaeological excavation of
the San Diego shipwreck in Fortune Island, Batangas for example, yielded thousands of lead musket
balls, along with a few corroded iron pieces, barrels of rifles, harquebuses, and spring shots
(Reverseau 1996; Alba et al. 1993; Alvarez 1992; Conese 1992; Cuevas 1992). San Diego was a
Manila galleon sunk by the Dutch ship Mauritius during their naval battle on December 14, 1600.
Interestingly, historical accounts have mentioned the vessel’s long-range, large artillery became
inconsequential as the fighting occurred onboard using hand-to-hand combat, thereby employing small
firearms such as harquebuses and rifles along with the other handheld weapons (Desroches et al.

1

�1996). Several projectiles and small caliber firearms were also discovered in other shipwreck sites in
the country.
These early handheld guns served as pieces of evidence that provide insights into how these firearms
were possibly manufactured and used onboard the merchant vessels plying the seas during the
pre-colonial period of the Philippines. The case studies discussed here include significant guns from
the Pandanan, Lena Shoal, and Santa Cruz shipwrecks. First is a bronze early handheld gun from the
Pandanan shipwreck, a middle to late fifteenth century Southeast Asian merchant vessel (see
Orillaneda 2016a, 2016b; Tanaka and Dizon 2011; Dizon 1996, 1994; Peralta 1996; Cuevas 1995;
Alba 1995). Second, are five early handheld guns, recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck, a
possible Chinese-Southeast Asian hybrid junk that sank around 1490 off the island of Busuanga in the
Philippines (see Orillaneda 2016a; Dizon 2003; Conese 1997; Goddio 2000; Lopez-Martin 2002). The
third and final is a bronze early handheld gun from the Santa Cruz shipwreck, a possible late fifteenth
to early sixteenth century hybrid ship of the South China Sea Shipbuilding Tradition (see Orillaneda
2016a, 2016b, 2012, 2008).
In this study, compositional analysis using Portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy (pXRF) aimed
to reveal the materials used in manufacturing these guns. Moreover, the discovery of these guns on
board merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks suggests
their usage by early seafaring merchants. Hence, the use of pXRF also aimed to determine possible
evidence of their usage.

METHODOLOGY
Seven early handheld guns were measured to determine length, width, diameters, and calibers:
HHG-001, HHG-002, HHG-003, HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007. The gun length was
measured with rulers, tape measures, and a digital caliper (Fujiwara) with a nominal accuracy of ±
0.01 mm. The terms hand cannon and hand gonne and sometimes handgonnes or handguns are already
used interchangeably in the past referring to the early small-caliber handheld guns (e.g. Peralta 1996).
To avoid confusion, the abbreviation HHG for “handheld guns” were used to code each artifact from
HHG-001 to HHG-007.
X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy Analysis
The composition analysis of the early handheld guns was conducted using portable X-Ray
Fluorescence Spectroscopy (pXRF) of Olympus Vanta C Series Philippines with rhodium and tungsten
anodes at 50 KeV. The analysis was conducted at the Lithics Laboratory of the University of the
Philippines School of Archaeology (UPSA). For guns, HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003, the
data/spectra were recorded for approximately 180 s directly at the surfaces of the tiller, bulbous region,
barrel, and muzzle. For guns HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007, the spectra were also
recorded for approximately 180 s on the surfaces of the tiller, the reinforcement region, the barrel, and
the muzzle. Additionally, spectra were also recorded for approximately 180 s on the surfaces of the
touch holes, handles, sights, and 5th reinforcement rings for all the guns where applicable.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
This paper presents the early handheld guns recovered from the Pandanan, Lena Shoal, and Santa Cruz
shipwrecks as shown in Table 1. These guns were categorized into two groups based on their possible
usage: 1) close-range guns – these guns feature shorter and stubby barrels with prominent reinforced
sections, bulbous breech, and flared muzzle regions, including HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003;
and, 2) long-range guns – these guns feature relatively longer and tapered gun barrels without
prominent reinforcement rings, and unflared muzzles probably designed for a single bullet and
long-range firing, including HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007.

2

�Table 1. Early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the
pre-colonial Philippines with gun lengths and bore diameters.
Gun lengths (cm)

Sample
Code

Shipwreck Site

HHG-001

Pandanan Shoal

HHG-002
HHG-003

Bore Diameter (cm)
Barrel

Chamber

Tiller

Total

2.37

19.3

5.2

2.6

27.1

Lena Shoal

2.51

20.9

7.6

4.8

33.3

Lena Shoal

3.26

20.8

5.4

9.2

35.4

2.33

40.2

12.7

8.2

61.1

9.0

4.1

39.1

3.2

64.8

3.9

60.7

Lena Shoal
HHG-004
Len
HHG-005

Lena Shoal

1.31

26.0

HHG-006

Santa Cruz

2.08

45.2

16.4
Len
HHG-007

Lena Shoal

2.78

40.4

16.4

Descriptions of the Guns
Early Handheld Gun No. 1 (HHG-001)
Recovered from the Pandanan shipwreck, this gun (Fig. 1, left) was thought to belong to small caliber
cannons such as the lantakas and rentakas among others as most of its features are typical of the early
handheld guns (Peralta 1996). The gun is about 27.1 cm long with a 2.37 cm bore diameter with
prominent reinforcement rings. The tiller at the rear end is approximately 2.6 cm in length with only
about 1.2 cm deep socket. This is too shallow to hold the tiller firmly without falling off, suggesting
the gun was probably stocked-mounted (Peralta 1996). Wooden tillers, however, were mostly secured
by iron straps or slotted into the end of the breech (Lepage 2005). Houston and Stroyan (2014) also
described a similar hand cannon fired with a trestle-like stand. In that case, the tiller no longer needed
to carry the entire weight of the gun; instead, it served as a handle when the cannon tube became too
hot to hold after firing several shots (Lepage 2005). The flared muzzle of the gun is also indicative of
other small caliber cannons such as a blunderbuss type and or dart-firing guns of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries CE (Lopez-Martin 2002; Peralta 1996; Powell 2010, 1095).
Early Handheld Gun No. 2 (HHG-002)
This gun is approximately 33.3 cm in length with a 2.51 cm bore diameter, recovered from the Lena
Shoal shipwreck (Fig. 1, middle) (Lopez-Martin 2002). Similar to HHG-001, it is a muzzle-loading
gun with prominent wide bands of reinforcement rings from the tiller toward the muzzle (see
Lopez-Martin 2002). Also similar to HHG-001, its flared-shaped muzzle is indicative of dart-firing
guns used from 1464-1496 CE on China’s interior frontiers and in merchant junks against pirate
attacks (Lopez-Martin 2002, Powell 2010, 1095). The rear end is also fixed with a tiller of about 4.8
cm in length with a 2.0 cm deep socket, probably deep enough to hold the wooden tiller attachment
without falling off. In contrast to the HHG-001, however, this gun was also fixed with a “lug” or
handle to add ease in handling and or aiming targets.

3

�Figure 1. Early handheld guns with flared muzzles: HHG-001 (left), recovered from the Pandanan
shipwreck (IV-1993-V-1152), with prominent reinforcement rings and a “lug” probably as the gun’s rear
sight; HHG-002 (middle), recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (IV-93-H-2901) with prominent
reinforcement rings and a handle; HHG-003 (right), recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck
(IV-93-H-4011) with prominent reinforcement rings.

Early Handheld Gun No. 3 (HHG-003)
This gun is approximately 35.4 cm in length with a 3.26 cm bore diameter and was recovered from the
Lena Shoal shipwreck (Lopez-Martin 2002). Similar to HHG-001 and HHG-002, it is a
muzzle-loading gun with prominent wide bands of reinforcement rings and a flared muzzle (Fig. 1,
right). Flared muzzles of early handheld guns were intended to scatter the shots at close range and to
ease loading (DK Publishing 2006, 247). However, HHG-003’s flared muzzle is narrower compared to
those of the HHG-001, and HHG-002, thereby suggesting this gun is probably more effective when
shot from a distance. Moreover, the rear end is also fixed with a prominent 9.2 cm tiller socket and a
“lug” or handle to add ease in handling and or aiming targets.

4

�Early Handheld Gun No. 4 (HHG-004)
This handheld gun measured about 61.1 cm long with approximately 2.33 cm bore diameter, also
recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Fig. 2a) (Goddio 2000). The barrel is slightly tapering
towards the muzzle with a maximum diameter of 3.7 cm and a minimum diameter of 3.1 cm. The vent
or the touch hole is located approximately 19.7 cm centimeters from the rear end with a simple
spherical reinforcement. The stock or tiller socket at the rear end is prominently longer, measuring
about 8.2 cm, suggesting a firm attachment of a wooden tiller. The remains of a possible wooden tiller
can still be seen attached inside the rear end socket proposing that the gun was not stock-mounted.
Early Handheld Gun No. 5 (HHG-005)
This gun was also recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck, measuring about 39.1 cm long with
approximately 1.31 cm bore diameter (Fig. 2b). The barrel is slightly tapering towards the muzzle with
a maximum diameter of 2.0 cm and a minimum diameter of 2.2 cm. The vent or the touch hole is
located approximately 4.2 centimeters from the rear end with a simple leaf-like or diamond shape
design. The stock or tiller socket at the rear end is relatively longer, measuring 4.1 cm also suggesting
a firm attachment of a wooden tiller. A tiny sized-gun can surely be easier to aim and fire.
Early Handheld Gun No. 6 (HHG-006)
The early handheld gun recovered from the Santa Cruz shipwreck is similar to the gun recovered from
the Lena Shoal shipwreck, HHG-004. This gun is the longest, measuring about 64.8 cm long with
approximately 2.08 cm bore diameter (Fig. 2c). The larger barrel is also slightly tapering towards the
muzzle with a maximum diameter of 3.58 cm and a minimum diameter of 2.84 cm. The touch hole is
approximately 3.2 cm centimeters from the rear end with a leaf-like or diamond-shaped reinforcement.
The remains of the tiller socket at the rear end seem to have been broken, measuring only about 3.2
cm. The tiller socket was possibly longer for a firm tiller attachment.
Early Handheld Gun No. 7 (HHG-007)
This gun is the heaviest and largest of all five guns recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Fig.
2d). It measures about 60.7 cm long and has a 2.78 cm bore diameter. The gun barrel is relatively
thick, about 1.71 cm, which is probably designed to withstand more powder charges to propel a
relatively bigger caliber bullet. The touch hole is approximately 3.9 cm centimeters from the rear end
with a leaf-like or diamond-shaped reinforcement similar to that of HHG-006. The tiller socket is also
short, suggesting a need for reinforcement straps and or added support stand when firing. A similar
gun of Chinese origin from the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries was also found in the Molucca Sea in
the Dutch Indies (McLachlan 2010).

5

�Figure 2. Early handheld guns with unflared muzzles: HHG-004 (A), recovered from the
shipwreck (IV-93-H-0342) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-005 (B), recovered from the
shipwreck (IV-93-H-3417) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-006 (C), recovered from the
shipwreck (III-2001-Z-NA) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-007 (D), recovered from the
shipwreck (IV-1993-H-NA) with a relatively thick gun barrel and of a higher caliber.

6

Lena Shoal
Lena Shoal
Santa Cruz
Lena Shoal

�X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy (XRF) Analysis
Results from compositional analysis using pXRF revealed most of these guns were primarily a ternary
alloy of Cu, Pb, and Sn (e.g. Pollard and Liu 2023). Comprised mainly of 37.77 percent to 83.57
percent copper, 3.11 percent to 22.41 percent tin, and 0.87 percent to 47.72 percent lead with other
trace elements including arsenic, bismuth, nickel, and manganese, among others (Table 2). Pollard and
Liu (2023) also noted that the sum of all three metal components of ternary alloys is usually around 98
percent. Our research, however, provided a range between the sums of 94.20 percent to 98.38 percent.

Table 2. Percent composition of major and minor elements of the seven early handheld guns using pXRF.

Percent Composition of Elements (Barrel)
Sample Code

Cu

Sn

Pb

As

Bi

Ni

Mn

OE

0.05

0.01

1.04

0.09

0.03

1.31

0.88

0.09

0.04

0.74

22.41
22.4095
HHG-001

40.71

31.76

0.26
2.89

1.91

22.4095
22.4095

HHG-002

83.57

12.65

0.87

11.31

4.59

0.45
0.59

HHG-003

81.75

0.88

14.70
HHG-004

74.91

8.77

&lt;LOD

0.66

0.06

0.02

0.07

0.02

1.30

&lt;LOD

&lt;LOD

0.01

1.59

&lt;LOD

0.03

0.01

1.59

0.83
HHG-005

HHG-006

HHG-007

77.81

14.31

5.40

37.77

8.71

47.72

47.48

3.11

47.05

0.26

4.20

0.82

Note: Copper (Cu), Tin (Sn), Lead (Pb), Arsenic (As), Bismuth (Bi), Nickel (Ni), Manganese (Mn), and Other Elements (OE).

7

�Interestingly, the use of pXRF also revealed traces of possible black powder elements thereby
suggesting the actual usage of these guns and warranting further investigation into firing guns and
recording residue. Trace amounts of sulphur and potassium were recorded on the surfaces of the
muzzle and tiller of the early handheld gun HHG-001. Traces of sulphur were also recorded on the
surfaces of the touchhole, handle, and muzzle of the early handheld gun HHG-003. These results
further showed the importance of gunpowder and its use in most seagoing firearms (e.g., Kozari and
Vizy 2013; McLachlan 2010; Khan 2004; Andaya 1992). The discovery of the early handheld guns
from the shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines affirms the use of seagoing
firearms. Records on the use of these light guns against pirates and crews of enemy ships were already
known in merchant ships as early as the fourteenth century (Lepage, 2005). Their discovery onboard
various merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks is clear
evidence of their use by the early seafaring merchants. Despite their size and offensive functions
against pirates and crews of enemy ships, firing them would have been intimidating (McLachlan 2010;
Lepage 2005).

Acknowledgment
We would like to thank the National Museum of the Philippines (NMP) through the Maritime and Underwater Cultural
Heritage Division (MUCHD) and the UP School of Archaeology (UPSA) of the University of the Philippines, Diliman for
their unwavering support for this research. The Department of Science and Technology – Grants-in-Aid Program
(DOST-GIA) for Biak na Bato, Bulacan Project for the portable X-Ray Fluorescence (pXRF) instrument used during the
conduct of this research.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alba L. “Pandanan Underwater Archaeological Project Report. Pandanan Island, Balabak, Palawan. Third Preliminary
Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (1995):1-6.
Andaya LY. “Interactions with the Outside World and Adaptation in Southeast Asia.” In The Cambridge History of Southeast
Asia from early times to c. 1800, edited by N. Tarling, 345-395. Singapore, Cambridge University, 1992.
Cuevas MA. “Pandanan Island Underwater Archaeological Project: Inspection of a Reported Site.” National Museum of the
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9

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