1 10 3 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3f5efb8c7f818cca5ed0e846279246c1.pdf e988c4420337e0f82d0072147dce0829 PDF Text Text Sea Voyage: The Evolving Maritime Cultural Landscape of American Samoa Hans K. Van Tilburg, PhD (Maritime Heritage Coordinator, NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries) ABSTRACT American Samoa is an unincorporated territory of the United States with a long and continuous history of ocean connection and maritime activities, from the initial voyaging discovery some 3,000 years ago to modern cruise ships and fishing fleets. Understanding this history as it is reflected in the maritime landscape helps us appreciate not only how the maritime past has evolved, but how the cultural and ecosystem benefits related to the ocean persist and remain important today. NOAA’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries recently completed a descriptive ArcGIS StoryMap of American Samoa, drawing from tangible and intangible cultural resources inventories and data compiled by NOAA’s sanctuary staff, archival information, archaeological surveys, and site cultural information from participant workshops. The territory’s story is presented as something of a maritime voyage through time, touching upon elements of the original Pacific voyaging and discovery of the islands, Samoan settlement culture and watercraft, western discovery and mapping, fautasi longboat heritage and copra plantations, activities during the naval period and WWII, and contemporary maritime spaces (commercial shipping and fishing). This StoryMap presents our human ties to the ocean, and the maritime cultural landscape of American Samoa, placing an importance on ocean locations, activities and events that have shaped the Samoan Islands and continue to define who we are today. Hopefully, a more comprehensive understanding of the cultural significance of our ocean spaces can contribute to better conservation and management of marine resources. Keywords: American Samoa, cultural landscape, marine environment List of Figures and Tables Figure 1 Foaga or grinding holes/bait cups carved into the reef at Fagatele Bay, American Samoa. Figure 2 Modern fautasi racing in Pago Pago Harbor. Figure 3 Types and quantities of excess ordnance to be jettisoned at sea, Naval Station Tutuila, Figure 4 The industrial landscape of Pago Harbor today. American Samoa Government Port Administration. INTRODUCTION The underwater cultural heritage (UCH) consists of properties and locations associated with the narrative of past events or human story. And whether that story is reflected in oral, written and/or archaeological and cultural resources, the broader context of our relationship to the environment is critical to the assessment of UCH. In other words, the ocean possesses a legacy of submerged properties that have cultural value, as well as implications for the health of the ecosystem. Maritime cultural landscapes are places where the interactions of culture and nature have resulted in identifiable cultural and ecological imprints. Every maritime cultural landscape captures a unique combination of nature and culture that is expressed in the condition of the marine environment, in both material and intangible cultural heritage, and in the meaning attached to that location by different stakeholder groups (Barr 2014). Understanding the ocean and shoreline as a cultural landscape helps us appreciate the full significance of UCH sites that would otherwise exist as isolated properties without context and connection.   American Samoa, an unincorporated island territory of the United States consisting of the eastern part of the Samoan archipelago, consists of five inhabited volcanic islands with rugged peaks and limited coastal plains, plus two coral atolls. The territory has a long and continuous history of ocean connection and activities, from the initial voyaging discovery thousands of years ago to the modern cruise ships and fishing fleets of today. The maritime cultural landscape of American Samoa captures elements of this long history in terms of locations, cultural activities and UCH resources, within the 1 �broader maritime narrative of where we are from and who we are today. Importantly, the landscape approach supports a broader definition of UCH elements and inclusion of their influence upon the health of our marine ecosystems. LEGACY OF VOYAGING The sea is a highway. The first discoverers came by sea in what is considered one of the boldest maritime migrations in human history. The Samoan Islands were originally discovered and settled more than 3,000 years ago as part of the Austronesian expansion eastward into the Pacific. Over hundreds of years, double-hull voyaging canoes, guided by specialists trained in non-instrument navigation, moved throughout the western Pacific, bearing men and women, and all necessary supplies to support permanent remote settlement. Migration theory is based on dating the traces of ancient Lapita pottery, along with subsequent obsidian and basalt stone tool production, associated with this expansion and settlement. In 1973, dredge spoils from Mulifanua Harbor on Upolu Island (Western Samoa) revealed thousands of pottery sherds dated to 3000 BP, and coastal terrestrial Lapita remains have been excavated from Ofu Island in American Samoa (Kirch andHunt 1993). Coastal village ruins, reef petroglyphs, submerged whetstones, and remnants of foaga or reef grinding holes/bait cups (Figure 1) add to the UCH archaeological footprint (Clark 1980, 24). Figure 1 Foaga or grinding holes/bait cups carved into the reef at Fagatele Bay, American Samoa. Photograph by Hans Van Tilburg/NOAA. The legacy of traditional navigation extends beyond archaeology. There are a great number of legends and stories represented by geo-cultural features or locations within the marine environment. These culturally significant places range from stacked rock formations (tupua) to coves, cliffs, and even submerged freshwater springs or passages in the reef, associated with famous chiefs, voyages, or mythic events in folklore. All are potential “traditional cultural properties” associated with cultural practices or beliefs of a living community that: (1) are rooted in that community's history, and (2) are important in maintaining and continuing the cultural identity of the community (Parker and King 1992). Chants are still performed at Turtle and Shark Cove, a place commemorating the death of an old woman and young girl, and the cove is protected by nomination to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Records at the Feleti Barstow Library document at least 20 geo-cultural locations in American Samoa’s coastal and marine environment (Van Tilburg 2007, 29). 2 �Near the village of Fagasa on Tutuila, the semi-submerged formation known as Sina’s Rock recalls the time when Chief Li`ava`a’s crew, departing the island, mistakenly abandoned his daughter, her grief and tears being the origin of the local spring (Kikuchi 1963, 84). This legend accounts for the dolphins that visit Fagasa today. Such sites “are of extraordinary significance to Samoan culture. Compared to all of the archaeological and historic sites that the HPO tries to protect, these sites are seen as the most significant to local residents'' (Volk et al 1992, 32). Local and Indigenous perspectives that highly value the cultural significance of “natural” resources, and the importance of traditional practices and places to the maintenance of cultural identities, challenges us to examine the definition of UCH as “all traces of human existence of a cultural, historical or archaeological nature…” For purposes of heritage preservation and protecting marine resources, Sina’s Rock should be considered UCH. WESTERN ARRIVALS Over time, 18th and 19th century Spanish, Dutch, French, British and American explorers shaped their own routes to the islands of Samoa, opening the seaway for whalers, merchants, and missionaries in pursuit of oil, copra and converts. The intentional adoption of new tools and nautical technology would shape the Samoan cultural landscape in new ways. The story of the Samoan longboat or fautasi provides an example of this evolution. The origin of fautasi dates back to the 1840s and observation of the effectiveness of British naval longboats, leading to innovations in boat building. Samoan carpenters began to construct an outrigger-less craft known as taumualua. Given the importance of watercraft in the archipelago and the competitiveness of human nature, these soon advanced in length from 50 feet to 60 feet and onwards. Aided by the skills of the castaway whaler and shipwright Eli Jennings, who came ashore in 1847, these hybrid craft took on the lightweight shiplap designs of whaleboats. By the last decade of the 19th century, fautasi (and the smaller version known as tulula) were capable and useful watercraft that served multiple roles: warfare, cargo transportation, passenger service, racing vessels, and more (Van Tilburg et al 2018, 124). With the regulation of interisland travel imposed in 1903 by the U.S. Naval Administration, and the increasing use of motorized craft, the role of fautasi was slowly reduced to racing, which later remained as their sole function. Today, on Flag Day in American Samoa (17 April), 10 to 15 village fautasi longboats manned with 45 village members line up outside of the deep-water harbor port of Pago Pago for their fiercest competition of the year, acknowledged by some as the largest cultural event in the territory. These computer-designed modern material watercraft cost tens of thousands of dollars to purchase and maintain, and the race outcomes are intricately tied to financial benefits, village pride, community identity and a deep historical tradition of seafaring (Herdrich et al 2020, 46). The maritime cultural landscape of fautasi today encompasses the village boathouses, launching and training areas for the race (crews train for months in advance), and the race course itself from Taema Bank of Tutuila’s south shore into the inner harbor of Pago Pago. 3 �Figure 2 Modern fautasi racing in Pago Pago Harbor. Photograph by David Herdrich. The extraction of resources and increasing trans-Pacific commerce would also change the landscape and UCH resources. Throughout the South Pacific, the coconut palm (Cocos nucifera) has been known as the “Tree of Life” due to the incredible value and usefulness of every part of the tree for food, medicine, shelter, and transportation. The commercial products derived from dried white coconut meat or copra, including oil for soaps and cosmetics and copra “cake” or meal for animal feed, would play a major role in the economic development of the Samoan Islands. Therefore, the collection of copra from the islands of American Samoa for shipment and sale abroad was critical. The copra export business in the territory was centralized around the U.S. Naval Station. Villages without copra sheds or wharves were responsible for transporting copra to the Naval Station (or to Leone in the Western District) by their own boat, bus, vehicle, or on their shoulders. Villages with copra sheds and wharves transported copra to the Naval Station or Leone by regular service public customs boats or public works trucks (NARA RG284). Thus, the cultural landscape components of wharves, landings, channels, and buoys came under the early management of the Public Works Department and the U.S. Navy. Additionally, the inventory of vessel losses, some 40 scattered around the islands between 1828-1993, including whalers, steamers, schooners, brigs, and fishing vessels, are landscape elements (Van Tilburg 2007, 8). ON THE EDGE OF BATTLE In 1899 Germany, England, and the United States signed a tripartite agreement (effective 16 February 1900), that granted control of the Samoan Islands of Upolu and Savai`i to Germany and control of Tutuila, Aunu`u, and Manu`a to the United States. Subsequently, The Ali’i (chiefs) of Tutuila and Aunu`u ceded their islands to the U.S. on 17 April 1900. The king and matai of the Manu`a Islands signed a deed of cession to the U.S. in 1904. Thus, a series of naval commanders served as military governors of American Samoa for the territory’s first 50 years.  Although largely insulated from World War I, during World War II the American Samoa Defense Group (headquartered at Naval Station Tutuila) was, geographically, the largest command area in the South Pacific. Pago Pago Harbor on Tutuila served as a staging area for the preparation of amphibious forces engaged in South Pacific operations. The territory was home to thousands of Navy and Marine service men and women, including Samoan recruits in the Fita-Fita guard and the Samoan Marine Brigade known as Maligi Samoa or Samoan Marines (Hudson 1994, 25). Tutuila possessed the largest 4 �jungle training center in the South Pacific. American Samoa, on the edge of the Pacific combat theater, was also an important link in maintaining communication between the United States, Australia, and New Zealand.  The scale and intensity of activities during the war years, even for peripheral American Samoa, made significant changes to the maritime cultural landscape and UCH inventory of the islands. During World War II, Tutuila supported a naval air station, maintaining up to 60 fighter aircraft and 12 long-range bombers at any one time. Moorings for seaplanes were located in the shallow lagoon near the landing strip. As a consequence of intensive wartime training and patrols, 43 naval aircraft ditched or crashed into local waters between 1942 and 1944, many in the vicinity of Tutuila (Van Tilburg 2007, 12). The naval airfield, constructed in 1942, is today the location of Pago Pago International Airport.  The remnants of numerous concrete pillboxes along the shoreline, as well as gun emplacements, bunkers, naval buildings, foundations, etc. are the more visible reminders of the war. A National Register of Historic Places multiple property nomination for many of these World War II sites was prepared in 2005 listing at least 79 coastal pillboxes (Kennedy 2005). Erosion and subsidence have placed some of these pillboxes into the ocean. The fortifications built at the entrance to Pago Pago harbor include gun emplacements at Blunts Point and Breakers Point. Both gun emplacements are listed on the National Register of Historic Places. National Archive records also locate minefields protecting the entrance to the deep-water harbor. The Naval Station significantly enlarged the harbor’s infrastructure with the fuel dock, LST landing areas, wharves and moorings, and the ship repair facility across the bay (now a tuna cannery). DANGEROUS LEGACY Many of these sites can pose potential threats to the marine environment. Following the war, on 7 October 1949, the naval gasoline tanker USS Chehalis burned, exploded and sank in Pago Pago Harbor, with the loss of six crewmen. In 2007 the American Samoa Environmental Protection Agency completed a site investigation, confirming the aviation gasoline cargo, as well as the possibility of unexploded ordnance. In April 2009, the U.S. Navy conducted a preliminary survey, and fuel removal actions (60,000 gallons) were completed in April 2010 (Goldstein 2013). Further archival research in 2022 revealed extensive documentation of disposed ordnance and military materials by Naval Station Tutuila. Deteriorated, unused and obsolete ordnance and supplies, stockpiled throughout the wide Samoan Defense Area, were sent to area headquarters (Tutuila) to be disposed. Disposal meant dealing with the hazardous material in one of several ways: excess ordnance could be salvaged, forwarded to the West Coast, kept for peacetime storage, or jettisoned at sea. Ultimately, hundreds of tons of deteriorated or obsolete ammunition and materials were jettisoned somewhere in the nearby ocean. Specific locations were unspecified, but initial orders often carried instructions stating “sink in not less than 50 fathoms of water,” changed at a later date to “dump in not less than 150 fathoms of water and not less than 10 miles from the nearest land” (NARA RG313). The extensive lists of jettisoned materials included: 500 and 1,000 lb bombs, demolition blocks, hand grenades, depth charges, mortars, howitzers, anti-aircraft ammunition, small arms ammunition, anti-tank mines, fuses, bomb tail vanes, fragmentation bombs, parachute flares, and more. An explosives dumping area of roughly 70 square miles was indicated some 15 miles southeast of Pago Pago. Disposed ammunition has been reported on Taema Bank, at the entrance to Pago Pago Harbor, and a dangerous wreck “loaded with explosives,” was reported near Aunu`u Island in 1971 (Hudson 1994, 87). 5 �Figure 3 Types and quantities of excess ordnance to be jettisoned at sea, Naval Station Tutuila, 13 October 1945. Source: National Archives and Records Administration RG313. AMERICAN SAMOA’S MARITIME LANDSCAPE TODAY Today there are some 56,000 people living in American Samoa, with about 98% of those residents located on Tutuila Island. The territory is integrated into a modern global maritime world as an exporter of marine resources, communications hub, and recreational destination. The shipping and transportation landscape in American Samoa has evolved since the early 1900s when fautasi longboats were used to transport imported supplies from large ships, and as transportation to coastal villages and neighboring islands. Today, large container ships arrive weekly with supplies that the majority of the islands’ residents rely on for food and livelihoods. Ferry services are available on a weekly basis for the domestic market between Tutuila and the Manu’a islands, and via the Samoa Shipping Corporation LTD., internationally between Tutuila and Apia. Fishing has likewise advanced. Canneries first began operating in American Samoa in 1954. Today, tuna processing and the territorial government are the largest employers and the mainstay of American Samoa’s economy. International fishing fleets supply catches to the canneries for export, while small-scale artisanal fisheries supply the local market for fish (Levine and Allen 2009, 21). The footprint of UCH resources and the maritime cultural landscape has evolved, reflecting now disposed and wrecked long liners, cruise ship moorings and cannery infrastructure, modern navigational infrastructure, shoreline armoring for protection against erosion and climate change impacts, and more. 6 �Figure 4 The industrial landscape of Pago Harbor today. Source: American Samoa Government PortAdministration. Today there is an increasing desire and urgent need to achieve sustainable commercial and recreational practices in order to address the damage of pollution and climate change impacts. Our ocean environments are increasingly understood as places of critical marine research in this context. Maritime cultural landscapes have a role to play in this research. That role includes a broader definition of UCH and understanding the interactions between UCH sites and the marine environment, for better or worse (sites as potential habitat and cultural value, sites as potential environmental threat). Shipwrecks have been, and always will be, a unique subset of UCH resources both rich in historical and archaeological value, and exciting to the general public. However, becoming better stewards of our oceans implies reexamining our UCH from a broader perspective, one inherently supported by the maritime cultural landscape approach. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Barr, Brad. “Observations on developing a maritime cultural landscape approach to managing US National Marine Sanctuaries.” In Proceedings of the 2nd Asia Pacific Underwater Cultural Heritage Conference, 51-60, edited by Hans Van Tilburg, Veronica Walker Vadillo, Jun Kimura, Brian Fahy, Sila Tripati. Honolulu: Electric Pencil, 2014. Clark, Jeffrey T. Historic Preservation in American Samoa: Program Evaluation and Archaeological Site Inventory. Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1980. Goldstein, Carl. Success story—USS Chehalis: Investigation and fuel offload operation. (Pacific Islands Office presentation-Pacific Environmental Success Stories) Guam: June 28, 2013. https://issuu.com/guamepa/docs/goldstein_uss_chehalis_investigatio accessed 4/28/2023. Herdrich, David, Hans K. Van Tilburg, and Atuatasi Lelei Peau. Fautasi Heritage of American Samoa: Fa‘Aga I Le Tai: O Ala O Le Vavau A Samoa. Silver Spring: U.S. Department of Commerce NOAA, 2020. Hudson, Jack C. and Kay G. American Samoa in World War II. Cultural Resources Services Inc. 1994. Kennedy, Joseph. Results of an Archaeological Survey and Archival Research of WWII Coastal Defenses on Tutuila Island, American Samoa. Haleiwa, Hawai`i: Archaeological Consultants of the Pacific, 2005. Kikuchi, William K. Archaeological Surface Ruins in American Samoa. Honolulu: University of Hawai`i (MA Thesis), 1963. Kirch, P.V. and T.L. Hunt. The To'aga Site: Three Millennia of Polynesian Occupation in the Manu'a Islands, American Samoa (Contributions to the University of California Archaeological Research Facility No. 51). Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Levine, Arielle and Stewart Allen. American Samoa as a Fishing Community. Silver Spring: U.S. Department of Commerce NOAA, 2009. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) RG284. Records of the Government of American Samoa, Office of the Attorney General, Island Government files, 1931-1964, box 461. Correspondence from Secretary of Native Affairs to Governor 22 July 1947. National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) RG313. Records of Naval Operating Forces, U.S. Naval Government Unit Tutuila, American Samoa, General Correspondence 1945-1951, box 10. Survey Request, Report and Expenditure, 13 October 1945. Parker, Patricia L. and Thomas F. King. Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties (NPS Register Bulletin 38). Washington D.D.: U.S. Department of Interior National Park Service, 1992. Van Tilburg, Hans. American Samoa Maritime Heritage Inventory. Silver Spring: U.S. Department of Commerce NOAA, 2007. Van Tilburg, Hans K., David J. Herdrich, Michaela E. Howells, Va‘Amua Henry Sesepasara, Telei‘Ai Christian Ausage and Michael D. Coszalter. “Row as One! A History of the Development and Use of the Sāmoan Fautasi.” In Journal of the Polynesian Society 127 no.1 (2018): 111-136. Volk, Richard D., Pamela A. Knudsen, Karla D. Kluge, and David J. Herdrich. Towards a Territorial Conservation Strategy and the Establishment of a Conservation Area System for American Samoa. Pago Pago: Le Vaumatua Inc., 1992. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 16: The significance of Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Seascapes and Living Heritage in Oceania Subject The topic of the resource Session 16 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 16 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Sea Voyage: The Evolving Maritime Cultural Landscape of American Samoa Description An account of the resource American Samoa is an unincorporated territory of the United States with a long and continuous history of ocean connection and maritime activities, from the initial voyaging discovery some 3,000 years ago to modern cruise ships and fishing fleets. Understanding this history as it is reflected in the maritime landscape helps us appreciate not only how the maritime past has evolved, but how the cultural and ecosystem benefits related to the ocean persist and remain important today. NOAA’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries recently completed a descriptive ArcGIS StoryMap of American Samoa, drawing from tangible and intangible cultural resources inventories and data compiled by NOAA’s sanctuary staff, archival information, archaeological surveys, and site cultural information from participant workshops. The territory’s story is presented as something of a maritime voyage through time, touching upon elements of the original Pacific voyaging and discovery of the islands, Samoan settlement culture and watercraft, western discovery and mapping, fautasi longboat heritage and copra plantations, activities during the naval period and WWII, and contemporary maritime spaces (commercial shipping and fishing). This StoryMap presents our human ties to the ocean, and the maritime cultural landscape of American Samoa, placing an importance on ocean locations, activities and events that have shaped the Samoan Islands and continue to define who we are today. Hopefully, a more comprehensive understanding of the cultural significance of our ocean spaces can contribute to better conservation and management of marine resources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hans K. Van Tilburg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Van Tilburg, Hans K. . 2023. “Sea Voyage: The Evolving Maritime Cultural Landscape of American Samoa.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2030 Asia-Pac Session 16 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fd8eb683ee8649f7b735e530bbf99194.pdf b7e2fe268a55548ea311db4d90801a78 PDF Text Text A history and archaeology of fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia Bill Jeffery, PhD (Associate Professor Anthropology, College of Liberal Arts and Social Science, University of Guam) ABSTRACT Tuna fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is currently a sustainable and profitable fishing industry and part of the leading world tuna fishing industry in the western Pacific. This paper will outline how the FSM got to this position and what related tangible and intangible heritage exists today. It begins with how indigenous people from the region implemented their fishing practices, using techniques that were implemented in balance and harmony with their marine environment. When Japan colonised the region, they were aware of the rich marine resources, proclaiming Micronesia had about ‘one-tenth of the total known fish in the world’. In 1918 they enthusiastically began to develop a fishing industry, which included exploiting shellfish, beche de mer, mackerel, different species of tuna, and skipjack tuna that became the dominant species exploited, for the benefit of Japanese people and the Japanese economy. However, local people in Micronesia were not actively encouraged to be part of this industry. The Japanese established a research station and imposed several regulations in how the industry should be developed and implemented. This activity occurred pre-World War II, and during the war many of the fishing vessels were converted to assist in the war effort, then lost during the war. Following World War II, the U.S. attempted to revive the tuna fishing industry in association with local people, having limited success, but today tuna is the FSM’s top export, and part of a sustainable billion-dollar industry that provides benefits to local people. Coupled with the extensive tangible and intangible heritage of indigenous fishing before Japanese times, a holistic picture of the cultural landscape and seascape associated with fishing will be provided in this paper. Keywords: Tuna fishing, Micronesia, Japan, World War II List of Figures Figure 1: Locality map of various places mentioned in this paper. Chuuk Lagoon is shown as ‘Chuuk Islands’. Figure 2: Two aech (fish weirs) on the reef flat in Yap at low tide. Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2018. Figure 3: Memorial on Tonoas dedicated to the fishermen from Okinawa who died in Chuuk (Truk). Figure 4: Photograph of the bowsprit of the Tonoas dock boat looking back along the vessel. INTRODUCTION The topic of this paper is relevant to this session that focuses on the sea-people of Oceania, and their cultural identity that is reflected in their maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes. These landscapes and seascapes encompass not just the tangible cultural heritage, being the ‘things’, such as sites and objects, but also the living heritage, the intangible cultural heritage including cultural practices, customs, and folklore associated with their marine environment. Central in the lives of islanders has been the exploitation of the coast and sea for their food—predominantly the vertebrate and invertebrate fish. Fish for islanders has been the major source of protein for thousands of years. Many practices and living heritage in acquiring fish developed, including pelagic offshore fishing, and fish weirs and traps for inshore fishing. The paper commences with a discussion on the traditional Indigenous cultural heritage associated with fish and fishing practices. When foreigners came into Oceania in 1521, they impacted many lifestyles, cultural practices, and their fishing practices through not allowing indigenous people to use their canoes such as in the Caroline and Mariana Islands. When Japan took control of greater Micronesia in 1914, they enthusiastically established an industry exploiting the region’s fish for their benefit, and Indigenous people’s fishing practices were greatly marginalised. Local people were not supported in the Japanese 1 �fishing industry, which soon became a viable and profitable industry for Japan, and in conjunction with other industries focusing on sugar, phosphate, and copra, this made Micronesia self-sufficient. A large influx of people from Japan, including those from Okinawa assisted in the development of the fishing industry through their involvement in pole-and-line fishing for mainly bonito (skipjack tuna, Katsuwonis pelamis), and employment in the canneries. Through the use of oral sources, primary historical documents (from the pre, during, and post-World War II periods) and secondary historical literature, together with examples of several sites and living heritage, the extent of the cultural landscape and seascape associated with fish and fishing practices in the FSM and in Micronesia is highlighted in this paper. The aim in highlighting this significant sea heritage is to raise awareness of its many attributes including the cultural, historical, and archaeological values being as valuable to land-based heritage. Many sacred and spiritual connections with the coast and sea, as well as with fish have developed for many millions of people across Oceania. They should be as important to land-based heritage given the planet is 70% covered with water. This ‘human’ connection and significance needs to be recognized especially in the United Nations Decade 2021-2030 of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development. MICRONESIA AND THE FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA The Federated States of Micronesia is made up of four states (from west to east), Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei and Kosrae, with Pohnpei containing the capital of the FSM, Palikir. It comprises 607 volcanic, and predominantly coralline islands that stretch 2,736 km west to east, and Chuuk Lagoon, which is approximately at the centre is located at 7° 25’ North and 151° 50’ East. Micronesia is the broader region of the north-west Pacific that includes FSM as well as the independent nations, Palau, Marshall Islands, Nauru, and the Gilbert Islands in Kiribati, and the U.S. territories of Guam, the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), and Wake Island (Figure 1). The Micronesia term (meaning small islands), was used to distinguish between other regions of Oceania, being Melanesia (islands of black people) and Polynesia (many islands), all 19th century colonial terms for the more than 10,000 islands located in what is now called Remote Oceania (Kirch 2010, 133). It was through the expansion of Austronesian speaking people, originally from Taiwan, through Island Sea East Asia (ISEA), primarily the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas (Wallacea) that people came into Oceania (Bellwood 2006, 113). The oldest inhabited islands are those in the Mariana Islands (c. 3,500 BP), Palau, and the Bismarck Archipelago (3,350 BP) (Carson 2014, 1; Spriggs 2013, 1). The Gilbert Islands, Marshall Islands, Pohnpei, and Chuuk were settled later (from 2,800 to 2,000 BP), through a northward migration via the Solomon Islands into the Gilbert Islands, Marshall Islands, Kosrae, then westward to Chuuk (Blust 1976, 29). A stimuli Bellwood (2006, 110) promotes as to why people moved from Taiwan into ISEA, then into Oceania, was because of their: ‘predilection for rapid coastal movement and exploration, probably to find the most favorable environments for cultivation and sheltered inshore fishing.’ 2 �Figure 1: Locality map of various places mentioned in this paper. Chuuk Lagoon is shown as ‘Chuuk Islands’. Source USDA-NRCS National Cartography & Geospatial Center, Pacific Basin Area, 1:20,000,000, Fort Worth Texas, 1999. TRADITIONAL INDIGENOUS FISHING It is beyond the scope of this paper to provide a comprehensive perspective of the significance of fish and fishing practices to indigenous Micronesians. Throughout Micronesia, fish are valued as part of the living heritage for many Indigenous communities, and they connect people: ‘Fish and other marine animals are not only aspects of many Ocean mythologies, they are also objects of exchange between clans from the sea and the land for ceremonial purposes’ (Hilmi et al. 2016, 178). The authors found that Pacific Islanders in exchanging goods, including fish, were doing so primarily for their social, cultural, and political interactions, and the economic values were of secondary importance (Hilmi et al. 2016, 176). Many traditional Indigenous conservation and management systems are carried out throughout the FSM, such as in the pwaaw in Chuuk, where a reef section would be closed off following the death of the reef owner (Rauchholz 2016, 57); traditional bans such as ‘harvesting at specific times the resources needed for feasts and customary exchanges’ (David 2016, 239); and how certain fish collected from a Yapese aech are only to be eaten by certain individuals ((Jeffery In Prep; Jeffery & Pitmag 2010, 5). Micronesians also developed extraordinary skills in catching fish, such as in CNMI, where Driver (1983, 15) related a story from a Micronesian man named Suñama told to a Spanish Priest Fray Juan Pobre in the early 17th century about catching a marlin (Amesbury 2013, 44): …a very large blue marlin took the hook. His line was very thin and, as he did not want to break it, he hesitated to pull it in. Yet he was very anxious to land the fish; therefore he very cautiously began playing and tiring it. Meanwhile, a large shark appeared and attacked the marlin in the midsection of its back. In order not to let go of his line, the fisherman allowed his boat to capsize. Then he tied the end of the line to the capsized boat, followed the line through the water to the shark and diverted him from his catch. He then brought the marlin back to his boat, righted the craft, and sailed home, flying a woven mat as a banner from the masthead. 3 �Amesbury (2013, 40) has documented the range of fish bones found in various archaeological sites on Guam, testifying to the importance of pelagic fish in the diet, although reef fish remains are dominant. What she discovered was that this quantity of pelagic fish remains were unique when compared to a database of 75 Pacific Islands archaeological sites. Flying fish were also a very popular fish to catch throughout Micronesia, either as a source of food, or as bait during pelagic fishing. In discussing fishing practices using canoe in Yap, I learnt that the Yapese outer islanders would fish without a canoe by floating in the water dangling a line and hook to catch shark, and there are many other stories related to the extraordinary fishing skills of Micronesians (W. Pitmag, personal communication, 2008). Other fishing practices can include using spears, nets, fishing poles, poisons, and traps, activities implemented by both men and women (Merlin 2002, 27-31). Fish traps and fish weirs were extensively used throughout Micronesia for catching reef fish on the reef flats (inshore fishing). Several styles made of different materials such as wood, bamboo and rocks have been used, and it is the fish weirs made of basalt or coral rocks, called aech in Yap that is extensive today and indicative of their value in FSM. The first seven aech in Yap were built by spirits, guiding the Yapese in how to build and catch fish in a sustainable manner, and there are about 800 around the volcanic islands of Yap. They reflect a Yapese cultural identity, highlighting Yapese ingenuity and the harmonious, spiritual, and sustainable relationship they have with the marine environment, through building and utilising the Traditional Ecological Knowledge they built up (Figure 2) (Jeffery 2013). Figure 2: Two aech (fish weirs) on the reef flat in Yap at low tide. Photograph by Bill Jeffery 2018. JAPANESE COLONIAL PERIOD The FSM had Spanish, German, Japanese and the U.S., colonial rulers, which all greatly impacted the lives of Indigenous people. During the Japanese period (1914-1945) a fishing industry, as compared to Indigenous subsistence fishing, was first developed. 4 �The Japanese commercial fishing industry was administered by a Marine Industry Section of Nan’yō-chō, which established licences, regulations, and penalties for all commercial fishing, including Indigenous people although their licensing was simplified if using traditional techniques (USFEA) 1944, 20). They declared closed seasons for certain types of fishing, provided subsidies for the construction of fishing vessels, the manufacture or purchase of new and improved fishing implements, and the construction of processing plants, amongst other things. In addition, they provided several subsidies to assist Japanese fishers, including the provision of boats to groups of 30-40 men who would implement bonito fishing (USFEA 1944, 21). The commercial fishery was a Japanese industry developed for the benefit of the Japanese government and people (USFEA 1944, vii). Subsidies for Indigenous fishers amounted to just 0.02% from 1922-1937 (Purcell 1976, 207). A Marine Products Experiment Station was established in Palau in 1931 and was equipped to implement fisheries research, with surveys of tuna implemented across Micronesia with two vessels Suiho Maru (180 tons), and Haku Maru (10 tons) (Gillet 2007, 4; USFEA 1944, 20). Chuuk and Palau were the centres for this fishing industry with over 640 fishing vessels between them, and 4,750 predominantly Japanese, and Micronesians engaged in the industry in 1937. The pole-and-line bonito fishing vessels employed in the industry had distinctive features, with ‘angling racks extending around the entire outside of the bulwark, and in most cases they are detachable. Live-bait tanks are placed fore in some boats, aft in others’ (USFEA 1944, 8). Okinawan fishermen migrating to Chuuk commenced the fishing industry, and together with Palau and Saipan, the export value of bonito climbed substantially (Hezel 1995, 188; Kawashima 2008, 52) (Figure 3). A total of 23 factories implemented the drying and manufacturing process for export to Japan: eight in Chuuk, and seven in Palau, all operated by Nan’yō Kōhatsu Kaisha in 1933 (USFEA 1944, 15). In addition, two canneries were operating in 1937, one in Chuuk run by Nankō, and one in Palau, but only 50 of the 6,305 tonnes were processed into cans. Figure 3: ‘Memorial on Tonoas (formerly Dublon, and Natsushima) dedicated to the fishermen from Okinawa who died in Chuuk (Truk).’ Inscription reads ‘Tamashiro Shoei (玉城松榮) [and] Shoutokuhi (頌徳碑) [memorial]’. Photograph taken during U.S. General Robert Blake’s inspection on the island on October 4, 1945. Source: Okinawa Prefectural Archives. http://www2.archives.pref.okinawa.jp/opa/SearchPicsDetail2.aspx?pid=63260&kword=Truk 5 �Remains of land-based fishing-related activities, such as the docks, the drying factories and canneries, as well as the fishing vessels can be found throughout Micronesia. In Chuuk, the well-preserved remains of a pole-and-line fishing vessel, and several documented by Holly (1999, 2000, 2006) in the Marshall Islands are a legacy of this type of tuna fishing and a significant link to the present day profitable and sustainable tuna fishing industry (Figure 4). During World War II, both traditional Indigenous fishing and the profitable Japanese fishing industry essentially based on tuna greatly declined. Many fishing boats were adapted to serve in the Japanese military, with some being destroyed during the war together with the land-based facilities. Immediately following the war, the USA attempted to revive the tuna fishing industry, but resources were so badly damaged, and local people had such a minor role in the industry that it was not possible. A United Nations mission report to the Pacific Islands in the 1950s, partly blamed in a neocolonial tone, the characteristics of local people for the poor post-war economic advancement, in addition to ‘extensive transport requirements and a dearth of economic resources’ (United Nations Trusteeship Council 1950, 3). In the early 1950s, restrictions on Japanese vessels fishing in Micronesia were lifted and they resumed commercial fishing. In the 1960s both Japan and the U.S. established tuna bases throughout the Pacific Islands (Gillett 2007, vii). Since then, tuna fishing based on skipjack tuna, has now developed into a profitable and sustainable industry for the FSM, Palau, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, and Tuvalu. They have come together ‘to coordinate and harmonise the management of fisheries with regard to common stocks within the Fisheries Zones, for the benefit of their peoples…in the world’s largest sustainable tuna purse seine fishery’ as provided in the ‘Nauru Agreement’ (PNA (Parties of the Nauru Agreement) 2021). Figure 4: Photograph of the bowsprit of the Tonoas dock boat shipwreck, looking back along the vessel. Photograph by Bill Jeffery, 2006. 6 �CONCLUSIONS The most important value of the legacy of the Japanese in developing the tuna fishing industry is the well-regulated approach to research and management of the fishery. However, the Japanese commenced and pursued the industry for Japanese personnel and as a Japanese commercial endeavour with minimal support for Indigenous Micronesians. Fortunately, this has now changed with good local employment in the industry, and good revenue for Micronesians, although the Japanese still have the largest fleet of fishing vessels. From the time the commercial fishing industry in Micronesia commenced in 1922, when 16 tonnes of tuna were caught across greater Micronesia, the industry has developed where in 2020 a total of 174,476 tonnes of tuna (skipjack, yellowfin, bigeye and albacore) were caught in the FSM Economic Exclusion Zone (EEZ) alone (Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) 2020). The highest catch of tuna in the FSM EEZ was in 2017, with 272,580 tonnes. In 1937, there was a total of 644 vessels employed across greater Micronesia, and in 2020, it was 312 vessels (142 purse seiners; 149 long-liners; and 21 pole-and-line), of which 69 were FSM fishing vessels, and 243 foreign vessels (NORMA (National Oceanic Resource Management Authority) 2019). Modern day fishing vessels have got much larger, with the purse seiners ranging from a few hundred tonnes up to 1500+ tonnes; and the long-liners from 50-500+ tonnes. The World Wildlife Fund (2021) regard skipjack stocks as healthy, and ‘resilient, [but] could easily slip into a vulnerable state due to overfishing if improperly managed,’ a situation the fisheries managers are aware of through lowering the maximum catches and limiting the number of long-liners and purse seiners. This paper has briefly revealed a holistic maritime cultural landscape and seascape related to fishing over many centuries in the FSM. Traditional Indigenous fishing and the pre-World War II tuna fishing industry, all of which incorporate tangible cultural heritage, and intangible cultural heritage (living heritage), is a sea heritage reflecting a cultural identity of indigenous people. It is an important focus for maritime heritage/archaeological studies in Micronesia, and throughout Oceania. BIBLIOGRAPHY Amesbury, J.R. “Pelagic Fishing in the Mariana Archipelago: From the Prehistoric Period to the Present.” In Terra Australis 39 Prehistoric Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific Regions, edited by R. Ono, R, A. Morrison, and D. Addison, (2013): 33-58. Bellwood P. “Austronesian Prehistory in Southeast Asia: Homeland, Expansion and Transformation.” In The Austronesians, Historical and Comparative Perspectives, edited by P. Bellwood, J. Fox, and D. Tyron D., 103-118. Canberra: The Australian National University Press, 2006. Blust R. “Austronesian culture history: some linguistic inferences and their relations to the archaeological record.” World Archaeology 8, no.1 (1976): 19-43. Carson M. “Conclusions and Implications of Earliest Marianas Sites.” In: First Settlement of Remote Oceania, edited by M. Carson, 135-147. Springer Briefs in Archaeology, 2014 David, G. “The challenge of sustainability for Pacific Island village fisheries, a historical perspective.” In Fishers in the Pacific: the challenges of government and sustainability, edited by S. Pauwels, and E. Fache, 221-253. Marseille: Pacific-credo Publications, 2016. Driver, M.G. “Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora and his account of the Mariana Islands.” Journal of Pacific History 18, no. 3 (1983): 198-216. Gillett R A short history of industrial fishing in the Pacific Islands. RAP Publication 2007/22. Bangkok: Asia-Pacific Fishery Commission, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, 2007. Hezel F.X. Strangers in Their Own Land: A Century of Colonial Rule in the Caroline and Marshall Islands. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1995. Hilmi N., Bambridge T., Safa A., Quinquis B., and P. D’Arcy “Socioeconomic significance of fisheries in the Small Island Developing States: natural heritage or commodity?” In Fisheries of the Pacific: The challenges of governance and sustainability, edited by E. Fache E, and S. Pauwels, 175-197. Marseille: Pacific-credo Publications, 2016. 7 �Holly M.B. “Archaeological Survey and Inventory of Submerged Resources in the Lagoons of Majuro and Kwajalein Atoll.” Part II Kwajalein Report. Kwajalein Sites on the South and Eastern Sides of Kwajalein Atoll. Republic of the Marshall Islands: Historic Preservation Office, 1999. Holly M.B. “Archaeological Survey and Inventory of Submerged Cultural Resources in the Lagoons of Majuro and Atoll.” Republic of the Marshall Islands: Historic Preservation Office, 2000. Holly M.B. “Submerged Cultural and Historic Resources of Maloelap Atoll, Marshall Islands.” Micronesian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5, No. 1/2 (2006): 162-200. Jeffery B “Tidal Stone-Walled Fish Weirs in Asia-Pacific: An Austronesian Cultural Identity and its Relevance in Marine Ecology Conservation.” In An Archaeology of Human Resilience: Sustainability in Indigenous Island Societies edited by S. Fitzpatrick, J. Erlandson and K.Gill University Press of Florida, (In Prep). Jeffery B, Perrin M. Yamafune, K. “From small beginnings to a leading world industry: the connection of Micronesian underwater cultural heritage with its Tuna fishing industry.” J Mari Arch (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-023-09352-9 Jeffery B. “Reviving community spirit: furthering the sustainable, historical and economic role of fish weirs and traps.” J Mari Arch, no. 8 (2013): 29-57 Jeffery, B., & Pitmag W. “The aech of Yap: A survey of sites and their histories.” Unpublished report. Yap: Yap State Historic Preservation Office, 2010. Kawashima A. “Teikokushi Kenkyu to Okinawa Shusshin Nanyo Imin: Okinawa to Iu Genba Kara.” Komazawa Shigaku, no. 71 (2008): 48-69. Kirch P. “Peopling of the Pacific: A Holistic Anthropological Perspective.” Annual Rev. Anthropology, no. 39 (2010): 131-148. Merlin M. “Documenting fishing practices.” SPC Women in Fishing Information Bulletin, no. 11 (2002): 27-31. www.iclarm.org/Pubs/Wif/pub_wifglobal.htm check URL National Oceanic Resource Management Authority (NORMA) “Annual Report 2017-2019.” 2019. https://www.norma.fm/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/NORMA-Annual-Report-2017-2019-FINAL.pdf Accessed 2 October 2021 Parties of the Nauru Agreement (PNA) “Nauru Agreement.” 2021 https://www.pnatuna.com/index.php/content/nauru-agreement Accessed 2 October 2021 Purcell D.C. “The Economics of Exploitation: The Japanese in the Mariana, Caroline and Marshall Islands, 1915-1940.” The Journal of Pacific History, 11, no. 3 (1976): 189-211 Rauchholz M. “Resources, boundaries and governance: What future for marine resources in Micronesia?” In Fisheries of the Pacific: The challenges of governance and sustainability. edited by E. Fache E, and S. Pauwels, 49-76. Marseille: Pacific-credo Publications, 2016. Spriggs M. “Oceania: Lapita Migration.” The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration, (2013): 1-6. Wiley-Blackwell https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm839 Accessed 11 October 2021 United Nations Trusteeship Council (U.N.TC) “Major Problems of Administration in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands.” NARA Record Group No. 313, Washington, NARA, 1950. United States Foreign Economic Administration (USFEA) “Civil Affairs Guide. The Fishing Industry of the Japanese Mandated Islands.” OPNAV P22-20, US Chief of Naval Operation, 1944. Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) “Annual Report to the Commission: Part 1: Information on Fisheries, Research and Statistics.” 2020. https://meetings.wcpfc.int/node/11601 Accessed 2 October 2021. World Wildlife Fund (WWF) “Skipjack Tuna.” 2021 https://www.worldwildlife.org/species/skipjack-tuna Accessed 8 September 2021. Personal Communications William Pitmag, former Yap State Historic Preservation Office Technical Officer 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 16: The significance of Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Seascapes and Living Heritage in Oceania Subject The topic of the resource Session 16 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 16 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A history and archaeology of fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia Description An account of the resource Tuna fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is currently a sustainable and profitable fishing industry and part of the leading world tuna fishing industry in the western Pacific. This paper will outline how the FSM got to this position and what related tangible and intangible heritage exists today. It begins with how indigenous people from the region implemented their fishing practices, using techniques that were implemented in balance and harmony with their marine environment. When Japan colonised the region, they were aware of the rich marine resources, proclaiming Micronesia had about ‘one-tenth of the total known fish in the world’. In 1918 they enthusiastically began to develop a fishing industry, which included exploiting shellfish, beche de mer, mackerel, different species of tuna, and skipjack tuna that became the dominant species exploited, for the benefit of Japanese people and the Japanese economy. However, local people in Micronesia were not actively encouraged to be part of this industry. The Japanese established a research station and imposed several regulations in how the industry should be developed and implemented. This activity occurred pre-World War II, and during the war many of the fishing vessels were converted to assist in the war effort, then lost during the war. Following World War II, the U.S. attempted to revive the tuna fishing industry in association with local people, having limited success, but today tuna is the FSM’s top export, and part of a sustainable billion-dollar industry that provides benefits to local people. Coupled with the extensive tangible and intangible heritage of indigenous fishing before Japanese times, a holistic picture of the cultural landscape and seascape associated with fishing will be provided in this paper. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bill Jeffery Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Jeffery, Bill . 2023. “A history and archaeology of fishing in the Federated States of Micronesia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2029 Asia-Pac Session 16 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/4f65c347d4d34c5a643fb6a716dfff1e.mp4 a31142eecf6737ee0a455b0ab9f27142 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 16: The significance of Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Seascapes and Living Heritage in Oceania Subject The topic of the resource Session 16 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 16 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Moving Image A series of visual representations that, when shown in succession, impart an impression of motion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An interview with Hans Van Tilburg - Chair of Session 16: The significance of Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Seascapes and Living Heritage in Oceania Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hans Van Tilburg Michelle Damian Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource MP4 Language A language of the resource English Asia-Pac Session 16 2023