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                    <text>The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto and the galleon shipwrecks
in Ticao Pass, Central Philippines
Catherine E. Villamor (Graduate student, University of the Philippines, School of Archaeology)
ABSTRACT
During the Spanish colonial period, European explorers noted that Ticao Island in the Central Philippines was the
source of water, wood, and other galleon provisions. Hence, the Port of San Jacinto in Ticao was one of the last
ports the galleons touched before sailing into the Pacific, and vice versa. Ticao Pass is the graveyard of galleons
such as Encarnación (1649) and Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726) to the east of the island. Through the years, local
histories have been written about the island's glorious past as a galleon port. However, only a little archaeology
has been done on this subject. Thus, this study aims to report the status of the archaeological research on Ticao’s
role in the galleon trade. This paper charts relevant historical sites, i.e., potential archaeological sites, for future
reconnaissance. The resources available to conduct the work include ethnohistorical data, archival maps, maritime
charts, archaeological reports, site discovery forms, and artefacts. These resources are deemed ample to illustrate
the maritime cultural landscape of the Port of San Jacinto, the underwater archaeology of the galleon shipwrecks
in Ticao Pass, and the lasting impact of galleon trade in the island, especially in the town of San Jacinto.
Keywords: Ticao, Port of San Jacinto, galleon trade, galleon shipwrecks
List of Figures
Figure 1. Locational map of San Jacinto, Ticao Island and Ticao Pass - Murillo-Velarde map (1734)
Figure 2. The location of the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass
Figure 3. Maritime Cultural Landscape of Port San Jacinto Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1815)
Figure 4. a. Reproduction of Cosme Bertodano’s Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792); b—Plan &amp; View of
St. Jacinto on Ticao (1763); and c. Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792)

INTRODUCTION
The history of Ticao Island in Central Philippines (Figure 1) is primarily intertwined with maritime
traditions. In the Spanish colonial period, Ticao Pass was part of the treacherous route of the ManilaAcapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1812 CE) known as the Embocadero or the Paso de Acapulco (Schurz
1939). So, the Port of San Jacinto on this island ‘was celebrated for it served as a harbour for the famed
galleons’ (Montero 1886, 338). It was also the source of water and wood; thus, it was the last port the
galleons touched before sailing to the Pacific (Careri 1983).
This paper investigates the extent of archaeological research on the role of Ticao Island and Ticao Pass
in the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. It reviews the underwater archaeology done on the galleon
shipwrecks in Ticao Pass. The study also illustrates the maritime cultural landscape of the galleon port
of San Jacinto from archival maps, nautical charts, and ethnohistorical accounts, which could be
investigated archaeologically. Ultimately, this work discusses the lasting impact of the galleon trade on
Ticao Island, especially in San Jacinto.

1

�Figure 1. Locational map of San Jacinto, Ticao Island and Ticao Pass [Satellite image: ESRI World Imagery] in relation
to the route of Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade as shown in the Murillo-Velarde map (1734), the overview map on this
figure [Source: Library of Congress]

METHODS
Library and archival research were conducted to gather historical and archaeological data that are
relevant to the roles of Ticao in the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. This research also involves
georeferencing archival maps published from 1565 to 1815 and geotagging relevant placenames and
spatial references from ethnohistorical accounts using QGIS version 3.28.2. Some ethnohistorical

2

�sources are not directly linked to the galleon trade but apply to the maritime traditions in Ticao Island
within its period, such as indigenous warfare, sea piracy, and slave raiding.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
According to Schurz (1939), from Cavite on Manila Bay, the galleons passed through the Embocadero
towards San Bernardino Strait. However, storms would often coincide with the voyage, hence ‘galleons
were… frequently becalmed for days’ (La Follette and Deur 2018, 169) and were ‘always delayed at
San Jacinto on Ticao, or some other port in the vicinity’ (Schurz 1939, 222).
The Galleon Shipwrecks in Ticao Pass
Since Ticao Pass is part of the galleon trade route, it became the graveyard of galleons and other vessels
during the Spanish colonial period. Some of the galleons that were wrecked in this passage were Nuestra
Señora de la Encarnación (1649 CE), Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726 CE), San Cristóbal (1733 CE),
Magallanes (1793 CE), and San Andrés (1798 CE) (Philippine Commission of Independence 1923;
Schurz 1939; Warren 2012) (Figure 2). In the past thirty years, at least two of those galleons have been
investigated archaeologically, namely Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación (1649 CE) and Santo Cristo
de Burgos (1726 CE). Jago-on and Orillaneda first discussed the investigations of Encarnación and
Santo Cristo de Burgos in the essay ‘Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the
Philippines’ (2019).
Encarnación
On its way to Manila, on 5 October 1649, Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación was struck by a typhoon
near Bulan, Sorsogon. This maritime tragedy is attributed to Encarnación’s late departure from
Acapulco. Two hundred passengers died, and all its cargo was sunk along with the galleon (Warren
2012, 195).
On 28 November to 10 December 1985, the National Museum of the Philippines investigated the
possible wreck of Encarnación. According to them, it was located approximately 1.5 kilometres westnorthwest of Bulan. Their team could not recover the ceramics and other cargoes of the galleons. On
the other hand, they found ‘the double wall sidings of a wooden ship, the base of its mast, a probable
cannon with heavy encrustations and a large piece of heavily rusted iron’ (Cuevas 1985, 1).
An archaeological excavation was conducted from 28 December 1985 to 22 January 1986, where the
team exposed wooden planks and ballast stones. However, due to strong currents, the team ceased the
excavations ‘temporarily’ for their safety (Malones 1986, 1-2). Based on the available records, the
wreck of Encarnación has not been re-excavated since then.

3

�Figure 2. The location of the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass

Santo Cristo de Burgos
The Acapulco-bound Santo Cristo de Burgos was hit by a typhoon near the shores of Ticao Island on
23 July 1726 CE. The galleon was described as a ‘500-ton fully laden vessel with a valuable cargo and
unspecified number of passengers and more than 250 sailors. The only casualty of this tragedy was the
ship’s master of the galley (Fish 2011, 508). However, while the, ‘crew and the passengers escaped…
the cargo was mysteriously burned’ (Schurz 1939). Therefore, this maritime disaster underwent severe
scrutiny from the Spanish authorities, who received tons of charges from aggrieved merchants (Schurz
1939, 260). They discovered that the galleon sunk during the storm because it was not anchored in its
usual anchorage in the Port of San Jacinto. In October 1726 CE, the investigation committee concluded
that the captain, chief pilot, and six officers were guilty of the loss of the galleon and its cargo. They
were imprisoned, and the government seized their properties to compensate the aggrieved parties (Fish
2011).
The National Museum of the Philippines surveyed the possible Santo Cristo de Burgos wreck site in
July 1985. This underwater survey was mentioned and charted by Conese in the article ‘Underwater
Archaeology in the Philippines’ (1989). The wreck, first discovered by a fisherman, is about 4.5
kilometres north of the Port of San Jacinto. Based on the survey form, they recovered tradeware sherds,
earthenware sherds, and glass bottle pieces. Three anchors were also taken ashore, one of which was 15
feet long.
From April to May 2004, the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology, Inc. (FEFNA) launched
the Santo Cristo Archaeological Exploration Project in San Fernando, approximately 10 kilometres
south of the Port of San Jacinto. The artefacts recovered included an iron ring, a shell artefact, and
ceramics (Alba 2004). It is important to note that the area FEFNA explored is about 14 kilometres from
the San Jacinto Wreck Site. Moreover, the report for this exploration project did not reference the San
Jacinto Wreck Site, which was first considered as the possible wreck site of Santo Cristo de Burgos.

4

�The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Galleon Port of San Jacinto

Figure 3. The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto during
the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1815 CE)

According to Westerdahl (2011, 735), ‘The occurrence of historic shipwrecks must have relied on a
logistic network of the past which could be recorded in the same process’. Currently, the galleon port
of San Jacinto has not been investigated archaeologically. Hence, archival maps and ethnohistorical
accounts were reviewed to illustrate its maritime cultural landscape during the Manila-Acapulco
Galleon Trade.
Westerdahl (1992, 6) defines maritime cultural landscape as ‘the whole network of sailing routes, old
as well as new, with ports and harbours along the coast, and its related constructions and remains of
human activity, underwater as well as terrestrial’. In the Port of San Jacinto, this network includes places
that are relevant to maritime activities (e.g., trade, shipbuilding, and piracy), such as sources of
provisions, docks, ports, shipyards, and fortifications (Figure 3). These landmarks were geotagged
based on the Bertodano 1792 CE map (Figure 4a) and ethnohistorical sources.
In the late 1600s, Italian adventurer Gemelli Careri notes in his travel accounts that San Jacinto was a
‘good port with the conveniency of fresh water and wood and is, therefore, the last land the ships bound
for New Spain touch at’ (Careri 1983, 42). Based on the Dalrymple 1763 CE map (Figure 4b) and the
notes on the Bertodano 1792 CE map (Figure 4c), the most accessible source of freshwater for the
vessels (such as the galleons) was the river northeast of the Punta de Bodega called Aguada. The other
sources were the tributaries of the Estero de Santa Rosa. There were also two wells on both sides of the
bay.

5

�Figure 4. a. Reproduction of the Cosme Bertodano’s Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792) by Príncipe de la Paz; b.
Plan &amp; View of St. Jacinto on Ticao (1763) by Alexander Dalrymple; and c. Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792)
by Cosme Bertodano [Sources: Biblioteca Nacional de España and Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid]

6

�On the other hand, the wood was probably acquired from the ‘hillocky’ cove on both sides of the
anchorage (See Figure 3b). In particular, the Patag, east of Población, was the area where hardwoods
such as Ipil (Intsia bijuga), Barayong (Afzelia rhomboidea), and Hamorawon (Vitex parviflora) were
sourced during the Spanish colonial period (Merillo 1981). Due to its proximity to the port, it was
probably also the source of wood for the galleons.
In addition, along the Port of San Jacinto, there were places relevant to the prosaic maritime activities.
To the east of the Punta de San Juan was a ‘historical beach’ where small indigenous watercraft such
as banca (small dugout boat) and cumpit (fishing vessel) docked. In addition, based on the local history,
Sitio Fabrica near Rondajan was a dockyard for bancas and ships (Merillo 1981). Interestingly, the Real
Astillero de Mobo on the island of Masbate was located at Barangay Fabrica (Non 1993; Pelorina 2015).
It is important to note that in the Spanish colonial period, ships and other vessels were built in the
Philippine archipelago to facilitate fishing, transportation, and trade and were instrumental in fighting
against sea pirates and slave raiders (Non 1993). In San Jacinto, inhabitants ‘rode small bancas
pretending to be fishing within the town's bay and outside the bay's mouth, which would distract the
entrance of sea pirates’ (Merillo 1981, 45). A round-the-clock patrol was also done on land in Rondajan,
and because of the rampant piracy, ‘In 1701 a formal union of the settlers was formed with the end in
view to protect themselves from the Moro marauders’ (Almodal 1953, 2). This marked the birth of the
Población (settlement) in the Port of San Jacinto.
Aside from building houses, the inhabitants built ‘more and better fortifications’ (Almodal 1953, 2).
Cannons were installed in several areas, such as the Garita Rock (Spanish for ‘sentry box’), the
Bagalayag Rock (probably near the Punta de Bodega), and the Binantayan Rock (also known as
Binantayan Point) (Merillo 1981). Watch posts (vernacular: bantai/bantay/bantayan) were also
established in strategic points such as the Punta de Tajiran, Punta de Binantayan, and Punta Lagan.
Moreover, two watch posts were installed on Bantayan hills. There, the sentinels would blow their
balalong (hollowed tree trunk) or bodiong (carabao horn or conch) to warn the inhabitants of the
incoming raiders (Morado 1953; Barrun 1953; Mallari 1989). More importantly, guards were assigned
to the fortress and the church, which served as the primary refuge for the inhabitants amidst intrusions
(Merillo 1981).
These defence structures protected the inhabitants from the indigenous sea pirates but also against Dutch
and British intruders. In 1646 CE, the bay of San Jacinto was the venue of one of the skirmishes of the
Battle of La Naval de Manila between the Spanish fleet and the Dutch squadron. On 22 June 1646 CE,
a sentinel reported seven Dutch warships approaching the waters of San Jacinto. A day later, the Dutch
forces attempted to seize the Garita Rock to ambush two galleons. However, they were vanquished by
the local and Spanish forces. As a result, the Dutch seized the Port of San Jacinto until 24 July 1646
CE. More than a century later, during the British Occupation of Manila (1762-1764 CE), one of the
ships of the British fleet attempted to anchor in the Port of San Jacinto but received cannon fire from
the fortress. On 20 December 1797 CE, the inhabitants of the Población fled after they were warned of
the atrocities of some British entities. These intruders were demanding foodstuffs, cattle, and
freshwater. When the Spanish and local authorities refused to give in, the intruders fired at the church
with ammunition before finally leaving the port (Gerona 2012).
The other ports in Ticao Island during the galleon trade
Based on the Murillo-Velarde Map (Figure 1), the galleons usually anchored on the Port of Ticao
(present-day San Fernando). It was approximately 10 kilometres south of the Port of San Jacinto.
Another anchorage lies on the northernmost tip of the island, known as the Port of San Miguel. It was
probably a port of call during the galleon trade since the galleons were ‘turning ENE around the Punta
de San Miguel and the Punta del Diablo [both in San Miguel]; [before] coasting around the east side of
Ticao to the anchorage at San Jacinto’ (Schurz 1939, 222).

7

�The Impact of the Galleon Trade on Ticao Island and San Jacinto
When the Spanish arrived, Ticao Island had sporadic communities with trading and burial traditions
(See Evangelista and Paniza 1962). Its centre was also named Ticao (present-day San Fernando).
According to local history, Ticao became a pueblo in 1701 CE (Merillo 1980). However, unlike the
galleon port of San Jacinto, protected by a fortress and at least five watch posts, Ticao was virtually
defenceless. As a result, that town was easily crushed by Iranun slave raiders in 1757 CE (Warren 2002).
After the atrocities, ‘All the inhabitants of Ticao Island were re-concentrated in the port of San Jacinto’
(Dery 1986, 160). By 1804 CE, San Jacinto was established as the new and only town on Ticao Island
(De la Cavada 1876, 262).
More than two centuries later, San Jacinto remains a quaint town with a seaport and various fish ports.
Its past as a galleon port is immortalised in its church. Now called the Church of the Santo Cristo de
Burgos, this parish used to house the relic of Jesus Christ that was saved from the burning galleon Santo
Cristo (Gerona 2012, 78). Moreover, the galleon Santo Cristo's tragedy has been integrated into the oral
tradition of San Jacinto, which has been passed down in the community for almost three centuries.
In terms of resources, the southwest tip of Estero de Sta. Rosa (now the Tutuban River) in the Bertodano
1792 CE map (Figure 3c) is still the source of freshwater in the village of Tutuban. Its tributary pointing
to the south is now a fishpond in Pararatngan, leading to Cueva in Burgos's village, ‘the source of the
water system in San Jacinto’ (Espares 1953, 6).
Lastly, the galleon trade and the Dutch and British intrusions made the port (and later the port town) of
San Jacinto cosmopolitan. Hence, it has been passed down through oral tradition and local history that
some Dutch, English, Portuguese, and Spanish crewmembers of the frigates and other vessels, such as
the galleons, intermarried with the town’s inhabitants (Magdaraog 1968.; Merillo 1981). In particular,
the ‘original families’ in the village of Tutuban, where the freshwater for the galleon was acquired,
‘were of mixed breed—Spanish, Dutch, and English’ (Villamor c. 1953, 1).

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                <text>The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto and the galleon shipwrecks&#13;
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                <text>During the Spanish colonial period, European explorers noted that Ticao Island in the Central Philippines was the&#13;
source of water, wood, and other galleon provisions. Hence, the Port of San Jacinto in Ticao was one of the last&#13;
ports the galleons touched before sailing into the Pacific, and vice versa. Ticao Pass is the graveyard of galleons&#13;
such as Encarnación (1649) and Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726) to the east of the island. Through the years, local&#13;
histories have been written about the island's glorious past as a galleon port. However, only a little archaeology&#13;
has been done on this subject. Thus, this study aims to report the status of the archaeological research on Ticao’s&#13;
role in the galleon trade. This paper charts relevant historical sites, i.e., potential archaeological sites, for future&#13;
reconnaissance. The resources available to conduct the work include ethnohistorical data, archival maps, maritime&#13;
charts, archaeological reports, site discovery forms, and artefacts. These resources are deemed ample to illustrate&#13;
the maritime cultural landscape of the Port of San Jacinto, the underwater archaeology of the galleon shipwrecks&#13;
in Ticao Pass, and the lasting impact of galleon trade in the island, especially in the town of San Jacinto.&#13;
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                <text>Catherine E. Villamor</text>
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                <text> Villamor, Catherine E.. 2023. “The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto and the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass, Central Philippines.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Jose L Casaban. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1959</text>
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                    <text>Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon
Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines
Joan Quincy Lingao1, Eduardo Corona-M.2, Grace Barretto-Tesoro1, Patrick Roberts3,4, Maricar
Belarmino5, Mary Jane Louise Bolunia5, Bobby Orillaneda5, Leee Anthony Neri1, Victor Paz1,
Noel Amano3,6, Juan Rofes1,5,7
1

School of Archaeology, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101, Philippines.
Centro INAH Morelos &amp; Seminario Relaciones Hombre-Fauna, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
México.
3
isoTROPIC Research Group, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745
Jena, Germany.
4
School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Australia.
5
National Museum of the Philippines, P. Burgos Drive, City of Manila 1000, Philippines.
6
Zooarchaeology Research Group, Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745 Jena,
Germany
7
Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique : Sociétés, Pratiques et Environnements (AASPE, UMR 7209), CNRS/MNHN,
CP56, 55 rue Buffon, 75005, Paris, France.
2

ABSTRACT
After the discovery of the tornaviaje, or return trip to New Spain (Mexico), numerous galleons sailed from the
Philippines to Mexico and back again for nearly two and a half centuries (1565–1815 CE). The Manila Galleon
Trade played a major role in solidifying a maritime trade network between East and Southeast Asia and the
Americas during the Spanish colonial period, stimulating the introduction of plants and animals that had major
ramifications for the environments, economies, and societies of the Philippines. However, formal archaeological
analyses of animal remains from the Spanish colonial period remain limited. Most studies related to the Manila
Galleon Trade focus on shipbuilding, tradeware ceramics, and plants. Historical accounts have provided clues as
to what animals may have been introduced to the Philippines during the Manila Galleon Trade and how they were
integrated into the local economy and society. Demonstrating these introductions archaeologically is nevertheless
an ongoing effort. By undertaking zooarchaeological research (study of faunal materials), we seek to improve the
level of detail about the animals that arrived on Philippine shores during this time period. We recommend that
extending the study of the Manila Galleon Trade to explore its impact on the landscape and culture of the
Philippines will yield novel insights to animal translocations, animal husbandry practices, land-use, and changes
in dietary preferences during the Spanish colonial period.
Keywords: Galleon Trade, zooarchaeology, maritime archaeology, underwater archaeology, Spanish colonial
period
List of Figures
Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations.
Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck
Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia ruins

INTRODUCTION
The Philippines was under Spanish rule for more than 300 years (1565–1898 CE), and this period
witnessed major changes in the economies (e.g., Legarda 1999), cultures (e.g., Dakudao 1992; BarrettoTesoro 2015), and landscapes (e.g., Amano et al. 2021; Findley et al. 2022) of the Philippines. After
Ferdinand Magellan reached the Philippines in 1521 CE (Field 2006), Spain had sent several expeditions
to the archipelago, with an initial goal of penetrating the spice trade in Southeast Asia (Iaccarino 2011).
These expeditions saw an already existing maritime trade network between China (as well as other
1

�southeast and east Asian regions) and some islands in the Philippines, highlighting the benefits of a trade
network with China to European colonizers (Blair and Robertson 1903). By the 1570s, Spanish explorers
led by Miguel López de Legazpi headed to Manila and designated it as the capital of its new colony of
the Spanish East Indies (Iaccarino 2011). Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, one of the members of López de
Legazpi’s expedition, also successfully mapped the tornaviaje, or the eastbound return trip to Mexico,
which shortened the voyage from the Philippines to the Americas. This ushered the beginning of the
Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade: a 250-year (1565–1815 CE) trans-Pacific maritime trade network that
bridged together the two Spanish colonies (Legarda 1999; Reyes 2017).
Archival records provide accounts of faunal introductions to the Philippines through the Manila Galleon
Trade (Morga 1609; Iaccarino 2011; Javellana 2015). The thriving maritime trade in the Philippines at
that time, particularly in Manila, not only welcomed plants and animals from New Spain (Mexico) but
also from other East and Southeast Asian countries such as China and Cambodia (Alcina 1668; Legarda
1999; Javellana 2015; Amano et al. 2021). Animal husbandry practices and incorporation of the
introduced taxa into the local diet were present in the archival records as well (Alcina 1668; Javellana
2015; Doeppers 2016). However, formal archaeological studies on these topics are limited.
The historical archaeology of the Spanish occupation of the Philippines has tended to focus on buildings
(e.g., churches and stone-based houses), shipyards, and tradeware (Barretto-Tesoro 2015; 2021; Jagoon and Orillaneda 2019). In contrast, there are limited zooarchaeological studies covering this period,
including the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (Amano et al. 2021). The information provided by
archival records only offers glimpses of the past, sometimes with conflicting accounts from different
historical documents (Morga 1609; Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a). Direct analysis of archaeological
materials, especially animal remains, will not only complement and contrast archival records but may
also provide new insights not explicitly indicated in historical documents (Amano et al. 2021).
Zooarchaeological studies in general can offer inferences on the interaction of humans with their
environment (Reitz and Wing 2008). Incorporating zooarchaeology within an historical framework will
add to our current understanding of the historical archaeology of the Manila Galleon Trade and its legacy
in the maritime trade networks in Asia during the Spanish occupation of the Philippines. Formal
zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains also serves as preparation for future in-depth analysis of
animal remains using biomolecular approaches such as stable isotope analysis and ancient DNA (e.g.,
Guiry et al. 2015; Díaz-Lameiro et al. 2022), which can contribute to improving the resolution of our
inferences regarding animal translocation, husbandry practices, and land use during the Spanish colonial
period.

SELECTED HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF ANIMAL TRANSLOCATION TO THE
PHILIPPINES
Several historical accounts of the early Spanish colonial period have mentioned various animals that
were translocated to the Philippines. Antonio de Morga noted large scale cattle farms reared in several
parts of the archipelago, with breeds coming from China and New Spain. In addition, he mentioned other
animals and their introduction to the Philippines: ‘There are no ewes or rams, for though frequently
brought from New Spain, they never increase because so far the climate and pasturage seem unsuitable.
There were neither horses, mares nor asses in these islands until the Spaniards had them brought over
from China and New Spain’ (Morga 1609, 255). However, there may have been horses already present
in the Philippines before the colonial introductions, especially in Mindanao (Bankoff 2004; Amano et
al. 2021). Morga also mentioned that ‘tame buffaloes, geese like swans in appearance; horses, mules,
and donkeys, even caged birds some of which talk, while other sing, and make them play lots of tricks’
(Morga 1609, 306) were brought to the Philippines from China before loading them into the galleons
bound for Acapulco.
2

�Similarly, Fr. Ignacio Francisco Alcina (or Alzina), a Jesuit friar who recorded a detailed natural history
of the Visayas in the seventeenth century (Arcilla 1996), recorded that several animals were brought to
the Philippines during the early Spanish colonial period, likely via the Galleon Trade. Some of the
animals include cattle, goats, donkeys, and horses. He also mentioned how some of these animals were
not readily accepted by the people in the islands and how some did not survive in their new environment.
Alcina also mentioned that the cattle from New Spain interbred with those from China (Alcina 1668).
Doeppers (2016, 137) mentioned that the “local breed of horse evolved in the archipelago in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from larger imported stock and, though small, was well adapted to
the available forage supply”. The resulting breed was described as medium-sized, strong, vigorous, and
hard workers (Bankoff 2004). This is in comparison to those from China, which Morga described as
“small, strong, long steppers, but treacherous, vicious and ill conditioned” (Morga 1609, 255).

RESEARCH FRAMEWORK
The initial objective of this study was to identify the animal taxa present in colonial sites and infer from
the faunal assemblages the taxa that could have been translocated to the Philippines, based on available
historical data and chronological information. With this goal in mind, faunal remains from the 2020
Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) of the Intendencia Ruins, Intramuros, Manila (Paz et al. 2020)
and some bones from the 1992 and 1993 excavations of the San Diego wreck (Desroches, Casal, and
Goddio 1996) were examined. Skeletal elements with diagnostic features were identified to the highest
taxonomic level using the available comparative reference collection at the University of the Philippines
School of Archaeology (UPSA) Zooarchaeology Laboratory, atlases, and online databases (e.g.,
“Anthro - Dynamic Imaging Engine” n.d.; “Digital Resource Platform for Archaeozoology” n.d.;
Cornwall 1956; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985; O’Connor 2000; Reitz and Wing 2008).
To improve the resolution of the taxonomic identification, measurements of diagnostic features (Driesch
1976; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985) were also taken using a digital calliper, and the summarised
values were compared with those in the literature. In cases of limited features that can be used to identify
a specimen, taxonomic identification was performed to the genus, or at least the family, level. The faunal
remains were also subject to in-depth taphonomic examination to identify the presence of anthropogenic
modifications (e.g., cut marks, chop marks, and burning). The specific taphonomic features were
compared with those from the collection in the UPSA Zooarchaeology Laboratory as well as those
available in atlases and other literature (e.g., Behrensmeyer 1978; Fernández-Jalvo and Andrews 2016).

3

�CASE STUDIES

Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations. (Left) Map of the Philippines. (Inset) The San Diego wreck and
Intendencia ruins are marked with a yellow pin.

San Diego Wreck (Nasugbu, Batangas, Philippines)
The San Diego wreck site is located northeast of Fortune Island, off the coast of Nasugbu, Batangas
(Figure 1). San Diego was initially a merchant ship that was retrofitted into a warship during the battle
against the Dutch led by Oliver van Noort in December 1600. The San Diego was commanded by
Antonio de Morga, whose accounts of the event were scrutinized for their inaccuracy and exaggeration
(Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a; 1996b).
An initial survey and exploration were conducted in 1991 to determine the site of the wreck, as there
were contradicting historical accounts as to the approximate location where the vessel sunk (Dizon 1993;
Goddio 1996a). The first phase of the excavation was undertaken in 1991 followed by the recording of
the ship hull in 1993. The diving activities were headed by Franck Goddio with the supervision of the
National Museum of the Philippines, who did the accessioning, cataloguing, inventory, and recording
of the archaeological materials recovered. Hundreds of ceramics (in the form of dishes, plates, bottles,
pots, and jars), some cannons and muskets, navigational instruments, silver coins, two anchors, and
many bone fragments were recovered from this site (Ronquillo 1993; Cuevas 1996).
For this study, a fraction of the animal remains from the San Diego wreck were accessed from the
repository of the National Museum of Anthropology. Of the reported 2,727 skeletal remains (combined
number of animal and human bones), only 44 were accessed and confirmed as animal bones; some of
the animal bones were fragmented and commingled with human bones, which made it difficult to sort
them, while some of the bones may have been stored elsewhere.
Among the bones analysed, 14 were pig bone fragments (Figure 2A), likely from the species Sus scrofa.
The third lower molar (Figure 2A, topmost) is a good anatomical feature for identifying this species
(Ingicco et al. 2017). The bovines in the assemblage were entirely represented by rib fragments (Figure
2B). Interestingly, anthropogenic modifications in the form of cut and chop marks (Figure 2B, arrows)
were mostly observed on these bones, suggesting that bovines may have been butchered before they
were loaded onto the galleon. The meat from the butchered animals was usually preserved in either brine
or salt and then stored in barrels or jars (Guiry et al. 2015; Migaud 2011). Aside from pig and bovine
bones, chicken (Gallus gallus) bones were also present in the faunal assemblage of the San Diego.
Complete long bones of these birds were recovered from the site, with abrasions of the epiphyseal ends
being observed due to the preservation underwater.
4

�Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck. (A) Pig skeletal remains, likely Sus scrofa (not necessarily from
the same individual): (from top to bottom of panel A) a left mandible fragment with an intact third lower molar (m3),
a humerus distal end, and a thoracic vertebra. (B) A bovine rib fragment with chop marks (arrows) at the sternal end.
(C) A complete chicken (Gallus gallus) femur.

Given the limited number of bones available from the original collection, it is difficult to make further
inferences regarding the site. In the reports from the San Diego wreck survey and excavation, Secuya
(1993) and Migaud and Pérez (in Veyrat 1996) provided insights into life on board the San Diego based
on historical records and the initial analysis of the faunal remains from the site. According to the list of
provisions for the San Diego, which consisted of live chickens and preserved pork and beef, there was
a “certain predilection for pork hams, sides of beef, and chicken drumstick” (Veyrat 1996, 174). The
presence of live chickens, specifically laying hens, was demonstrated by the presence of remains of a
chick and eggshells, the major cortical ossification of certain long bones, as well as the accounts of the
battle (Veyrat 1996). However, the initial zooarchaeological analyses focused only on the life on board
the ship and did not provide possible explanations on the source of these animals (i.e., whether they were
raised in the vicinity of the port, or transported from nearby provinces) and any clues on animal
husbandry practices of that time (Migaud 2011; Veyrat 1996). More information regarding the origin of
these animals may be generated using biomolecular approaches such as ancient DNA and stable isotope
analyses.

Intendencia Ruins (Intramuros, City of Manila)
Not all shipwrecks will yield faunal remains for systematic zooarchaeological analysis. Aside from the
San Diego wreck, other underwater excavations in the Philippines recovered mostly ceramics and
metals, with almost no mention of faunal remains (Jago-on and Orillaneda 2019). Aside from the
difficulty in recovering and collecting animal bones underwater, they may not always be preserved
because they can be significantly eroded by tides and sea currents and are often used as substrate by
certain aquatic organisms (Migaud 2011). In addition, faunal remains from shipwrecks may not
necessarily represent the animals meant as livestock, but food rations and supplies of the passengers of
the galleon. Thus, it is also necessary to investigate inland and coastal sites to expand our understanding
of animal translocations and integration of introduced taxa to Philippine landscapes.
5

�In December 2020, an AIA was done on the Intendencia building inside Intramuros (Figure 1) to guide
the reconstruction and development plan of the National Archives of the Philippines. Intendencia, or a
building for offices, is a structure inside the Intramuros of Manila initially built as an aduana (customs
house) in the nineteenth century. The excavation revealed some artefacts from the nineteenth century
such as ceramic sherds, tiles, metal implements, coins, and faunal remains (Paz et al. 2020).
The Intendencia Ruins faunal assemblage consists of several animal taxa including pig, cattle, buffalo,
dog, and chicken. Furthermore, bones recovered from this site include a right tibiotarsus belonging to a
wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) (Figure 3A). Currently, there is only limited evidence of an early
introduction of turkey in the Philippines prior to the American period. Several turkey bone fragments
were excavated from an AIA in Sta. Ana, Manila, although these were likely modern based on the
associated materials in the sediment layer (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2018). The discovery of a much older
turkey bone from a nineteenth century site suggests an earlier introduction of this animal to the
Philippines, possibly from the Americas which is considered the center of domestication for this bird
taxa (Manin et al. 2018). The presence of cut marks (not shown in the figure) suggests consumption of
this animal as early as the nineteenth century (Doeppers 2016).

Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia Ruins. (A) Right tibiotarsus of a turkey (Meleagris gallopavo). (B) A
bovine tibia with chop marks (arrows).

The abundance of bovine bones, either from cattle (Bos taurus) or water buffaloes (Bubalus bubalis),
was also observed in the faunal assemblage of the Intendencia Ruins. Evidence of butchery such as cut
and chop marks (Figure 3B, arrows) on the bovine bones was also recorded. However, it is yet to be
elucidated whether these animals were reared within or in the vicinity of Intramuros, or were supplied
from nearby provinces such as Batangas and Laguna (Doeppers 2016). It will be important to explore
archaeologically whether the practice of importing cattle and buffaloes from nearby provinces was in
place since the early Spanish colonial period, if not before, and if this network of inland trade had
supplied the food provisions of the Manila Galleons.

6

�Summary, Recommendations, and Future Analyses
Historical accounts record the introduction of certain animal taxa, such as cattle and horses, to the
Philippines during the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. Currently, there is limited direct archaeological
evidence for these introductions, as this aspect of Philippine history is yet to be explored and examined
from the perspective of zooarchaeology. This academic paper presents two pilot studies of
zooarchaeological assemblages of potential relevance to the Manila Galleon Trade; however, it is
imperative to do further analyses of colonial sites, especially those of the early Spanish colonial period,
regardless of whether the archaeological materials come from underwater/coastal sites or from inland
sites. In addition, archaeological sites of the later Spanish colonial period should also be explored
because they may provide archaeological records of the adoption/rejection of certain animal taxa. Such
studies will provide a bigger picture of the extent of animal translocations and will improve the
resolution of our inferences about the integration of introduced taxa to local environments and human
lifestyles in the Philippines (Amano et al. 2021). Genetic studies will also help in tracing the ancestry of
the domestic animals from colonial sites, given the historical accounts of interbreeding of animals,
whereas isotopic data can provide insights to animal husbandry practices and how these contributes to
changing landscapes (e.g., Manin et al. 2018; Thornton, Emery, and Speller 2016; Conrad 2022;
Morandi et al. 2021; Freiwald and Pugh 2018; Guiry et al. 2015).

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the following for their help in realizing this study: Rachelle Ureta of the Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Division of the National Museum of Anthropology (NMA), for assisting in accessing the reports
and materials from the San Diego wreck; Marian Reyes of the Archaeology Division of the NMA, for doing the initial
assessment of the bones from the San Diego wreck in their repository; Jane Carlos of the UP School of Archaeology (UPSA),
for coordinating the access to the animal remains from the Intendencia Ruins; Ian Cartalaba of the UPSA for taking photos of
some bones presented in this paper; and Diego Rebato, Jr. for sharing several reference materials on the Manila Galleon Trade.
This study is also supported by a thesis grant from the European Research Council through the PANTROPOCENE Project of
the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology.

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9

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