1 10 6 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0c1b2ecb8556ec307b9bda615458b7e0.pdf f21284b0bbace28faa2a5d5d7d3587e5 PDF Text Text Oil Spill Analysis on Ambon Bay, Moluccas, Indonesia: Its Influence on the SS Aquila Shipwreck Site Ulung Jantama Wisha Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia email: ulungjantama@gmail.com Guntur Adhi Rahmawan Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia email: guntura06@gmail.com Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia email: niahasanah79@gmail.com Gunardi Kusumah Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia email: lrkpl.balitbangkp@gmail.com Abstract The Steam Ship (SS) Duke of Sparta or SS Aquila shipwreck site is one of the underwater cultural heritages (UCH) discovered in Ambon Bay, Moluccas waters, Indonesia. Currently, this 1940-s British-Italian shipwreck is threatened by an oil spill contamination on Ambon Bay. In Ambon Bay, there is Wayaime Port, which is a transit port for ships, and the port for oil tankers to loading and unloading their oil cargoes. One of the biggest oil spill incidents in Ambon Bay occurred in August 2005, when a fishing boat of MV Fu Yuan Fu F66 was exploded. This on-going oil spill occurrence can affect SS Aquila site sustainability due to corrosion issue, disrupt marine tourism activities, and harm marine biota in the surrounding area. One purpose of the study conducted by Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016 is to determine the oil spill distribution inside the Ambon Bay which is threatening the SS Aquila shipwreck site. The method employed in this �research is a hydrodynamic modelling approach of oil spill module. The result of oil spill modeling is then analysed spatially. The study results show the period of diesel oil distribution is reached ± 285 hours, with the spread direction is toward to Southwest (outer of the bay). The processes found in this oil spills event includes a process of dissolution, evaporation, and vertical dispersion. Based on the study, it can be concluded that the intake of the oil spill on Ambon Bay waters is undoubtedly threatening the preservation of the SS Aquila underwater cultural heritage along with its marine environment, and the development of marine heritage utilization. Keywords: SS Aquila, hydrodynamic modelling, oil spill analysis, underwater cultural heritage preservation Introduction The waters of Indonesian Archipelago, both in east and west parts, are significant on the regional-interregional maritime trade routes, and is wellknown as the center of the spice trade. The eastern part of Indonesian Archipelago became a vital area of global sea navigation due to abundant spices resources such as cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon. While, the western part was important in the spice trade routes due to its position as the center of pepper trade (Harkantiningsih, 2013). That condition is caused by the strategic geographical location and the existence of the transportation network which facilitated the distribution of these primary trade commodities since an ancient time (Fig. 1). One of the essential spice trading spots in Indonesia is the Moluccas, which is also popular as Spice Islands. �Fig. 1: Map of Maritime Trade Routes (Source: http://juliansoplanit.blogspot.co.id/2011/11 modified by authors) The center city of Moluccas is Ambon city. This city has a long history of World War II (WWII) incident which involved the Japanese imperial troops and Allied Forces including Dutch Het Koninklijke Nederlands(ch)Indische Leger (KNIL) and Australia. After WWII was over in 1945, Ambon city along with other cities in eastern part of Indonesia faced a rebel movement incident committed by Perdjuangan Rakjat Semesta (PERMESTA) or The Universal People Struggle Army in 1957-1958. This rebellion to attack the Indonesian central government, and implicitly, to reestablished the Dutch colonialism in Indonesia, was supported by Allied Forces, particularly Dutch and United States of America (USA). In this PERMESTA rebellion time, the trade ship of SS Aquila was bombed by a Douglas B26 Invader plane in 1958 in the northern of Ambon Bay. This bombing of SS Aquila was planned by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of USA to clutter up the economic sector from trading activities in Indonesia (Amal, 2006). �Today, the location of SS Aquila is well-known as a dive site among the locals and international divers. It becomes one of the underwater cultural heritage sites discovered in Ambon Bay1 . This shipwreck is located on a slope on the seabed off Ambon, with its stern about 15 meters (8 fathoms) below the surface and its bow about 35 meters (19 fathoms) depth2 . Besides Aquila, there are some other shipwreck sites which have not been identified yet found in this bay. Recently, the existence of SS Aquila shipwreck is threatened by disposal waste, sedimentation, marine litters, and oil spill contamination which directly stream to SS Aquila and other UCH sites in the inner of Ambon Bay. A Wayaime Port in Ambon Bay is a transit port for many types of ships, and also the port for oil tankers to loading and unloading their oil cargoes. Therefore, oil spill incident becomes quite common in this bay. In August 2005, a fishing boat of MV Fu Yuan Fu F66 was exploded3 and became one of the biggest oil spill incidents in Ambon Bay. This on-going oil spill occurrence may affect SS Aquila site sustainability due to corrosion issue, disrupt marine tourism activities, and harm marine biota in the surrounding area. In addition, the lack of heritage knowledge and awareness of the local community, local authorities, oil and shipping companies, and general public regarding the importance of UCH preservation in Ambon Bay require immediate attention. Those conditions can endanger the wreck site and inhibit the site preservation, the development of maritime conservation area, and can decrease shipwreck diving tourism activities. Due to that reason, the research which deeply concerns in the oil spill impact to the shipwreck site is necessary to be conducted. Besides identifying the shipwreck site in Ambon Bay and researching its current physical condition, the underwater archaeological study carried out by the research team of Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016 was also aimed �to determine the oil spill distribution inside the Ambon Bay which is threatening SS Aquila shipwreck. The History of SS Aquila (SS Duke of Sparta) SS Aquila was a cargo ship which initially named as SS Duke of Sparta. This Duke of Sparta was launched in 1940 from William Gray Shipyard, West Hartlepool, and later on, sold to a Napoli Italian company in 1951. Its name was changed and became SS Aquila. In Indonesian history, SS Aquila has been targetted to be destroyed by USA to support PERMESTA rebel movement interest in disrupting an economic sector of Indonesia. Besides SS Aquila, there are two other cargo ships in Ambon Bay, which were a Yunani ship, SS Armania, and Panama ship, SS Flying Lark. Those ships had been raided by Allen Lawrence Pope, a USA paramillitary aviator who flew CIA bombing missions in the PERMESTA rebellion. He joined USA Air Force officer, William H. Beale Jr, to operate a bomber aircraft Douglas B-26 Invader for PERMESTA rebels. In 27th April 1958, Allen Pope did his first mission at the same time of William Beale's 3rd bomb mission. The air raid of SS Aquila by Allen Pope was not resulting in any fatalities, and that ship was sunk one month after bombing incident on 27th May 1958. The Potential of Maritime Archaeological Resources of SS Aquila The top position of SS Aquila shipwreck was found in the depth of 15-35 meters with the bow position facing to southwest. The shipwreck body was still intact and several parts has collapsed, such as the crane, chimney, and the crane wall. Some parts of the shipwreck were damaged due to human pillaging. The ship engines, which were still intact and covered by cables and stairs, were found in the depth of ± 40 meters. While, the profiler cannot be seen anymore. Coral covered the shipboard name. �According to the information obtained from local people, there were massive lootings of SS Aquila shipwreck committed by irresponsible people using makeshift tools. It is assumed that the looters salvaged the ship profiler which has high economic value. The dimension of SS Aquila can be seen in Table 1. At the time of diving SS Aquila, the team still could penetrate some parts of the shipwreck to take a video and photo documentation. Figure 2 shows the underwater documentation of SS Aquila, and the location of Aquila shipwreck site is shown in Fig. 3. Table 1. The Specification of SS Aquila (Source: Tony, 2013) Name Type The sunken date Weight Length Width Height Propulsion Power SS. Aquila (1951-1958) SS. Duke of Sparta (1940-1951) Cargo ship 27th May 1958 in Wayame, Ambon Bay 5397 Ton 441.1 ft. (134.4 m) 57.8 ft. (17.6 m) 25.4 ft. (7.7 m) 3-cylinder triple-expansion steam engine 492 NHP �Fig. 2: SS Aquila and its current condition. Fig. 3: The location of the SS Aquila. There were a lot of biota living in the shipwreck site including 42 types of reefs which are covering the ship's body. Additionally, some types of fish can also be seen around the site. Local communities and foreigners �have known the presence of Aquila shipwreck. However, even though today it has been utilized for diving tourism, this Aquila site has not been managed properly by government, both local and central. The underwater cultural heritage potential in Indonesia is tremendously huge (Ridwan, 2011) in the form of shipwreck sites. This includes some shipwreck sites discovered across the Moluccas waters which related to the significance of sea trading activities in the maritime history of Moluccas waters. According to Amal (2006), the trading strategy implemented was expropriated the spice production area to facilitate monitoring. While, they also developed the collecting area of spices, such as Ambon waters, where the spices later on will be sent to Europe. Therefore, it is clear that the Moluccas is one of the most important regions of spice sea trading at that time with large number of sailing ships from many countries and regions. This situation added by many incidents from WWII until the PERMESTA rebellion caused the richness of UCH found in this area. The Oil Spill Problem in the Inner of Ambon Bay The presence of oil spill in the inner of Ambon Bay was severe alarming. The ships daily activities in Waiyame Port in Ambon Bay affect and increase the oil concentration in this sea waters area. This condition which is also supported by the weak water mass dynamics can result in the deposition of the oil spilled. According to Huang (1983), nine processes (including the physical, chemical, and biological processes) can cause the providence and behavior of spilled oil such as advection, spreading, evaporation, dissolution, emulsification, dispersion, auto-oxidation, biodegradation, and sinking/sedimentation. The spilled oil does not only inhibit the environmental condition but also affects negatively the biota. Moreover, all of part of sea water in the area will be polluted, and �consequently will also affect SS Aquila site sustainability and cause a corrosion issue on the shipwreck. The explosion incident of MV Fu Yuan Fu 66 resulted in the water pollution in Ambon Bay (Research Center of Biotechnology, 2009), which widespreaded along the coastline around the exploded ship. The source of explosion was an engine room and caused the ship's engine leaking, therefore, the oil spilled into the sea water (Helut, 2015). The prevention action was done by the local people using an oil boom net. However, the effort did not really work in reducing the impact of this oil spilled incident. Oil Spill Simulation Result The oil spill simulation was supported by a hydrodynamic flow model implementation which simulated to determine the oil spill distribution. The simulation applied for 15 days to represent the oil distribution period until the oil degraded and deposited in the bottom of the water. Flow model was employed to build a hydrodynamics simulation which is shown in the form of two-dimensional form (Warren and Bach, 1992; Mehdiabadi et al., 2015). The input of the model is using winds, bathymetry, and coastline data digitized using Google Earth image 2016. The surface elevation is obtained from NAOtide tide forecasting in the form of time series data. Acoustic Doppler Current Profiler (ADCP) was deployed in shipwreck site area for 2x24 hours. ADCP records several physical data such as tide, temperature, and current data. The tides data are used for the verification of the results of the hydrodynamic modeling which employed Root Mean Square Error (RMSE) formula. The simulation applied only used one scenario which employed the diesel oil with the oil viscosity of 6.9 %v/v. The distribution velocity of oil that spilled in the surface is based on the viscosity of that oil. Oil with low �viscosity will be easier to flow and vice versa (Mukhtasor, 2007). The source of diesel oil spill was implemented as well as the sunken point of MV Fu Yuan and Wayame Port. The model simulated the oil contamination from the source which is modeled based on the release of the particles. The model result must be validated. The model validated by comparing the model data and field measurement data obtained. The graph of model validation is shown in Figure 4, which shows that the fluctuation of surface elevation has the same phase between two data. The RMSE value obtained of 4.57 %. The current speed obtained by retrieving the ADCP measurement result, which ranged from 0.1-0.3 m/s. According to Wang et al. (2008), the amount of oil released at sea is distributed among a large number of particles which are tracked separately. These particles are driven by a combination of induced currents, waves, and wind velocities. Fig. 4: Model validation using Surface Elevation. Exposure time is the time needed by the oil spilled to move from one grid to another grid (DHI, 2007). Based on the 15 days simulation resulted the distribution pattern of spilled oil, it shows that the diesel oil has the exposure time of ± 285 hours. According to Simonato et al. (2010), the diesel oil is easier to be exposed due to the unsupported of residual fraction. Fig. 5 shows the spilled diesel oil which well distributed around �the border of inner and outer Ambon Bay. The oil flows gradually following the current direction. For 15 days simulation, the oil exposed to the area of UCH preservation in Ambon Bay. The processes found in this oil spills event includes a process of dissolution, evaporation, and vertical dispersion. McCAy and Paine (2001) stated that the dissolution rate of hydrocarbons in water is useful in predicting both weathering pathways and possible biological harm. The oil evaporation effects on the formation of emulsification which the different types of emulsification are formed under different condition (Xie et al., 2007). Li et al. (2008) pointed out that the effectiveness of dispersion can be found in the water column oil concentration and size distribution of dispersed oil droplets. It dispersed and diluted under the regular wave and breaking wave condition. �Fig. 5: Simulation for exposure time to diesel oil for 15 days. The thickness of the diesel oil surface layer ranged from 105-185mm. It shows that the surface layer of diesel oil is 60% wider in the surface water, and the diesel oil is more readily exposed by hydrodynamic factors. The influence of spilled oil is threatening the existence of SS Aquila including the biota around it. This on-going vertically dispersed oil might be evoking the corrosion issue of the shipwreck impacted. The impression of SS Aquila is dominated by the remains of the boiler, engine, and frames which are formed from steel and iron. In the tropical seawater which is warm, the corrosion of steel and iron are faster due to the support of encrusting organism’s encapsulation such as bryozoan, corals and coralline algae (MacLeod, 2002). The occurrence of oil spilled aggravated the corrosion issue. The oxidation processes occurred beneath the marine growth and oil compound separation is the major �factor in the seabed corrosion. Supporting by the high rate of sedimentation will destroying the UCH of SS Aquila. Conclusion Based on the study of oil spill incident in the area of SS Aquila shipwreck site in Ambon Bay, it can be concluded that the distribution of diesel oil dominantly caused by hydrodynamic factors which evoke the process of dissolution, evaporation, and vertical dispersion. The water column dispersed oil triggers corrosion of the iron material such as a sunken ship in Ambon Bay. The intake of the oil spill on Ambon Bay is undoubtedly threatening the preservation of the SS Aquila underwater cultural heritage along with its marine environment, and disrupting the development of marine heritage utilization. This study can be useful as a basis for the preservation of SS Aquila and other UCH sites in Moluccas waters. This research can also raise awareness of the local government to give more attention to oil spill incident, sea water pollution, and plundering activities of shipwreck sites cpommitted by local communities in Ambon Bay. The rich history and potential of UCH sites in Ambon Bay can be utilized for the sustainable tourism development that gives opportunities to prosper the society in the vicinity. A lot of method to resolve oil spill problems has been developed by researchers around the world such as by using oil booms, organic solvents, and superhydrophobic and superoloephilic sponges. It is recomended that the local government in particular the environmental agency to periodically control the condition of the waters and the symptoms of oil spills in Ambon Bay. Preventive action to safe the marine environment is urgently necessary to overcome the corrosion effects �which occur in SS Aquila. The corrosion and site destruction on shipwreck site are unavoidable. However, it can be reduced through monitoring effort of ships movement on shipwreck site, decrease oil spill incidents and other pollutants, and use cathodic protection method . Endnotes 1 Information related to SS Aquila shipwreck diving can be found in some blogs of local divers. http://www.divingmaluku.com/2017/03/ambonwreck-diving-ss-aquila-duke-sparta/. The integrated scientific research regarding SS Aquila shipwreck has never been done before the research conducted by Research Institute of Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016. The specification of SS Aqulla can be found in the Lloyd’s Register, Streamers & Motorships. London: Lloyd’s Register 1941. 2 3 This information was retrieved from http://www.m.liputan6.com. (Tumpahan minyak di perairan Ambon meluas/11 July 2017) Acknowledgements The acknowledgement and gratitude are given to Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (LRSDKP) for DIPA research budget 2016 in the Ambon Bay. We pay tribute to all research member team and everyone who have assisted the completion of this work, particularly Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan who has supervised the writing of this paper. References Amal, M. A., 2006. Spice Islands: A Journey History of Moluccas 12501950, Cooperation of Gora Pustaka Indonesia Nala Cipta Litera And Eastern Indonesia Stock Exchange, Ternate, Indonesia. DHI (Danish Hydraulic Institute Water and Environment), 2007. Manual Mike 21 Particle and Spill Analysis, Scientific Background, DHI Headquarters Agem Alle, DK-2970 Horsholm, Denmark. �Harkantiningsih, N, 2013. Ceramics Along the Spice Trade Route in the Indonesian Archipelago in the 16th -19th Century. Forum Arkeologi, 26 (1), 29-37. Helut, S., 2005. Tumpahan Minyak di Perairan Ambon Meluas, Local news online report 2015. Website (http://news.liputan6.com/read/107719/tumpahan-minyak-diperairan-ambon-meluas). Retrieved on 11th July 2017. Huang, J. C., 1983. A review of the state-of-the-art of oil spill fate/behavior models. In International Oil Spill Conference, American Petroleum Institute, Rhode Island: 313-322. Li, Z., Lee, K., King, T., Boufadel, M. C., & Venosa, A. D., 2009. Evaluating crude oil chemical dispersion efficacy in a flow-through wave tank under regular non-breaking wave and breaking wave conditions. Marine Pollution Bulletin, Vol. 58 (5): 735-744. MacLeod, I. D., 2002. In situ corrosion measurements and management of shipwreck sites. In International handbook of underwater archaeology (pp. 697-714). Springer. USA. McCay, D. F., & Payne, J. R., 2001. Model of oil fate and water concentrations with and without application of dispersants. In Proceeding of the 24th Arctic and Marine Oil Spill Program Technical Seminar, Environment Canada, Edmonton, Alberta: 611-646. Mehdiabadi, F. E., Mehdizadeh, M. M., & Rahbani, M., 2015. Simulating wind driven waves in the Strait of Hormuz using MIKE21. Indonesian Journal of Marine Sciences, Vol. 20 (1): 1-8. Mukhtasor, 2007. Coastal and Sea Pollution. Pt. Pradnya Paramita, Jakarta. Research Center for Biotechnology, 2009. Molecular analysis of olyaromatic Hydrocarbon-Dioxygenase Gene from Indonesia marine bacteria: Strategy for biomonitoring oil spill, Indonesia TORAY Science Foundation (ITSF TORAY) 2008, Monitoring Result 29th October 2009, Indonesian Institute of Science, Cibinong. Ridwan, N. N. H, 2011. The Importance of empowering local community in preserving underwater cultural heritage in Indonesia: Case study in Tulamben, Bali and in Taka Kappala, Selayar-South Sulawesi. In Staniforth, M. (Ed.), Proceedings of the 2011 Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Manila: 222-237. �Simonato, J. D., Guedes, C. L., & Martinez, C. B., 2008. Biochemical, physiological, and histological changes in the neotropical fish Prochilodus lineatus exposed to diesel oil. Ecotoxicology and Environmental Safety, Vol. 69 (1): 112-120. Tony, A., 2013. SS Aguila (II) (+1941). Website (http://www.wrecksite.eu/wreck.aspx?11832). Retrieved on 14th July 2017. Wang, S. D., Shen, Y. M., Guo, Y. K., & Tang, J., 2008. Three-dimensional numerical simulation for transport of oil spills in seas. Ocean Engineering, Vol. 35 (5): 503-510. Warren, I. R., & Bach, H.,1992. MIKE 21: a modeling system for estuaries, coastal waters and seas. Environmental Software, Vol. 7 (4): 229240. Xie, H., Yapa, P. D., & Nakata, K. 2007. Modeling emulsification after an oil spill in the sea. Journal of Marine Systems, Vol. 68 (3): 489-506. Biography Ulung Jantama Wisha is Oceanography Research Scientist who has been working in the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries since 2015. He was graduated from Oceanography Department of Diponegoro University in 2014. Until present, he has contributed in several research projects on underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites in Indonesia which conducted by Research Institute of Coastal Resources and Vulnerability. In 2015, he attended an underwater archaeology summer school organized by Institute of Archaeology-ICOMOS-ICUCH-SEAMEO SPAFA-UNESCO in Vietnam. His research interest is an applied oceanography area, including maritime archaeology, ocean modeling, environmental aspects, as well as ocean climate issues. He has published 17 writings until today. Guntur Adhi Rahmawan is Geomatics Research Scientist working in Indonesian Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries since 2015. He was graduated from Department of Geomatics Engineering, Diponegoro University. His research interest is a coastal resources and vulnerability, particularly in Hydrography area. Last year, he and his team have conducted research maritime archaeological resources for conservation �area in Ambon Bay which eventually provided the basis data of this paper. He also frequently contributed to other archaeological researches in RICRV and assisted in the making of shipwreck sketches in complementary analyzes of coastal resources. Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan is Maritime Archaeology Researcher working in Ministry of Marine Affairs since 2005. She hold a Master of Social Science in Environment and Heritage from James Cook University. Until present, she has led some research projects on underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites throughout Indonesian Water. For her dedication, The President of Indonesia awarded Satya Lancana Wira Karya Award in 2015. Nia's interests include the relationship between UCH and its environment; threats to UCH; UCH long term protection; maritime museum affairs, community engagement; marine-heritage tourism; and illicit trafficking. Nia had attended some trainings held by UNESCO, ICCROM-SEAMEO SPAFA-The Getty Foundation, and The Netherlands Cultural Heritage Agency. She has published 51 her research results. Gunardi Kusumah has been working in the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries. In 2010, he was assigned as a Head of Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV) until present. His research interest is an Environmental Geology area. In recent years, he has focused his research on hydrogeology and groundwater resources, especially their characteristics and potency, as well as the interaction with coastal environment. He was also involved in all maritime archaeological researches conducted by RICRV from 2012-2017, and dedicates his expertise on sedimentation process and marine geological aspects to examine the vulnerability of shipwreck sites. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oil Spill Analysis on Ambon Bay, Moluccas, Indonesia: Its Influence on the SS Aquila Shipwreck Site Description An account of the resource The Steam Ship (SS) Duke of Sparta or SS Aquila shipwreck site is one of the underwater cultural heritages (UCH) discovered in Ambon Bay, Moluccas waters, Indonesia. Currently, this 1940-s British-Italian shipwreck is threatened by an oil spill contamination on Ambon Bay. In Ambon Bay, there is Wayaime Port, which is a transit port for ships, and the port for oil tankers to loading and unloading their oil cargoes. One of the biggest oil spill incidents in Ambon Bay occurred in August 2005, when a fishing boat of MV Fu Yuan Fu F66 was exploded. This on-going oil spill occurrence can affect SS Aquila site sustainability due to corrosion issue, disrupt marine tourism activities, and harm marine biota in the surrounding area. One purpose of the study conducted by Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016 is to determine the oil spill distribution inside the Ambon Bay which is threatening the SS Aquila shipwreck site. The method employed in this research is a hydrodynamic modelling approach of oil spill module. The result of oil spill modeling is then analysed spatially. The study results show the period of diesel oil distribution is reached ± 285 hours, with the spread direction is toward to Southwest (outer of the bay). The processes found in this oil spills event includes a process of dissolution,evaporation, and vertical dispersion. Based on the study, it can be concluded that the intake of the oil spill on Ambon Bay waters is undoubtedly threatening the preservation of the SS Aquila underwater cultural heritage along with its marine environment, and the development of marine heritage utilization. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ulung Jantama Wisha, Guntur Adhi Rahmawan Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan Gunardi Kusumah Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Language A language of the resource English https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/9e2cb4a553923b243985815059804f28.pdf 1fd38083f59f409dde4228e958732091 PDF Text Text Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage: View from the Angle of Quang Ngai Province (Vietnam) Ngo The Bach, M.A., Ph.D. Candidate Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre 09, Hoang Dieu St., Hanoi, Vietnam Email: bach.ngothe@gmail.com Nguyen Thi Thu Ha M.A., Ph.D. Candidate Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre 09, Hoang Dieu St., Hanoi, Vietnam Abstract Quang Ngai is a province located in the South Central Coast region of Vietnam, on the coast of the East Sea. It borders Quang Nam Province which is home to the famous Cu Lao Cham shipwreck in the north and the Binh Dinh Province in the south. It has a long coastline of 129km and wide territorial waters of 11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6 seaports which are favorable for maritime transport and trade. The Ly Son Island of Quang Ngai province is located on the north-south waterway transport of our country, which is also the East-West international trade route in ancient times. The continuous discovery of shipwreck relics in the seas of Vung Tau, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, and Ly Son Island in recent years has demonstrated that the potential of maritime cultural heritage in the sea of Quang Ngai is enormous and rich. However, such precious heritage now is in danger of being undermined by the illegal exploitation of some local fisherman. In the context of our current status of underwater archaeology, the necessity of carrying out the studies, protection, conservation and promotion of the value of this important heritage resource is a major issue being faced by professionals and heritage managers. This article refers to the issues of preserving and promoting the value of maritime cultural heritage in Quang Ngai province, in order to serve for the exhibition in place and development of tourism as a new approach. Key words: conservation, underwater cultural heritage, shipwreck, promotion of the value, tourism. �Introduction Vietnam is located on a peninsula, one side adjacent to the East Sea, having a long coastline of 3,260 kilometers with many islands and islets spreading along the country, making this S-shaped piece of land become the great crossroads of civilizations from ancient times. Here, on this land, we realized the formation and development of the cultures, the integration and acculturation, interference, convergence and the spread of Vietnam to the world and the world to Vietnam by the sea route, although many people supposed it simply as a cultural convergence. From East Asia to Southeast Asia, from the Middle East to India, even Early modern Europe, the age-old history of the Vietnam sea and island culture has demonstrated that interference. Therefore, the study on the value of maritime cultural heritage of Vietnam is extremely necessary for peeling the depths of cultural values, reaching the awareness and deeper assessment. Such jobs are supposed to consume so much effort and time. In 2000, after the Vietnam Salvage Company (VISAL) finished the first phase excavation of the ancient shipwreck at Cham island, while many protection measures have been applied to this ancient shipwreck relic, many people have still carried out illegal tapping.1 In 2003, the Government of Vietnam allocated to the Doan Anh Duong Salvage Company participating in the surveys and excavations of ancient shipwrecks in many sea areas of Vietnam. In 2012, a 700-year-old ancient shipwreck was discovered in the sea area of Vung Tau, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, Quang Ngai province. The excavation of this ancient shipwreck, in association with the continuous discoveries of other shipwrecks in this sea area led to the need to study methods of �preservation, conservation and the promotion of underwater cultural heritagehere. Vietnam Sea and Islands Cultural Heritage Regarding the sea and island culture of Vietnam, it is impossible not to mention the material and the intangible culture of Vietnam's coastal areas. Right from the Neolithic, the scallop culture in the coastal areas of Vietnam appeared, bearing many special characteristics as well as general features to East Asia and Southeast Asia. Bau Du culture, Da But culture, Thach Lam - Thach Lac cultures ... have provided valuable material on the mode of living, economic life, culture and spirituality of prehistoric manthrough the landscaping tools and their habitats.2 By the Bronze Age, a variety of cultures and places belonging to the great cultures such as Dong Son, Sa Huynh, Oc Eo was found and studied through out from the North to the South, including Dau Ram (Quang Ninh province), Hoa Loc (Thanh Hoa province), Bai Coi (Ha Tinh province), Binh Chau, Long Thanh (Quang Ngai province), Can Gio (Ho Chi Minh City). Despite these examples being modest in comparison with the material provided from archaeology, these findings also help to realize the tremendous value and clarify the genealogy of Dong Son culture in the Delta and the northern plains and Sa Huynh..3 All cultures and locations mentioned above have characteristics from the culture of sea area, containing many elements of sea and islands culture, but also bearing many elements of the delta, even in the narrow region at the center of Vietnam. Coastal heritage also includes the system of ports and subports, existing at least from the ages of Dong Son - Sa Huynh - Oc Eo (from the 7th BC to 1st-2nd AD) until the 18-19th centuries with relics such as Lach Truong, Bai Coi, Hoa Diem, Go Que and etc to Van Don, Hoi Thong, Thanh Ha, Hoi An, and Nuoc Man...4 �Studying the seaport system in the historical process of Vietnam for identifying the proper role and position on the international maritime route is a confirmation on the location of S-curved coast of Vietnam on the map. Those ports and sub-ports were extremely important in commercial activities. They are not only the place to import goods, but also a haven for international sailing through the East Sea to take on fresh water and food, and avoiding storms, and pirates.5 Heritage on the coastal, island and archipelago areas of Vietnam include temples, pagodas and shrines where the Ly - Tran dynasties are from. Buddhism, which was considered as the state religion at that time to carry out a part of the People's Defense strategy, along with the army defending the borderland, including islands. Right from the feudal era, it is reported by the ancient people that O Cap (Vung Tau province today) earned their living from finding sites underwater. Over twenty years, Vietnam has unearthed six ancient shipwrecks. They are the merchant ships which passed through the Vietnamese’s seashore from overseas, but had sunk because of currents, storms, or fires. However, these are very small numbers compared with the information we learned from the field through material culture and from the retrospective information of the fisherman6. After Hon Cau, X coordinates, the Ba Ria - Vung Tau sea has also detected another two shipwrecks. Chau Thuan Bien village (Binh Son, Quang Ngai province) has a lot of shipwrecks with varied dating which were realized via analyzing the pottery artifacts. It is very clear that the Vietnamese Sea lies on the important route of international trade; therefore any and all findings in these seas have demonstrated for the role, position and value of the East Sea of Vietnam on the East - West silk and ceramic route. �The Vietnam Maritime Cultural Heritage preserved the remnants of many great naval battles in history during the dynasties of Ngo Quyen, Tran Quoc Tuan’ with the battle on Bach Dang river cited as a typical example. In addition to the battles, there wer military regimes to protect the sea. The important findings about the seal called "Phụng mệnh bình hải tướng quân chi ấn" of Le Thanh Tong (1490) found at sea Van Don (Quang Ninh province), can confirm on the existence of an army for protection of the Vietnamese seas from that period. All cases such as the Tran Khanh Du’s army carried out the business of coal wholesale; Tran Nhan Tong King moved to Yen Tu mountain for practicing Buddhism; Tran Hung Dao set up the manor at Van Kiep - Luc Đau river door and the seal called Binh Hai, the oracles of the East Sea of Nguyen Binh Khiem and etc,7 are the maritime strategies for sea protection from the fathers, suggesting to us a direction for more investment on the studies of military heritage and patriotic wars in the East Sea. Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage in Quang Ngai province Status of Maritime Cultural Heritage in Quang Ngai Province Quang Ngai province is located in the south central coast region of Vietnam. It borders Quang Nam province in the North and Binh Dinh province in the South and Truong Son High Mountain and majestic Tay Nguyen in the West and the East Sea in the East. Apart from the business of domestic trade, foreign trade activities here through the Hoi An port were also quite developed. In the late 16th century, early 17th century, Minh Huong (village of the Ming people) merchant ships also docked in Co Luy - Thu Xa for trading and exchanging goods and etc. The early 20th century, the Japanese, Chinese and French merchants had their ships docked in �Co Luy - Thu Xa to sell clothing, kerosene, household items, and then buy sugar, cinnamon, salt, dried areca, and honey.8 Quang Ngai has a long coastline of 129km and wide territorial waters of 11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6 seaports which are favorable for maritime transport and trade. The Ly Son Island of Quang Ngai province is located on the north-south waterway transport of our country, which is also the East-West international trade route in ancient times. Thanks to such an important position, Quang Ngai province was evaluated to be the place having great potentialities for maritime cultural heritage. The discovery and excavation of ancient shipwreck dated the 15th century in 1999 in the place of Song Tau, Vung Tau Sea, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, can be said as the starting point for the process of research and discovery of maritime cultural heritages in Quang Ngai province. In addition, that was popular time of hunting antiques underwater carried out by the parts of the habitants living in this area (Fig. 1).9 Fig. 1: Local fishermen are diving to find antiques. (Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) In recent years, Quang Ngai emerged as a hot spot for marine cultural heritage. The first discovery is the Binh Chau 2 ancient shipwreck in 2012. From 4th June to 23th June 2013, Binh Chau ancient shipwreck was excavated, this Binh Chau ancient shipwreck was located about 200 �meters far from Binh Chau coast and at the depth of 3.5-4m compared with sea level. We detected the remaining traces of the ship with the length of 20.5 m, the width of 5.6m and the hull of ship divided into 13 compartments with 12 partitions (Fig. 2). Artifacts collected here from include 274 ceramics barrels which are goods on board with ceramic lines such as brown glaze, celadon, blue and white porcelain, blue and white porcelain glaze, dating from the 13th century (Figs. 3-5). In addition, some metals like bronze mirror, bronze weights, boat tacks and bronze money were also discovered on this shipwreck. Archaeological excavation of Binh Chau ancient shipwreck is the 6th ancient ship excavated in the Vietnamese seas. In order to protect this national heritage, excavation experts have wrapped these shipwrecks by steel sheet piles (Larsen), pumping out the water to expose the hull and artifacts aboard, the excavations then were carried out conveniently (Fig. 6).10 Fig. 2(left): Detailed drawings of the part of Binh Chau ship’s rudder. (Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) �Fig. 3(left): Hundreds of artifacts burnt and sticking overlap. (Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) and Fig. 4 (right): Artifacts found in ancient shipwreck in Binh Chau - Binh Son.(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) Fig. 5: Celadon-glazed dishes and eel-skin-glazed dishes and apple skin glazed dishies, dating Nguyen Dynasty, the 13thcentury. (Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) �Fig. 6: The first time of excavation of ancient shipwreck as on land. (Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian Prehistory) Considering a whole, the maritime cultural heritages of Quang Ngai province are much more than other regions. Until now, they have discovered 10 shipwrecks, in which 08 shipwrecks discovered in the sea areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau and 02 shipwrecks found in Ly Son Island.11 Most of the shipwrecks lie about 400m far from the coast, in water depths of between 2m to 5m. It can be seen that the distribution scope of shipwreck traces is quite concentrated, near shore and at quite shallow depth. The discovery of shipwrecks in the seas of Vung Tau province with many different dating, stretching from the 8th-9th centuries to the 18th century, shown that during 10 centuries, this place was an important destination on the route of international trade in ancient times. In Vietnam, currently, we have not yet found any other area where the relics of shipwrecks distributed densely as the area of Vung Tau, Binh Chau province and also no other province where having rich maritime �cultural heritage as Quang Ngai province. It can be said that the sea area of Vung Tau is an "ancient graveyard" with dozens of shipwrecks have been identified. But these valuable heritage resources are faced with the risk of being destroyed because of the illegal exploitation of a part of local fishermen and the expansion of the project of Dung Quat 2 port. This is really a big challenge for managers and professionals. Generally, when shipwreck relics discovered, the excavation experts often pay attention to the value of goods transported by ships, but not really fully understood the value of that underwater heritages. Therefore, since the 90s of the last century to now, there have been 6 shipwreck relics excavated officially, and dozens of illegal salvage were conducted only for economic purposes. Hundreds of thousands of artefacts were taken up and carried away for auction at domestic and abroad. By carrying out such exploitation forms, the State may earn some certain amounts for immediate benefits, but they gave up long-term benefits with more value. If we know how to combine with the shipwreck relics with the archaeological sites for creating an over of maritime cultural heritage, we will create favorable conditions for development of tourism here. Direction of Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritages in Quang Ngai Province History has left for Quang Ngai province an extremely valuable heritage resource is maritime cultural heritage. These are assets, enormous resources for studying the values of culture, economy, politic and contemporary society and promoting the value serving for the tourism. To protect the marine heritage of Quang Ngai, we should have a new behavior more positive and proactive with this type of heritage. The question raised here is how to preserve the shipwreck relics and other �forms of marine heritage in order to promote the value for serving the public and contribute to improvement of the people's life in the region through the forms of community tourism and ecotourism.12 Based on analyzing the characteristics of the cultural heritage of Quang Ngai province and comparison with marine cultural heritage in other places, the experts came up with a new approach for the maritime cultural heritage resources of Quang Ngai province. That is the on-site conservation of shipwreck relics serving for exhibition to promote the values of heritage, as well as catering for diving tourism to sightseeing heritage - a favourite tourism type currently being interested by both domestic and foreign tourists. Moreover, the purpose of heritage conservation is to promote the values, particularly here is to build the museum for on-site exhibition and develop forms of diving tourism to sightseeing the heritages. The conservation and promotion of heritage values on the site will obtain the long term and sustainable benefits, creating more jobs and stability for local people. These values will inevitably create positive effects, which make the life of people in the region be improved; people will be more involved in the conservation of heritage. Accordingly, the serious problems such as illegal mining acts and destruction of heritage will be minimized and replaced by an attitude of respect and the actions of conservation and promotion of positive values of the heritages.13 As we know, the cultural heritage is fundamental for economic development, especially for the tourism industry. Marine cultural heritages in the sea areas of Quang Ngai and Vung Tau provinces differ with the others in term of quantity, density distribution, geographical distribution, the depth, etc. With these characteristics, currently, these sea areas are filing the application dossier to the competent authority for obtaining the �approval and recognition as National Maritime Heritage and World Heritage. Issues of Replicating the Models for Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage in Vietnam Conservation of marine cultural heritage is a relatively new field of study in Vietnam at present and is the top concerns of the archaeologists, the museology and researchers. Since the early 90s of the 20th century to the present, the Vietnamese archaeologists have conducted many excavations of shipwrecks from Quang Nam to Kien Giang provinces. Especially, similar to the sea areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau and Ly Son (Quang Ngai province), Kien Giang province has also become an interesting place with a lot of shipwreck relics. Kien Giang province in general and Phu Quoc Island in particular has become the hot spots for the conservation of marine cultural heritage. Although, the distribution of heritages is not dense as the one in the sea region of Vung Tau - Binh Chau in Quang Ngai province, the sea region of Kien Giang province is potential for various types of heritage. Since 2005, in this sea area, we have discovered 3 shipwreck relics and simultaneously collected the information and artefacts from two other shipwrecks kept by local fishermen.14 Similar to the sea areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau (Quang Ngai province), the issues of conservation and promotion of values sustainably with respect to the relics of shipwreck in Phu Quoc (Kien Giang province) is very being interested. At the same time, they also carry out the protection of the relics discovered, implementing the investigations and overall surveys of the sea areas of Phu Quoc, Kien Giang province, aim at further discovering the relics hidden, mapping the marine cultural heritage for conservation planning. The next action is to deploy the on-site conservation of marine heritages in Quang Ngai province, drawing �learned lessons and replicating this model for Phu Quoc province. The conservation and promotion of the marine cultural heritage value in Phu Quoc sea, Kien Giang province will contribute not only for serving the political aims of the State in relation to the issues of maritime sovereignty, but also for the purposes of scientist research and especially supporting for Phu Quoc in accomplishment of the national strategic by 2020 is to become the centres for tourism and marine eco-tourism developed at high level; the center for exchange of commercial, high-quality services of the country, the region and the world. Regarding the Duties for Protection and Promotion of Underwater Cultural Heritage Value in Vietnam The Government of Vietnam promulgated a Decree on the management and protection of underwater cultural heritage.15 This Decree provides for the management and protection of underwater cultural heritage, including cultural heritage in the inland water areas, internal waters, territorial waters, exclusive economic zones and continental shelf of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. I would like to contribute a few thoughts after 10 years this Decree was issued: The protection and promotion of the values of Vietnam’s underwater cultural heritage must firstly carry out the comprehensive studies and evaluation of the values of heritage. However, the tasks for research, evaluation of underwater heritage is still very limited. The comprehensive, systematic and connective studies are not interested. Accordingly, there still remain a lot of topics and stages which has not been focused and many studying fields have been left vacant. Each organization, each group, each individual researcher, owns privately a block of studying materials and publishes them disjointedly, making our perception incomplete. That is the limit for the work of protection and promotion. �However, the results of research on underwater cultural heritage in Vietnam, based on the foregoing, are only as dotted markings on the panorama. In fact, the studying material son these issues were much richer. If the systematization of studying material can be implemented, it will create many valuable research works. However, those works should go deeply into each topic, each historical period, each region, each field... and then, summarize to help managers get the suitable policies and strategies in terms of not only the protection and promotion of heritage value, but also the political, economic, cultural, and social aspects. Regarding documents, artefacts, collections and exhibits of underwater cultural heritage in Vietnam, though many stages and studying fields thereof are still vacant, but based on the obtained results from the studies and the collections from the researchers and museums, it should be better to have a museum of the underwater cultural heritage. Quang Ngai province has a museum project in Ly Son on Truong Sa - Hoang Sa and a museum project on vessels and maritime cultural heritage in Phu Quoc Island. The above activities have just only exploited in the extreme small extent of this field in comparison with the large scope of underwater cultural heritage in Vietnam. Therefore, it is necessary to build a more comprehensive and broader museum with the investment from the State to promote underwater cultural heritage in Vietnam. Accordingly, we will have the orientation and a more in-depth vision in the work of study and exhibition on this field. Regarding festival of coastal areas and islands of Vietnam, since there are many similarities in term of the content, rituals and feature between them, we suggest expanding the influence of some festivals with the significance as the festival of ethnic communities, but not just the festival �at the level of village community, regional or local communities. For last several years, Ly Son has elevated to the festivals but still not satisfying as expected. To achieve this, the work for research, evaluation, rehabilitation and supplementation should be made. Accordingly, we would promote the influence in terms of politic, society, economy and culture of the festivals with the local and international communities. The protection, restoration and embellishment of the cultural heritages in general and the underwater cultural heritage in particular have been reached many remarkable achievements during recent ten years. However, with a huge volume of such heritages, it is impossible for the state budget to cover all expenses for implementing such jobs. Although, the socialization of this job in many provinces is very significant for many years, however it should be applied and replicated in this case. However, the protection of cultural heritages is still much neglected and loose. These relics in Cai Beo (Cat Ba - Hai Phong city), how much area is left while the urbanization rate is going strongly today? The archaeological sites in Truong Sa discovered by the colleagues from Vietnam Archaeology Institute in the 90s of last century, but recently, were concreted. Apart from Truong Sa, in Phu Quoc, with the rate of rapid growth at present, many construction works were springing up, but archeology has not reached out to them. Heritage sector should actively propose in advance the major construction projects in Phu Quoc, Co To... serving for the investigation, research and excavation. Conclusion Since this article presents about cultural properties in the coastal and sea and island areas of Vietnam only from the perspective of Quang Ngai province, there are many other findings, important researches and many valuable scientific insights have not been mentioned here; therefore, the �author expected that this article will get the reader's sympathy. Apart from Quang Ngai province, there are currently many other hot spots of marine cultural heritage in Vietnam. Therefore, there must be a consistent and long-term strategic and plan for the issues of conservation and protection of this important heritage for the country and the future generations. To conclude, there are two main issues we want to affirm: 1. The sea and islands cultural heritage of Vietnam is extremely rich with the various types, characteristics, and different historical periods. However, the studies in this regard have not been carried out regularly, continuously and systematically. The reason for this situation is that there is no State authorities to be assigned for taking in charge this issue to manage with the long-term orientation and for each specific stage. 2. With the abundance of sea and island heritages, the conservation and promotion of their values should have a strategy, with the longer and wider vision. However, for each particular case, it should have the situational reaction to timely protect and preserve the precious heritages for serving the long-term strategy. With that spirit, it is necessary for Vietnam to have a research agency specializing in the underwater cultural heritage, existing besides a separate museum or sectoral museum under this research agency to perform research centralised, professional projects. This research agency also needs a center of underwater archaeology, instead of an underwater archaeology division under the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology as present, which was invested by the limited and slow human resource and facilities. This is the model that the Koreans applied and they also have cooperated with Vietnam during last years for implementing many �research programs effectively. In order to make the premise for this model, all materials, documents, artefacts... should be centrally gathered with an authoritiy having the same objectives and functions for research on maritime heritages, announcing the depth issues in each study areas, each historical period, then to review and evaluate for providing the next studying direction. Minister of Culture, Sports and Tourism of Vietnam or Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, under the National University of... are the appropriate authorities to perform this task. As the preparatory step, the specific research programs on maritime cultural heritage should also be planned, with the detailed assignment for each competent authority with the objectives and functions for research in each field, implementing each program or project. One of three ministries and ministerial-level agencies should gather the above experts, formulating programs, plans, schemes and projects prior to the assignment. This is a great and long-term program which needs the investment/funds from the government budget. Endnotes 1 Excavation team 2001. Excavation of the Cu Lao Cham ancient shipwreck (1997 to 1999). New discoveries in Archaeology in 2000. Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2001, p. 548-552 2 Ha Van Tan (eds) 1998. Vietnam Archaeology, Volume 1, Vietnam Stone Age. Hanoi Social Science Publisher. 3 Ha Van Tan (eds) 1998. Vietnam Archaeology, Volume 2, Vietnam Metal Age. Hanoi Social Science Publisher. 4 Trinh Cao Tuong 1991. Opening and studying the ancient trading port of Vietnam. Archaeology, 4/1991, p. 66-69. �5 Hoang Anh Tuan, 2008. The position of Vietnam in the system of East Sea trade ancient medieval. History research journal, 9 + 10/2008, p. 316 6 The Shipwreck Relics Discovered in Vietnam's Waters and Cu Lao Cham Shipwreck. International Conference: Shipwrecks and Cultural History in Goryeo Dynasty. Mopko, South Korea, 10/2011, pp.265-294. 7 Tran Quoc Vuong 2010. The site of Van Don. The cultural history of Van Don trading port. Hanoi, pp.65-75. Quang Ngai People's Committee, 2010. Địa chí Quảng Ngãi. The Bach Khoa Publisher., 2010. 8 9 Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2013. Initial information about the shipwreck in Quang Ngai. New discoveries in Archaeology in 2012. Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2013, pp. 714-716. 10 Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2014. Excavation of the Binh Chau ancient shipwreck, the 6th ancient ship in Vietnam's waters. New discoveries in Archaeology in 2013. Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2014, pp. 637-642. 11 Nguyen Quoc Hung 1992. Excavation of the antique treasure at the sea bottom Hon Cau (Ba Ria - Vung Tau). Archaeology, 3/1992, pp. 6273 12 Nguyen Viet & Nguyen Son Ca 2014. The 13/14 CE Wreck Excavated at the Coast of Binh Chau (Quang Ngai). The Center For Southeast Asian Prehistory. 13 Nguyen Giang Hai 2014. Vietnam Marine Archaeology: Potential and Challenges. Conference Proceedings Underwater Archaeology in Vietnam and Southeast Asia: Cooperation for development. Quang Ngai, 10/2014, pp. 1-14. 14 Pham Chi Than 2013. Discovery the X3 ancient vessels in the waters of Vung Tau. New discoveries in Archaeology in 2012. Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2013, pp. 625-626. 15 Government Decree No 86/2005/ND-CP, dated 08.07.2005, On the management and protection of underwater cultural heritage. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage: View from the Angle of Quang Ngai Province (Vietnam) Description An account of the resource Quang Ngai is a province located in the South Central Coast region of Vietnam, on the coast of the East Sea. It borders Quang Nam Province which is home to the famous Cu Lao Cham shipwreck in the north and the Binh Dinh Province in the south. It has a long coastline of 129km and wide territorial waters of 11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6 seaports which are favorable for maritime transport and trade. The Ly Son Island of Quang Ngai province is located on the north-south waterway transport of our country, which is also the East-West international trade route in ancient times. The continuous discovery of shipwreck relics in the seas of Vung Tau, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, and Ly Son Island in recent years has demonstrated that the potential of maritime cultural heritage in the sea of Quang Ngai is enormous and rich. However, such precious heritage now is in danger of being undermined by the illegal exploitation of some local fisherman. In the context of our current status of underwater archaeology, the necessity of carrying out the studies, protection, conservation and promotion of the value of this important heritage resource is a major issue being faced by professionals and heritage managers. This article refers to the issues of preserving and promoting the value of maritime cultural heritage in Quang Ngai province, in order to serve for the exhibition in place and development of tourism as a new approach. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ngo The Bach Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Ngo The Bach Language A language of the resource English https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/7b54e17076654610d62193fb40ffd1f9.pdf 5f378906707f18454f7a94125912455a PDF Text Text In Search of the Larpent’s Survivors – Hazards and Securities of Sailing about Taiwan Kuo-tung Chen Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica Taipei, Taiwan e-mail: kchen@asihp.net Abstract The British bark Larpent left Liverpool for the Far East in May 1850, and was lost in the China seas the year next. Three of its survivors were rescued, and both Great Britain and the United States sent agents to search other possible survivors in Taiwan. The efforts of the British and the Americans have produced a bundle of information about the sailing issues near the island. The paper will explore these materials, and in the meantime, trace the few earlier European observations about the sailing conditions by or around the island, such as the records Lord’s Anson’s and De la Perous’s voyages. The Larpent event, in fact, has something to do with the overture of lighthouse building in and around Taiwan Straits in the second half of the 19th century. By studying the sailing facilities in the Taiwan area before the mid-nineteenth century, the paper will also trace back the pagodas and old-style lighthouses used by the Chinese to guide navigators in the 16-18th centuries. Key words: Taiwan, sailing, structures Introduction In 1883, the Eluanbi (South Cape) lighthouse started to work. It greatly helped improve the safety of navigation in the vicinity of that area. Most researches on the causes of its construction emphasize the effects of two events. They believe that the shipwreck of American bark The Rover brought up the issue of the necessity of building a lighthouse in South Cape of Taiwan, and then, another event happened in 1874 created the �conditions of so doing. Such reasoning is, in fact, not quite in accordance with historical facts. The reason of appealing for a lighthouse lies prominently in the frequent shipwrecks occurring in the neighborhood of Southern Taiwan about 1850 and thereafter. The reasons of incessant shipwrecks were like these: (1) Exportation of Chinese laborers to America. Great Britain abolished slavery in 1833 produced a vacuum of working force, and Chinese laborers were sought to fill the gap. From 1845 onwards, the British firm Tait & Co., basing on Amoy, commenced to ship out coolies to South America. A few years later, gold mines were discovered in California, and the need of laborers was enhanced. In consequence, shipping between China and America grew phenomenally.1 (2) Another reason is, even before the opening of treaty ports in Taiwan, foreigners eagerly sought commercial opportunities down there. Even it was not legal at all, more and more foreign vessels came to Taiwan for trade, and even tacitly permitted by local officials.2 (3) A third reason is that in Northern Taiwan, in the area of Keelung, coal was abundant. Foreign steamers came to refill their tanks or just ship off coals for profit. While shipping increased, number of shipwrecks naturally grew up. It is the reason of navigational disaster that made the necessity of some sorts of navigational aids apparent. Thus the captain of the Science, an illegal trading ship operating in the harbor of Takao (nowadays Kaohsiung), went into an agreement with the Circuit Intendant (Taotae) of Taiwan in written document. In that agreement, the Intendant “permits him to place lights at the entrance of the port on a flag-staff erected for such a purpose, and station buoys on the bar.”3 This is the earliest instance of erecting lights in a Taiwan port at the urge of foreigners. In addition to the “lights”, “station buoys” were also �consented to set up. However, such kinds of port facility to render aids to shipping vessels were not entirely new to Taiwan. Therefore, the Intendant was not reluctant to give his permission. Before the first modern lighthouse (the Xiyu Pagoda Light or the Fishermen’s Island Lighthouse) was built up in Taiwan region, there were already two predecessors: one stood in the very site of the Xiyu Pagoda Light, and the other in the estuary of Tamsui River on Northern Taiwan.4 As for buoys, probably due to the influence of the Dutch occupation in the period of 1624-1662, the harbor of Taiwanfu (Tainan) was provided with lines of spar buoys to guide the operators of vessels. The buoys were called “dangying 盪纓,” and recorded in many sources. “Dangying” means “swinging tassel,” describing the motion of spar buoys in the waters.5 Anyway, in the second half of the 19th century, records of shipwrecks were plenty. Giving some examples, there are the wrecks of the Kelpie (1848), Sarah Trottman (1849), the Larpent (1850), Lady Evelyn (1853), The Rover (1867), and so on. A detailed list can be made with the data provided by James W. Davidson (1872-1933).6 According to this authority, between 1850 and 1894, some 90 ships encountered bad lucks, two on average each year. During this period, Taiwan was bestowed an embarrassing name – the “Inhospitable Shores (Coast).”7 In the unfortunate The Kelpie, there was Thomas Nye on board. His cousin Gideon Nye (1812-1888) was a famous (or infamous) China trader of those days. Gideon pressed very hard to the Chinese authorities for rescuing his relative, but to no avail. In fact, none of the survivors of the Kelpie was found, and the whereabouts of Thomas Nye was uncertain. It had to wait for a few years when three survivors of the Larpent made their appearance in Shanghai that aroused a general concern among the westerners. �The Larpent Event and Aftermath The Larpent event has been quite well told in James W. David’s book about half a century after the tragedy.8 However, supporting by more complete sources, we are now enabled to enquire into much more details. The new data come from different corners. First, the survivor’s testimony reported in the Treaty Ports newspapers, including the Hong Kong Register and the North China Herald, etc. Second, the men sent to Taiwan to distribute rewards to those who had helped the wreckers and to get information about any other detained foreigners. The British bark Salamander took them to Taiwan. Among the people involved, Mr. (later Sir) Harry Smith Parkes (1828-1885) was present as the interpreter. Although he did not publish his own observations, the Salamander’s officers did have their reports. In the meantime, the American envoy to China, the Rev. Peter Parker, also caused a Chinese agent to be sent to Taiwan for information gathering, and this man’s report was translated into English and available to concerned parties. A couple of years later, when the British vessel the Inflexible was ordered to go to Taiwan for conducting a coastal survey, Robert Swinhoe (1836-1877) was on board to interpret. He and Inflexible’s captain, as well as the assistant surveyor, all had their reports. Adding to that, we will also make use of the U.S. government papers for documentation. Here follows is a concise summary of the Larpent’s story. The Larpent was built in Moulmein, Myanmar, owned by a Mr. Thomas Ripley. It left from Liverpool on May 18, 1850, commanded by Captain Gilson. News of its anticipated arrival at Shanghai appeared times and again in the North China Herald. But ultimately it failed. After a voyage of 116 days, it came to the waters off Island Botel Tobago near Taiwan. The waves and surfs were not heavy, and the sky was somewhat clear. Unexpectedly, it ran �aground on the edge of Southeastern Taiwan coast. The captain and seven others took the gig, while the 23 rest crews took the long-boat to escape. Later on, the gig was lost. The long-boat, after many hazards, reached a Sugar-loaf Rock in the southern tip of Taiwan. The men on board started to land, but were shot by the natives with matchlocks. Some of them died on the spot, and the rest were forced to disperse. They were not heard for about eight months. Then, in the beginning of May, 1851, three survivors were rescued by an American vessel, the Antelope, and brought to Shanghai via Hong Kong. The British consul at Shanghai, Sir Rutherford Alcock (1809-1897) took the matters into his own hands. In the meantime, the Shanghai foreign community also took some steps to help the survivors.9 The story of the unfortunate Larpent was duly taken down and published, not only in the North China Herald based on Shanghai, but also in the Canton-based The Chinese Repository. In consequence the news was widely circulated in the treaty ports along the China coast.10 Therefore, when Charles Shaw11 stood out to raise funds on behalf of the crew of the Larpent, many people came forward. In a few days, a sum of 865 dollars was collected. A list of the contributors is available from the pages of the North China Herald. The British decided to dispatch the steam boat Salamander to Taiwan, with part of the money raised for distributing to the good-hearted Taiwanese. Apart from Harry Parkes, there were Captain Ellman and Lieutenant Lambert on board. Surprisingly, an unnamed employee of the Tait & Co. also went along together. His purpose is obscure. As for the rescued survivors of the Larpent, two (Alexander Berries and William Blake) also joined the mission. The last one, James Hill, being indisposed, was absent. With some difficulty, the Salamander got a pilot en route in the Pescadores and dropped anchors between �Xiaoliuqiu Island (the Lamay Is.) and Taiwan mainland. Some of the members successfully landed on the coast of Fangliao (“Pongle” as appears in the source materials) by a bamboo raft. They were informed by local people: it is most advisable to pay a visit to a person by the name Lin Wanzhang (Wancheang, or Bancheong). He lived not far from the landing place, and he wielded strong influence upon the aborigines in the neighboring area. An appointment was duly made and the two parties met in Lin’s residential compound in Neiliao (or Lailiao), just a few kilometers away. From the conversation, it is confirmed that Lin Wanzhang did know the case quite well. Lin admitted that he had seen Blake and Hill in person in March of the same year (1851). He said he would have helped the two to get free but their master wanted them to stay a bit longer, arguing that if they stayed longer they would learn that his villagers were different from those who attacked them and killed their companions. Blake and Hill escaped later with the assistance of Berries and his master. Lin pointed out straightforwardly that the tribe who had committed the crime was Koalut. It was a small tribe of about 200 people. Out of them, only 60 or so could fight. Had it not been there were in want of consensus among other villagers in the area, it would have been crashed. He added that if the British party wanted to attack the Koalut, he could provide at least 400 matchlock-men. Thereafter, Lin Wanzhang sent a subordinate to accompany them to Langjiao for giving out the rewards. Lin also wrote a letter for them to be delivered to a “towkay” (headman) in a village near Langjiao. �Fig. 1: The Location of Koalut. The Salamander’s men arrived at Langjiao on August 17, 1851. On the next day, rewards were distributed through the hands of Berries and Blake. A man by the name Kewah or Kenah received a large share ($225), because he was the very person who made the final stage of their liberation and escape possible. Kewah’s relative Chako received $50. He was quite handsomely rewarded because his wife gave Kewah the information of Berries’s detention. Chako’s wife was an aborigine woman whose village had detained Alexander Berries before Kenwah ransomed him. Some others had also given hands to the Larpent’s survivors and were duly rewarded. The village head of Sheliao (near Langjiao), who Lin Wanzhang wrote to, was given some money, too. He was said to have some influence on “the wilder tribes”.12 As for the information about any other shipwrecks and possible survivors, the Salamander team was not able to get solid information. The Salamander then went to the South Cape for surveying the Koalut area, and finally returned to Shanghai. �More than one decade later, Sir Harry Parkes made a statement in the meeting of the Royal Geographic Society. Though his memory is not completely sound, he did give a short account about the mission: “The South Cape was about the very worst point for a vessel to get on shore; for on that extreme point of the island there was a particular aboriginal tribe, numbering 200 or 300 individuals, who had an unfortunate passion for human heads, and it was a habit with them to murder any foreigner that came in their way. He had occasion to make the acquaintance of these people about twelve years ago, when one of our vessels were lost on that point, and he was sent over by Her Majesty’s Government to make some inquiries respecting the missing crew. They succeeded in rescuing two of the men, who were in the hands of another tribe on the western point, the wreck having taken place on the eastern point of the said Cape. These two men had been bought by the Chinese at 6 dollars a head, and had been in captivity with them six months.” 13 As Harry Parkes was the interpreter, he was responsible for transmitting the information. However, probably time weakened his memory, he made the mistake to say only two men were rescued. Probably he was confused by the fact that only two out of the three were accompanying the Salamander to visit Taiwan. The money paid for ransoming those men was seven dollars each for Hill and Blake, although Berries was six. Blake and Hill were detained by aborigines for 4 months (not 6 months) and then purchased by a Chinese, who kept them with him for another four months until they escaped to Berries’s place. Berries’s master (Kewah) then arranged them to reach the Antelope and leave Taiwan. In the beginning, the Americans also tempted to send a gunboat to Taiwan, but after learning of the commission of the Salamander arranged by the British, they dispatched a Chinese agent, by the name Oo-sian, �instead. This Oo-sian took a Chinese junk on August 8 in Amoy and arrived at Donggang, Taiwan, in the evening of the 11th. When still in the harbor, he encountered a typhoon and lost almost all his belongings. He spent a couple of days in Donggang and then went to Neiliao (Lai-liao) to pay Lin Wanzhang a visit. There he learned that the men of the Salamander had already been to. Oo-sian and Lin Wanzhang met on the 17th of August. The latter ascertained that there were no more Western fugitives. He himself knew the whole southernmost area well. And, he added, if there were any more Westerners in captivity, they must have been found out for rewards owing to the Salamander men had given such a promise. Before going to see Lin Wanzhang, Oo-sian had also collected information from local folks. It was said Lin Wanzhang owned a watch, a spyglass, and a sextant, apparently from certain wrecks. Oo-sian mentioned this to Lin Wanzhang for clarification. Lin Wanzhang replied that they were brought to him by some aborigines about four years ago for sale, so he exchanged some goods for them. Sometimes later, a mandarin shew his interest in these objects and Lin Wanzhang just gave them away. Lin Wanzhang expressed that he did not know anything more about the origin of those objects. According to Oo-sian’s report, he visited the South Bay where the attackers of the unfortunate sailors lived, then he went to some hillside places, several harbors in the southwestern coast of Taiwan, and even the Pescadores, but no more important information was gathered.14 Time elapsed for a couple of years, then, in 1858 another British steam ship the Inflexible, came to Taiwan for surveying the coast of that island. Robert Swinhoe, who later became the first vice-consul to Taiwan and �was renowned for his discovery of several endemic species of flora and fauna, was on board to render interpretive service. Swinhoe, as well as the commander of the Inflexible and an assistant surveyor all reported this visit. The Inflexible left Amoy on June 7, 1858 for Taiwan via the Pescadores. After visiting a few harbors to distribute proclamations in search of surviving ship wreckers and seeing some dignitaries, it arrived at the road of Fangliao on June 14, 1858. The men took bamboo raft to land, and went directly to see Lin Wanzhang (spelt as Bancheang in Swinhoe’s paper). On the way to Neiliao, Swinhoe found that Fangliao was at odd then with Neiliao, but they were not molested, anyway. Upon arrival, he found there were two Chinese characters written on the door lintel, reading as “wan ke”.15 Douglas Fix thinks the original words for “wan ke” must be “wanji萬記”16 – some sort of house name –, but I would like to put it as “Fange 番割” – broker with the aborigines –, which we will dwell upon a little bit more later in this paper. As the group of men from the Inflexible had read Oo-sian’s (spelt as Urian) report beforehand, they also asked about the instruments Lin Wanzhang once in possession, and he gave the same answer as what to Oo-sian. Lin Wanzhang added that he did not hear any news about shipwreck after the event of the Larpent. Lin Wanzhang: In the Vacuum of Government Power The men of the Salamander, Oo-sian, and the officers of the Inflexible all paid Lin Wanzhang visits when they came to Taiwan for finding out information about Western ship-wreckers. Then, who is Lin Wan Zhang? And, why should they do so? Swinhoe describes his impression of Lin Wanzhang: “The Hero in his house we found, not as we expected to meet him, a dashing Robin Hood, �but a thin stooping elderly man, with bad teeth.” He also records that Lin Wanzhang was married to an aborigine woman, and guesses that Lin Wanzhang might have learned tribal language from her.17 In another publication, he has more about this man: “……When circumnavigating the island in 185718, I had the pleasure of seeing a few women, who were married to Chinese at Pongle and Langkeaou. They were much browner than ordinary Chinese, and had their hair plaited and entwined with red cotton after the manner of their people, but they were otherwise dressed like Chinawomen. At Laileaou a Chinaman named Bancheang, of large landed property, traded with the Kalees of the hills, and was on very friendly terms with them. He was constantly at variance with the Chinese authorities who had outlawed him, but could not touch him, as he was so well defended by his numerous Chinese dependents and the large body of Aborigines at his beck. This man was wedded to a Kalee, but she was shy and would not show during our visit. He evidently considered himself vastly superior to Europeans, for he evinced to us none of that formal civility characteristic of a Chinese gentleman.”19 Again, as we see before, Lin Wanzhang was married to an aborigine woman, and here Swinhoe describes here of the Kalee tribe. The family records of Lian Wanzhang’s descendants disclose that this woman (named Talimaraw Sauniyaw) belongs to the Paiwan ethnic group living not far from Neiliao where Lin Wanzhang resides. This is an important clue to ascertain that the words written on the lintel of his house should be “fange” instead of “wanji”. In fact, an Intendant of Taiwan, by the name Xü Zonggan, once wrote “Lin Wanzhang (is) a fange 番格 (Those who married to aborigine woman is called a fange). His family serves as Yimin 義民 for generations.”20 Fange was the kind of person who stood between Chinese and aborigines as liaison person, but mainly for the purposing of �exchanging materials. A fange was usually a Chinese, or a man descended from a Chinese father and an aborigine mother. In the latter case, he is called a tushezai or tushenan, meaning a “mestizo”.21 The commander of the Inflexible, G. A. C. Brooker, was not failing to mention Lin Wanzhang’s involvement in trading with the aborigines: “Mancheong (Lin Wanzhang) is in the habit of trading with some of the aborigines through some of his people; and he assures me, from what he knew of their fierce, savage disposition and thirst for blood, no European’s life would be spared if one fell into their hands. He says, they are more savage in some parts of the island than in others, especially in the South. I left several proclamations with Mancheong, who would have them conveyed and explained to the savages, whose language is quite distinct to the Chinese, and totally different in sound. I heard there were many Chinese settled among these wild inhabitants of the woods, and had great influence with them, because they were the means of procuring articles from the Chinese which the aborigines themselves could not obtain.”22 Lin Wanzhang had proficiency in aboriginal language, traded with the aborigines, and wielded influence upon the latter, hence was a suitable person to contact. This explains why everybody directed the Westerners to visit Lin Wanzhang when they came to Taiwan for shipwreck issues. One thing also merits mentioning. Swinhoe noticed the forces possessed by Lin Wanzhang, and could commandeer aborigines to fight for his cause. G. A. C. Brooker also observed: “This Mancheong has upwards of five thousand men under his control, whom he employs tilling the land, of which he possesses a large extent in the neighbourhood of the hills where he resides. Consequently he commands great influence with the people, and at times sets the authority of the Mandarins at defiance, and presents so formidable an appearance that the latter have more than once retired from an attack they have made on Mancheong for the purpose of extorting money from him.”23 �Robert Swinhoe told a much vivid story in his report. After seeing Lin Wanzahng, they left Neiliao and passed the village of Fangliao where they called upon the tiny military officer stationed there. Swinhoe found the Chinese officer and soldiers were much afraid of Lin Wanzhang, because they were defeated by him not long times ago. According to Swinhoe, the Chinese authorities sent an army of a thousand men to invade the area under Lin’s control. When they came near, “Bancheang himself loaded a gun and discharged it at the invaders, knocking over eighteen men at one discharge. The Imperialists were bewildered and immediately made good their retreat…”24 The event described by Swinhoe happened in 1855. Why the authorities had taken troubles to attack Lin Wanzhang? It is not clear, but we can guess. In the previous passages, we cite Xü Zonggang’s description about this man. Xü Zonggang wrote in his diary that the family of Lin Wanzhang “serves as Yimin 義民for generations.”“Yimin” (literally “righteous person”) were those men who stood on the government’s side to fight against rebels. Lin Wanzhang did help the government in quelling some social unrest. However, he was implicated in a rebellion occurred in 1853 which his relatives got involved. He was not indicted after the 1853 event was over. Probably the authorities postponed taking action until 1855 for a better timing, although still failed. Anyway, all these facts reflect that Lin Wanzhang was too strong to be controlled. To sum up the observations of British visitors about the person Lin Wanzhang, we have no doubt that he is an influential local bully. He wielded power over the local people in the neighborhood of Fangliao, both the Chinese and the aborigines through his role as a fange. As he owned his own force, he was also daring to offend the authorities, even fought �and defeated their armies. Why the Qing government performed so badly then? It is because that the southernmost past of Taiwan was declared “Forbidden Land” (jindi 禁地) after a fierce rebellion occurred in 1721 and the government force withdrew from the territory south of Fangliao. Fangliao became the last point with a very small army (no more twenty soldiers) and in fact, the southernmost region was left uncontrolled by the government. Several ethnic groups of aborigines occupied that region. Although the Qing government prohibited and dissuaded Chinese to enter into that region, it was not successful at all. As a result, besides the aborigines, there were other ethnic groups consisting of Fujianese Chinese, the Hakkas, and identifiable mestizos. They also took on their own hands to protect their own interests. Lin Wanzhang was one of such ethnic leaders, and probably the strongest. This explained why he was named to visit by local informants to western visitors. Shipwrecks and the Safety of Survivors However, it is still quite a distance from Fangliao to the very end of the Island. On the area near the southeast tip of Taiwan lived the Koalut tribe who was accused by Lin Wanzhang and others as the bloodthirst killers of the wreck survivors. Although Lin Wanzhang boasted that if the British wanted to attack that tribe, he would be happy to provide more than 400 men with matchlocks, no party was interested so to do at that moment. Later on, in 1867, due to the incident of the wreck of the American bark the Rover, Le Gendre – U.S. consul at Amoy – came to Taiwan. He was successful to reach an agreement with the common leader of the league of aborigines in the southernmost region, Tok-e-tok. Killing or harassment against ship wreckers did not happen again, at least in the area under Tok-e-tok’s sway. But there was still another issue waiting to be solved. It is the improvement of sailing security. �The most dangerous threat to navigation is the Vele Rete Rocks. The group of rocks and shoals lie about 10 kilometers south of the South Cape (the southeast corner of Taiwan). Citing the result of Capian Ross’s investigation, James Horsburgh has the following description about the Vele Rete Rocks: “This is a mass of rocks, several of them a little detached from each other, and even with the surface; some of them are above water, and may be seen 9 or 10miles. The channel betwixt this danger and the South end of Formosa, is about 4 leagues wide, and very safe. But very turbulent ripplings are often experienced in this, and the neighbouring channels, which Capt. Ross observed to extend in a N. E. and S. W. direction, and running so high, that the breakers resembled the sea beating furiously over a dangerous shoal.”25 It is confirmed that the Rover broke up on the Vele Rete Rocks and the unfortunate survivors were murdered by the Koalut.26 The landing place of the survivors was in Dawan (now the famous resort of Kenting) within the sphere of the Koalut. In the time of Le Gendre, what occupied his thought was the safety of the survivor, not the navigational security. In consequence he pressed hard to the Chinese authorities to build up a fort in the southwestern tip of the southern end of Taiwan (now called Maobitou). Although the idea of a lighthouse to guide the sailors existed in his mind, he did not emphasize the importance and the urgent need of such a construction.27 Although Robert Hart, in cooperation with the Qing government, started to launch lighthouse-building along the China coast in 1867, a lighthouse in the neighborhood of the Vele Rete Rocks was not in his plan.28 �Fig. 2: The Location of Dawan in Kualut Sphere. The construction of a lighthouse in the southern tip of Taiwan still had to wait for decades. In 1874, the Japanese invaded Taiwan in excuse for revenging on behalf of the Ryukyuans, whose compatriots were killed after a shipwreck in 1871 by the tribes a bit north of the former league under Tok-e-tok. In the negotiation between China and Japan, the question of navigation safety was raised, and setting up a lighthouse was brought forward.29 One year after, it started. In January 1875 the engineerin-chief of the Customs, David Marr Henderson, trekked to the Southeast tip for a survey.30 Thereafter, Michael Beazeley, an assistant engineer of the Customs in Takao (Kao-hsiung), went to the South Cape to purchase a piece of land for the use of erecting a lighthouse with local chieftain. The place he acquired, he pronounced, is Wo-lan-pi, now styled as Eluanbi.31 A temporary screw-pile lighthouse was erected soon after, but the permanent one took a long time to come out. When the lighthouse was first lighted in 1883, it turned out to be an unusual, fortified lighthouse. 32 �Its chief engineer John Reginald Harding had in fact called it a “fightinglighting machine”. Navigation security and personal safe were all taken into consideration in designing and building the lighthouse. What can do better? Endnotes Robert Nield, China’s Foreign Places: The Foreign Presence in China in the Treaty Port Era, 1840-1943 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 20150, pp. 17 and 27;Tan Chee-Beng ed., Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Diaspora (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon. And New York: Routledge, 2013), p. 76. Cf. Elizabeth Sinn, Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013). 1 2 James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa, Past and Present: History, People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects (London, New York: Macmillan; Yokohama: Kelly & Walsh, 1903), p. 172. 3 Jules Davids ed., American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, 1842-1860 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1973), vol. 12, p. 218, Document no. 26, “Agreement entered into between the Intendant of Formosa and George A. Potter on Carrying on Trade in the Island.” Please see Stephen Davies’s wonderful paper for this conference:“China’s first purpose designed and built lighthouse: findings from the analysis of a long lost but recently rediscovered photograph of the Xiyu Pagoda Light (李西山塔晚燈, Lixishanta Wangdeng)”. 4 5 Cf. Wang Bichang 王必昌, Xüxiu Taiwanxian Zhi 續修臺灣縣志 (Taipei: Bank of Taiwan, 1961), pp. 35-36. 6 James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past and Present (London and New York: Macmillan , 1903), pp. 180-182 and 216-218. 7 For example, the commander of the American fleet in China, Captain W. S. Walker, wrote to U.S. chargé d’affaires Peter Parker, reporting the British motion after hearing the case of the Larpent on July 14, 1851. In that letter, Captain Walker writes: “any of the missing vessels (of whatever nation) having been wrecked on this inhospitable coast….” See Jules Davids ed., American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States �and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, 18421860 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1973), vol. 12, p. 56. 8 James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past and Present, pp. 110112. 9 North China Herald, May 17, 1851. Cf. The Chinese Repository, vol. 20 (1851), pp. 490-492. 10 For the influence of newspapers published in the treaty ports, please refer to Marlon Zhu, “Diplomatic Intelligence and Inter-port Journalism: The News of Japanese and Chinese Troop Steamers during the Formosa Incident of 1874,” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, no. 93 (September 2016), pp. 1-39. 11 Mr. Shaw is one of the proprietors of the Shaw, Bland and Co. Cf. The Chinese Repository, vol. 15, p. 8. 12 The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, October 1851, pp. 520525, “Salamander’s Visit to Formosa.” 13 Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. VIII (25th Feb., 1864), p. 27. Oo-sian’s report was translated and published in the July 1851 issue of The Chinese Repository, pp. 490-492. It seems available to many interested persons. In G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” in The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), pp. 911, a “Translation of a Report by Urian, who was sent to Formosa by the United States Consul at Amoy, to search for missing Europeans”is also included. The content is almost the same with a little variance only. However, for unknown reason, Oo-sian was spelt as Urian. 14 Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May 1859), pp. 149-150. 15 16 費德廉(Douglas Fix)、羅效德編譯，《看見十九世紀臺灣――十四位西 方旅行者的福爾摩沙故事》（臺北：如果出版，2006）, pp. 21-22. Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May 1859), p. 150. 17 �18 Swinhoe makes the mistake to record it in 1857, in fact, it was taken place in 1858. Robert Swinhoe, “Notes on the Island of Formosa,” in Henrietta Harrison ed., Natives of Formosa: British Reports of the Taiwan Indigenous People, 1650-1950 (Taipei: Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines; SMC Publishing, 2001), pp. 66 and 74. 19 “林萬掌，番格也（娶番婦為室，謂之番格），世為義民。” See Xü Zonggan’s “Diary of 1853” in his Suweixinzhai zalu 斯未信齋雜錄 (Taipei: Bank of Taiwan, 1960), pp. 84-85. 20 See Kuo-tung Ch’en, “Chinese Frontiersmen and Taiwanese Tushengnan in the Local Economy of Taiwan before 1900,” in Wang Gungwu and Ng Chin-keong, eds., Maritime China in Transition, 17501850 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004), pp. 139-149. 21 G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), pp. 4-5. 22 G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), p. 4-5. 23 Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May 1859), p. 150. 24 25 James Horsburgh, India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, New Holland … , vol. ii (London, 1827 third edition), p.384. 26 James W. Davidson, Formosa Past and Present (London and New York: Macmillan, 1903), p. 115. In the letter from Anson Burlingame to William H. Seward, Secretary of State, U.S.A. (Peking to Washington, April 23, 1867), it is clearly stated that the place of tragedy is “evidently the Vele Rete rocks.” See, United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order of the House of Representatives, during the second session of the fortieth Congress, 1867-’68, China, pp. 477 and 499. �27 Douglas L. Fix and John Shufelt eds., translation of Charles Willian Le Gendre’s Notes of Travel in Formosa (Tainan: National Museum of Taiwan History, 2013) , pp. 314-318. 28 United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order of the House of Representatives, during the third session of the fortieth Congress, 1868-69, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1868-1869), pp. 467-470. 29 Edward Howard House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa (Tokyo: 1875). 30 Robert Bickers, The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing Empire, 1832-1914 (London: Penguin Books, 2011), p. 266. M. Beazeley, “Notes of an Overland Journey through the southern part of Formosa, from Takow to the South Cape, in 1875, with an Introductory Sketch of the Island,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography, no. 7 (January 1885), p. 5. 31 32 John King Fairbank, Katherine Frost Bruner, Elizabeth MacLeod Matheson eds., The I. G. in Peking: Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese Maritime Customs, 1868-1907 (Cambridge, Mass. : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1975), pp. 355-356. References “林萬掌，番格也（娶番婦為室，謂之番格），世為義民。Suweixinzhai zalu 斯未信齋雜錄, 1960. Taipei: Bank of Taiwan. Beazeley, M., 1885. “Notes of an Overland Journey through the southern part of Formosa, from Takow to the South Cape, in 1875, with an Introductory Sketch of the Island,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography, No. 7 January 1885. Bichang, W., 王必昌, Xüxiu Taiwanxian Zhi 續修臺灣縣志, 1961, Taipei: Bank of Taiwan, pp. 35-36. Bickers, R., 2011. The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing Empire, 1832-1914, London, Penguin Books. �Brooker, G. A. C., 1859. “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” in The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, January 1859, Vol. XXXVIII (1): 9-11. Ch’en, K., 2004. “Chinese Frontiersmen and Taiwanese Tushengnan in the Local Economy of Taiwan before 1900,” in Wang Gungwu and Ng Chin-keong, eds., Maritime China in Transition, 1750-1850, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 139-149. Chee-Beng, T., ed., 2013. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Diaspora (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon. And New York: Routledge. Davids, J., ed., 1973. American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, 1842-1860. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, Vol. 12: 218. Davidson, J.W., 1903. The Island of Formosa, Past and Present: History, People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects. London, New York: Macmillan; Yokohama: Kelly & Walsh. Davies, S. “China’s first purpose designed and built lighthouse: findings from the analysis of a long lost but recently rediscovered photograph of the Xiyu Pagoda Light (李西山塔晚燈, Lixishanta Wangdeng)”. Document no. 26, “Agreement entered into between the Intendant of Formosa and George A. Potter on Carrying on Trade in the Island.” Edward Howard House, 1857. The Japanese Expedition to Formosa, Tokyo. Fairbank, J. K., Bruner, K. F., Matheson, E.M., eds., 1975. The I. G. in Peking: Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese Maritime Customs, 1868-1907, Cambridge, Mass., Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Fix, D.L., and Shufelt J., eds., 2013. Translation of Charles Willian Le Gendre’s Notes of Travel in Formosa, Taiwan, National Museum of Taiwan History. �Horsburgh, J., 1827. India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies, China, New Holland… , Vol. ii, third edition, London. Nield, R., 2015. China’s Foreign Places: The Foreign Presence in China in the Treaty Port Era, 1840-1943. Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press. North China Herald, May 17, 1851. Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 1864. Vol. VIII, 25 February 1864, p. 27. Sinn, E., 2013. Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press. Swinhoe, R., 1859. “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I(ii): 149-150. Swinhoe, R., 2001. “Notes on the Island of Formosa,” in Henrietta Harrison ed., Natives of Formosa: British Reports of the Taiwan Indigenous People, 1650-1950, Taipei, Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines; SMC Publishing. The Chinese Repository, 1851. Vol. 15: 8. The Chinese Repository, 1851. Vol. 20: 490-492. The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, “Salamander’s Visit to Formosa.” pp. 520-525, October 1851, United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order of the House of Representatives, during the second session of the fortieth Congress, 1867-’68, China. United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order of the House of Representatives, during the third session of the fortieth �Congress, 1868-69, Vol. I, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1868-1869). Zhu, M., 2016. “Diplomatic Intelligence and Inter-port Journalism: The News of Japanese and Chinese Troop Steamers during the Formosa Incident of 1874,” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, No. 93 September 2016: 1-39. 費德廉(Douglas Fix)、羅效德編譯，《看見十九世紀臺灣――十四位西方 旅行者的福爾摩沙故事》（臺北：如果出版，2006. pp. 21-22. Biography Kuo-tung CH’EN received his Ph.D. degree from Yale University in 1990, is now affiliated with the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica. His previous publications in English, among others, include: The Insolvency of the Chinese Hong Merchants, 1760-1843 (Taipei: The Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica, 1990), etc. His works in Chinese language are three books, in addition to several papers on the Chinese practice of bottomry loan (marine insurance), Chinese adoption of Vietnamese terms for sandbars, sea routers and landscape guide for Chinese mariners, observations on underwater archaeology, and so on. He is at present working with Paola Calanca of EFEO in a Taiwan-France joint project: “Maritime knowledge for China Seas”. The main themes include: Nautical and navigation knowledge, Port governance and infrastructure, and Seafaring language. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource In Search of the Larpent’s Survivors –Hazards and Securities of Sailing about Taiwan Description An account of the resource The British bark Larpent left Liverpool for the Far East in May 1850, and was lost in the China seas the year next. Three of its survivors were rescued, and both Great Britain and the United States sent agents to search other possible survivors in Taiwan. The efforts of the British and the Americans have produced a bundle of information about the sailing issues near the island. The paper will explore these materials, and in the meantime, trace the few earlier European observations about the sailing conditions by or around the island, such as the records Lord’s Anson’s and De la Perous’s voyages. The Larpent event, in fact, has something to do with the overture of lighthouse building in and around Taiwan Straits in the second half of the 19th century. By studying the sailing facilities in the Taiwan area before the mid-nineteenth century, the paper will also trace back the pagodas and old-style lighthouses used by the Chinese to guide navigators in the 16-18th centuries. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kuo-tung Chen Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kuo-tung Chen Language A language of the resource English Asia-Pac Session 9 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a4acebed64062ad76364cbf87b38279e.pdf 98c692ab4592db6be67c9789b9c25c8d PDF Text Text Living and Trading: A Dual Approach to Studying Southeast Asian Port Cities Charlotte Papillaud Looram George Town World Heritage Incorporated charlotte@gtwhi.com.my Abstract The historical ports of Southeast Asia were highly active regional mercantile hubs located at the crossroads between the East Asian and Indian Ocean trading networks. These strategically places attracted merchants and sailors from the world over, some of whom stayed on a permanent or semi-permanent basis to carry out their business. By their very nature, Southeast Asian ports are thus both economic spaces dedicated to maritime activities, and cosmopolitan spaces where people from different social and cultural backgrounds came together. This duality is expressed in the built environment, which contains specialised structures to facilitate trade (such as wharves, warehouses, and boatyards) but also communicates people’s identity. This paper proposes studying historical port cities by combining a maritime cultural landscape approach and urban social theory to understand the economic as well as the socio-cultural fabric of Southeast Asian ports. This approach will be applied to two very different port cities: Hội An in Central Vietnam, and George Town in Malaysia. Whereas Hội An was an informal temporary market place that grew to be one of the region’s biggest entrepôt ports in the 18th century, George Town was founded as a trading outpost for the British East India Company in 1786, before becoming the seat of many mercantile firms and banks in the 19th century. Key words: ports, economies, structures, socio-cultural Introduction Ports, by their nature, are highly economic spaces dedicated to maritime activities. The ports of Southeast Asia, strategically located at the crossroads between the East Asian and Indian Ocean trading networks �(and by extension the East-West trading network), were chiefly stopovers and entrepôts through which moved traders from all corners of the world. Due to the monsoon trade, merchants would often stay in these ports for months at a time waiting for the winds change, and created settlements where the various traditions would intermingle, yet remained distinct (Li, 1998; Lockard, 2010; Reid, 1993). Southeast Asian port cities were thus — in addition to being highly economic — also highly culturally and socially diverse; in other words they were cosmopolitan. Craig Lockard (2010) described them as “places of economic exchanges as well as cosmopolitan gateways for the import and export of people, goods, and ideas.” This paper proposes to apply a maritime cultural landscape approach in conjunction with the environment-behaviour theory in order to highlight this duality and understand the fabric of historic Southeast Asian ports. This paper will address two case studies to illustrate this dual approach: Hội An in Vietnam, and George Town in Malaysia. Both are inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, Hội An in 1999 and George Town in 2008, under criterion (ii): “to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or technology, monumental arts, townplanning or landscape design” (UNESCO, 2016).1 Hội An is located on the Thu Bon river in Quảng Nam province in central Vietnam. It was established as a foreign port for the Nguyen Lords some time in the mid to late sixteenth century, though the exact date and circumstances are unknown (Dror and Taylor, 2006; Wheeler, 2006). Hội An was a successful entrepôt until the eighteenth century when was eclipsed by Đà Nẵng, a few kilometres north. During this time, the Japanese and the Chinese were the two largest foreign trading groups in Hội An. George �Town, Penang was established in 1786 by Sir Francis Light as an East India Company free port and naval base (though the naval base did not actually succeed) (Hussin, 2009). It was the first British port city in Southeast Asia, and had attracted over ten thousand Malay, Chinese, and Indian merchants within a decade (Hussin, 200; Lewis, 2016). Theoretical Background Both the maritime cultural landscape and environment-behaviour concepts ultimately aim to understand tangible manifestations of culture, the former from an archaeological perspective and the latter from an urban studies perspective. Underlying these concepts are discussions regarding the nature of culture. The urban theorist Amos Rapoport (1998) summarizes the scholarship on culture by presenting three complementary views of culture: “one view defines it as a way of life typical of a group; the second, as a system of meanings and schemata transmitted through symbolic codes; the third, as a set of adaptive strategies for survival related to ecology and resources.” He views culture as too abstract for his purposes (understanding culture in the built environment); it is unobservable and thus “essentially useless” in environment-behaviour studies (Rapoport, 1998). It is instead the “effects, expressions, or products” of culture, such as social variables, that are visible and useful (Rapoport, 1998). He describes increasingly specific expressions of culture in order to arrive at something actionable: lifestyles and activity systems. A lifestyle is “the outcome of choices about how to allocate resources,” in other words; it is composed of a series of activities, and is influenced by norms, standards and expectations (Rapoport, 1998). Christer Westerdahl arrived at a similar conclusion regarding maritime culture specifically, as will be described below. �Maritime archaeologists have long debated whether there is such a thing as a distinct maritime culture — that is a culture specific to communities living on or near the sea that is inherently and completely different to inland culture. Many have concluded that the separation between land and sea is not in fact absolute (Tuddenham, 2010; Westerdahl, 2007, 2011). Indeed, humans do not ever exclusively experience the sea unconnected to land (Mushynsky, 2011; Tuddenham, 2010; Westerdahl, 2007, 2011). Christer Westerdahl (2007) explains that maritime culture is “eminently a mixture, a creolization, of others. It is based on the subsistence gained from the seas and the water, and consists of all the thought patterns, cosmologies, customs, objects, phenomena and patterns of action connected with a life by the sea.” Like Rapoport, his view of culture is ultimately related to subsistence strategies, even referring to the “life mode” concept, and conceptualizing the maritime life mode as a series of subsidiary trades dictated in this case by living on the coast or related to a primary maritime trade, not unlike Rapoport’s lifestyle concept (Westerdahl, 1992, 2007). Some examples he presents are fishing, hunting, and gathering (at sea or on land), as well as boat building, shipping, ferrying, pilotage, and lighthouse attendance (Westerdahl, 2007). It is this recurring idea of culture as a “mixture” of activities that guides this paper. In order to understand the cultural fabric of Southeast Asian ports, a port should be seen as a sum of parts: a trading community, a crossroad of sea routes, and a concentration of different traditions. Ports are often described in the literature as transit points: the point of change between land and sea, of changing modes of transportation, and of exchanging goods and ideas (Lockard, 2010; Reid, 1993; Parker, 2001; Westerdahl, 1992, 1999, 2006, 2011). They are also, in Westerdahl’s (2006, 2011) words, “maritime enclaves:” semi-permanent or permanent �settlements engaged in maritime activities. As he conceptualises maritime culture as a concentration of maritime activities, these enclaves can be considered the origin of maritime culture, as well as its centre (Westerdahl, 2006, 2007). In them are thus found the “remains,” or expressions, of maritime culture such as sailing marks, beacons, loading places, anchorages, inns, and other cultural deposits (Westerdahl, 2006). Likewise, Jan Bill and Birthe Clausen (1999) argue that maritime trade directly impacts the physical development and appearance of towns, giving them a distinct “maritime town topography.” These are towns that developed around a port or harbour, and thus had to build specialised structures such as wharves, jetties, warehouses, and boatyards in order to participate in maritime trade. This perspective on ports focuses on its economic fabric, not without reason considering their role. It is predicated on Westerdahl’s (1992) innovative maritime cultural landscape concept, which represents “human utilisation (economy) of maritime space by boat: settlement, fishing, hunting, shipping and its attendant sub-cultures.” The maritime cultural landscape is thus a visualisation of people’s relationship to the sea, in particular with regard to economic exploitation. Many of Westerdahl’s definitions of the concept focus on seafaring, for example a later one in a paper about roads and sea routes describes it as the “network of sea routes, with harbours and related constructions and remains of human origin, below as well as above the water” (Westerdahl, 2006). Maritime enclaves are thus the nodes of this network, where maritime culture comes about and a concentration of “constructions and remains” are found. Much of Westerdahl’s discussions still focus on economy and transport, because “their occupations […] to a large extent define their culture” and “living in an ecological niche leads to an adaptation precisely �to that niche” (Westerdahl, 2007). Indeed maritime, riverine, and lacustrine environments tend to develop a culture of transport and communication characterised by rapid transmission of information and spatially extended networks (Westerdahl, 1999, 2006). Thus, taking a maritime cultural landscape approach— as Westerdahl defines it —helps highlight the adaptations specific to maritime environments and maritime activities. This approach however risks overemphasizing the economic role of trade in the development of ports, to the detriment of social and cultural factors. As has been reiterated throughout this paper, ports are very diverse spaces by virtue of their need and ability to attract merchants from all over the world. Along with goods to trade, these merchants bring with them their culture: their beliefs, their values, their lifestyles, their tastes in food, clothes, and architecture... The interaction of people from different social and geographical backgrounds, all of whom are trying to maintain their identity, is reflected in the built environment. Adam Rogers (2013) argues for a more social approach to port and harbour archaeology, as he believes that studies of ports have focused too often on how changing technologies (including the characteristics of ships) and commercial trends have impacted the design of harbours. Paralleling Rapoport and Westerdahl, Rogers brings up the concept of “taskscapes,” explaining that the environmental context of ports, the waterfront, dictates the type of activities people engage in, which in turn influences the shape of the port (Rogers, 2013). He however goes beyond this idea by reminding scholars that “by their nature and function, the connection [of ports] with places across water and overseas means that they could often attract a large range of different peoples with varying perspectives” (Rogers, 2013). He proposes drawing from the domestic �architecture discourse as one way of highlighting the diversity of people living in ports but points out that in a port setting, it might be difficult to separate “domestic” and “business” (Rogers, 2013). Environment- behaviour theory does not necessitate such a distinction, which is why it is well suited to the study of ports. As stated above, Rapoport’s environment-behaviour theory posits that certain aspects of culture, lifestyles and activity systems, are observable in the built environment. He states that in order to understand culture fully in built structures, it is the “latent aspect of activities,” meaning, which must be considered (Rapoport, 1998). This meaning is connected to values and social variables such kinship, gender, social roles, and status, and is transmitted through symbolic codes; it is thus reflected in the choice of things like colour, material, and spatial organisation (Rapoport, 1998). Rapoport (1998) illustrates his point with the example of the kitchen: food preparation varies greatly across cultures, it is also related to other activities and meanings (for example rituals, familial ties, gender roles), all of which affect the design of the kitchen and location within the house. In short, buildings reflect the wants and needs of its users in their structure, layout, and decorative elements. As lifestyles are expressed in the built environment, maritime culture is expressed as “a recurrent set of maritime traits and repetitive maritime behaviour,” which is visible in the archaeological record (including the built environment) (Mushynsky, 2011). David Tuddenham (2010) puts forward the concept of “maritimity” to help guide studies of maritime culture. This concept is based on the idea that material culture is rarely either maritime or terrestrial, rather somewhere on a scale between the two. In order words, determining maritimity asks “how maritime is this?” It is however “to be understood as a category of understanding, not something with empirical qualities,” the �same way that thinking of life modes, activities, and social variables helps understand (maritime) culture (Rapoport, 1998; Tuddenham, 2010; Westerdahl, 2007). The maritime cultural landscape approach in conjunction with the environment-behaviour theory provides a conceptual structure with which to understand the fabric of Southeast Asian port cities, and in particular how maritime trade influenced their development. It is clear that the economic and technological aspects of trade highly dictate the use of space. Their reason for being and their continuing success hinges on the efficiency with which merchants can participate in regional and/or global trade. On the other hand, it is important to continuously remember that around the ports grew towns built by foreign people. In order to understand a Southeast Asian port, one must consider how the Chinese, or European, or Indian trader experienced the setting and how (or if) they maintained their identity. The Development of Hội An The practical application of the above approach can take many forms by focusing on different aspects and characteristics of the port in question. For example, one could look at community-specific trade practices, the way they were adapted to function in a foreign port, and the way they may have been expressed in specialized structures. Another avenue of enquiry would be to compare the inns and hostels of different communities within a same port. Westerdahl sees inns as a major feature of the maritime cultural landscape, acting as relay stations and safe havens in an emergency (Westerdahl, 2006, 2007). The Chinese, Japanese, British, and Indian people of Hội An and George Town had similar institutions that served as accommodation and aid for visiting members of their communities. Though a cross-cultural study would more fully address the �question of cosmopolitanism, this paper will focus on a single foreign merchant community. It will analyse the public buildings and residences of the Chinese merchant communities in Hội An and George Town in order to understand the impact of trade on its lifestyle. The overseas Chinese community represents a large group of migrants in Southeast Asia, who have played important roles in the history of the region since the third century before the Christian Era (Mackie, 1996; Wu, 2010). It is composed chiefly of groups from the southern provinces of China, especially Fujian and Guangdong. Due to the mountainous geomorphology of their home, the inhabitants of this region did not establish very strong ties with Central China, instead turning to the sea and developing mercantile and fishing activities, and later being highly involved in regional and global trade. In addition, population pressures such as poverty, war, and disease, resulted in migration towards Southeast Asia, in particular after the Qing conquest of the Ming in 1644 and in the second half of the nineteenth century as a result of the two Opium Wars (1840–1842, 1858–1860) and the Taiping Rebellion (1851– 1864) (Wu, 2010). The Chinese communities living in Hội An and George Town immigrated at different times and for different reasons. The first Chinese to arrive in Hội An after its establishment were highly involved in maritime commerce, either as traders themselves or running businesses to support trade (Chen, 2002). This was a relatively small group, outnumbered by the Japanese until the mid-seventeenth century. The Togukawa policies of the 1630s prevented Japanese nationals from leaving Japan, leaving a vacuum in Hội An which was quickly filled by the Chinese (Wheeler, 2001). Furthermore, a substantial number of Ming loyalists sought refuge in Hội An in 1644; they were given a special status, Minh Hương, which �allowed them the right to own land, marry local women, and hold office (Chen, 2002). The height of Hội An’s success, the eighteenth century, coincided with what Anthony Reid (1993) and Carl Trocki (1997) refer to as the “Chinese century” when the Qing rescinded the Ming trading bans and breathed new life into the junk trade. Contemporary visitors to Hội An often describe the town as a Chinese town, and comment on the affluence of their neighbourhood (Chen, 2002; Morel, 2010; Wheeler, 2001). The exact number of Chinese living in the Nguyen port is unclear: Thomas Bowyear counts around 100 Chinese households in 1696; an anonymous source counts 6,000 Chinese in 1744, while another estimates 10,000 “married and tax-paying Chinese” in 1750 (Chen, 2002; Dalrymple, 1791– 1797). The bulk of Chinese immigration in Penang takes place over a century later, during the decline of the junk trade and the integration of Chinese merchants into the global capitalist system (Wu, 2010). The majority of Penang’s early Chinese migrants in fact were not from China but from the Malay Peninsula, mostly from Kedah (Hussin, 2009). Only the wealthiest Chinese participated in trade, as owners of shops, shop houses, and ships or members of mercantile companies; while the majority worked for wages as skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled labour (Hussin, 2009). Along with the Indian community (Chulias), the Chinese community formed the bulk of George Town’s population; the number of Chinese grew steadily in the first decades of the nineteenth century, overtaking the number of Indians in 1828 (Hussin, 2009). Both communities dominated the commercial centre bounded by Light Street, Beach Street, Chulia Street, and Pitt Street (Hussin, 2009). Despite these inceptive differences, there are many similarities in the Chinese settlements in Hội An and George Town, particularly with regard �to economic and cultural institutions. The first thing to note is that the “Chinese community” in both these ports was in fact several communities, dictated by clan or hometown, each with distinct traditions and languages (Hussin, 2009). Often, they would create associations, guilds, or societies according to dialect or family name, which provided a sense of comfort and belonging to its members. This institution has purely economic origins in fifteenth century trade guilds that helped regulate business abroad (Moll-Murata, 2008; Naquin and Rawski, 1987; Purcell, 1965; Wu, 2010). The associations in Southeast Asia, named kongsi, provided lodging and a meeting space for visiting merchants, and offered assistance to new settlers, but also served as a storage facility and as the custom house (Naquin and Rawski, 1987). Oftentimes, they would take on the role of a municipal government for the local overseas Chinese population, providing fire-fighting, policing, and schooling services, as well as maintaining public infrastructure (Moll-Murata, 2008; Naquin and Rawski, 1987; Wu, 2010). At the end of the 19th century, the kongsis lost their economic and regulatory roles, instead becoming hui guan: commonorigin associations and public assembly places that promote history and traditional knowledge (Moll-Murata, 2008; Wu, 2010). The institution is made concrete in the form of assembly halls and clan houses that are considered symbols of their community, reflecting unity, loyalty, and prosperity. In Hội An there are five Assembly Halls: four common-origin guilds (Fujian, Guangdong, Teochew, and Hainan) and the Trung Hoa guild that brings together all the Chinese communities; the latter was originally established as the Dương Thương guild, the guild for Maritime Commerce (Chen, 2002). It is notable that an association intended as a professional guild for the main economic activity of Hội An later came to be a pan- �Chinese cultural space. In addition to accommodating travelling merchants and drafting an ethical code of conduct in trade, Dương Thương hall contained a shrine to the Goddess of Mercy2, the patron of fishermen and sailors, and the first deity for whom overseas Chinese would erect a shrine after sailing away from home to settle in a new place (Chen, 2002; Purcell, 1965). Today’s Trung Hoa Assembly Hall still maintains the shrine, which now also contains a model of a Chinese junk. There are some 170 Chinese associations in George Town relating to clan or dialect; some are headquartered in shop houses, such as the Ch’ng Si Soo Bee Tong (now Persatuan Zhuang & Yan Pulau Pinang), though most are housed in grand hall such as Lim Kongsi. The Lim clan had been trading in Penang since 1821 and established their clan house in 1863 on Beach Street, the busiest commercial street of George Town, located on the waterfront until the reclamation projects in the 1870s and 1880s (George Town World Heritage Incorporated, n.d.; Langdon, 2015). Like the Dương Thương in Hội An, Lim Kongsi pays tribute to the goddess of seafarers. She is a recurrent figure around George Town, including at Kuan Im Teng temple, the oldest Chinese temple in Penang built in the eighteenth century. The associations and halls are a public expression of the Chinese merchant identity. In the above examples, the sea plays a clear role in the way the community both views itself and connects with each other. As a community of seafarers, the sea represents to the Chinese merchant group a connection and a divide from home, yet it is also their livelihood. The central role of maritime trade is further illustrated in Hội An and George Town’s predominant style of housing: the shophouse. As its name suggests, the shophouse is both a commercial and residential space. The shop is located at the front of the building, opening on the street, and is �generally larger than the residential part, which is located in the back or on the top floor. In Hội An, the shop houses are built as near as possible to the water to facilitate loading and unloading from ships. Though the basic layout remains the same, the materials and ornamentations varied slightly from Hội An to George Town. The Hội An shop houses were mostly built from an incredibly strong local wood called tin (ironwood); the early George Town houses had attap roofs, while the later houses were built of burnt clay bricks (Dror and Taylor, 2006; Hussin, 2009). The houses in Hội An were also built with flooding in mind, as the river was known to overflow during the monsoon; they had removable boards and pulley systems to protect goods (Dror and Taylor, 2006; Morel, 2010). The façade of shop houses in George Town very distinctly reflected the ethnicity of its owner through ornamentation: “carved wood panels and fascia boards of the indigenous and Indo-Malay, elaborate and superstitious images of the Chinese, the arches of Mogul India, the neoclassical elements of British architecture of the Georgian and Regency periods and the modernism of art deco and modern architecture” (World Heritage Site Special Area Plan SAP §A4.11.8). Conclusion This analysis of Chinese public and private buildings in Hội An and George Town has helped understand one aspect of the fabric of Southeast Asian ports. The overseas Chinese merchant community was a significant presence throughout the region and thus highly impacted both its economy and society. However, this study has also shown that their seaward migration and activities in trading has impacted their lifestyle and culture. The built environment reflects the dual relationship of this group with the sea: there is a preoccupation with efficiently utilizing it for �trading and an understanding of it as something that both separates and connects them to the homeland. The theoretical approach outlined in the first section of this paper considers the port both as part of the maritime cultural landscape and as a maritime cultural landscape in and of itself in order to visualise how the economic and technological aspects of maritime trade impact its form and development. It also proposes focusing on the built environment in order to draw out the characteristics of a cosmopolitan port culture, based on the idea that trade forces cosmopolitanism, that is the coexistence of various cultural groups in one space. The reverse relationship has not yet been investigated. With the same approach, it may be possible to visualise how cosmopolitanism impacts trade (the same way it impacted architecture as seen in the evolution of shop houses in George Town), where the specialised trade structures (wharves, warehouses, customs…) would reflect adaptations to new environments and new people. Endnotes 1 Hội An also fits criterion (v): to be an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of a culture (or cultures), or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change.” George Town also fits criterion (iii): to bear a unique or at least exception testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilisation which is living or which has disappeared;” and criterion (iv): to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensembles, or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history.” 2 Known in different contexts as Mazu/Matsu, Tianhou, (Thiên Hậu in Vietnamese), or Guanyi (Kuan Im in Penang) References Bill, J., and Clausen, B. L., 1999. Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town: Papers from the 5th International Conference on Waterfront �Archaeology in Copenhagen, 14–16 May 1998. The National Museum, Copenhagen. Chen, C. H., 2002. Historical Notes on Hội An (Faifo). In John E. Wills Jr. (Ed.), Eclipsed Entrepôts of the Western Pacific: Taiwan and Central Vietnam, 1500–1800, The Pacific World Series, Vol. 5. Ashgate Publishing, Hampshire: 285–361. Dalrymple, A., 1791–1797. 1791–1797 Oriental Reperatory. 2 vols. London. Dror, O., and Taylor, K., 2006. Views of Seventeenth-Century Vietnam: Christoforo Borri on Cochinchina & Samuel Baron on Tonkin. Southeast Asia Program Publications. Cornell University, Ithaca. George Town World Heritage Incorporated, n.d. A Guide to Selected Chinese Clan Houses in the George Town World Heritage Site. George Town World Heritage Incorporated, George Town. Hussin, N., 2009. Trade and Society in the Straits of Melaka. Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780-1830. NIAS Press, Copenhagen. Langdon, M., 2015. A Guide to George Town’s Historic Commercial and Civic Precincts. George Town World Heritage Incorporated, George Town. Lewis, S. L., 2016. Cities in Motion Urban Life and Cosmopolitanism in Southeast Asia, 1920–1940. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Li, T., 1998. Nguyễn Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Studies on Southeast Asia no. 23. Southeast Asia Program Publications, Ithaca, N.Y. Lockard, C. A., 2010. “The Sea Common to All”: Maritime frontiers, port cities, and Chinese traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750. Journal of World History, Vol. 21 (2): 219–219. Mackie, J. A. A., 1996. Introduction. In Anthony Reid (Ed.), Sojourners and Settlers: Histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese, University of Hawai’I Press: Honolulu:xii–xxx. �Moll-Murata, C., 2008. Chinese Guilds from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Centuries: An Overview. International Review of Social History, Vol. 53 (S16): 213–247. Morel, J. P., 2010. Pierre Poivre en Cochinchine. Electronic document, http://www.pierre-poivre.fr/Poivre-en-Cochinchine.pdf, accessed June 22 2016. Mushynsky, J., 2011. Sea Fluidity: Recording Indigenous Seascapes and Maritime Cultural Landscapes in Saipan, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Unpublished Masters Thesis, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Adelaide. Naquin, S., and Rawski, E. S., 1987. Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century. Yale University, New Haven. Parker, A.J., 2001. Maritime landscapes. Landscapes, Vol. 2 (1): 22–41. Purcell, V., 1965. The Chinese in Southeast Asia. Oxford University Press, London. Rapoport, A., 1998. Using ‘culture’ in housing design. Housing and Society, Vol. 25 (1–2): 1–20. Reid, A., 1993. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680, Volume Two: Expansion and crisis. Yale University Press, New Haven. Rogers, A., 2013. Social archaeological approaches in port and harbour studies. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 8 (2): 181–196. Trocki, C. A., 1997. Chinese Pioneering in Eighteenth-Century Southeast Asia. In Anthony Reid (Ed.), The Last Stand of Asian Autonomies: Responses to Modernity in the Diverse States of Southeast Asia and Korea, 1750–1900, Macmillan Press Ltd, London: 80–101. Tuddenham, D. B., 2010. Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Maritimity and Quasi Objects. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 5: 5–16. UNESCO 2016 Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention. UNESCO, Paris. �Westerdahl, C., 1992. The maritime cultural landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 21 (1): 5–14. Westerdahl, C., 1999. Inland water boats and shipping in Sweden the Great Lakes: The application of a theory on transport zones and maritime enclaves. Archaeonautica, Vol. 14: 135–143. Westerdahl, C., 2006. The relationship between land roads and sea routes in the past – Some reflections. Deutsches Schiffarhrtsarchiv, Vol. 29: 59–114. Westerdahl, C., 2007. Fish and Ships. Towards a theory of maritime culture. Deutsches Schiffarhrtsarchiv, Vol. 30: 191–236. Westerdahl, C., 2011. The maritime cultural landscape. In Alex Castambis, Ben Ford, Donny L. Hamilton (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, Oxford University Press, Oxford: 733–762. Wheeler, C., 2001. Cross-Cultural Trade and Trans-Regional Networks in the Port of Hội An: Maritime Vietnam in the Early Modern Era. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Faculty of the Graduate School, Yale University, New Haven. Wheeler, C., 2006. One Region, Two Histories: Cham Precedents in the History of the Hội An Region. In Nhung Tuyet Tran and Anthony Reid (Eds.) Vietnam Borderless Histories, The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison: 163–193. World Heritage Site Special Area Plan SAP §A4.11.8 Wu, X. A., 2010. Chinese Business in the Making of a Malay State, 1882– 1941 Kedah Penang. NUS Press, Singapore. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Living and Trading: A Dual Approach to Studying Southeast Asian Port Cities Description An account of the resource The historical ports of Southeast Asia were highly active regional mercantile hubs located at the crossroads between the East Asian and Indian Ocean trading networks. These strategically places attracted merchants and sailors from the world over, some of whom stayed on a permanent or semi-permanent basis to carry out their business. By their very nature, Southeast Asian ports are thus both economic spaces dedicated to maritime activities, and cosmopolitan spaces where people from different social and cultural backgrounds came together. This duality is expressed in the built environment, which contains specialised structures to facilitate trade (such as wharves, warehouses, and boatyards) but also communicates people’s identity. This paper proposes studying historical port cities by combining a maritime cultural landscape approach and urban social theory to understand the economic as well as the socio-cultural fabric of Southeast Asian ports. This approach will be applied to two very different port cities: Hội An in Central Vietnam, and George Town in Malaysia. Whereas Hội An was an informal temporary market place that grew to be one of the region’s biggest entrepôt ports in the 18th century, George Town was founded as a trading outpost for the British East India Company in 1786, before becoming the seat of many mercantile firms and banks in the 19th century. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Charlotte Papillaud Looram Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Charlotte Papillaud Looram Asia-Pac Session 9 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c7b4e985d10b43309880ebd1ff8539ff.pdf c815c45ad5c9ab379eabfe0e9b86013d PDF Text Text China’s First Purpose Designed and Built Lighthouse: Findings from the Analysis of a Long Lost but Recently Rediscovered Photograph of the Xiyu Pagoda Light (李西山塔晚燈, Lixishanta Wangdeng) Stephen Davies University of Hong Kong Email. stephen.davies79@gmail.com Abstract Although it has long been known that a purposely designed and built ‘pagoda’ lighthouse existed on the Penghu Islands’ Xiyu (Fisher’s) Island as of 1778, exactly what it looked like, how large it was and where it was placed vis-à-vis the 1875 Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs light that still exists has never been known. Existing Chinese data, from a contemporary stele the text of which was written by or for the then Taiwan Prefect, Jiang Yunshu, uses self-consistent traditional units of measure suggesting the seven level pagoda was of the order of 18m or more high. Other contemporary Chinese data speak of a powerful light that, rhetorically at least, could be seen from Taiwan in one direction and Xiamen in the other! Western reports, which we have from 1797 and more systematically as of Captain Richard Collinson’s survey of 1844, propose a tower only some 10m high and a very occasional light visible at best only one mile distant. There has been no way of reconciling these very different reports until the recent discovery in a major British archive of a photograph of the 1778 pagoda - as rebuilt after typhoon damage in 1823 - that can be dated to c.1875. In this paper this photograph will be presented and discussed and an attempt made, thanks to modern three dimensional modelling, to give accurate dimensions. Additional discussion will focus on features of the pagoda lighthouse revealed in the photograph that connect with hitherto ill-understood remains both in the present day lighthouse compound and in the Buddhist temple in the nearby village of Wai’an. Keywords: Fisher Island, Collinson, Revit, zhang, chi, Jiang Yuanshu, temple, Heavenly General �Introduction The author is part of a City University of Hong Kong lighthouse heritage project sponsored by the Office of the Provost and led by Prof. Steve Ching. The project aims to make Hong Kong, Taiwan and China’s lighthouse heritage more widely known and appreciated through wellmade videos focussed on specific heritage lighthouses. In support of the film-making the lighthouses are extensively researched, which is the author’s main role in the team. Other than the obvious aim to ensure that the videos are factually correct, the project aim is to highlight the international, cross-cultural character of heritage lighthouses and the strong historical links between China’s coast and the wider world, as well as to provide or supplement data for use by historians and archaeologists working on regional lighthouse heritage. One of the team’s recent foci has been the heritage lighthouses of Taiwan’s Penghu Islands (澎湖群島), in particular what is today called Yuwengdao Lighthouse on Yuweng Dao ( 漁翁島 (Fisher Island)) in Xiyu County (西嶼鄉)). The Puzzle The location of the old Pagoda Lighthouse1 is now occupied by Penghu and Taiwan’s oldest modern lighthouse, the Yuwengdao Lighthouse. The latter was built in 1875, following a site survey in 1874, as part of the second lighthouse programme of the CIMCS Marine Department.2 However, it had been preceded by an earlier, entirely Chinese designed, funded, and built structure dating from a century earlier. Data recounting the erection of the 1778 lighthouse and an affiliated Mazu Temple can be found on two granite stelae, now so weathered as to be all but illegible, in the forecourt of the Wenchang Wang Temple (西嶼鄉外 640 �垵村溫王宮) in the village of Wai’an (外垵), 1.4 kilometres west-north-west of the old lighthouse site, and two copies in the present lighthouse compound. The structures were built with money raised by the Taiwan Prefect, Jiang Yuanshu (蔣元樞), and the local Penghu magistrate, Xie Weiqi (謝維祺), largely from Taiwan and Xiamen based shipping interests. Styled the Xiyu Pagoda Courtyard, the construction began in 1777 and completed in 1778 on the site of a collapsed 17th century pagoda or, possibly, fort. In 1823, a typhoon severely damaged the structure. It was rebuilt and renamed the Xiyu Pagoda Temple and was back in commission in 1828. The pagoda was of seven storeys and five zhang (丈) high, built of granite and was in some sense Buddhist.3 The stele text also gives the measurement of the sides of the base of the tower as five zhang. Although the translation is uncertain, it further states that each storey was served by a staircase that rose seven chi (尺), which may be another way of saying each floor was 7 chi high. That would be consistent with the height of five zhang allowing for a roof finial.4 Five zhang is not a determinate measurement. The zhang was divided into 10 chi but the relevant modern value of the chi in SI units is uncertain. The original value is thought to have been 9.5” (0.24m) to 9.8” (0.25m). As Louise Levathes notes however, by the Ming dynasty and probably for centuries before as in contemporary Europe, values for the chi varied between regions and between trades. Within shipbuilding alone one provincial range was from 10.53” (0.27m) to 13.338” (0.34m), and across China could be as small as 9.5” (0.24m)..5 G.R.G. Worcester noted that in his days (1930s-40s) the value of the chi varied from 8.6” (0.22m) to 27.8” (0.71m) and that the China Commercial Guide of the day gave over 100 641 �different values for the unit.6 The bounds of those values place the height of the Xiyu Pagoda Light as lying between 11m and 35.5m. There are also descriptions in western sources. The earliest was on 1st July, 1797 by the Briton, William Broughton, passing two or three miles to westward, who noted,7 “an Obelisk of Stones rais’d I shou’d imagine for the advantage of the Junks who trade to these Islands.” The next came from Captain Richard Collinson’s surveying exercise along the coasts of China in HMS Plover from 1843 until 1846.8 The resulting sailing directions (a sort of sailor’s guidebook), the “Sailing Directions for the Panghu or Pescadore Archipelago, with notices of the islands”, recorded, “On (Fisher’s Island) SW. extreme is a Light-house 225 feet above the sea.” A little over a decade later, a further British survey in 1858 by Captain GAC Brooker in the steam paddle sloop HMS Inflexible supplemented the earlier description. The third edition of The China Pilot in 1861, collated by John W. King, gave Captain Brooker’s update, which agreed with Collinson’s height above the sea, identified the date of construction, but declared the pagoda to be only 30’ (9.14m) high..9 It is evident that the differences between the given western height and the estimate from Chinese values (11m-35m) are hard to reconcile. In addition to the uncertain measurements and verbal descriptions, two images of the old pagoda lighthouse survived. Jiang Yuanshu commissioned some paintings of his time in Taiwan that are now in the National Palace Museum, Taipei. One of them is of the Penghu Islands and shows a distinctly geographically separated pagoda and temple. The temple, shown in some respects where today Wai’an lies, is labelled Tiãn Hòu gōng (天后宮, Tian Hou temple). The pagoda, shown quite conventionally as of a traditional form with seven storeys including the 642 �base, is labelled Juān jiàn xī yǔ fútú (捐建西嶼浮屠, roughly “Buddhist pagoda/stupa established on Xiyu (Island) by donation”). The second small and schematic image is on Captain Collinson’s manuscript chart.10 The structure shown had a wide base and a low building with a short tower on its seaward side. A doorway faced the viewer and a lantern chamber with a traditional curved-eaves roof topped the whole. Neither image is helpful in resolving either measurement issues or the actual appearance of the pagoda light. Physical Remains At the lighthouse site there is thought to be the following possible remains. To the north of the present lighthouse compound there is a debris field of bricks and brick fragments that may be associated with the earlier structure. No archaeological work seems to have been done on this, so the exact status of the remains is uncertain. Within the lighthouse compound there are two walls, of unknown age, not aligned with the present structure that folk memory associates with the earlier structure. There is also a raised, almost square c.15m x c.15m area similarly associated in folk memory with the earlier structure but aligned with the present compound on approximately 0180T south to north and 2900T east to west axes, not the 0000/1800 and 0900/2700 of the old walls. In neither of these cases has systematic research been done. Folk memory also associates some of the cut granite stones used in the present compound with relics from the older structure. In addition, local Wai’an folk memory believes the smaller of two images of Mazu in a side altar in the Wenchang Wang Temple may have come from the temple built near the Pagoda Lighthouse. In a side recess in the 643 �Wenchang Wang Temple there is also a board with large, carved characters, believed to be from above the altar in the small Mazu temple. Separately, in the Wai’an, Buddhist, Cí Hángsì (慈航寺) Temple there are twelve, carved, bas-relief stone tablets around the main altar that are also associated with the old lighthouse buildings.11 Finally, in the modern lighthouse enclosure is a solid, granite, jar-shaped object, around 0.80m tall and 0.4m in maximum diameter with three holes drilled into its top surface. Local folk memory describes this somewhat loosely as ‘the old light’, though exactly what is intended by the description is not certain. The three holes in the top may have been locators to hold something in position on the top surface of the stone. It follows that no data, or no fully reliable data existed as to what the old pagoda lighthouse looked like, what its dimensions were, where exactly it stood, and how it related to the affiliated Mazu Temple. My main research thrust was to find a reliable image, if one existed, so that we could use it to resolve some of these puzzles and in the video. Discovery After a frustrating initial period that looked like the search could take years and may have gone nowhere, blind good luck during an Internet search found a photograph titled “Lighthouse on Fisher Island (Pescadores)”, dated to c.1900, in the collection of London’s Royal Geographical Society. The luckily spotted screen grab image was good enough to identify a catalogue number that, on enquiry, Ms Joy Wheeler of the RGS confirmed to be what I sought. An inspection of a high-resolution, digital copy provided by the RGS allowed a ballpark date of 1874/75. We know that a Chinese Maritime Customs survey of the site took place in 1874, that the first notice of an 644 �intended new light was published shortly after construction began on 11 July,12 and that it was first lit on 20th December 1875.13 The light tower itself has a label above the entry reading “David Marr Henderson 1874.” Indicative of the advent of the new authority and its assumption of control over the old lighthouse, in the left middle ground of the picture there is a small, upright stone block reading閩海關 (Mǐn hǎiguān – Fujian Maritime Customs (authority)). Fieldwork done in Penghu in October 2016 meant immediate identification of one significant element in the photograph. In the left background of the image, just below the horizon line, there is a conspicuous row of pale objects. When shown in detail, it shows sixteen wedge-shaped blocks of grey stone. These are identical in conformity and number to the stones comprising the foundation of today’s lighthouse tower. Close to the blocks are at least six long wooden poles of the sort that are typically used as the main uprights in Chinese bamboo construction scaffolding. In addition, on the top of the plinth there appears to be some heavy cable and possibly chain flaked down, along with what may be a heavy sheave. There is also a tall bin in the shape of a truncated cone close to the entrance door from the plinth into the pagoda. It is possible to read these as preparations for the demolition of the older structure. In short, the first elements necessary for the construction of the new lighthouse and demolition of the old are in place in the photograph. That would be consistent with a generous date bracket between at the earliest the very end of 1874 and the latest late spring/early summer 1875. The image shows an uncharacteristically stepped, octagonal pagoda fronted by a low, three component building. The latter consists of two projecting, single storey wings joined by a gateway topped by an illegible signboard at the right hand end and by a slightly taller, single-storey building across 645 �their ends nearest the pagoda. A small courtyard lies between the gateway and the transverse building. Between the transverse building and the pagoda would appear to have been a second courtyard formed by the back of the transverse building and two enclosing walls joining the ends of the transverse building to the corners of the pagoda base. The pagoda was built of ashlar blocks described in the stele as granite. The laying pattern cannot be distinguished, save that it is in parallel courses of long blocks irregularly interspersed with shorter stones that may be bond- or through stones. The small temple would appear by contrast to have been built using a random rubble construction technique with ashlar quoins. The pagoda is a low, stepped structure consisting of six octagonal storeys stood on a massive square plinth and topped by a classic, curved eave Chinese roof, itself topped by a Buddhist, ‘precious water jar’ shaped finial. This is identical in shape to ‘the old light’ that now stands in the present lighthouse compound. The seven levels are not equal, the values being broadly what we treat as a ‘whole height’ base or 1st and 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th levels, with the 2nd and 3rd levels each of half height. However, as with all vernacular, artisanal architecture, the ‘whole height’ measure, taking this to be the height of the plinth (=1), varies irregularly between 0.66 and 1.03.14 Much the most important element in the photograph is the six visible inset tablets with bas-relief images carved on them. These are on storeys four, five and six. The images on each level are on alternate faces. However the images on storey five are on the four faces left blank on storeys four and six. The visible images imply a further six on the faces of the pagoda out of shot for a total of twelve. Insofar as the resolution allows us to decide the matter, the visible images tally with some of the twelve images 646 �in the Cí Hángsì temple in Wai’an, believed to have come from the old pagoda. The images would appear to be variants on what Chinese (and Japanese) Buddhism call the Twelve Heavenly Generals (十二神將, Shí'èr Shén Jiāng). In our estimation, the two sets of twelve are the same and more research is at present concerned with these images. There is no certainty about the orientation of the pagoda and temple. However, the shadows beneath the shutters projecting from the two wings of the small temple suggest a sun high in the sky within an hour or so of local midday. The initial hypothesis was that the pagoda and temple complex were orientated North/South, with the pagoda to the north.15 This idea is supported by the entrance to the tower being on the south, and the two evident doors from the lantern chamber to the upper parapet walkway (which can be identified because some of its stonework has visibly collapsed), opening east and west. All the access points make sense because in Penghu the prevailing, very strong winds of winter are NE to N and in the summer, though far less strong, from S to SSE. The entrances thus offer sheltered access from the prevailing winds. Evaluation Dimensions The main puzzle was the uncertain dimensions of the pagoda and temple, much confused by the very different values given by the traditional Chinese units of measure and the height of the pagoda from British sources. To help decide this and more closely date the photograph, Steve Ching organized the help of Anthony Leung Ka Ho, an architecture student at the City University of Hong Kong, who is an adept with Autodesk Revit Architecture software.16 With the photograph as a backdrop template, 647 �Leung drew a 3D CAD drawing, which he artistically rendered to replicate tones and textures of the original albumen image. This was then a fully manipulating computerized 3D model, the only missing aspects of which were the interior of the buildings, on which we remain entirely ignorant. All we can conjecture at present is that a closer investigation of the brick debris area just north of the present compound may give evidence of the tower interior to have been of brick. The software also allowed analysis of the model to establish probable parameters for dimensions. This was done by scaling off such things as the height of any people and any known dimensions of objects in the original photograph. To this end the most important features of the photograph were two. The first was the two human figures. One stands on the plinth leaning against the wall of the pagoda’s second level with his elbow resting on its top. The second is standing in a doorway leading out from the small courtyard between the Mazu temple and the pagoda. Both figures are dressed in western clothing, though it is not possible to be sure if both are in fact westerners. In the present context, their importance lies in helping to narrow down feasible answers to the issue of the height of the pagoda. The broad height bracket that covers averages of the era is for Chinese people around 1.63m, Europeans around 1.67m and North Americans around 1.73cm.17 The normal variance in the mid-1870s for the average heights in question is ±7cm, so with one Chinese and one Western person, working numbers were taken to be 1.55-1.65m and 1.75-1.85m. Similarly, it was supposed that doorway heights in the visible doors were c.2m. Scaling the drawing using these values led Mr Leung to use a plinth height of 3.1m, which gave a pagoda height of 16m. 648 �This estimated value vindicated and gave a more precise value to the traditional Chinese measure and led us to discard the Captain Brooker’s claimed 30’ (9.14m), but left us uncertain how to evaluate the given height of the lantern of 225’ (68.6m) agreed by both Collinson and Brooker, which will have been measured by vertical sextant angle and will have been accurate to within quite close tolerances. Today’s height above sea level to the focal plane of the light is given as 199’ (61m); the height above ground of the focal plane is listed as 36’ (11m).18 It follows that ground level is 163’ (50m) and within reasonable error margins this is confirmed by Google Earth, with its terrain layer set ‘on’, on which the average of eleven readings inside the lighthouse compound around the light itself is 48.4m.19 On that measurement the pagoda would have been between (68.6m – 48.4m) = 20.2m and (68.6m – 50m) = 18.6m. The estimated spread for the pagoda’s height is therefore 16m to 20.2m giving a chi of 0.32m to 0.404m. One route to tighter measurement is via the bas-relief carvings on the pagoda’s faces and now in the Cí Hángsì temple in Wai’an. Whilst we cannot be certain that the tablets are exactly as they were when in situ, given that they are granite it seems unlikely they will have emerged significantly reduced in size. Although the twelve tablets are not all of the same dimensions, they are all the same height to within c.10mm, which is c.500mm. Using these as a gauge suggests a pagoda height of c.15.5m. The final benefit of the software was that, once we were sufficiently satisfied that the CAD model we had derived was close enough to what we thought the photograph showed, it enabled us to 3D print a plastic scale model, the evaluation of which has allowed us further to refine the 3D CAD drawing. 649 �Orientation An additional bonus was that with the use of the software’s built in sun and shadow creation tools and some initial ideas, based on crude onscreen analysis of the photograph and data on annual and diurnal solar movements (altitude/elevation, azimuth and declination) derived from a nautical almanac, the shadow patterns observed in the original photograph could be replicated on the CAD model. The key shadows were those cast by the shutters on the temple annexes’ windows, by the overhang of the eaves above the windows, and by the intensity of the shade on the left side of the ensemble of structures. Once the shadows were matched, the software settings gave the time of year in which the photograph was taken to within extremely tight parameters. The precision of the result is probably illusory but the software suggests the photograph was taken at c.1105 a.m. on 17th May, 1875. A safe conclusion would be that the image was taken in mid-May 1875. The software also supported the hypothesis that the pagoda and temple complex was orientated facing south. This was derived from the azimuth (compass bearing) of the sun when the shadows on 3D rendering and photograph matched. For the sun’s path from sunrise to sunset was shown on the CAD drawing as a celestial arc orientated in relation to a compass rose on the ‘ground’ around the model. This showed that to within a few degrees the orientation of the structures was as surmised. Location The final element of the puzzle, which could then guide further, on site investigation, was the location of the pagoda and temple complex in 650 �relation to the present Yuwengdao Lighthouse compound. The photograph offers only three indirect hints. The first and least reliable is the stockpile of cut stones for the platform on which the new light would be erected. Given that each would have weighed perhaps two tonnes, 20 it is unlikely they would have been stockpiled very far from where they were expected to be needed, though manifestly well out of the way of the intended demolition work on the old pagoda and temple and subsequent marking out of the site and site formation. A second, possibly more reliable hint is what appears to be the line of a footpath or track coming in from the right, about one third of the way up the photograph’s edge, running across in front of the temple and petering about in the area of what we surmise to be scaffolding poles. There is a fork in the path just to the left of the temple, leading around in the general direction of the doorway into the back courtyard between temple and pagoda, suggesting that there may have been no direct access from the temple into the courtyard and to the pagoda. Supposing the old structures to be facing south, the track has roughly the alignment of today’s motor road from Wai’an as it reaches the lighthouse compound, which is what one would expect. The present location of the lighthouse is surrounded on the southwest, west and northwest by a roughly ten metre high, vertical cliff varying from twenty to forty metres from the compound wall. Because of this, and as we know from how new lighthouse machinery was delivered by the Japanese authorities in 1937 or 1938,21 the materials for building the new lighthouse will have been landed at Wai’an and then probably carried or dragged overland to the intended lighthouse site along the track we can see. 651 �This thought leads to the final, more indicative, but extremely hard to interpret hint. This comes from the horizon beyond the pagoda and temple. The indicator is the visibly different ‘firmness’ to the horizon line on the two sides of the building complex. On the left it is sharp and closer to the camera. On the right it is further away, less well defined and suggestive of ground rising very gradually up the right of the picture. When related to a contour map of the south western end of Xiyu Island, the presumed location of the old structures can be inferred from these observations and the location of the materials stockpile shown. Put briefly, the left horizon is the nearby cliff edge. The right horizon, which reappears from noticeably further ‘behind’ the old structures, suggests that, in the region we cannot see behind structures, the horizon has trended more north-easterly. This is what it does on the ground today. From the contour map, we can also see that northeastward through east from the presumed location the ground rises very slowly and unevenly to around 60m as part of the plateau on the western extreme of which today’s lighthouse compound stands. This fits the image and helps explain the less sharply defined horizon line to the right of the buildings. A further bonus of the 3D modelling software is that it allowed us to work out the placement of the camera in relation to the building depending on some tentative conclusions as to the lens used. This in turn allowed us to assess the suggestion that the raised area by the present generator house and the old wall on the north side of the animal pen are relics of the old structures. From a contour map with today’s compound, it is clear the camera and photographer had to have been almost on the edge of the low, 10m cliff that surrounds today’s compound from south round to north, at most around 40m distant but as little as 20-25m. The computer modelling 652 �showed that this was indeed the case. Taking the centre of the west wall of the temple and pagoda complex as the reference point, the analysis placed the camera 28.94m away in a direction of 2100T so that it stood just short of the cliff edge. The angle of around 200 between the camera and the top of the pagoda accounts for the foreshortening evident in the photograph. That this was the broad set of relationships was partially supported by a review of the range of what were called view or landscape lenses in use in the 1870s.22 Crucially, these had angular fields of view of 600 to 1000, with the most common types having a field of view of 600 – 800. Analysis suggested that the lens used to take the image covered an angular field of view of 630. This incidentally also helped support our conclusions derived from other sources as to the height of the pagoda. This photographic and desktop analysis is intended as a preliminary guide to guide on site investigation that will serve to assess the analysis with archaeological work on the area of raised ground in the pagoda and the area with brick remains to the north of the present compound. Conclusion In default of precise data, our research has shown how, with modern computerised tools and a photograph, uncertain verbal and visual data from historical sources about vanished coastal buildings like lighthouses can be used to derive quite tightly defined measurements and locations that, in turn, can help guide subsequent archaeological fieldwork. Endnotes The first western chart named it Lixishanta Wangdeng (李西山塔晚燈) for reasons utterly obscure. Although western Light Lists referred to the light as Litsitah Light until well into the 20th century, in Penghu the name is unknown and the characters bear no relation to any current or 1 653 �historical Chinese name. In early days the Chinese for lighthouse was 晚 燈 (wǎndēng, night light), not today’s 燈塔 (dēngtǎ, light tower) 2 Banister, T. Roger, 1932. The coastwise lights of China: an illustrated account of the Chinese Maritime Customs Lights Service, Inspector General of Customs, Shanghai: 6. The CIMCS Marine Department had been created in 1868 大清乾隆44年 (1779) 澎湖廳通刊謝維祺撰的「澎湖西嶼浮圖記」(建修 西嶼塔院落成碑記). The local rock is basalt, so if the structure was of 3 granite, it will have been imported, probably from Fujian. see清乾隆43年 (1778) 台灣府知府蔣元樞所撰的「刀建西嶼浮圖記」(建 修西嶼塔院落成碑記 / 創建西嶼塔燈碑記) 4 5 Levathes, Louise, 1994. When China ruled the seas: the treasure fleet of the Dragon Throne 1405-1433, Simon & Schuster, New York: 80. 6 Worcester, G.R.G., 1947-48. The junks and sampans of the Yangtze; a study in Chinese nautical research, 2 vols., Inspectorate-General of Customs, Shanghai: vol.1, xiv. Morrison, John Robert, 1834. A Chinese commercial guide, consisting of a collection of details respecting foreign trade in China, The Albion Press, Canton: 70 gives a range of 12.65” (0.32m) to 14.58” (0.37m). A later edition has values 12.1” (0.31m) to 14.81” (0.38m), see Williams, Samuel Wells, 1856. A Chinese Commercial Guide, 4th ed., The Chinese Repository, Canton. 7 Broughton, W.R., (Intro & Ed. Barry Gough) 2016. William Robert Broughton's Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific 1795–1798, CRC Press, Boca Raton FL: 140 8 Dawson, L.S., 1885. Memoirs of hydrography, vol. II, Henry Keay, The Imperial Library, Eastbourne: 31. See also Fix, Douglas, 2014. Charting Formosan waters: British surveys of Taiwan's ports and seas, 18171867. 漢學研究 (Hanxue Yanjiu (Chinese Studies)), 2014, Vol. 32.2: 748 and Barr, William, 2007. Arctic Hell-ship: The Voyage of HMS Enterprise, 1850-1855, University of Alberta Press: 7-8 9 King, John W. (Ed.), 1861. The China Pilot, 3rd Edition, The Hydrographic Office, London: 127. 10 Collinson, Richard, 1844, Draft survey, H.M.S. Plover and Young Hebe. Hydrographic Office archives, L4368 Shelf 13G. 654 �11 The project team is indebted to Mr Xu Youzhi, president of the Da Chi elementary school and keen local historian for showing us these relics. 12 For the survey and the date of the start of construction on July 11 1875 see Taiwan’s National Cultural Heritage Database Management System at https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/English/cultureassets/Building/upt.aspx?p0=1 0116 accessed on 23.6.2017. For the notice of intention July 13 1875. Notice to Mariners No.99—CHINA—PESCADORES ISLANDS— FISHER ISLAND. (1.) Intended Light on Litsitah Point. The London Gazette, No. 24227: 3566, March 3, 1876, Notice to Mariners No.25 —CHINA—PESCADORES ISLANDS—FISHER ISLAND. (1.) Fixed Light in Litsitah Point, The London Gazette, No.24302: 1734 The version of the Taiwan National Heritage Database in Chinese contends that the light was first lit on 18 November, shortly after completion. 13 14 The actual values, using the plinth as unity, are approximately: Plinth = 1, 2nd level = 0.41, 3rd level = 0.34, 4th level = 0.81, 5th level = 0.75, 6th level = 0.66, 7th level (to top of finial) =1.03. The total value is exactly 5 ‘plinth units’ In general temples – like many important Chinese buildings – were orientated (i.e. had the principal entrance) facing south – see Mak, Michael Y. and So, Albert T., 2015. Scientific Feng Shui for the Built Environment: Theories and Applications, New Ed., City University of HK Press, Hong Kong: 83-85. Tian Hou /Mazu temples were often exceptions since there was an overriding requirement that the temple faced the sea, see Wang, Chen-shan Ellen, 2003. Historic Preservation in Taiwan: The Restoration of Tainan Da Tianhou Gong, unpublished Master of Science thesis, University of Pennsylvania: 50. The Xiyu Pagoda temple could achieve both. 15 16 See https://www.autodesk.com.hk/products/revit-family/architecture 17 see https://ourworldindata.org/human-height/ accessed on 15.5.2017 18 National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, 2015. Pub. 112 - List Of Lights Radio Aids And Fog Signals 2015: Western Pacific And Indian Oceans Including The Persian Gulf And Red Sea, National GeospatialIntelligence Agency, Springfield VA: 172. For the listed height as to the focal plane of the light see International Hydrographic Bureau, 2004. 655 �Standardization of List of Lights and Fog Signals, International Hydrographic Bureau, Monaco: para. 3.1, A-4 and para 4.5, A-13. 19 the values were 45m, 44m, 47m, 49m, 50m, 49m, 50m, 49m, 49m, 50m and 50m – Google Earth sampled 11.5.2017. Errors are known to be <±30m – see discussion at https://productforums.google.com/forum/#!topic/earth/3Th8MuHzKtE accessed on 15.5.2017 20 Online tables and calculators give one cubic metre of granite as weighing c.2,75 tonnes. Each of the granite stones will have been c.0.70.8 cu. m. 21 Oral testimony gathered in Wai’an Village, October 2016 22 Illustrated Catalogue issued annually by Thomas H. McCollin, Thos H. McCollin, Philadelphia: 1-17 and other related materials on the excellent website at http://piercevaubel.com/cam/catalogs/1876mccollinlp819.htm References Banister, T. Roger, 1932. The coastwise lights of China: an illustrated account of the Chinese Maritime Customs Lights Service, Inspector General of Customs, Shanghai. Broughton, W.R., (Intro & Ed. Barry Gough) 2016. William Robert Broughton's Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific 1795–1798, CRC Press, Boca Raton FL. Dawson, L.S., 1885. Memoirs of hydrography, vol. II, Henry Keay, The Imperial Library, Eastbourne. Illustrated Catalogue issued annually by Thomas H. McCollin, Thos H. McCollin, Philadelphia. International Hydrographic Bureau, 2004. Standardization of List of Lights and Fog Signals, International Hydrographic Bureau, Monaco. Levathes, Louise, 1994. When China ruled the seas: the treasure fleet of the Dragon Throne 1405-1433, Simon & Schuster, New York. 656 �Mak, Michael Y. and So, Albert T., 2015. Scientific Feng Shui for the Built Environment: Theories and Applications, New Ed., City University of HK Press, Hong Kong. Morrison, John Robert, 1834. A Chinese commercial guide, consisting of a collection of details respecting foreign trade in China, The Albion Press, Canton. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, 2015. Pub. 112 - List Of Lights Radio Aids And Fog Signals 2015: Western Pacific And Indian Oceans Including The Persian Gulf And Red Sea, National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, Springfield VA. The London Gazette, No.24227, 1875 and No. 24302. 1876. Wang, Chen-shan Ellen, 2003. Historic Preservation in Taiwan: The Restoration of Tainan Da Tianhou Gong, unpublished Master of Science thesis, University of Pennsylvania. Williams, Samuel Wells, 1856. A Chinese Commercial Guide, 4th ed., The Chinese Repository, Canton. Worcester, G.R.G., 1947-48. The junks and sampans of the Yangtze; a study in Chinese nautical research, 2 vols. Inspectorate-General of Customs, Shanghai. 657 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource China’s First Purpose Designed and Built Lighthouse: Findings from the Analysis of a Long Lost but Recently Rediscovered Photograph of the Xiyu Pagoda Light Description An account of the resource Although it has long been known that a purposely designed and built ‘pagoda’ lighthouse existed on the Penghu Islands’ Xiyu (Fisher’s) Island as of 1778, exactly what it looked like, how large it was and where it was placed vis-à-vis the 1875 Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs light that still exists has never been known. Existing Chinese data, from a contemporary stele the text of which was written by or for the then Taiwan Prefect, Jiang Yunshu, uses self-consistent traditional units of measure suggesting the seven level pagoda was of the order of 18m or more high. Other contemporary Chinese data speak of a powerful light that, rhetorically at least, could be seen from Taiwan in one direction and Xiamen in the other! Western reports, which we have from 1797 and more systematically as of Captain Richard Collinson’s survey of 1844, propose a tower only some 10m high and a very occasional light visible at best only one mile distant. There has been no way of reconciling these very different reports until the recent discovery in a major British archive of a photograph of the 1778 pagoda - as rebuilt after typhoon damage in 1823 - that can be dated to c.1875. In this paper this photograph will be presented and discussed and an attempt made, thanks to modern three dimensional modelling, to give accurate dimensions. Additional discussion will focus on features of the pagoda lighthouse revealed in the photograph that connect with hitherto ill-understood remains both in the present day lighthouse compound and in the Buddhist temple in the nearby village of Wai’an. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stephen Davies Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Stephen Davies Asia-Pac Session 9 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5331163ab82870b891ed770de6bfa474.pdf 6ee4d7466115f2d00aac8853e5edd12d PDF Text Text Maritime Activities in Ancient Bali I Wayan Ardika Udayana University, Bali ardika52@yahoo.co.id Abstract Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have also existed between these areas. Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the 12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be very busy in the northern coast of Bali. Key words: Bali, ships, inscriptions Introduction Archaeological discoveries in northern coast of Bali indicate that the island has been involved in maritime activities for nearly 2150 years. The sites of Sembiran and Pacung which was part of ancient port of Julah produced archaeological artefacts mainly potteries of India, mainland of Southeast Asia, and China. In addition, glass, stone beads as well as Han’s bronze mirrors were also discovered at Pangkung Paruk in the northwestern coast of Bali. Two fragments of molds for casting bronze drum and �socketed bronze axe were discovered repectively at Sembiran (Ardika, 1991; Ardika and Bellwood, 1991; Calo et.al, 2015). The discovery of fragments of molds indicate that Sembiran was also an important centre of local craftsmanship. The appearance of those artefacts suggests that long distance or international exchange or trade might have already occurred at the beginning of our century. Inscriptional data from Julah and Sembiran suggest that maritime activities and trade might have continuously occurred in the northeastern coast of Bali at least from the late second century BC until the 12th century AD. The inscription of Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions a market (pasar) and a market officer (ser pasar) at Julah. A regulation concerning stranded ships and their cargos (taban karang) was also stated in the inscription (Goris, 1954; Ardika, 1991). It records that people who lived at a fortified settlement (kuta) at Julah were attacked by their enemies (tarahan) and some of them fled to othe villages. On the basis of the inscriptional data, this paper will describe several pieces of information related to maritime activities in ancient Bali from the early 10th up to 12th century AD. Relevance data from later period are also utilised in this paper. Regulation Concerning Stranded ship (Taban/Tawan Karang) Balinese inscriptions from the early 10th century AD stated the regulations (taban karang) concerning stranded ships or watercrafts in northern Bali. The inscription of Sembiran AI states that if there were stranded ships, boats, or canoes within Julah territory, which are known to the villagers, the cargos had to be donated to the temple for welfare. The captives must be reported to Sang Ratu or King Ugrasena who reigned Bali at that time. �In order to maintain and enforce this regulation, worship was to be offered to Bhatara Punta Hyang (Agastya?)(Ardika, 1991: 227). As far as Taban or Tawan Karang is concerned, this regulation was still utilised until the colonial period in the 19th and the 20th century. The Dutch government and the Balinese kings ratified the regulation, however, they did not implement it properly. The case of Tawan karang at Sangsit port in north Bali was the trigger of Buleleng and Jagaraga wars in the 1846 and 1849, between the Buleleng’s king and the Ducth government. The Jagaraga war can be said as the end of the Buleleng souvereignty, and the beginning of colonialization of the Ducth government in north Bali (Wirawan, 2017). Similar phenomena also occurred at Karangasem and Klungkung kingdoms in east and south Bali. Conflict on Tawan karang regulation caused the Dutch government to send a military expedition to Karangasem and Kusamba, Klungkung. The Karangasem palace was occupied by the Dutch on 20 May 1849. Gusti Gede Ngurah Karangasem, the king, and his family members fought against it, causing them to be killed. Klungkung and Kusamba could be occupied by the Dutch troop at 3 pm on 24 May 1849 (Agung, 1989: 327). General Michiels and his troop rested at Kusamba Palace used as the headquarters of the General Commander Michels. At midnight on 24 May or at dawn on 25 May 1849, Dewa Agung Istri Kanya, A.A. Ketut Agung and A.A. Made Sangging planned to attack the Dutch troop. At 3 am on 25 May 1849 the Klungkung soldiers reached the target. When the light bullet was fired, all the camps, which had been dark, became bright. General Michiels could be clearly seen standing in front of the palace. �A gun was fired by the Klungkung troops and the general’s right leg got shot, causing him to be upended. The bone of his right leg turned out to be completely wrecked (Agung, 1949: 328). The health officer suggested that it should be amputated; however, he disagreed. He demanded that he be carried to the command ship where he could be treated. His physical condition was getting worse and finally he died at 11 pm on 25 May 1849. On 26 May 1849 the corpse was carried by the warship “Etna” to Batavia (Agung, 1989, 328). The conflict between the King of Badung and the Dutch East Indies government was triggered by the incident in which the Dutch-flagged ship “Sri Kumala” stranded at Sanur beach controlled by the Badung Kingdom on 27 May 1904. The Dutch East Indies government demanded that the compensation amounting to 7,500 guldens to be charged to the Badung King. The local people did not pay for the compensation as they swore that they had not robbed what the ship had carried including uang kepeng (coin with square hole in center). The Badung King’s refusal caused the Badung waters to be blockaded on 6 January 1905 (Agung, 1989: 5). On 20 September 1906 the final war or Puputan Badung occurred and the kingdom of Badung was conquered by the Dutch. The practice of the tawan karang traditional law was getting weaker when the Bali and Lombok kings were getting familiar with the foreign governments especially the Dutch government (Wirawan, 2017: 2). Different perceptions of the tawan karang tradition led to the blood conflicts and wars involving the Dutch colonial government in Bali and Lombok from the middle of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century. �Since the 19th century, the tawan karang tradition has also been referred to as a legal institution of the traditional countries which could not only be found in Bali and Lombok. According to van Vollenhoven, the tawan karang institution could also be found in the Tanimbar archipelago and Central Kalimantan (Utrecht, 1962: 122). The practice of tawan karang showed the royal waters (kliprecht). Tawan karang was the right of a king and his people who controlled a coastal area. They had the right to detain and own any foreign ship. They also had the right to employ its passengers as the slaves that could be traded or killed. It used to be considered the law of god of the seas (Lord Baruna) who was believed to control the coastal area and sea (Utrecht, 1962: 122). However, it was then flexibly defined and applied. The Regulation for Foreign Trader The inscription of Bebetin dated 896 AD describes the regulations concerning the properties of banyaga (seafaring merchants who died at Banwa Bharu (Goris, 1954: 54). The properties had to be divided into two parts, although it is not mentioned what the two divisions were used for. It is also mentioned that timber from the wrecked ships of the banyaga were used for fences or palisades around the fortified settlement (kuta) at Banwa Bharu. It thus seems that the fortified settlements at Julah and Banwa Bharu were both surrounded by wood or bamboo fences (Ardika, 1991: 141). This was also the characteristic of city in Southeast Asia between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries AD (Reid 1980: 242). It should be noted that the terms kuta and ser pasar (market officer) are also mentioned in the inscription of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 (Goris, 1954: 54). Banwa Bharu could have been another port site in north Bali, possibly �located near the modern village of Sangsit, about 15 km west of Julah, where the small port still exists. Based on the inscriptions of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 and Sembiran AI dated AD 922, it is impossible to find wrecked ship in the northern coast of Bali. It is due to the regulation that the timbers of the wrecked ship was used for fences or palisade of fortified settlement at Julah and Banwa Bharu. The Type of Watercrafts The Balinese inscriptions mentioned several types of watercrafts including perahu, bahitra, jong, lancang, etc. For instance, the inscription of Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions: IIIb.3 ... yanada taban karang ditu, parahu, lancang jukung, talaka ... (Ardika, 1991: 227; Goris, 1954). It means if there were ship, boat, canoe and canoe (?) captured based on taban karang regulation at Julah. Based on Sembiran AI inscription at least there were four types of watercrafts at that time. The inscription also indicates the Balinese can make canoe or ship. There are several terms of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese inscriptions. These terms are in Table 1 below. Table 1. Several terms of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese inscriptions No Balinese inscriptions Terms of watercrafts 1 Bebetin AI dated AD 896 Lancang, parahu 2 Sembiran AI dated AD 922 Parahu, lancang, jukung, talaka 3 Sembiran AIV dated AD 1065 Jong, bahitra, parahu 4 Sembiran C dated AD 1181 Parawu, jong, banawa �The term of parahu or parawu has been mentioned in the four inscriptions namely Bebetin AI (AD 896), Sembiran AI (AD 922), Sembiran AIV (AD 1065), and Sembiran C (AD 1181). The term parahu or parawu literary means boat (Zoetmulder, 1982: 1280). Parahu seems to be the oldest watercraft mentioned in Balinese inscriptions. Lancang was mentioned in the inscriptions of Bebetin AI (AD 896) and Sembiran AI (AD 922). Lancang literary means small boat (Zoetmulder, 1982). The term of Jukung was mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AI (AD 922). Jukung means small vesel or dug out canoe (Zoetmulder, 1982: 752). Even today, jukung is still made and used in modern Balinese. Similar to Jukung, the term talaka was only used mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AI (AD 922). Talaka literary means canoe. The term Jong was mentioned in the inscriptions of Sembiran AIV (AD 1065) and Sembiran C (AD 1181). Jong is sea going ship.( Zoetmulder, 1982: 748). It is also associated with the Chinese ship. The term bahitra was only mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AIV (dated AD 1065). This term literary means boat or vessel (Zoetmulder, 1982:188). The term banawa was mentioned the inscription Sembiran C (AD 1181) which literary means boat or any kind of ship (Ardika, 1991: 262). On the basis of these inscriptions, Julah seems to be one of the most important ports or harbours in the northern coast of Bali. Chinese jong and big ship might have anchored at Julah in the 11th and 12th century AD. During the Song dynasty, China also took part in trade out of China. Piracy in Ancient Bali The kuta or fortified settlement and pasar or market at Julah were attacked by enemy or pirate many times. The attacks caused social disturbance in Julah and the adjacent area. This situation was first mentioned in the �inscription of Sembiran AI dated to AD 922. The inscription states: Ib. 3. ...lagi tawan bunin...they are continously captured by enemies... (Ardika, 1991: 221). The villagers of fortified settlement at Julah were captured by enemies, and some of them might have fled to other villages. Therefore the king Ugrasena asked them who fled to other villages to return to Julah. The inscription of Sembiran AII dated to AD 975 mentions that king Sri Janasadhu Warmadewa gave a grant of copper plates inscription to the market officer at Julah namely Ida Kumpi Dyah Damai, who gathered together the villagers of Julah and those who lived around the fort, being many of those who returned during the reign of Sang Ratu (king) who was buried at Bwah Rangga (Ardika, 1991:228-233). The inscription mentions the regulation concerning the rights and reponsibilities of the villagers of Julah, and those who lived around the fort. It is worth to noticing that the inscription of Sembiran AIII dated to AD 1016 indicates that the village officers of Julah pay respect to Sang Ratu (Queen) Sri Sang Ẫjṅadewi. The villagers told the Queen that the number of families who lived at Julah formerly was 300, but now only 50 remained. Therefore, the villagers asked taxes to be reduced (Ardika, 1991: 334). On the basis of those inscriptions it seems that the fortified settlement and a market at Julah was attacked and the villagers were killed or captured by enemies or pirates? This attack caused the villagers of Julah to flee to other villages. The Queen or central authorities called them to return to Julah. The Queen renewed the regulation and also reduced taxes for those who lived at Julah. The inscription of Sembiran AIV dated to AD 1065 indicates that the village officers of Julah they consulted and paid respects to Paduka haji �or King Anak Wungsu. The village officers of Julah asked for a grant in order to write down their inscription on copper plates, which was a grant of the previous king. Because they did not think that what was described in the palm leaves would be preserved for the future. It should be noticed that the villagers were allowed to destroy coconut trees which blocked and caused it to be seen by a plundering ship which came to Julah at night (Ardika, 1991: 247). This statement suggests that central authority or King Anak Wungsu protected the villagers of Julah from the attack of plunderers or pirates. As far as plunderers or piracy is concerned, it is clear that their activities caused social disturbances as well as economic instabilities. The inscriptions of Sembiran AI, Sembiran AII, Sembiran AIII, and Sembiran AIV suggest that the villagers of Julah were killed and captured by plunderes, and some of them also fled to other villages. This social disturbance at Julah was handled by Queen or King of Bali, Regulations concerning those people who lived at Julah were described at royal edits. From an economic point of view, plunderers or pirates at Julah might search for goods and valuable things. As already noted, there was a market place at the fortified settlement at Julah. The plunderers or pirates at Julah not only killed and captured people, but also robbed goods and materials at the market. Similar stories were mentioned in the inscription of Sawan AI or Bila I dated to AD 1023. The villagers of Bila were reduced from 50 to 10 families who could not pay the full tribute, so they had to ask the king (raja) for a reduction (Goris, 1954: 101-103). Why the villagers of Bila decreased in number was not mentioned in the inscription. Piracy might have already existed in ancient Bali around the 9th up to 11th century AD. The pirate might attack the anchored ships and market at of �Julah. They killed and captured the villagers and possibly robbed the cargos as well as the goods at the ports site of Julah. The coastal villages in the northeastern coast of Bali might have been plundered by pirates. This attack caused the villagers to flee to other villages, and this authomatically brought about the decreasung number of the people in the village. Conclusion Bali has been involved in maritime activities since prehistoric times. The Balinese inscriptions from the late Ninth and early Tenth century indicate the regulations concerning stranded ship (taban/tawan karang) and an inheritance of foreign traders (banyaga) who died at kuta or fortified settlement in the northern cost of Bali. These regulations suggest that the central authority or king/queen has managed to control the coastal areas of Bali at least in the late Ninth and early Tenth century AD. The regulation of taban/tawan karang was still utilized until the 20th century and throughout the colonial period. In other words, the regulation of taban/tawan karang has been used for more than 1000 years. The taban/tawan karang regulation also triggered conflict and war between the Balinese kings and the Dutch Government in the 19th and 20th century Several types of watercraft were mentioned in the Balinese inscriptions such as: parahu, lancang, jukung, talaka, jong, bahitra, and banawa. These terms might have been related to the sizes and measurements of watercrafts. Piracy might have already existed in Bali or in Indonesia in general in the early 10th century AD. The fortified settlement or kuta and pasar or market at Julah were attacked by plunderers or pirates. The villagers were killed �and captured by plunderers, and some of them fled to other villages. The villagers who lived at Julah could not to pay the full taxes and they asked for reductions to the king/queen. Therefore, the king/queen asked them to return to Julah. References Agung, Ide Anak Agung Gde, 1989. Bali Pada Abad XIX. Yogyakarta: Gajah Mada University Press. Ardika, I Wayan. 1991. Archaeological Research in Northeastern Bali, Indonesia. Disertation. Canberra: Australian National University. Ardika, I Wayan and Peter Bellwood, 1991. Sembiran: the beginnings of Indian contact with Bali. Antiquity, 1991. 65: 221-32. Ardika, I Wayan et.al. 2016. Archaeological Research at the Blanjong Site, Sanur, Bali. Singapore: Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre. Archaeology Report Series. Calo, Ambra, Bagyo Prasetyo, Peter Bellwood, James W. Lankton, Bernard Gratuze, Thomas Oliver Pryce, Andreas Reinecke, Verena Leusch, Heidrun Schenk, Rachel Wood, Rochtri A. Bawono, I Dewa Kompiang Gede, Ni L.K. Citha Yuliati, Jack Fenner, Christian Reepmeyer, Cristina Castillo & Alison K. Carter. 2015. Sembiran and Pacung on the norht coast of Bali a strategic croassoads for early trans Asiatic exchange. Antiquity. 89, 344: 378-396. Goris, R. 1954. Prasasti Bali I & II. Bandung: Masa Baru. Reid, Anthony. 1980. ‘The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries’. JSEAS, 11,2: 235-250. Utrecht, E. 1962. Sedjarah Hukum Internasional di Bali dan Lombok. (Pertjobaan sebuah studi hukum internasional regional di Indonesia). Bandung: Sumur Bandung. �Wirawan, A.A.B. 2017. Tawan Karang Tradition Law and Conflict of Power in Bali and Lombok in the Middle of the 19th Century and beginning of the 20th Century. Denpasar: Faculty of Arts, Udayana University. Zoetmulder, P.J. 1982. Old Javanese English Dictionary. S’ Gravenhage � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Activities in Ancient Bali Description An account of the resource Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have also existed between these areas. Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the 12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be very busy in the northern coast of Bali. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource I Wayan Ardika Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource I Wayan Ardika Language A language of the resource English Asia-Pac Session 9 2017