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                    <text>European Ships of Discovery
Filipe Castro
Texas A&amp;M University
fvcastro@tamu.edu
Abstract
The ships and boats of the 15th and early 16th century European voyages
were the space shuttles of their time, and yet we don’t know much about
them because most have been destroyed by looters and treasure hunters.
This paper will focus on a particular type, the caravel, and presents an
overview of the early European watercraft that crossed the Atlantic and
sailed along the American coasts during the first decades of the 16th
century.
Key words: caravel, 16th Century, Europe, ships, looting

Introduction
The earliest Iberian voyages into the Atlantic were carried out in the
existing ships. Soon however the need to adapt the existing watercraft to
the sailing conditions of the open sea triggered a process of evolution that
is poorly understood, but that reflects the existing cultural, scientific and
economic conditions in the Iberian kingdoms. This is an interesting
process of technological evolution that is in its earliest states of
investigation.
The main ships of the European expansion were sailing ships, mainly
caravels, naus, and galleons. Rowing ships were also used in the
European factories abroad, sometimes shipped in the holds of sailing
ships, and sometimes built in Africa and Asia, in the beginning according
to European standards, but very soon incorporating local features as they

�were understood as advantageous. This paper deals with caravels, a
versatile and small ship type that is still poorly understood.

Caravels
Caravels are among the least understood of all historical vessels.
Mentioned in hundreds, perhaps thousands of books, these ships are
associated with the Iberian exploration of the Atlantic in the 15th century,
and are considered the space shuttles of their time, allowing the
Portuguese and Spanish explorers to sail down the African coast, and
open the maritime routes to the Caribbean, the west coast of Africa, and
the Indian and Pacific Oceans. A few authors have dedicated lengthy
works to this ship type, such as Quirino da Fonseca (1934 and 1935),
Pimentel Barata (1972), Tengarrinha Pires (1980, 1985, 1986, 1988 and
1990), Malcolm Elbl (1985), Francisco Contente Domingues (1989), or
George Schwarz (2008).
Their agility is legendary, and more than 150 years after the first mid-15th
century references to the new exploration caravels, they are mentioned in
an account of a 1597 expedition to the Azores under the Earl of Essex as
fast and highly maneuverable: Whilest we thus stayed about the Rocke,
ye carvalls of Lyshbourne and of the parts thereabouts would daylie come
swarminge about us like butterflies soe neare us as that we might cast a
stone into some of them, and yet could we never catch any one of them,
soe warie and nimble they are (Gorges, 1604, transcribed by Richard
Barker, 2007).
These vessels probably originated in the Mediterranean. The Portuguese
and the Spanish probably changed and adapted this type of vessels to the
navigation along the coast of Africa. Venetian merchant and chronicler

�Alvise da Ca’ da Mosto wrote in the late 15th century: ‘...essendo le
caravelle di Portogallo i migliori navilii che vadino sopra il mare di vele, ed
essendo quelli bene in punto d'ogni cosa che gli fa di bisogno...’ (Ramusio,
1600). Ca’ da Mosto mentions eyes painted on the bow of these caravels,
something characteristic in the Mediterranean since long. He says, about
the inhabitants of the African coast: ‘...e pensavano che gli occhi che si
fanno a prova alli navilii fussero veramente occhi, che 'l navilio per quelli
vedesse dove gli andava per mare ‘(Ramusio, 1600).
This technology spread to northern Europe and the expression ‘carvelbuilt’ still refers to watercraft built with flush laid planks, nailed to preerected frames, a structural improvement that originated in the
Mediterranean and spread along the Atlantic coast of Europe and into the
Baltic, during the late 15th and early 16th centuries.
Although much has been said and written about caravels, these vessels
have never been thoroughly described in historical sources, their
representations are few and impressionistic, and no ship identified as a
caravel has been archaeologically excavated. Replicas have been built
with mixed results, never based on solid supporting information. This
paper is a tentative summary of what is known about these ships, both
from documental sources, written and iconographic, and from the
archaeological record.
Pictures of caravels labelled as such are rare but clear enough to allow
historians, already in the 19th century, to have a fair picture of what they
may have looked like. Portuguese historians Quirino da Fonseca (1934)
and

Tengarrinha

Pires

(1980)

inventoried

representations of caravels in existence.

the

most

important

Pimentel Barata (1989)

published an interesting drawing of a caravel, depicted as the signature
of a caravel master from the 15th century named João de Lião, dated to

�1488 according to the author. This drawing was first published by Avelino
Teixeira da Mota (1971, Fig. 4) who noticed that this is the earliest drawing
of a caravel, designated as such, and one of the earliest dated
representations of a stern panel, which is clearly defined (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Signature of a certain João de Lião, master of caravels, dated to
1488, on a document pertaining to the supply of hardtack to a caravel
departing to Africa. (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, CC II-I-781, in
Mota 1971)

Documental Evidence
Before 1500 we can only guess what the word ‘caravel’ means. All we
have to work with are a few textual references: medieval boats named
carávos, two 12th century Italian references to a type of boat called
Caravellum, one 13th century reference to caravelas in the chart of the
Portuguese village of Gaia, one 14th century reference in Spain, and the
15th century caravels of the Discoveries.
Auguste Jal and Corominas explored the origins of the words cáravo and
qârib, both referring to small boats, sometimes coracles. As to the word
caravellum, there is no way to tell what kind of boat the 1159 Genoese
caravellum coopertum was. These boat type appears in two Genoese
12th century documents, the first mentioned is decked (coopertum)

�serving a navis (1159), and the second (1190) is small, belonging to a
caravelator, presumably working as a harbor tender (Ciciliot, 2005). Furio
Ciciliot points out the fact that in the 12th century the word caravelum,
referring to a small boat, is masculine, and does not become feminine until
it is assimilated to a larger vessel: navis sive caravellae (Ciciliot, 2005).
Historian Malcolm Elbl mentions a 1226 reference to a Portuguese caravel
taken by English ships on a return trip from Gascogne (Elbl, 1985). He
cites the French translation Francisque Michel’s Histoire du commerce et
de la navigacion à de Bordeaux (Michel, 186). Michel mentions only ‘un
navire portugais, appelé le Cardinal’ and indicates the Rotuli Litterarum
Patentium (Rot. Litt. Pat., 10 Hen. III, m. 5) and the Rotuli Litterarum
Clausarum (Rot. Litt. Claus., 10 Hen. III, m. 27 et 14; t. II p. 89, col. 2; et
p. 119, col. 1) as her sources. The Rot. Litt. Pat., mention a ‘navem que
vocatur la cardinale’ (1971, p. 36), and the Rot. Litt. Claus. Membrane 14,
mentions an unrelated incident pertaining to wine trade with Bayonne
(1916, 5). I could not access Membrane 27 of Henry’s 10th year, and I am
not sure that all of Henry’s rolls are published.
The caravels referred to in the Chart of Gaia (1255) seem to be fishing
vessels, of which we know nothing. Square rigged vessels were rare in
the Mediterranean between the early 6th century and the mid-13th
century, and most references to caravels mention lateen sails (Bellabarba,
1999).
Some authors have proposed that caravels were mentioned in Alfonso X’s
Libro de las Leyes or Siete Partidas, as it is better known, written between
1254 and 1265. Most authors, however, agree that the passage in
question – Partida Segunda, Titulo XXIV, Ley VII – mentions haloques,
and not caravelas.

�It seems that caravels are not mentioned in Portuguese documents during
the 14th century. There is a reference to caravels in 1307. Malcom Elbl
(1985) places it in Biscay, Spain, and cites Quirino da Fonseca. Quirino
cites Auguste Jal, and places the caravels in northern Europe (1978), and
Jal (1848) is silent about the place and cites Pierre Carpentier (1766), who
does not place these caravels anywhere, and gives a source for it I could
not find: Charta an. circ. 1307.
From the mid-15th century onwards chroniclers mention caravels
engaged in the exploration of the Atlantic, and later carrying Columbus
into the New World. There are some documents describing caravels, the
best known pertaining to the caravels Niña and India, used by Columbus
in his fourth trip (Smith, 1993), or the caravelões de Arguim published by
Alexandre Monteiro (Monteiro at al., 2011). Carlos Etayo transcribed a
1450 contract for the construction of a caravel for a Catalonian mariner
named Gracia Amat with one central and two side rudders, and a length
to beam ratio around 4/1 (Etayo, 1971). Jacques Paviot and Erich Rieth
published a paper relating the construction by Portuguese shipwrights of
two caravels in Brussels, in 1438 and 1439, for the Duke of Burgundy,
Philippe le Bon (Paviot and Rieth, 1989).
Bibliographic research in Italy, where caravels probably originated, is
scarce. Lucien Bash refers to 24 caravels sent by the Republic of Venice
in 1490, with 24 men each, and 30 caravels in 1499 with capacities
between 100 and 400 botte (Bash, 2000). A botta was close to half a
Portuguese tonel, if we are to trust a 1519 document mentioned by Lane
(1964): ‘Per lettere di Sibilia delli 9 ditto erano avvisi, come a di 6 era
venuta una caravella di portata de 60 tonelle, videlicet 120 botte, a qual
era stata a discoprire le Indie (Mexico)…’(Fulin, 1881).

�Although Portuguese and Spanish historians combed the most important
European archives more than one century ago (Domingues, 2004), almost
nothing is known about caravels. Around 1600 we have the first lists of
timbers for the construction of a caravel in the Lisbon National Library
manuscript known as Livro náutico (Anonymous, c.1590), dated to the
1590s, and two cryptic regimentos by Manoel Fernandez, dated to 1616
and illustrated, but difficult to understand because the drawings are not
always represented in the same vertical and horizontal scales
(Fernandez, 1616).
Iconography is scarce and doesn’t shed light on the most important
questions. For instance, they do not tell us whether the early Portuguese
15th century caravels had a stern panel and a central rudder. Around
1500, when we have the first images and descriptions, caravels seem to
be small ships of 15 to 50 tons, built with flush-laid planking, rigged with
one, two, or three masts, all mounting lateen sails. Sometimes they
appear with a foremast rigged with a square sail (Fig. 2). Generally, the
mainmast is placed on the center of the keel, and the second and third
masts are stepped abaft it, with a small stern castle and no forecastle, a
stern panel and a central rudder.

�Fig. 2: Presumed representations of caravels in the Livro da fortalezas
of Duarte d’Armas, circa 1509. (Armas 1509/1997)
Central rudders first appear in Denmark, in the 12th century (Hocker and
Dokkedal, 2001). The earliest explicit reference to a central rudder is
probably Gracia Amat’s contract, in the middle of the 15th century. Stern
panels appear in the iconographical record after 1475, and at least in the
in 15th century iconographical record, central rudders seem to be
characteristic of square-rigged ships.
As it often happens, the word caravel designated a wide range of
watercraft, even in the 16th century: caravelas latinas, caravelas de
Alfama, caravelas redondas, caravelas de armada, and caravelões. In
some cases, we have a fair idea about the main differences between
them, and in other cases circumstantial evidence allows some provisory
hypothesis. Below are presented short description of what each type may
have looked like.

�Caravelas latinas
As already mentioned, during the 14th century they are not mentioned in
Portuguese documents.

In the mid-15th century caravels appear as

lateeners with a capacity around 50 tonéis and crews between 20 and 25
men. It looks like small caravels with 2 or 3 masts with lateen sails
endured for over one century without much change. But we don’t know
what characteristics defined a caravel, or what separated a caravel from
the other lateeners of their time.

Fig. 3: Representation of a caravel in the Retábulo de Santa Auta,
dated to c. 1517. (Photo: author)
Quirino da Fonseca mentions Braancamp Freire describing 54 caravelas
leaving Lisbon in 1488 and 1489, with capacities varying between 15 and
50 tonéis (Fonseca, 1935).
This range of capacities is compatible with other accounts, some written
much later. In 1571, in A vida e feitos de el-rei D. Manuel, D. Jerónimo
Osório, describes caravels as rather small vessels. These caravels don’t
have tops (cestos de gávea), nor their yards make right angles with their
masts, but hang, inclined, secured under the masthead, and the base of
the sail is triangular and almost touches the bulwarks. The yards, which

�are fastened to the ship’s bulwarks, are as thick as topmasts in their lower
part and have smaller sections upwards (Fonseca 1935).
Sometimes these small two- and three-masted lateeners are referred as
typically Portuguese, but José Luis Casado Soto found references to 125
caravels in the Registro General del Sello in the Archivo General de
Simancas between 1476 and 1496, and they seem to come from all over
the Iberian Peninsula.

His figures show that 45% of the caravels

registered were from Andalusia, 21% from the Cantabric region; 19% from
Portugal, 12% from the Mediterranean, and 3% from France, England and
the North Sea (Soto, 1991).
There is no mention of any possible difference between them. Were
Cantabrian and Andalusian caravels much different from each other?
How different were they from the Portuguese ones? Or how did the
Portuguese ones differed from each other?
We have a long way to go before we can say that we understand this ship
type. Iconography can provide some clues if we are to trust the
illustrations in the Atlas of Georg Braun (1541-1622), published between
1572 and 1617 (Fig. 4). The quality of the illustrations in Braun’s Atlas is
known, including the figures in local dresses. It is not uncommon for
painters and illustrators to register in the mapmaker’s guilds and work on
map illustrations when they and an opportunity (Binding, 2003 and Unger,
2010). The ship illustrations in Braun’s Atlas seem to be reliable as well,
and vary from city to city. Although no systematic study of the Atlas’ ships
has been done yet, the caravels represented in several Portuguese and
Spanish cities, in Iberia or around the world, seem plausible and accurate,
and consistent with the descriptions below.

�Fig. 4: Caravels: presumably Portuguese at São Jorge da Mina (leaf)
and presumably Spanish at Santander (right). (After the 1572 edition of
Braun and Hogengberg’s atlas)
Caravelas de Alfama
Paulo Monteiro found this reference in a Spanish late 16th century
document: ‘(…) Tambien se quedan despalmando dos caravelas
pequenas destas que aqui llaman de Alfama que las pide el Almirante
para llevar consigo…’ (Monteiro pers. comm. 2009).
Were at least some of the Spanish caravels larger than the Portuguese
ones? José Luis Casado Soto mentions a witness account of Columbus’
second voyage, Pedro Mártir de Anglería, who claims that Columbus took
17 vessels: 3 large cargo ships with tops, 12 caravels, and 2 large
caravels, with masts large enough to support tops. Nothing is said about
their rigging arrangements. Were these typically different from those of
the Portuguese caravels?
Caravelas redondas
Navarrete calls caravelas redondas ‘castellanas’. They have three masts,
the foremast mounting a square sail and the main and mizzen masts
mounting lateen sails. Quirino da Fonseca cites him: “caravels were
divided into Portuguese and Castilian, the first exclusively lateen-rigged,
could sail cinco ou seis quartas (56˚ to 67˚) into the wind, facilitating the
Portuguese routes to the African gold mines. Castilian caravels used in
their seas with square sails, or better, with a square sail on the foremast.”

�Quirino also refers to a 1512 letter from D. Fernando to Pedrarias Davilla
in Panama: ‘Yo vos mando que … se hagan luego tres o cuatro carabelas,
al modo de Andalucía, las dos, e las otras dos, pequeñas, latinas, como
las de Portugal...’ (Fonseca 1935).
In Columbus’ Diario de a bordo, transcribed by friar Bartolomé de las
Casas, the entry for August 9, 1492, famously mentions the explorer
decision to change the rigging of his caravel Pinta: ‘y adobaran muy bien
la Pinta con mucho trabajo e diligencias del Almirante, de Martin Alonso
y de los demás; (…) Hicieran la Pinta redonda, porque era latina;’(Colón,
1991).
In the 14th century Mediterranean it was common to rig two-masted cargo
vessels with a square sail on the foremast and a lateen sail on the mizzen.
Sergio Bellabarba called this rigging arrangement quadra-latina and
proposed two possible roots for the development of three-masted, shiprigged vessels, one from the two-masted lateeners and one from the onemasted square-rigged cogs, both common merchant ships in the mid-14th
century Mediterranean (Bellabarba, 1999). According to Bellabarba’s
plausible theory, both ship types at some point may have adopted a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement, the two-masted lateeners by changing
to a square mainsail, the cogs by adding a lateen-rigged mizzen mast.
The earliest representation of a ship-rigged three-masted vessel dates to
1409 and appears in a Catalonian document. It shows a cocca with a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement to which a foremast was added,
mounting a square sail (Mott, 1997). Caravelas redondas seem to have
evolved in a similar way. It looks like they were two-masted lateeners –
which show the mainmast always stepped on the middle of the keel – with
a third mast, a foremast stepped far forward. This type of vessel is

�represented in Braun and Hogenberg’s Civitates orbis terrarium,
especially in Spanish harbors. (Fig. 5)

Fig. 5. Lateeners in Lisbon, c. 1530 (detail from the Leiden view of
Lisbon, COLLBN J.29-15-7831-110-30)
Two documents dated to 1498 (before Columbus’ fourth voyage) contain
the inventories of the rigging of two caravels, Santa Clara, or Niña (60
toneles – probably not the Niña of the first voyage – and Santa Cruz, or
India, built in Hispaniola during the second voyage with the remains of the
ships lost in the hurricane that swept La Isabela in 1495.
Both these caravels had four masts, and both had square sails on the fore
and main masts, and lateen sails on the mizzen and bonaventure.
Additionally Santa Cruz had a bowsprit and a spritsail; and Santa Clara
has ‘dos botalos vno del trinquete y otro de la cont[ra]’ (Smith, 1993).
Gaspar Correia states that Vasco da Gama sailed to India in 1502 with
‘cinco caravelas latinas, que mandou muito bem concertar’ and ‘iam com
velas redondas armadas, para com elas navegarem quando cumprisse’.
He does not mention how many masts these ships had, and the
representations we have date to around 1565, more than half a century
later.

�Large cargo ships – naus or naos, caracche, or hulks, as they were known
in the Atlantic, Mediterranean, and Baltic – tend to have three masts and
square sails on the bowsprit, fore, and main masts, and a lateen sail on
the mizzen mast.
When a fourth mast appears, in the late 15th century, square sails are
always present, either on the fore and main masts, or only on the
foremast. The first type of rigging is common on larger vessels, such as
galleons, developed around 1500, or on the Spanish caravelas redondas,
such as the Santa Clara and the Santa Cruz. The second type, with
square sails only on the foremast, is typical of the Portuguese caravelas
de armada.
Caravelas de armada
It is curious to notice that in the 1550s Fernando Oliveira is skeptical about
the qualities of the caravelas de armada. In his Arte da guerra no mar he
states: ‘A mim me pareceu sempre, que caravelas de armada, não eram
tão boas como são gabadas, por serem um género de navios misturado
e neutro, e as partes que tomam de cada um dos outros géneros serem
as piores’ (Oliveira, 1555).
Later, in his Livro da fábrica das naus, Oliveira states: ‘Aqui me lembra
e quero o dizer, antes que me esqueça, que nunca me pareceu bem,
fazer da caravela navio redondo, diga cada um o que quiser, que tudo
será afeiçoado’ and ‘porque, mudando-se a forma da vela, cumpre
mudar-se a fábrica do fundo, a qual já não pode ser mudada’ (Oliveira, c.
1580).
In the middle of the 16th century these caravels were purposely built with
a forecastle and four masts, rigged with square sails on the foremast and
lateen on the remaining three, and later would be as large as 180 tonéis.

�As mentioned above, there are two regimentos for the construction of
these caravels in Manoel Fernandez treatise (1616), and they both have
two decks. We have their main dimensions:
 Folios 16 and 107: The caravel with 11 rumos (17m) of keel has
23.2m of length overall, a max beam of 6.42m, a depth of hold of
4.1 m, and a flat amidships of 2.05m.
 Folio 24 (and 108?): The caravel with 12 rumos (18.5m) of keel, has
25.5m of length overall, a max beam of 7.19m, a depth oh hold
4.40m, and a flat amidships of 2.31m.
These caravelas de armada have length to beam ratios of 3.61 and 3.55
respectively, values that are compatible with the extensive iconography,
often with reliable, albeit impressionistic, characteristics.
Caravelões
It seems that the smaller caravels were sometimes referred to as
caravelões (Pico, 1955). Alexandre Monteiro transcribed two early 16th
century documents relating to caravelões de Arguim that describe 3masted vessels with bowsprits, square sails on the fore and main masts,
and a lateen sail on the mizzen (Monteiro et al., 2011). Both caravelões
have hatch covers, so there is no doubt about the fact that they were
decked, as it should be expected in ships that are engaged in oceanic
trips. One of these caravelões had a crew (companha) of nine: pilot, six
sailors, and two apprentices. This information gives us a hint of the ship’s
dimension, if we are to believe Fernando Oliveira, who one generation
later, in the mid-16th century, states that crews should be calculated as
follows:
 Up to 10 tonéis: 2 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 10 to 20 tonéis: 3 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 20 to 30 tonéis: 4 sailors, 2 apprentices;

� Above 30 tonéis: add 1 sailor / 4 tonéis and 1 apprentice / 3 sailors.
According to Oliveira, both the master and the pilot must be counted as
sailors, thus suggesting a ship with a capacity around 42 tonéis (Oliveira,
1555).
One of these documents (1508) is particularly interesting because it refers
a bowsprit, fore and mainmasts, and a bonaventure mast with its yard.
Although there is no mention of a mizzen mast and yard, there is one
mizzen sail, and one mizzen halyard (ostaga). It is not clear whether this
is a mistake, or there were caravelões with 4 masts (Fig. 2).
Conclusion
The sample of shipwrecks of probable Iberian origin is small and the
preservation is often poor. Moreover, it is impossible to say for sure that
these archaeological remains are even remotely related to caravels. The
size, shape, structure, construction sequence, and rigging of the Iberian
caravels of the 15th and 16th centuries are far from well-understood. In
spite of the many excellent historical publications available for almost one
century in certain cases, we have more doubts than certainties when it
comes to reconstruct these mysterious ships. Most data on caravels and
other small vessels dates to the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th
centuries, more than a century after the first voyages into the Atlantic. A
small sample of measurements from contracts and technical texts
suggests that all caravels, even the Portuguese caravelas de armada,
were small vessels, that they all relied primarily on lateen rigs, and that by
the 16th century they all had stern panels and central rudders, no
forecastle, one to four masts with a minimum of two lateen rigged masts,
a low sterncastle, and no topmasts. For the Iberian Peninsula all caravels
had length to beam ratios between 3 and 4, tonnages between 50 and
150 toneles, corresponding to lengths overall between 15m and 25m.

�The archaeological record suggests that vessels of this size had similar
basic construction features and scantlings. In other words, that there was
an ‘Iberian way’ of designing and building small ocean-going vessels, of
which some were possibly caravels. However, only the full publication of
a much larger sample of shipwrecks will help shed light on this subject.

References
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Fernandez, Manoel, 1616/1995. Livro de Traças de Carpintaria (Facsimile). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
Fernandez, Manoel ,1989. Livro de Traças de Carpintaria, Transcription
and Translation into English. Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
Fonseca, Henrique Quirino da, 1978. A Caravela Portuguesa e a
Prioridade Técnica das Navegações Henriquinas, 2 Vols. Ministério da
Marinha (1934, Imprensa da Universidade, Coimbra).
Fonseca, Henrique Quirino da, 1935. Memórias e conferências sobre
história e arqueologia. Serviços Industriais da C.M.L., Lisboa.
Fulin, Rinaldo, 1888. Diarii e diaristi veneziani, Venice.
Gorges, Sir Arthur, 1604. An Account of an Expedition under the Earl of
Essex against the Western Islands. Conway Papers, Vol. 36.
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marine anciens et modernes. Firmin-Didot frères, Paris.
Lane, Frederic C., 1964. Tonnages, medieval and modern. The Economic
History Review, 2nd ser., Vol. 17(2): 213-233.
Michel, Francisque, 1867-70. Histoire du commerce et de la navigation à
de Bordeaux, 2 Vols. J. Delmas, Bordeaux.
Monteiro, A., Castro, F. and Génio, M., 2011. Vida e morte do caravelão
‘que andava no Castelo e trato de Arguim’: autópsia de um navio dos
Descobrimentos. In A. T. Matos and J. P. O. Costa (Eds.), A Herança do
Infante, Câmara Municipal de Lagos/Centro de Estudos dos Povos e
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caravelles portugaises à Bruxelles en 1438-1439. O Arqueólogo
Português, Vol. 4(6/7) : 307-331.
Oliveira, Fernando, 1580/1991. O Liuro da Fabrica das Naos c (Facsimile, transcription and translation into English). Academia de Marinha,
Lisboa.
Oliveira, Fernando, 1555/1969. A Arte da Guerra no Mar. Academia de
Marinha, Lisboa.
Pico, Maria A. T. Carbonell, 1955. A terminologia naval portuguesa
anterior a 1460. Sociedade de Lingua Portuguesa, Lisboa.
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(A – Mareação de bolina). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
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(B – Uso da bolina). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
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(C – Bolina na costa portuguesa). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
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(D – Caravela de meados do séc. XV). Academia de Marinha, Lisboa.
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Giunti, Venice.
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�Schwarz, G., 2008. The History and Development of Caravels. M.A.
Thesis, Texas A&amp;M University.
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New York.
Soto, José Luis Casado, 1991. Los barcos del Atlantico Iberico en el siglo
de los descubrimientos. Aproximacion a la definición de su perfil
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lsa IX Jornadas de Andalucia y America, Diputación de Huelva, Sevilla.
Unger, Richard, 2010. Ships on Maps. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.

Biography
Filipe Vieira de Castro is Professor of Anthropology,
holds the Frederick R. Mayer II Fellowship of Nautical
Archaeology, and is the Director of the Ship
Reconstruction Laboratory at Texas A&amp;M University.
He has a degree in civil engineering from Lisbon’s
Instituto Superior Técnico, a Master of Business
Administration from the Catholic University of Lisbon,
and a PhD in Anthropology from Texas A&amp;M
University. He has conducted field work in Portugal,
Panama, Puerto Rico, Brazil, Italy, and Croatia, and his main interests are
the history of wooden shipbuilding technology and European seafaring in
the late medieval and early modern periods.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                <text>The ships and boats of the 15th and early 16th century European voyages were the space shuttles of their time, and yet we donâ€™t know much about them because most have been destroyed by looters and treasure hunters.  This paper will focus on a particular type, the caravel, and presents an overview of the early European watercraft that crossed the Atlantic and sailed along the American coasts during the first decades of the 16th century. </text>
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                    <text>The Shared Underwater Cultural Heritage of Japan and the
Netherlands: the Kanrin-maru

Leon Derksen
ICOMOS Netherlands
derksen.leon@gmail.com
Akifumi Iwabuchi
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp

Abstract
In 2014, a non-exhaustive inventory of the shared cultural heritage of the
Netherlands and Japan was made by the Dutch government in the context
of what the Netherlands calls its ‘Shared Cultural Heritage Policy’. This
inventory resulted in an overview of shared cultural heritage grouped into
the categories ‘maritime heritage’, ‘built heritage’, ‘museum collections’
and ‘archives’. Spread over seven different themes and linking to an equal
number of time periods, the inventory provided insights into where
opportunities for cultural collaboration would lie. One of the opportunities
of collaboration found revolved around the potentially preserved Dutch
shipwrecks in Japanese waters. This sparked the incentive to propose a
project-based partnership through a collaborative research project
between the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands and Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, to locate and research the
shipwreck of the Kanrin-maru. The project, which commenced in 2017,
includes the involvement of Dutch and Japanese researchers to facilitate
the transfer of knowledge, as well as the involvement of trainees in order
to ensure capacity building. The Kanrin-maru was a warship specially built
in the Netherlands in 1856 on order of the Tokugawa Shogunate Navy. It
was brought to Japan in 1857, but in 1869 during the Boshin War between
Shogunate and Imperial forces it was taken over by the Imperial Japanese
Navy, and remained in the service of the Imperial Meiji government until
it foundered in the Tsugaru Strait in 1871. Although an anchor thought to
belong to the Kanrin-maru was found near where it was said to have
foundered, no wreck has been found to date. In November 2017, fieldwork
in Hokkaido, including material analysis upon its anchor, as well as library
or archival research is to be done by Dutch and Japanese archaeologists.

�Key words: UCH, Japan, Netherlands,
Introduction
Japan and the Netherlands, two nations sharing a history with over four
centuries of relations, have in recent years reinvigorated their cultural
bonds by promoting collaboration in topics of shared cultural heritage.
While this has already inspired a broad variety of forms of cultural
collaboration such as in the Arts and Crafts1, this also led to collaboration
in the specific field of maritime heritage and underwater cultural heritage
management. For in 2014, the Cultural Heritage Agency of the
Netherlands (RCE)2 and the Japanese Agency for Cultural Affairs
together with the Kyushu National Museum took the lead in this particular
field of collaboration. The main mutual benefit of their collaboration is that
it could help both nations to familiarize with the implications of ratifying the
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. At the
same time, both nations have grabbed this opportunity to aim for
sustainable preservation of what is considered their shared underwater
cultural heritage.
This inspired the current authors to further the collaboration in the field of
shared underwater cultural heritage between the Netherlands and Japan
by proposing the formation a project-based partnership between the RCE
and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, a member
institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology UNITWIN Network
and Japan’s only university with both graduate and undergraduate
courses in nautical archaeology. An official agreement of this partnership
is in the making. With this paper, the current authors wish to promote the
potential of this project and the shared cultural heritage it represents.

�Main aims of the project are knowledge exchange and capacity building
by involving experts and trainees. It was decided that the main subject of
research and training would revolve around locating, and if found,
researching the wreck of the Kanrin-maru (咸臨丸): a Dutch-built screwpropelled steam schooner that supposedly wrecked near Kikonai
Municipality in Hokkaido in 1871. Since the story surrounding the ship and
its wrecking have become strongly rooted in the local community, and
have also been promoted by the local government, efforts will be made
throughout the project to involve the local community and government in
order to facilitate a sustainable preservation of the wreck, its story and
place within the local community.
Since the wreck of the Kanrin-maru has not yet been located, a start was
made in 2017 in order to assess whether locating the wreck is feasible. At
the time of writing, the initial research is well underway and consists of
desk research in both the Netherlands and Japan, as well as a survey in
the field planned somewhere between September and December this
year. Results of what has been gathered through desk research thus far
will be discussed in this paper. The sections further below provide a
historical background sketch, information on prior research, a general
project definition with corresponding aims, objectives and research
questions, and the preliminary results of the initial research. The paper
ends with preliminary conclusions and a thought on the implications of
these conclusions in regard to the continuation of the project.
Historical Background
From around 1639 to the year 1854, in a period now known as the
sakokujidai3, Japan had practically kept its doors shut to all westerners
but the Dutch. At the time, the Dutch were the only ones allowed to trade
with Japan through the tiny artificial island called Dejima4 that lay in front

�of Nagasaki. This centuries old privilege came to an end when in the years
1853-1854, steam warships of the United States Navy led by Commodore
Perry (1794-1858) entered Tokyo Bay and forced Japan to end its
isolation policy. Fearing a foreign invasion, the Tokugawa Shogunate
hastily sought means to build a naval fleet. And for this, the Japanese
turned to the Dutch (Kogure, 2008).
In order to jump-start this naval fleet, Japan ordered from the Dutch arms
and warships among other things, as well as instructors who were to
provide education and training in virtually all matters associated with the
navy (Chijs, 1867). Besides seeing direct economic benefits, the Dutch
hoped this deal would also help them in trying to maintain their foothold in
Japan in the midst of growing competition from other western nations
(Kogure, 2008). Meanwhile, the other naval powers were also planning on
catering Japan’s need for a naval force. In an attempt to beat the
competition, the Netherlands decided to grant the Soembing, a Dutch
paddlewheel steam warship, in 1855 (Stapelkamp, 1999). Sent along with
it was a first Marine Detachment of Dutch naval officers and sailors led by
G.C.C. Pels Rijcken that was to educate and train the Japanese on their
first western-built steam warship.
A year later in the Netherlands, construction commenced on the first
warship for the shogun’s navy. In 1857, the vessel originally named the
Japan was launched and was brought to Nagasaki that same year. Upon
arrival it was renamed to Kanrin-maru and taken into the service of the
Shogunate Navy, becoming the first screw-driven steam warship of
Japan. Together with the Kanrin-maru, the Dutch government sent a
second Marine Detachment that was to replace the first which had
remained there since 1855. The Kanrin-maru was used as a training

�vessel and thus became instrumental in the founding years of the
Japanese navy.
Six years after its introduction in the Japanese naval service, the Kanrinmaru followed in the wake of an American vessel called the Powhatan
which had on board an embassy bound for the United States of America
in order to ratify a new treaty between the USA and Japan. The vessel
crossed the Pacific with the help of a number of American naval officers,
including Captain John Mercer Brooke (1828-1906). To the Japanese
navy, the crossing was an important show of skills as it was only seven
years after Perry’s steam-driven ships had entered Tokyo Bay. This now
legendary voyage is still commemorated by Japan and the USA today, as
it marks an important event in the relations between Japan and the US.
What is more, for Japan it also marks as the second time in history that a
Japanese vessel is known to have crossed the Pacific (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: The Kanrin-maru. (Yokohama Archives of History)

�In the years that followed, the Kanrin-maru remained mainly in use as a
training vessel. When in the years 1868-1869 the Boshin war broke loose,
which was a civil war between forces fighting for the shogunate and forces
fighting for the restoration of the Emperor as the greatest in power, the
Kanrin-maru was used as a military transport vessel in the fleet of the
shogunate until it became battered in a storm and was subsequently
overtaken by the imperial forces.
After the Boshin war had ended with the restoration to power of Emperor
Meiji, the Kanrin-maru remained in the service of the Imperial Navy and
was used as a passenger and transport ship. In 1871, it set sail towards
Hokkaido. Its mission was to safely transport 400 civilians who were to
immigrate into Hokkaido and to colonize it for cultivation. While traversing
the Tsugaru Strait, the Kanrin-maru hit a reef off Kikonai Municipality
where it began to make water. Almost all the passengers and all
crewmembers managed to survive, but the vessel itself supposedly sank
and was lost to the sea.
To this day no wreck has been found, although in 1984 a chance find was
made when a fishing boat hauled up an anchor supposedly at a location
near what is believed to be its wrecking site.
Today, the Kanrin-maru is commemorated through local annual festivities
among other things and has clearly conquered a special place in the
hearts and minds of the local community and government. This has been
most notably achieved by the efforts of the Society of the Kanrin-maru
Crew Descendants, who have been actively promoting this cultural
heritage and the fascinating story that surrounds Japan’s first screwdriven warship. Through this project, the parties involved can combine
their strength to help maintain this valuable source of shared cultural
heritage.

�Prior Research
A chance find occurred in 1984, when an anchor was salvaged from a
depth of 20 meters by a fishing vessel (Fig. 2). The exact location of the
find is still unknown, but a local newspaper stated that it was situated 2
kilometers off the coast of Kikonai Municipality. Subsequently, the anchor
was researched by an expert, who concluded it was highly likely though
still not 100% certain that the anchor belonged to the Kanrin-maru.

Fig. 2: Anchor. (Kikonai Municipality)
Other prior researches consisting of desk works, as well as fieldworks,
have been conducted at the presumed wrecking location before. Although
some remains of ship equipment or shipbuilding materials were said to be
recovered during those field researches, no definite wreck or potentially
associated finds to the Kanrin-maru have been found yet. According to
one Japanese underwater archeologist, all the remains of the Kanrin-maru
have perhaps already been swept away by the strong currents of Tsugaru
Strait.

�Project Definition
As shortly explained in the introduction, the main aims of the project are
to facilitate capacity building as well as knowledge exchange between the
organizations and individuals involved about underwater cultural heritage
management. With the Kanrin-maru as the research subject, the project
also aims to come to a sustainable preservation of the remains of the
Kanrin-maru, if found to be existent. Broader, over-arching aims are to
raise awareness of the existence of underwater cultural heritage among
an international public, and to further improve the bilateral relations
between the Netherlands and Japan.
The main aims will be achieved through the following objectives: Capacity
building through inviting maritime archaeologists and students to join in
on the search and possible research of the Kanrin-maru; knowledge
exchange by inviting underwater archaeologists and specialists in both
Japan and the Netherlands to join the project, and to create an
atmosphere for open discussions with experts and trainees alike.
Sustainable preservation will be achieved not only through the two
objectives shown above, but also through the involvement of the local
source community and government to build sufficient support for future
preservation.
The project is proposed to be conducted in the period between late 2017
and early 2018, encompassing desk research and interviewing informants
aimed at gathering historical and contemporary data to establish an initial
research area, as well as a field survey on land. Main research questions
are as follows: could the wreck of the Kanrin-maru be located?; if so, what
is its state of preservation?; and how can it be preserved for future
generations to come?

�Initial research
Research commenced in April 2017, and at the time of writing is still
underway. The overall aim is to come to a thorough assessment in order
to gauge the chances of finding the Kanrin-maru or related materials in a
preserved state and to establish an initial research area required for the
continuation of the project.
The methods used thus far comprised of desk research in the form of
library and archival research, the results of which have in part been used
to form the historical background sketched earlier above. Fieldwork is also
part of the research schedule, and is due to take place somewhere in
November 2017. It is planned to consist of conducting interviews with local
informants such as the local community near the supposed wrecking site,
as well as visiting and surveying the anchor site and wrecking site from
land.
Library and archival research in the Netherlands mainly focuses on
shining a light on the historical context in which the order, construction
and eventual delivery of the Kanrin-maru took place. This includes but is
not limited to gathering information on the construction of the ship itself,
where it was made, by whom, what materials were used in its construction
and where these materials came from, and what the ship’s overall
characteristics were including its quality in terms of materials and its
sailing ability. On the other hand, library and archival research in Japan
mainly focuses on the wreck of the Kanrin-maru in 1871. Indeed, relatively
many studies about the Kanrin-maru have been conducted in Japan, but
all of them are interested in its building or its first trans-Pacific voyage. No
academic work upon its fate in 1871 has been conducted yet.

�Preliminary Results
Desk research in the Netherlands
In 1853, Japan handed over their first request for warships and the like to
Donker Curtius (1813-1879), contemporary opperhoofd or chief trader
(1852-1855) of the Dutch trading post on Dejima. Among the vessels
requested by Japan were a number of screw-propelled warships (Chijs,
1867). The Japanese had only just learned of the existence of steamships
in 1849 through Dutch books (Arima, 1964), while Perry’s impressive
‘black ships’ were the first real-life steamships appearing before Japanese
eyes. Thus in terms of technology, the Japanese knew they fully
depended on the knowledge of the Dutch about these type of ships. The
Japanese therefore largely left it to the Dutch to decide which type of
vessel would be sent first and what equipment it would have in terms of
propellant (screw or paddlewheel), armament and other specifics (Chijs,
1867).
One of the earliest mentions of the first screw-propelled steam warship
that was to be made for the shogun – and which turn out to be the Kanrinmaru – can be found in a report by contemporary Minster of Colonies, C.F.
Pahud (1803-1873). In his report transcribed by Van der Chijs (1867:
pp.136), he states that this vessel destined for Japan’s navy had to be
built in such a way that it could also serve in the Dutch navy in case the
Japanese government would refuse the vessel for whatever reason. It was
thought that such a ship could not be purchased, neither could it be
constructed on the Navy’s shipyards in the Netherlands nor in the Dutch
Indies. Thus it was decided that the vessel had to be constructed on a
private shipyard.

�Apparently in order to meet these requirements, it was decided
somewhere along the way that this vessel had to be identical to a screwpropelled corvette destined for the Dutch navy that was about to be built
around the same time on Fop Smit’s shipyard in Kinderdijk. This vessel
was given the name Bali, while its sister ship was named the Japan, which
later became the Shogunate’s Kanrin-maru.
In a technical report evaluating the performance of the Bali, Naval
Engineer Huygens (1857) states that the Bali and the Japan were indeed
identical. With this and the above in mind, be it with certain reservations,
we may presume that the Kanrin-maru and the Bali were thus virtually
identical to each other in terms of construction and onboard technology.
This allows taking into account the detailed contemporary reports on the
characteristics of the Bali, since not much details are known about the
Kanrin-maru specifically at this point in time.
The Bali and the Kanrin-maru were constructed at the shipyard of Fop
Smit in Kinderdijk (a UNESCO World Heritage Site). The construction
plans were designed by J.W.L. van Oordt, Head Engineer of the Dutch
navy. The vessel had a waterline length of 40.8 m, a beam of 8.5 m and
a displacement tonnage of 619 tons. It had a depth at the bow of 3.4 m
and at the stern of 3.85 m.
As screw-propelled steamships with sails, both vessels represented the
state-of-the-art in naval engineering. Steam-powered screw propellers
were still a fairly novel technology (Oosten, 1972), having been only
introduced in the American, British and French navies in the 1840s, while
the Dutch had only just welcomed the Medusa as their first screwpropelled steam warship in 1853. In that respect, at least on paper, the
Dutch Navy indeed showed intent of catering the Shogun’s request for the
latest in naval technology.

�The vessel was mainly constructed of wood, though at this point further
details about the materials used in its construction remain unclear.
Additional efforts will be made to find more information regarding the
materials used, as this could allow assessing the quality of these materials
in terms of endurance. This in turn could help in assessing the chances of
finding preserved remains of the Kanrin-maru.
The keel of the Kanrin-maru was laid down in 1856 and the vessel was
launched in 1857. After it was launched, the company of one Mr.
Rietschoten had fitted its three masts with schooner rigging, while its
machinery and boilers were built and installed by the ‘Nederlandsche
Stoombootmaatschappij’ at Feyenoord (Rotterdam) that same year. This
machinery was coal-fired and could nominally produce about 100 metric
horsepower. Tests with the Bali proved that it could reach a top speed of
8¼ nautical miles per hour, or 8¼ knots (Huygens, 1857), although this
also depended on the effectiveness of the stokers (Huygens, 1860).
The Kanrin-maru, or the Japan as it was still called around that time, was
readied in March 1857 and set sail from the Netherlands on March the
25th. Sent along with it was the second Marine Detachment, led by
Commander Knight W.J.C. Huyssen van Kattendyke (1816-1866). In his
diaries (Huyssen van Kattendyke, 1860), he explains that the construction
of the Japan suffered several (undisclosed) delays. These delays may
have been due to problems similar to the Bali which revolved around the
effectiveness of the screw (Huygens, 1857) but were resolved
subsequently.
The Dutch Navy and the Ministry of Colonies followed the Kanrin-maru’s
maiden voyage with great interest, since its performance also had
implications for the Bali which was destined for the Dutch Indies. With this
in mind, Huyssen van Kattendyke explains in his diary that he sailed

�straight to Lisbon (Portugal) in order to test the vessel in all circumstances.
Upon arrival in Lisbon he concluded that the vessel was very fast and had
met his expectations. On the 21st of September that same year, thus after
a voyage of 180 days, the Japan arrived in front of Nagasaki bay.
It was officially handed over to the Japanese in October 1857 and was
renamed into Kanrin-maru. A great part of the Nagasaki’s Naval Training
School then took place on the Kanrin-maru. Training included all aspects
of naval training, ranging from deck and rigging lessons to familiarizing
with the machinery and many more aspects.
Desk Research in Japan
Emphasis of the desk research in Japan was put on the events past 1868
to around 1871 when it wrecked. Literature and archival research was
conducted to reveal more information about the period in between these
years. Unfortunately, however, the trustworthy historical materials, in
particular, between 1869 and 1871, are extremely scarce. No photo of the
Kanrin-maru has not been found yet either in the Netherlands or in Japan.
Only one painting of the Kanrin-maru by Yujiro Suzufuji, an officer of the
Kanrin-maru during the trans-Pacific voyage is kept in the Yokohama
Archives of History (Fig. 1.), which is titled ‘the rough voyage of the Kanrinmaru’.
No Japanese newspaper reported the wreck of the Kanrin-maru in 1871,
partly because in Japan at that time no paper had been published
systematically yet.
Its wreck was said to have happened, therefore, sometimes on 19th
September 1871 due to stormy weather, or sometimes on 20th September
1871 due to bad maneuvering the ship. At that time, two U. S. officers
handled the Kanrin-maru, viz. one was Francis Etienne, who perhaps was

�the captain, and the other was Charline SeLoger Train. Although the
official record submitted to Hokkaido says nothing, on 20th September
1871 the drunken U.S. captain seems to have made the Kanrin-maru run
ashore on a reef off the village of Izumisawa at Kikonai Municipality
(Goda, 2010).
Preliminary Conclusions
Desk research in the Netherlands thus far has shown that the Kanrinmaru, at least to contemporary Dutch naval officers, was indeed a vessel
that represented the latest in naval architecture and met expectations
accordingly. Furthermore, it became part of one of the means available to
the Dutch government in its effort to reinforce what was left of the
centuries old special bond with Japan. This, and its historical voyage to
the US in 1860 as well as its involvement in the Boshin War, provides
support for its historical significance today and in the end adds to the list
of reasons for pursuing sustainable preservation of this special remnant
that has become part of Dutch-Japanese shared cultural heritage. Be it
tangible or intangible, above water or underwater.
At the time of writing, initial research has yet to be completed. This
includes the remaining parts of desk research in Japan and the
Netherlands, as well as fieldwork. Based on the information gathered thus
far, it still is difficult to assess whether or not the wreck of Kanrin-maru
could still be lying on the ocean floor near Kikonai Municipality. If
continuation is indeed desired, detailed plans for an underwater survey
using multibeam or sidescan sonar equipment will have to be made,
taking into account the marine environmental conditions in a demarcated
research area.

�Footnotes
1

. See, for example, the Holland-Kyushu programme, initiated by Dutch
Culture and the Embassy of the Netherlands in Tokyo and the consulategeneral in Osaka: http://hollandkyushu.com/en/.
2

. https://culturalheritageagency.nl/en

鎖国時代, literally meaning ‘closed country period’, though in reality
Japan’s isolation from the outside world was highly relative.
3.

4

. 出島, meaning ‘artificial island’ in Japanese.

References
Arima, S., 1964. The Western influence on Japanese military science,
shipbuilding, and navigation. Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 19 (3/4): 352379.
Chijs, van der, J.A., 1867. Neêrlands streven tot openstelling van Japan
voor de wereldhandel. Uit officieele, grootendeels onuitgegeven
bescheiden toegelicht. Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde, Amsterdam.
Goda, I., 2010. The Kanrin-maru. Hokkaido Shinbun, Sapporo.
Heeffer, A., 2012. Dutch arithmetic, samurai and war ships: teaching of
Western mathematics in pre-Meiji Japan. History and Pedagogy of
Mathematics (Proceedings), Daejeon: 551-561.
Huygens, H., 1857. Z. M. schroef-schooner Bali. Verhandelingen en
berigten betrekkelijk het zeewezen en de zeevaartkunde, Vol. 17: 178183.
Huygens, H., 1860. Bijdrage tot de kennis van de schroefstoomwerktuigen der Nederlandsche marine. Second edition. G. Hulst
van Keulen, Amsterdam.
Huyssen van Kattendijke, W. J. C., 1860. Uittreksel uit het dagboek van
gedurende zijn verblijf in Japan in 1857, 1858 en 1859. Van Stockum, The
Hague.
Kogure, M., 2008. National Prestige and Economic Interest: Dutch
Diplomacy Towards Japan 1850–1863. Shaker Publishing, Maastricht.

�National Archives of the Netherlands, 2012. Shared Cultural Heritage
Policy
Framework
2013-2016.
(http://en.nationaalarchief.nl/sites/default/files/docs/gce_beleidskader_20
13-2016_definitief_-_eng_doca.pdf)
Oosten, van, F. C., 1972. Schepen onder stoom: De geboorte van het
stoomschip. De Boer Maritieme Handboeken, Bussum.
Pompe van Meerdervoort, J. L. C., 1868. Vijf jaren in Japan (1857-1863).
Bijdragen tot de kennis van het Japansche keizerrijk en zijne bevolking,
Vol. 2. Van Den Heuvel &amp; Van Santen, Leiden.
Seaton, A. E., 1909. The Screw Propeller and Other Competing
Instruments for Marine Propulsion. Charles Griffin &amp; Company, London.
Stapelkamp, H., 1999. Gerhardus Fabius (1806-1888): Een leven voor de
marine (PhD thesis). Universiteit Leiden, Leiden.
Biographies
Leon Derksen is a member of ICOMOS
Netherlands
and
an
independent
researcher in the field of Dutch maritime
archeology and cultural heritage. He
received his MA from the University of
Groningen in 2014 where he studied
Prehistory and Protohistory, track Maritime
Archaeology. His publications include his MA-thesis entitled Tracing
Remnants of Dutch-Japanese Affairs in the Maritime Cultural Landscape
of Japan (2014) as well as Shared Cultural Heritage of the Netherlands
and Japan (RCE, 2015) which was co-written with Marike Klos.
Akifumi Iwabuchi is Professor of Maritime
Anthropology and Nautical Archaeology at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, a
member institution of the UNESCO Underwater
Archaeology Unitwin Network. He is the ICOMOSICUCH National Representative for Japan, being
also Directors of the Japan Society for Nautical
Research, of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology, and of the Forum on the
Oceanic State of Japan. He received his PhD from the University of
Oxford in 1990. His publications include The People of the Alas Valley

�(Clarendon Press, 1994) and Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An
Introduction to Underwater Archaeology (Kagaku-Dojin, 2012).

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                <text>In 2014, a non-exhaustive inventory of the shared cultural heritage of the Netherlands and Japan was made by the Dutch government in the context of what the Netherlands calls its â€˜Shared Cultural Heritage Policyâ€™. This inventory resulted in an overview of shared cultural heritage grouped into the categories â€˜maritime heritageâ€™, â€˜built heritageâ€™, â€˜museum collectionsâ€™ and â€˜archivesâ€™. Spread over seven different themes and linking to an equal number of time periods, the inventory provided insights into where opportunities for cultural collaboration would lie. One of the opportunities of collaboration found revolved around the potentially preserved Dutch shipwrecks in Japanese waters. This sparked the incentive to propose a project-based partnership through a collaborative research project between the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, to locate and research the shipwreck of the Kanrin-maru. The project, which commenced in 2017, includes the involvement of Dutch and Japanese researchers to facilitate the transfer of knowledge, as well as the involvement of trainees in order to ensure capacity building. The Kanrin-maru was a warship specially built in the Netherlands in 1856 on order of the Tokugawa Shogunate Navy. It was brought to Japan in 1857, but in 1869 during the Boshin War between Shogunate and Imperial forces it was taken over by the Imperial Japanese Navy, and remained in the service of the Imperial Meiji government until it foundered in the Tsugaru Strait in 1871. Although an anchor thought to belong to the Kanrin-maru was found near where it was said to have foundered, no wreck has been found to date. In November 2017, fieldwork in Hokkaido, including material analysis upon its anchor, as well as library or archival research is to be done by Dutch and Japanese archaeologists. </text>
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                    <text>Development of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal
Detection System for Underwater Cultural Heritage
Exploration
Yong-Hwa Jung
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
pkm228@korea.kr
Young-Hyun Lee
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
lyh2343@korea.kr
Jin-Hoo Kim
Dong-A University
jkim@donga.ac.kr
Sang-Hee Lee
Dong-A University
lsh3314@naver.com
Hyun-Do Kim
GeoView, LTD.
geokim@geoview.co.kr
Yeong-Hyun Kim
GeoView, LTD.
wave4003@geoview.co.kr

Abstract
The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH)
in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years ‘Development Project of
Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques’ from 2013 through
2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze
could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has
developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for
exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze.

�A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects
exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of
exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a
disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When
using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration,
there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing
an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the
diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a
disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the
antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable
distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may
not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to
develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the
metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of
metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows
easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be
wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and
store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for
underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform
in real time.
Key words: UCH, Korea, magnetometer, survey
Introduction
Since ancient times, Korea has been active in trade, reverence, and
cultural exchanges with neighboring countries; and there are many naval
battles from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern times, so it is very likely
that various artifacts are buried in the seabed. The artifacts that are buried
in seabed are mainly porcelain, metallic artifacts, wooden artifacts, and
life products on ships. It is important to find artifacts because buried
artifacts are important as historical facts and evidence.
Many studies have been conducted to find metal objects buried in
underwater through physical exploration techniques. In Korea, Jung
Hyun-Ki and others studied the electric and magnetic exploration used for
underwater burial objects investigations (Jung Hyun-Ki et al., 2004), Park
In-Seok and others studied the magnetic exploration method for

�underwater artifacts (Park In-Seok et al., 2013). E. Weiss and others
developed a system using magnetic exploration to detect and to
accurately map metal objects buried beneath the shallow waters (Weiss
et al., 2007). S. Tripati and others studied the material of a shipwreck
through an underwater metal detector and an antenna dipstick metal
detector (Tripati et al., 2004). As a result of these studies, the physical
exploration technique to find metal objects buried in seabed using
magnetic exploration or electromagnetic exploration has been developed.
In the case of magnetic exploration, it is the most effective method of
exploration for artifacts made of iron, but it does not respond to metals
such as gold, silver, and copper. There are two methods of
electromagnetic surveying using the metal detector; one is submerging
and diving with the equipment, and the other is towing the antenna in
underwater. The method of submerging and exploring divers with
equipment is time consuming and has a disadvantage; it cannot precisely
locate the position. And the disadvantages of the latter are that If the
antenna is located at a considerable distance from the sea floor, it may
not detect buried metal artifacts.
To solve these problems, the authors developed the sledge-type
underwater metal detection system that can be operated close to the sea
floor

to

compensate

for

the

disadvantages

of

magnetic

and

electromagnetic exploration. In addition, the performance of the metal
detection system using the antenna platform was verified after the iron pot
and the bronze canon were buried in the sea floor, 1m and 2m of the
seabed in Geoje sea area, Taean sea area, and Nakdong river area.
Method and Principle of Metal Detection
In the physical exploration technique, metal detection methods include a
magnetic exploration to detect magnetic metallic materials, and an

�electromagnetic exploration to detect non-magnetic metallic objects such
as gold, silver, and copper. Magnetic exploration is used to identify the
geological structure of the geomagnetic field or its components generated
by fluid motion in the outer core of the earth; and this technique is used
for ground survey, soil exploration, and resource exploration. And a
secondary electric field is generated due to the induction current flowing
in the underground conductive body by the primary electric field. By
detecting the characteristics of this secondary field, information on the
location and shape of metal in the underground can be obtained.
Configuration of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal Detection
System
As shown in Fig. 1, the sledge-type metal detection system consists of a
metal detector, DGPS, and an antenna platform for bringing the antenna
into close contact with the sea floor. It includes software to monitor and
store the positional information collected from DGPS and reaction values
received from metal detector in real time on PC.

Fig. 1(left): Schematic
Diagram.

�1. Metal detector
The metal detector used in this study is a method of detecting metal
objects by using time difference of transmission and reception by pulse
induction method.
Since the time of transmission and reception is different, it is possible to
detect metal objects by using one antenna, and it can be used in seawater
because it is not affected by medium between metal detector and metal
objects. The original metal detector informs the metal response by sound
through the instrument cluster and headset. We use DAQ (Data
Acquisition) to convert analog signals such as instrument panel and sound
into digital signals and to enable real-time monitoring and storage on the
PC through software. In addition, it was supplemented with a buzzer so
that the change of the reaction value can be immediately recognized (Fig.
2).

Fig. 2: Metal Detector.
2. DGPS
DGPS was used to identify the wake of the exploration vessel. The DGPS
uses two or more GPS receivers to reduce positional errors. The location

�information comes in the form of NMEA0183, which shows the wake of
the exploration vessel through the software.
3. Sledge-type antenna platform
The size of the antenna is 20cm x 110cm. A cable (about 30m long) is
attached to the antenna. The resistance of the antenna is 1.75O and the
inductance is 189μH. The antenna platform uses PVC which does not
contain metal material. As shown in Fig. 3, the antenna platform is
manufactured in a caterpillar shape so that it can be closely contacted to
the sea floor. It is designed to overcome obstacles and protects the
antenna. The rope was connected to both ends of the antenna platform,
and the rope was knotted above the center of gravity to form a ring, and
then a descending line was placed to secure land on the undersurface. In
addition, it is possible to create a space in which an underwater camera
can be placed at a position that does not affect the antenna, so that the
sea floor can be confirmed as an image. In addition, a weight was
produced to prevent the buoyancy caused by the cable during the survey.

Fig. 3: Platform.
4. Software
It is possible to monitor and record the incoming signal from the metal
detector and the DGPS location information on the PC in real time. The
software was built using Mathworks' MATLAB GUI. The software installs

�a driver for National Instruments USB-6000, a data acquisition device
connected to a metal detector, to receive data from MATLAB. The
locational information of DGPS is output in the form of NMEA0183, and it
is indicated by the latitude and the longitude through parsing. The
software records the data in real time, ensuring that material acquired in
a sudden emergency is protected. Also, there is a start button with or
without DGPS for single use without DGPS.
Acquisition and Processing Data
1. Field experiment
The experimental research was conducted in 3 sites: Taean sea area,
Geoje sea area, and Nakdong river area. In the Taean and Geoje sea
areas, the size of the research area were 100m × 100m; and the size of
the research area in the Nakdong river was 50m × 200m. Iron pots,
ceramics and bronze cannons were used as experimental samples. They
were intentional buried at 1m, 2m deep under the seabed and sea floor.
A rubber boat was used to minimize the electromagnetic noise in the
acquisition of data, and its operation speed of the exploration vessel was
below 4km/h. The exploration vessels operated in the ‘east-west direction’
and the ‘north-south direction’ in the research areas.
2. Data processing
Two kinds of processing were performed to process the data obtained
from field experiments. The DGPS was installed on the exploration vessel
and collected data of the antenna platform and position. Then, the raw
data coming from the metal detector shows DC deflection, which uses a
high-pass filter to remove the DC deflection.
3. Layback calibration

�For layback calibration, the depth of the area where the survey is
performed was required; and the length of the cable to lower the antenna
platform was also required. For example, if one of the field test sites is 3m
in depth with a 23m in cable length, the horizontal distance between the
exploration vessel and the antenna platform is 22.5m.
4. DC deflection removal
When data coming directly from the metal detector, DC deflection
appeared in some sections and it can be removed through a high-pass
filter. A high-pass filter is a filter that removes less than the specified cutoff frequency and passes the higher frequency band. In this study, a cutoff frequency of 0.1Hz was specified and the higher values were
separated by passing only the higher frequency components.
Results
Taean sea area
Fig. 4 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Taean sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 1m, and 2 iron pots, 2 bronze
cannons buried at 1m. The electromotive force value is measured higher
in the region of double numbered experimental sample areas. (b) It is the
survey line that goes through east-west to 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon
buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon on bottom. It shows that the
electromotive force value is high near the iron pot, bronze cannon. (c) It is
the survey line that goes through south-north to 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m.
Through the profile analysis, we could distinguish 3 iron pots buried at 2m
which did not appear in electromotive force abnormality. (d) It is the survey
line that goes through south-north upon 6 iron pots buried at 1m, and 3

�iron pots, 1 bronze cannon on the bottom. The electromotive force value
was the highest in 3 iron pots on the bottom; and 6 iron pots buried at 1m
showed higher electromotive force than 1 bronze cannon on the bottom.

Fig. 4: Taean Results.
Geoje sea area
Fig. 5 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Geoje sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m.
The electromotive force values in this region are high around the
experimental sample. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west
upon 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot on the
bottom. A signal that was observed between the iron pot and the bronze

�cannon buried at 2m was not the experimental sample, and the value of
the electromotive force value was measured high near the pot and the
bronze cannon. (c) It is the survey line that goes through south-north upon
6 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. It shows the largest electromotive force value at 3
pots on the bottom, and it has large values mainly around the
experimental sample. (d) It is the survey line that goes through south-north
upon 1 iron pot buried at 1m, and 1 iron pot buried at 2m. Based on the
electromotive force value, anomalous signal in the marked area are
detected nearby metal objects.

Fig. 5: Geoje Results.

Nakdong river area

�Fig. 6 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Nakdong river area water bottom. (a) It is the survey line that goes through
east-west upon 3 iron pots, 6 iron pots buried at 1m, 3 iron pots buried at
2m, and 1 iron pot on the bottom. At the place that 1 pot buried at 1m, the
electromotive force value is 1.0V; and one that 1 pot buried at 2m, it has
0.8V. And when the antenna passes near the iron pot on the bottom, the
electromotive force value measured by the metal detector is as high as
about 2.3V. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon 1
iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m,
and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. The position is greatly deviated from the 2 pots
buried at 1m. The electromotive force value of this time was not the iron
pot but the value of other objects on the bottom, or it appears as a layback
error due to water depth or obstacle on the bottom. Overall, we can see
that there is less noise than in other areas.

�Fig. 6: Nakdong River Results.
Conclusion
Most of the underwater cultural heritage in Korea are accidentally
discovered during fishing activities; a systematic exploration of the
regionhas not been done yet. The operation of metal detectors is
necessary to find non-ferrous metals such as gold, silver, copper, and
bronze, but the present operating method has many drawbacks. In this
study, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system was developed
and applied to the field to overcome these disadvantages. Then, the
following results were obtained.
First of all, it can identify iron pots and bronze cannons buried in various
depths and numbers. Secondly, it can possibly identify bronze cannons;

�this was impossible to be identified by conventional magnetic exploration.
Thirdly, there is less noise in the Nakdong river area than in the Taean
and Geoje sea areas. Unlike the Taean and Geoje sea areas, the
Nakdong river area does not have any fishery activity/industry;
consequently, this result might be caused by lack of iron abnormalities
such as trapping on the bottom. Fourthly, there was a section where the
metal reaction/position differed from the actual position of the buried
experiment sample. This might be caused by the position error of the
DGPS and the error of the layback correction. In conclusion, based on
these results, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system will
contribute to the discovery and protection of underwater cultural heritage
if applied to underwater cultural heritage exploration.
References
Jung Hyun-Ki, Park Young-Su, Lim Tae-Taek and Lim Hyung-Rae, 2004.
Electric and magnetic exploration applications for underwater buried
object exploration. RAEG 2004, Kyoto.
Park In-Seok, Kim Hyun-Do, Kim Jin-Hoo, Jung Yong-Hwa and Lee
Young-Hyun, 2013. A study on the magnetic exploration method for
underwater artifact investigation. ISMT 2013, Busan.
Lee Kang-Won and Son Ho-Woong, 2016. Geospatial Information System
Glossary. Gumi Ward, Gumi.
Tripati, S., Gaur, A. S., Vora, S. and Vora, K. H., 2004. Shipwreck
archaeology of Goa: evidence of maritime contacts with other countries.
Current Science, Vol. 86(9): 1238-1245
Weiss, E., Ginzburg, B., Cohen, T. R., Zafrir, H., Alimi, R., Salomonski, N.
and Sharvit, J., 2007. High resolution marine magnetic survey of shallow
water littoral area. Sensor, Vol. 7(9): 1697-1712.
Biographies

�Yong-Hwa Jung is a Researcher &amp; Conservator in the
Underwater Excavation &amp; Conservation Division of the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage of South Korea. He earned his PhD in 2008
from Kongju National University. He has been involved
in several maritime research projects including:
Exploration Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage by
the EOS3D-A (3D Seismic Survey System),
Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Research
Technology Using Crabster CR200, Development Project of Underwater
Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques, Underwater Archaeology
Vessel ‘NURIAN(G/T 290ton)’ Ship building, Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Policy in Korea, Analysis of Manufacturing
Technology and Production Area of Underwater Excavations Pottery.
Young-Hyun Lee majored the marine geophysical
exploration at Dong-A University. He has been working
in division of underwater excavation and conservation
at the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage for 5 years. He had mainly participated in a
research project, which is named "Development
Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration
Techniques". This project had been conducted by our
division from 2013 to 2016. As a marine geophysical researcher, He is still
doing my best to apply those developed exploration techniques, which are
including utilization methods of equipment and development of
equipment, into the underwater archaeology filed.
Jin-Hoo Kim is Professor in Geophysical Engineering.
Born in 1955, Seoul, Korea. B.S. from Seoul National
University, Korea in 1978. Ph.D. in Geophysics from
Colorado School of Mines, U. S. A. in 1986. Currently,
he is the department head of Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering Department, and the director
of Ocean Resources Research Institute, Dong-A
University, Busan, Korea. He has participated in
various geophysical exploration projects for in-land
and
off-shore
site
investigations,
maritime
archaeological surveys, and soil and petrophysical researches.

�Sang-Hee Lee was born in 1989, Busan, Korea. He
graduated from Dong-A University with a bachelor
and master degree in Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering. Current, he is studying at
Dong-A University to get his doctor’s degree. He
has participated in geophysical exploration projects
for in-land off-shore site investigations, maritime
archaeological surveys, petrophysical researches.

Hyun-Do Kim is a CEO at GeoView Co. Ltd.,
Republic of Korea since 2005, where he has been
dealing with marine seismic and geophysical
surveying business. He obtained Ph.D. in
geophysical survey from department of ocean
engineering, Dong-A University, Busan, Republic of
Korea, in 2005. Dr. Kim’s research interests include
marine geophysics and geotechnical survey in inshore and off-shore. Recently, 3D seismic survey
system has been developed and applied to underwater archaeology.

Yeong-Hyun Kim was born in 1979, Busan, Korea.
He graduated from Dong-A University, Department
of Civil Engineering. He studied river port
engineering in Dong-A Graduate School. Currently,
He is working at Geoview Corporation, a marine
survey company and has been working for 8 years.
He is a team leader of marine Survey department.
He is charge of marine geophysical surveys and
geotechnical surveys.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Development of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal Detection System for Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration </text>
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                <text>The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years â€˜Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniquesâ€™ from 2013 through 2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze. &#13;
A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration, there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform in real time. </text>
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                <text>Yong-Hwa Jung </text>
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                <text>Yong-Hwa Jung </text>
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                    <text>Basic Studies on the Western Shipwrecks Discovered in
the Ryukyu Archipelago and Their Influence on Modern
Society
Chiaki Katagiri
Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center
chiakik0407@gmail.com
Yumiko Nakanishi
Osaka Prefectural Board of Education
NakanishiYum@mbox.pref.osaka.lg.jp
Rintaro Ono
Tokai University
or109423@tsc.u-tokai.ac.jp
Hiroki Miyagi
Okinawa International University
h.miyagi@okiu.ac.jp

Abstract
Extensive distributional survey of the underwater cultural heritage
revealed the disposition of 230 underwater cultural heritage sites in the
Ryukyu Archipelago, and 23 sites out of 230 are identified as the wreck
sites. Dates of these wrecks vary from the 12th to 20th centuries;
nevertheless, all the Western shipwrecks found at six sites are dated to
within about 100 years between the latter half of the 18th century to the
19th century. This presentation is about the Western shipwrecks left in the
sea area of the Ryukyu Kingdom. From the late 18th century, the ships
from the Western powers stared to appear frequently. Historical
documents describes that those ships had not intended to come to the
kingdom, but were wrecked due to maritime accidents. Such incidents
brought opportunities for local population to come into contact with the
Westerners though rescuing the wrecks and their crews. Historical
documents and local lore, confirmed by the material evidence retrieved
from the seabed, show that those contacts in some cases developed to
the cultural interaction between local governments, or even nation-tonation. Moreover, the stories of the accidents and rescue efforts by the
local have long been handed down from generation to generation as
moving tales. In fact, there are some cases that those tales were
materialised, for instance in forms of a reconstructed Western ship

�facilitated as play equipment in a local park near the wreck site, as well as
an amusement park themed under the country of the wreck’s nationality.
This research aims to present how the archaeological evidence confirm
historical records related to the Western shipwrecks though the result of
investigation of underwater cultural heritage, as well as to analyse how
those initial contacts with the Westerners though the wreck accidents
developed into the cultural interaction which can be influential even now.
Key words: Ryukyu Archipelago,shipwrecks, survey
Introduction
The Ryukyu Archipelago consists of 199 islands, in a stunning vast sea
area over 1200km between Kyushu Island, located at southern end of
the Japanese Archipelago, and Taiwan. The largest island among the
Ryukyu Archipelago is Okinawa Island, where the present prefectural
government is seated. It is located almost at the centre of the
archipelago (Fig. 1). Being different from the Japanese Archipelago, the
islands of Ryukyu are under subtropical climate, warm throughout the
year. Surrounded by the amazingly beautiful ocean and coral reefs, the
area is also known for scuba diving and other marine sports.

�Fig. 1: Ryukyu Archipelago.

Various kinds of underwater cultural heritage have been discovered so far
and the authors have been continuously undertaking investigations and
researches (Katagiri, et al., 2014a and Ono et al., 2016). Results of our
distributional survey on underwater cultural heritage and its experimental
presentation in the Ryukyu Archipelago were presented at APCONF,
Hawaii in 2014 (Katagiri et al., 2014b). Researches on the wreck sites
and sea routes of the ships in the Ryukyu Archipelago were presented at
IKUWA, Australia in 2016 (Katagiri et al., 2016). This presentation focuses
on the Western shipwreck sites among the shipwreck sites discovered in
the Ryukyu Archipelago.

�Historical Background
There once was an independent kingdom in the Ryukyu Archipelago,
called the Ryukyu Kingdom from 1429AD to 1879AD. There was the
capital palace, Shurijo, in Okinawa Island, the largest among the
archipelago. The palace was the hub of the kingdom where the Ryukyu
King who rules the islands lived. The Ryukyu Kingdom was a maritime
state having thrived during the medieval, the 15th centuries, owing much
to the special relationship with the Ming Dynasty China regarding the
trades.

It greatly flourished on transit trade connecting Japan, Korea,

China and Southeast Asia. The international Naha Port was the centre of
the international trades (Fig. 1). In the following early modern times from
the 17th to 19th centuries, while subordinating to both Qing Dynasty China
and Japan, the kingdom prospered many original aspects in their complex
culture. On one hand, the kingdom had established domestic trade
networks among the islands. On the other hand, the Tokugawa Shogunate
prohibited international trades with other countries than China under the
policy of national isolation (‘Sakoku’) and the kingdom was becoming
isolated from international community. Nevertheless, since the latter half
of the 18th century, the ships of the Western great powers started to
appear in the sea areas of the kingdom. People in the kingdom started to
have contacts with Western ships and the Westerners through rescue of
the Western ships stranded in the neighbouring sea areas. In a historical
drawing on the folding screen, ‘Suirinahakozubyobu’ (owned by Okinawa
Prefectural Museum and Art Museum) painted in the 19th century,
depicting the prosperity of Naha Port, Western ships are also depicted
(Fig. 2). Contrary to the national isolation foreign policy, it is proven that
the Western ships frequently appeared in the sea area of the Ryukyu
Archipelago and was regularly in contact with the Ryukyu Kingdom.

�Fig. 2: Western Ships at Naha Port in the 19th Century
Nationalities and Proportions of the Western Ships Discovered in the
Ryukyu Archipelago
Figure 3 shows the percentage of the shipwreck sites to the entire
underwater cultural heritage discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago,
percentage of the Western shipwreck site to the entire shipwreck sites,
and percentage of their nationalities.

Underwater cultural heritage

discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago includes shipwreck sites, ports,
production sites (like quarries, stone tidal weirs and salt pans) and
submerged sites due to environmental change. The shipwreck sites total
23 sites, which accounts for ten percent of the whole.

�Fig. 3: Percentage of the Shipwreck Sites in the Ryukyu Archipelago.
The shipwreck sites according to its nature can be categorized into three
groups; those related to the trading, those not related to the trade, and the
World War II related sites. The first group of the shipwreck sites relate to
trading; this includes those of Chinese trade ships and domestic trade
ships. Among the sites of Chinese trade ships, seven sites are dated to
the medieval and one to the early modern period, both in total account for
35 percent of the whole shipwreck sites. All eight domestic trade ships
sites are dated to the early modern period, which accounts for 35 percent
of the whole showing the same proportion as Chinese trade ships.
Chinese and domestic trades ships together count 16 sites, which
accounts for 70 percent of the entire shipwreck sites in the Ryukyu
Archipelago.
In contrast, the Western ships appeared in the sea area of the Ryukyu

�Kingdom not for trades, but for other purposes. According to the historical
documents, they were destined to travel toe different places, but were
stranded and sunk in Ryukyu due to typhoons or the like. Six sites with
Western shipwrecks were identified so far, which accounts for 26 percent.
The date of all six sites are concentrated within c. 100 years between the
latter half of the 18th century and the latter half of the 19th century, which
does not conflict with the historical background of the kingdom.
Nationalities of the most Western shipwrecks were identified through the
historical records. Four sites out of six are British ships, one Dutch, and
one unidentified. Even though the evidence if limited, the British
overwhelm the others.
Location of the Western Shipwreck Sites
Figure 4 shows location of the Western shipwreck sites found in the
Ryukyu Archipelago (No. 1 to 6), as well as the location of the iron stock
anchors of the Western ships (A to C) discovered both underwater and on
land. Figure 5 is the respective pictures.

�Fig. 4: Location of the Western Shipwreck Sites in the Ryukyu
Archipelago.

Fig. 5: Pictures of the Western Shipwreck Sites.

�Three Western shipwreck sites are identified in Okinawa Island (No. 1 to
3) where the capital Shurijo used to be located, two in Miyako Island (No.
4 and 5) and one in Tarama Island (No. 6). In Yaeyama Islands located at
the southern border of the Ryukyu Kingdom, no site with Western
shipwreck has been discovered so far. Moreover, regarding the iron stock
anchors of the Western ships, two are found on land, one in Okinawa
Island (A) and one in Tarama Island (B), as well as one underwater in the
sea area around Yonaguni Island (C).
The Outline of the Respective Western Shipwreck Sites.
Ginama Underwater Site (No. 1; A):
The site is located off the coast of Kunigami Village in Okinawa Island, on
the seabed of about seven meter deep. Nansei Islands Underwater
Cultural Heritage Research Group discovered the site in 2002 (Miyagi et
al., 2004). Fragments of the hull, such as copper nails, European
ceramics, wine bottles and Chinese pottery pieces were found on the
seabed. Historical documents revealed that the ship is a British ship called
the Benares, departed from Hong Kong destined to San Francisco
(Watanabe and Nii, 2013). Building stones of granite and an iron stock
anchor reportedly retrieved from the British ships were left in the
neighboring areas on land.
Minamiukibarujima Underwater Site (No. 2):
The site is located off the Coast of Minamiukibaru Island in Uruma City,
Okinawa Island on the seabed of about 17 metre deep. It has been known
for long by the local fishermen. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological

�Centre identified it as the Western shipwreck sites (Katagiri, 2009).
Fragments of the hull, ballast, European ceramics, glass products, bullets
and Chinese pottery pieces were found on the seabed. Historical
documents descrees that a Western ship was stranded and sunk in the
sea off the island in 1876, but its nationality is unidentified (Heshikiya
Azashi Henshu Iinkai, 2009).
Indian Oak Wreck Site (No. 3):
The site is located off the coast of Chatancho in Okinawa Island and found
at a depth of about three metres. The Board of Education in Chatancho
undertook the underwater investigation in 1984 and retrieved fragments
of the hull like copper nails and pieces of copper sheathing, ballast stones,
European ceramics, glass products, Chinese pottery pieces and the like
were found. Historical documents revealed that the ship was the Indian
Oak who had been fighting in the Opium War in 1840. The ship was drifted
to the sea area while she had been transporting supplies (Nakamura,
1994).
Yabiji Underwater Site No.3 (No. 4):
The site is found at a depth of about 13 metres around the coral reef called
Yabiji located in the sea area north of Miyako Island. The site was
identified by the survey of Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center
(Katagiri, 2009). Metal parts of the hull, European ceramics, glass
products and iron ingot like products were discovered from the seabed.
Historical documents indicate that the ship could be assumed as HMS
Providence stranded in 1797 during her exploratory voyage in the North
Pacific (Nagamine, 1997).
Yoshinokaiganoki Underwater Site (No. 5):

�The site is located off Yoshino Coast of Miyako Island, found on the
seabed

at

about

five

metres

deep. The

Okinawa

Prefectural

Archaeological Centre discovered the site in 2008 (Katagiri, 2009). Many
pieces of granite stone blocks processed into cuboid shape are scattered
on the seabed. Fragments of the hull, for instance copper sheathing, as
well as Thai pottery pieces were also found (Arakaki, 2017). Historical
documents indicates that the ship could have been a British ship stranded
and sunk in 1853 on the way from Guangzhou in China to San Francisco.
The document shows that only 6 crew out of 30 and 24 Coolies out of 243
survived, and thus 243 people died of this accident (Taira, 2001).
Takadakaigainoki Underwater Site (No. 6):
The site is located off Takada Coast of Tarama Island. Many pieces of
pottery are scattered on the seabed at about 25 metre deep. The place
was reportedly known among the islanders as the site where a Dutch ship
had been stranded and sunk. The Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological
Center undertook the first underwater survey in 2008 and identified that
the site covers large area (Katagiri, 2010). Fragments of the hull, including
copper nails, metal products, and Chinese ceramic pieces were found on
the seabed (Arakaki, 2017). Historical documents reveal that the ship was
a Dutch ship called Van Bosse, stranded and sunk in 1857 on the way
from Shanghai to Singapore (Kaneda, 2001). There is an iron stock
anchor reported to be retrieved from this ship (B) left on land, as well as a
ceramic piece incised as ‘AMSTERDAM’ and Chinese pottery assumed
to be the cargo (Miyagi et al., 2004).
Education

and

Kyushu

National

The Tarama Village Board of
Museum

recently

undertook

comprehensive investigation and the use of metal detector revealed that
the fragments of the hull were still buried in the sandy seabed (Sasaki,
2017).

�Iron Stock Anchor off the Coast of Irizaki, Yonaguni Island (C):
It is not identified as a Western shipwreck site, but an iron stock anchor of
Western design was discovered off the coast of Irizaki at Yonaguni Island,
on the seabed about 26 metre deep (Katagiri and Yamamoto, 2014). Its
nationality and other details are unknown.
Influence on the Contemporary Society
It is generally said that Captain Basil Hall was the first Westerner visited
Ryukyu and introduced to Europe geography, customs, political and
economic states and the like of Ryukyu based on his careful observation.
On his way going back to Britain, he interviewed to Napoleon Buonaparte
at St. Helena Island. It is a famous story that he told Buonaparte that
people of Loo Choo (Ryukyu) had no arms, used no money and knew
nothing of Europe and His Majesty Napoleon Buonaparte (Hall, 1851 and
1986). Interestingly, Hall was convinced that the people in Ryukyu did not
use money as they did not receive payment of any kind from Hall’s
company for gratitude to all good things sent on board (Hall, 1851). This
description coincides with descriptions often seen in the historic document
of the western sides that shows surprise on Ryukyu people’s hospitality
with no expectation in return. Since then, Western ships coming to Ryukyu
dramatically increased. The phenomenon was not only reported by oral
histories and historical records, but also proved by the material evidence
at many underwater wreck sites of the Western ships by their discoveries
around the Ryukyu Archipelago.
The influence of those Western shipwrecks is seen even now. There is a
park near the wreck site of Indian Oak (No.3), a British ship joined the

�Opium War in 1840, and the play equipment set there in the design of the
reconstructed Indian Oak (Fig. 6). Moreover, there is a theme park caller
‘German Village’ in Miyako Island near the reportedly wreck site of a
German ship, the R. J. Robertson (even though the site not mentioned
above in this presentation as was not identified in the sea). The theme
park is run by the municipality of Miyako City and people of the island are
proud of the history of the rescue. Triggered by those rescue stories, the
UK Prime Minister Tony Blair and the German Prime Minister Gerhard
Schröder visited Chatancho and Miyako City respectively to strength
cultural exchanges when a summit conference had been held at Okinawa
in 2000. In case of HMS Providence, although no park nor theme park,
the local volunteers organised a group to commemorate HMS Providence
(HMS Providence wo Kataru Kai). The group promotes cultural exchanges
with England as the country of her origin and Hokkaido where she called
at.

Fig. 5 (left):
Picture of the
Western
Shipwreck
Sites.

�Curiously, it is often said in gossip that many beautiful women with fair
skin were born in the villages near the sites where the Western ships had
stranded and the Westerner crews were rescued. Those incidents prove
that history of shipwrecks and their rescue stories dated back to more than
a hundred years ago still has great influences on current society as
bridging cultural exchanges between the Western world and Okinawa.
Shipwreck sites in Okinawa are the valuable heritage as the material
evidence of those incidents.

In the future, further investigation and

research on the Western shipwreck sites could promote cultural
exchanges of the related countries and local places through exchanging
and sharing information. The result of such activities could even be a
trigger to develop large-scale international cultural interactions which
could be a leading model-case project representing current globalised
society.
References
Arakaki, T., (Ed.), 2017. Okinawaken no Suichu Iseki, Engan Iseki,
Ennganchiiki Iseki Bunnpu Chousa Houkokusho. Okinawa Prefectural
Archaeological Centre, Naha (in Japanese).
Hall, B., 1818. A Voyage of Discovery, West Coast of Corea: The Great
Loo-Choo Island. London; John Murray.
Hall, B., 1986. A Voyage of Discovery, West coast of Corea: The Great
Loo-Choo Island by Basil Hall, Trans. T. Haruna. Iwanamibunko, Tokyo
(in Japanese).
Hall, B., 1851. Narrative of a Voyage to Java, China and the Great LooChoo Island, with Accounts of Sir Murray Maxwell’s Attack on the Chinese
Batteries, and of an Interview with Napoleon Buonaparte at St. Helena.
William Teggs &amp;Co., London.
Hall, B., 1986. A Voyage of Discovery, West coast of Corea: The Great

�Loo-Choo Island by Basil Hall, Trans. T. Haruna. Iwanamibunko, Tokyo
(in Japanese).
Heshikiya Azashi Henshu Iinkai (Ed.), 2009. Heshikiya Azashi.
Heshikiyaku Jichikai, Uruma (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2009. Engan Chiiki Iseki Bunpu Chousa Gaihou, Vol. II:
Miyako Yaeyama. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Centre, Naha (in
Japanese).
Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2010. Engan Chiiki Iseki Bunpu Chousa Gaihou, Vol. III:
Gaiyo Iseki Chizu. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Centre, Naha (in
Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Miyagi, H., Arakaki, T., Yamamoto, Y. and Watanabe, M.,
2013. Research studies of Ginama foreign shipwreck sites in
Kunigamison, Okinawa, Japan. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa
Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, No. 6: 31-53 (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Miyagi, H. and Watanabe, M., 2014a. Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue (Okinawa No SuichuBunka-Isan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera), Borderink, Naha (in
Japanese)..
Katagiri, C., Yamamoto, Y. and Nakanishi, Y., 2014b. Distributional survey
of underwater cultural heritage and its experimental presentation in the
Ryukyu archipelago, Okinawa, Japan. In H. van Tilburg et al. (Eds.),
Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Vol. 2, APCONF 2014, Honolulu: 655-668.
Katagiri, C. and Yamamoto, Y., 2014. An iron stock anchor of the Western
style discovered off the south coast of Kubura, Yonaguji Island, Okinawa,
Japan. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art
Museum, No.7: 43-50 (in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Ono, R., Yamamoto, Y. and Miyagi, H. 2016. Researches on
the wreck sites and sea routes of the ships in the Ryukyu archipelago.

�Oral Presentation at IKUWA VI, Freemantle, Australia.
Kaneda, A., 2001. Taramajimaoki de nanpa shita oranda shosen Van
Bosse go no rekishiteki kosho. Nichiran Gakkai Kaishi,Vol. 26(1):79-98
(in Japanese).
Miyagi, H., Katagiri, C., Arakaki, T. and Higa, N., 2004. Preliminary
investigation into discovering sunken ships in the southwest islands:
underwater artifacts and marine transportation. Bulletin of the
Archaeological Study of Okinawa, No.2: 43-60 (in Japanese).
Nagamine, T. 1997. Tankyu. HMS Providence wo Kataru Kai, Miyako (in
Japanese).
Nakahara, G., 1994. Indian-Oak go no zashochi. In Chatancho Board of
Education (Ed.), Chatancho no Iseki, No.14, Chatancho Board of
Education, Chatan: 22 (in Japanese).
Nakamura, S., 1994. Indian-Oak go no zashochi. In Chatancho Board of
Education (Ed.), Chatancho no Iseki, No.14, Chatancho Board of
Education, Chatan: 20 (in Japanese).
Ono, R., Katagiri, C., Kan, H., Nagano, N., Nakanishi, Y., Yamamoto, Y.,
Takemura, F. and Sakagami, N., 2016. Discovery of iron grapnel anchors
in early modern Ryukyu and management of underwater cultural heritages
in Okinawa, Japan. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol.
45(1):75-91.
Sasaki, R., 2017. Field research. In Taramason Board of Education (Ed.),
Takadakaigan Site, Taramason Board of Education, Miyako: 9-17 (in
Japanese).
Taira, K., 2001. Chugoku coolie sen to Ryukyu shoto. Amami Kyodo
Kennkyu Kaiho, No. 37:6-12 (in Japanese).
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nitsuite no chosaseika. In Asian Research Institute of Underwater

�Archaeology, Association for Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage
Study Group and Kagoshima University The Faculty of Law, Economics
and Humanities, (Eds.), The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage
and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Nansei Shoto, ARIUA,
Fukuoka: 174-197 (in Japanese).

Biographies
Chiaki Katagiri is a senior archaeologist at Okinawa
Prefectural Archaeological Center. He was born in
Nagano Prefecture, Japan in 1976, graduated from
Okinawa International University in 1999 majoring in
archeology. He is specializing in the anthropology of the
islands,
carrying
out
anthropological
and
archaeological fieldwork throughout Asia. He has been
actively engaged in investigation and many research
projects of underwater cultural heritage in the Ryukyu
Archipelago. He is a co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No Suichu-Bunka-Isan:
Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera (Borderink, Naha, 2014).

Yumiko Nakanishi is a senior archaeologist working
at Cultural Properties Protection Division, Osaka
Prefectural Board of Education. She obtained MPhill
in Archaeology at Cambridge University in 2001 and
is currently a PhD candidate, specializing on heritage
management and public archaeology, as well as the
final phase of Kofun Period in Kinki region of Japan.
She has been involved in projects on underwater
cultural heritage in Okinawa area. Her publication
includes ‘The Great East Japan Earthquake and Cultural Heritage:
Towards an Archaeology of Disaster’, Antiquity, Vol. 87: 258-269,
‘Archaeological Administration and Japanese Archaeology’, Japanese
Journal of Archaeology, No. 4 (2017): 171-184, and so on.

�Dr. Rintaro Ono is an Associate Professor of School of
Marine Science and Technology at Tokai University,
Japan. His research is focused on Maritime
Archaeology and Anthropology, and specifically:
human maritime adaptation process, human migration
into Island Southeast Asia and Pacific Islands, human
maritime exploitation history, and maritime trade
history. He has been involved in many research
projects in Japan, Indonesia, Philippines, Palau, and
Vanuatu. He has been visiting researcher or collaborator with some
national and international laboratories and universities. He is author of
more than 50 academic papers, two books, and editor of Prehistoric
Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific Regions. (ANU E Press, 2013).

Hiroki Miyagi is a lecturer at Osaka International
University. He has worked at Board of Education in
Nakijinson and Nago City from 1999 until 2015. He
was born in 1975 and obtained graduated from
Okinawa International University in 1999, majoring in
archaeology, as well as obtained MA in 2009. He is a
co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa:
Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No SuichuBunka-Isan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera
(Borderink, Naha, 2014) and an author of ‘Gusukujidai ni Otozureta
Daikibona Shima no Keikanhenka’ in H. Takamiya, H. and S. Ito, S. (Eds.),
Senshi, Genshi Jidai no Ryukyu Retto: Hito to Keikan (Rokuichishobo,
Tokyo, 2011).

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Basic Studies on the Western Shipwrecks Discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago and Their Influence on Modern Society</text>
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                <text>Extensive distributional survey of the underwater cultural heritage revealed the disposition of 230 underwater cultural heritage sites in the Ryukyu Archipelago, and 23 sites out of 230 are identified as the wreck sites. Dates of these wrecks vary from the 12th to 20th centuries; nevertheless, all the Western shipwrecks found at six sites are dated to within about 100 years between the latter half of the 18th century to the 19th century. This presentation is about the Western shipwrecks left in the sea area of the Ryukyu Kingdom. From the late 18th century, the ships from the Western powers stared to appear frequently. Historical documents describes that those ships had not intended to come to the kingdom, but were wrecked due to maritime accidents. Such incidents brought opportunities for local population to come into contact with the Westerners though rescuing the wrecks and their crews.  Historical documents and local lore, confirmed by the material evidence retrieved from the seabed, show that those contacts in some cases developed to the cultural interaction between local governments, or even nation-tonation. Moreover, the stories of the accidents and rescue efforts by the local have long been handed down from generation to generation as moving tales. In fact, there are some cases that those tales were materialised, for instance in forms of a reconstructed Western ship &#13;
facilitated as play equipment in a local park near the wreck site, as well as an amusement park themed under the country of the wreckâ€™s nationality.  This research aims to present how the archaeological evidence confirm historical records related to the Western shipwrecks though the result of investigation of underwater cultural heritage, as well as to analyse how those initial contacts with the Westerners though the wreck accidents developed into the cultural interaction which can be influential even now. </text>
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                <text>Chiaki Katagiri </text>
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                <text>Hiroki Miyagi </text>
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                <text>Rintaro Ono </text>
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                <text>Hiroki Miyagi </text>
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                    <text>The 17th Century Wooden Shipwreck off Hatsushima
Island, Japan
Hayato Kondo
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
hkondo@kaiyodai.ac.jp
Akifumi Iwabuchi
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp
Toshiaki Hayashibara
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology
sea.museum@gmail.com

Abstract
The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at
Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which
is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin
Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off
Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011.
The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres
from the western shore. It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or
grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull. Judging from them,
the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden
freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part of Japan for the
capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern
part at that time. Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one
of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate
family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle.
In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the
Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site,
about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact
position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar.
In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square
wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were
developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and
Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous
underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with
photogrammetry software Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’.
Key words: Shipwreck, survey, Photogrammetry

�Introduction
Hatsushima Island is approximately 4km around and located in the
Sagami bay off east coast of Izu peninsula. In terms of its administration,
it belongs to Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture. From the mainland city, we
could always see the island and vice versa, and regular ferry services are
frequently available between them (Fig. 1).

Hatsushima Island has

approximately 200 inhabitants, most of whom engage in fishery and tourist
industries. There is only one elementary school, about 30 guest houses,
and a resort hotel on it. The surrounding sea around Hatsushima Island
is managed by the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima
Island; without permission from the association, neither recreation fishing
nor fun diving around the island is allowed.

Fig. 1: Location of Hatsushima Island.

�The so-called Hatsushima shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of
20 metres, being 200 metres from the western shore. Its cargo mainly
consists of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of wooden hulls.
Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th
century wooden freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part
of Japan, might be Osaka or Hyogo, for the capital town of Edo, which is
currently known as Tokyo. During the Edo period, Japan was in national
isolation, called sakoku (鎖国); consequently, there was only limited
contact with foreign countries, while domestic seaborne transportation
systems were highly developed.

Almost all areas in Japan were

connected by the shipping traffic with wooden freighters. Using ships, rice
was transported from northern Japan to Edo or Osaka, which was the
largest town in western Japan; earthenware from western Japan to Edo;
marine products from Hokkaido to western Japan, and so on.

The shipwreck site was officially found in the latter half of 1970s by a
constructor of underwater pipelines which supplied pure water to
Hatsushima Island from mainland. Even before, however, it has been
known by fishermen that roof tiles and grindstones have sometimes been
caught by fishing nets. In addition, the islanders have inherited legends
testifying that at the shipwreck, night after night, a sodden samurai who
wore armour used at that time, landed on the western shore of
Hatsushima island from the bottom of the sea. Since the area was opened
as a diving spot, some leisure divers have recognized the shipwreck.
Because the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island
has strictly managed the wreck, its destruction has been prevented
somehow.

�A series of surveys have been done mainly by the Asian Research
Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) and by Tokyo University of
Marine Science and Technology, a member institution of the UNESCO
Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network. The Asian Research Institute
of Underwater Archaeology is the only an active academic society for
underwater cultural heritage in Japan. Although its headquarters is
situated at Fukuoka city, Kyushu, the institute has not only Japanese
members but also foreign scholars including from Korea and Germany. It
was founded in 1986 under the name of the Kyushu Okinawa Society for
Underwater Archaeology or KOSUWA, and then in 2005 it became a nonprofit organization. The president director is Kenzo Hayashida, who is an
expert advisor of the Submerged Sites Study Committee at the Agency
for Cultural Affairs. The institute has regally published a journal titled The
Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies which is the only one
periodical specialized about underwater cultural heritage in Japan.

In November 2011 and in February 2012, several ARIUA underwater
archaeologists did the underwater survey upon the Hatsushima shipwreck
site to locate its exact position. The third diving campaign was executed
on April 2012, which was covered by a TV programme, and the fourth
diving campaign was executed on October 2012 in order to create plans
for future surveys and excavations. On March 2013, the multibeam sonar
survey and pilot survey using an autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV),
which was built by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology,
were executed (Kondo, 2017). Figure 2 shows the bathymetry around the
site generated by a multibeam sonar mounted. A group of embossments
surrounded in a circle shows the wreck site.
multibeam survey was a SONIC 2024.

A sonar used for this

�Fig. 2: Bathymetry of the archaeological site.
Archaeological Relics
The shipwreck site itself measures 4.7m from east to west and 5m from
north to south. In an area of 5m square, the freighter’s cargos, such as
roof tiles, grinding bowls, and whetstones are spread (Fig. 3). Although
decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles, and whetstones are found
dispersedly, other cargo components such as pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles,
and grinding bowls are well aligned. It could be imagined that, when this
freighter sank, the heavy cargos might be placed bottom on the wooden
hull. The number of pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles, and grinding bowls were
spread far more than that of decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles,
and whetstones. As for the hull, its greater part seems to be buried inside
the sandy seabed; after the sand is push aside, a few wooden plates from
the ship could be observed between the group of aligned pan-tiles and
grinding bowls.

�Fig. 3: Rough drawing of the wreck site.
At the southern part of the relics-concentrated site, pan-tiles are aligned
in five rows and two layers to the east-west directions; and others are
aligned in one row and one layer to the north-south directions. About the
northern part, round eaves-tiles are aligned in two rows and two layers.
Contrarily, pan eaves-tiles and decorative ridge-end tiles are sporadically
spread to relatively outside of the relics-concentrated site.

Judging from their forms and characteristics, the grinding bowls were
produced from the middle of the 17th century to the beginning of the 18th
century in the Tamba region of western Japan, which is now in Hyogo
Prefecture. This Tamba ware or Tamba-Tachikui ware had started to be
made around 1000 years ago, and then became famous in Japan

�especially for its grinding bowls.

Before the 18th century almost all

Japanese grinding bowls came either from the area of Tamba or from
Seto. After the middle of the 18th century, however, the cheap bowls
produced in a town of Sakai, near Osaka, became much more popular.

As for roof tiles, the original production area might be Awaji Island, which
is also now in Hyogo Prefecture. Throughout Japanese History, we had
three famous roof tile production areas, viz. Awaji Island at Hyogo,
Sanshu at Aichi, and Sekishu at Shimane. The roof tile production at
Awaji Island is said to have started around the 6th or the 7th centuries.
The roof tiles produced at Awaji Island are characterized by their beautiful
silvery colour, which could be observed on some roof tiles at the
Hatsushima wreck. Indeed, it would be possible that not all roof tiles
belonging to the wreck came from Awaji Island, but other roof tiles might
have also been produced at some tile kilns, at least near Awaji Island,
such as kilns around Osaka or Kyoto.

Most of roof tiles found on the shipwreck seem to be relatively high-quality
products. One of the decorative ridge-end tiles has a well-known mark, its
centre displays the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms (三葉葵文) of the
Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan. The decorative cap of each round
eaves-tile presents the crest of three comma-shaped figures (連珠三巴文)
in a circle without circular line. On the other hand, the decorative cap of
each pan eaves-tile has the ‘Osaka-typed’ motif of arabesque (均整唐草
文) which is marked by elongated calyxes and y-shaped sides both on the
right and left. All the roof tiles were polished-up beautifully that even did
not display trace of polishing marks.

�These high-qualitied roof tiles seem to have been produced especially for
the Edo Shogunate castle as one of the decorative ridge-end tiles that has
the crest of the Tokugawa family or clan. In 1657, the Great Fire of Meireki
burned down more than the half districts of Edo, including the castle;
therefore, the roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck might be ordered for the
reconstruction attempt of the castle after the fire. Also, there is a record
that the Genroku earthquake hit Edo in 1703, yet the physical damage on
the castle against the Edo castle was minor; only some gates or guard
houses were reported to be collapsed.

Consequently, it is natural to

consider that the roof tiles were to be used for the repair works after the
fire rather than the earthquake.

The roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck must be specially ordered products
by the Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan, while the grinding bowls seem
to have been general-purpose products. As this freighter carried both
products, it was not a ship owned by the government but rather a private
merchant vessel.

During the Edo period, two types or systems of

mercantile operations were recorded. One was ‘kaizumi (買積)’, in which
vessels itself went to productions, factories, or industrial areas to buy
goods directly in order to bring those goods back home ports or to bring
them to the big cities such Edo or Osaka to sell. The other one was
‘unchinzumi (運賃積)’, in which vessels carried cargos for customers, for
instance the government and other merchants, based on orders and
requests of customers. The Hatsushima wreck did belong to the latter
system.

The wreck of the same trading type was discovered off of

Kozushima Island (Iwabuchi, 2012).

Survey after 2015

�The main purpose of the survey after 2015 was to map the wreck site
accurately using a 3D photogrammetry technique. The obtained data will
help us to understand the whole archaeological site off Hatsushima Island
including the shipwreck. Presumably the evaluation of this site by using
this data would open a way that the site will be registered as a place of
buried cultural properties which will be a legal evidence to help the site.
Another purpose of this survey is to consider the potential usage of
underwater vehicles and underwater photogrammetry for archaeological
site.

Methodology: A remotely operated vehicle (ROV) was operated to take
pictures while keeping close distance over the wreck for mapping. Divers
were attended at the seabed to prevent any accidents. To complement
for the mapping, visual inspections and measuring were operated by
divers. The survey area was set to 5m square focusing on the relicsconcentrated area. A small boat was locally hired to serve as a research
vessel which delivered divers and instruments from pier to the site; and
operation of the ROV was also done from the boat. The survey operations
were completed by both photo-shooting by the ROV and visual inspection
by divers; any destructive operations such as excavation and rising
artefacts of the relics were not executed.

Homemade Remotely Operated Vehicle: A simple ROV was designed and
constructed by Kondo laboratory of Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology. Figure 4 shows the general arrangement of the vehicle.
The length of the ROV is 1m, width is 0.58m and the depth is 0.48m
(excluding hanging points). The weight is about 70kg, yet it is neutrally
buoyant in seawater. Four propeller thrusters are mounted on the vehicle;
two horizontal thrusters are mounted horizontally to make the vehicle

�move forward and backward; the other two thrusters are mounted
vertically (see Fig. 4) to make the vehicle to move upward and downward.

Fig. 4: General arrangement of the homemade ROV.

Four cameras are mounted on the vehicle as observational equipment.
Main camera has Type 4/3 sized, 3296 x 2472 resolution CCD. An F
mount lens was attached to the camera. The camera is sealed in a
homemade pressure bottle with underwater connectors. Still images are
transmitted from the ROV to the surface boat via an umbilical cable, and
stored in a laptop computer.

This main camera is mounted

vertically/perpendicularly as the camera face-down to the seabed. Other
used cameras were wearable cameras (GoPro), one camera was
mounted perpendicularly to take top-view movies. Other two were paired
as works as stereo cameras, and mounted slightly diagonally angled down
to take slant-view movies of the site. Three original underwater LED lights
were also mounted to provide lighting.

A syntactic foam, which is a buoyancy material made of glass
microspheres and compound was mounted on top of the vehicle. A main
pressure bottle made of aluminum alloy was attached beneath the
buoyancy material. Microcomputers, control units, a depth sensor and
batteries were stored in the main bottle. The main bottle was relatively

�heavy to make the long separation between centers of buoyancy and
gravity to provide better stability for the vehicle’s motions.

An umbilical cable which encloses ethernet and power lines connected
the main bottle and a laptop computer on the boat. Operator can control
the vehicle’s motion and onboard equipment from the laptop.

The

structure of the ROV consists of High Density Poly Ethylene (HDPE),
which is positively buoyant in seawater, free from corrosion and easy to
let any equipment to be mounted.

Results: Although divers supported the ROV (Fig. 5) because of electric
failure of thrusters, an orthophoto mosaic of the wreck (Fig. 6) was
obtained from 3D spatial data generated by photogrammetric processing
using digital images taken by the ROV. Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’ was used for
photogrammetric processing. Although blank parts can be seen on the
orthomosaic because of the bad image conditions, distortions of the
orthomosaic are minimum, and this orthomosaic can be used for
archaeological drawings.

�Fig. 5: A photo taken by a diver during the Survey.

Fig. 6: Orthophoto mosaic of the wreck site.

�In November 2016, to obtain better 3D photogrammetric data, several
ARUIA divers took numerous underwater photos of the Hatsushima
shipwreck. At that time, two grapnels were discovered at north-east from
the wreck site (about 10 metres apart from the site).

However, the

relationship between these anchors and the wreck is still under
investigation. Both in 2015 and in 2016, the open briefing sessions of the
survey for the general public living in Hatsushima Island were organized
by ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology during
the campaigns.

Many islanders, including members of the Fisheries

Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island, attended the sessions
and displayed their high interests to this underwater cultural heritage
(Hayashibara et al., 2016). We have once again understood that working
together with local people is necessary.

Additionally, foreign researchers participated in the surveys at
Hatsushima Island both in 2015 and in 2016. In 2015, one Indonesian
student from the graduate school of Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology received hands-on training of underwater archaeology in
this field campaign. This was a part of the programmes of the UNESCO
Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network at TUMSAT. In 2016, two
Italian scholars from the International Research Institute for Archaeology
and Ethnology, one Dutch from ICOMOS Netherlands, and one American
from the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, attended the survey to
help the underwater investigations.

Complying with the UNESCO

international standard, ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology are planning to make good use of this underwater
archaeological site for education and training, not only as a touristic
attraction.

�Conclusions and Perspectives
An orthophoto mosaic of the wreck was generated from 3D spatial data
generated by photogrammetric processing using digital images taken by
the ROV and divers. Line art (2D site plan) for the cultural heritage
documentation is under drawing. Currently, the team is planning more
data collection in order to obtain sectional drawings. The ROV operation
was executed twice and its total time is about one hour; this is a large
saving

for

divers’

archaeological sites.

underwater

operation

time

for

underwater

The advantage of underwater vehicles for

archaeological survey has been confirmed by the orthophoto mosaic of
the wreck. Also, we are planning to evaluate the validity of increasing the
image quality and usage of underwater technological instruments.

The goal of these investigations is to produce a site map as an orthophoto
mosaic, and share detailed and accurate information of the site with the
Board of Education of Atami city. Although it has already recognized its
existence, the Hatsushima shipwreck has not designated as a ‘Buried
Cultural Property’ or ‘Historic Site’ under the Japanese domestic law of
the Cultural Properties Protection Act (Hayashibara, 2013). The board of
education believes that more detailed information is required, for instance
its historical values or current situation including the complete picture of
the hull buried beneath the seabed. Without raising all archaeological
components of the site, which is against the Convention on the Protection
of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, its general view of the site could not
be appeared and observed. The other reason why the board of education
does not want to protect this site under the civil law is that the Agency for
Cultural Affairs has ordered every board of education to execute the
Cultural Properties Protection Act upon all sites before the Middle Age,

�but this order also implies that it is not priority to apply this order to heritage
sites dated after the Early Modern Age.

Acknowledgements
The research in 2011 and in 2012 was carried out with financial assistance
from the Nippon Foundation, in 2013 from the Canon Foundation, and in
2015 from the Asahi Shimbun Foundation, to which our thanks are due.
We also wish to thank ARIUA members and graduate or undergraduate
students at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology who
helped our surveys.
References
Hayashibara, T., 2013. Off Hatsushima Island, Atami city. Archaeology
Quarterly, Vol. 123: 31-33.
Hayashibara, T., Kondo, H., and Iwabuchi, A., 2016. Making a site map
of underwater cultural heritage off Hatushima Island. ARIUA Newsletter,
No. 5: 2-11.
Iwabuchi, A., 2012. Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to
Underwater Archaeology. Kagaku-Dojin, Kyoto.
Kondo, H., 2017. Underwater techniques to exploit new possibilities of
deepwater archaeology. In K. Hayashida (Ed.), Underwater Cultural
Heritage: History Resuscitated from the Sea, Bensei, Tokyo: 175-203.
Biographies
Hayato Kondo is Associate Professor at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology. His
research
interests
include
ocean-related
autonomous
system,
high-resolution
ocean
observation, AUV system design, and its payload
system including optical and acoustic sensors. He
received his PhD from the University of Tokyo in 2002
on naval architecture and ocean engineering, M.Eng.
and B.Eng. from Waseda University on mechanical
engineering. He is a co-chair of the technology committee on unmanned

�maritime vehicles and submersibles, Oceanic Engineering Society, IEEE.
He is also a member of the Japan ICOMOS National Committee.

Akifumi Iwabuchi is Professor of Maritime
Anthropology and Nautical Archaeology at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, a
member institution of the UNESCO Underwater
Archaeology Unitwin Network. He is the ICOMOSICUCH National Representative for Japan, being
also Directors of the Japan Society for Nautical
Research, of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology, and of the Forum on the
Oceanic State of Japan. He received his PhD from the University of
Oxford in 1990. His publications include The People of the Alas Valley
(Clarendon Press, 1994) and Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An
Introduction to Underwater Archaeology (Kagaku-Dojin, 2012).

Toshiaki Hayashibara was born in Tokyo in 1960. He
received his MA from Toyo University in 1986. He is
a director of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology at Fukuoka and lecturer in
underwater archaeology at Tokyo University of
Marine Science and Technology. He is also a
member
of
the
Japanese
Archaeological
Association. His archaeological specialties include
prehistorical bronze wares in Japan, underwater
cultural heritage, and heritage management.
In the process of
participating in underwater researches all over Japan, he has most
gradually come to have his doubts about treatments of underwater
archaeological sites and their managements in Japan.

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Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011.  The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres from the western shore.  It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull.  Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden freighter or kaisen ( å»»èˆ¹ ), which left a port of western part of Japan for the capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern part at that time.  Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle.  In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site, about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar.  In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with photogrammetry software Agisoft â€˜PhotoScanâ€™.</text>
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                    <text>The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and
Use in Lake Biwa, Japan

Hisashi Nakagawa
Toyohashi City Museum Art and History
nakagawa_134@yahoo.co.jp

Abstract
Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately
4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More
than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to
understand the subtleties of history. As an example, the Awazu-bottom
site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years
ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed
near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake. The
Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and is one
of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake,
and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only
port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it
disappeared in the 12th century. The causes of this sites’ submergence
is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water
balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow
into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore,
the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the
riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have
occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the
government to this day. Not only are water levels problematic, but ground
sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water
transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study,
the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As
a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by
earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged
to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction. In
this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront
environment and its use.
Key words: landscape, Lake, Japan, riverine

�Introduction
Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan and many people have
lived on this lake. There are more than 90 underwater or lakeside
archaeological sites that exist here. As it has approximately 4,000,000
years of history, its form has been changed due to a variety of factors such
as crustal deformations or sediment depositions. In recent years, the
relation between these geographical or geological changes and lives of
the local people has gradually been revealed by a lot of archaeological
materials acquired through some investigations of the submerged sites
(Nakagawa, 2016). In this paper, the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen in Nagahama city is discussed in order to describe the
natural and historical environmental changes at Lake Biwa from the
ancient times to the middle age.
General Description of the Site
The underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen site is located at
the bottom of Lake Biwa in front of the town of Gion in Nagahama city,
which is in northeastern part of Shiga Prefecture. Local oral tradition tells
us that ‘the village called Nishihama formerly existed here, but it was
submerged into the bottom of lake by a big earthquake during the Kansho
year of the Muromachi period (1460-1466)’.
Before examining historical facts, first of all, some current aspects of the
bottom topography found from survey maps and sedimentation situations
have to be shown. The investigation area is shallow off shore; around
100m. It is less than 1.5m deep and more than 82.8 m of altitude. There
3 topographical elevated points are characteristically observed (Fig. 1).
These points have been named A, B, and D as each survey ward (Fig. 2).
In addition, the survey ward of C has no elevation, and a medieval

�graveyard does not have any elevated peaks, either. In more than 80m
of offing, the more clay-like topography regarded as former ground is still
spread. Its average bottom attitude is less than 82.8m (about more than
1.5m deep). In this very peculiar area, old withered trees have been
excavated. Because some botanical analyses prove that its soil contains
large amounts of plant opals from bamboo grasses, this area was certainly
dry land in earlier times.

Fig. 1: Topographical lakebed map around the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen.

�Fig. 2. Research areas of the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen.
In the survey ward of A, its highest bottom elevation is approximately
83.7m (about 0.6m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the
western part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to
west and 60m from south to north. Around the survey ward of A, the
gentle collapse-like topography which was caused by the power waves
from the offing direction could be seen (survey ward of A’). In the survey
ward of B, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.75m (about
0.55m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the east part of
the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m
from south to north. Around the survey ward of B, as A, the gentle
collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of B’). In the survey
ward of C, the average bottom elevation is approximately 83.3m (about
1m deep). It is on the western part of the investigation area along the
lakeshore, measuring about 80m from east to west and 15m from south
to north.
In the survey ward of D, its highest bottom elevation is approximately
83.4m (about 0.9m deep). This relatively small and oval elevated ward is
situated at the centre of the investigation area, measuring about 35m from

�east to west and 15m from south to north. Around the survey ward of D
as well, as A and B, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen
(survey ward of D’). The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated
about from 50m to 70m off the lakeside, and its average bottom altitude is
83.1m (about 1.2m deep). There many stone materials, most of which
used to be grave stones, are found; each medieval grave consisted of
many stones, which were nearly a size larger than a fist of a grown-up
man or smaller than human skull, forming a rectangular section or a cairn.
The bottom material at the flat part (less than 83.2 m of altitude) at the
investigation area consists of small grains of sands. They seem to have
been brought there later by wave action or longshore currents. The
survey ward of a medieval graveyard is buried under these sands by half.
Contra to this, the bottom material of elevated wards of A, B, and D
consists of round-shaped small river stones, each of which is from
approximately 5cm to 10cm in diameter. Although one of the survey ward
of C consists mainly of such river stones, many bigger stones, each of
which is from 20cm to 30cm in diameter, are also observed sporadically
on this ward.
As for the reason why there are some topographical elevated points there,
as this area used to be a river delta. Because of this fact, small river
stones are found in the elevated wards of A, B, and D. Each ward still
looks like the shape of a river delta. Judging from the survey map, around
four tributary branches might have flowed into Lake Biwa, but the direction
of water flows may have been altered in later years. So presumably the
river was about 250m wide at the mouth.

�Historic Environmental Transition Judging from Old Topographies
and Relics
Development Process of the Sites
Figure 3 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics from
this site for each century. Obviously its peaks were the 8th and the 12th
centuries while only one relic from the 14th century was found. Since the
15th century, this site seems to have restarted as a new site.

The

tendencies at the 12th and the 13th centuries look similar, but almost all
relics from the 12th century consist mainly of unglazed pottery named
‘yama cha wan’, which disappeared before the first quarter of the 13th
century. In the survey ward
C, the remains of a well was found which seems to be abandoned
deliberately during the 13th century. The cultural discontinuation of this
underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be observed
around the 13th century; this place itself was deserted with awareness.

Fig. 3: Numbers of excavated relics.
Only one relic from the 14th century at the survey ward of C is either air
ring of a five-ring stone pagoda. It was originally made in the 14th century,

�but later after the 15th century it was reutilized as a tomb stone. In the
same elevated zone as the pagoda was found, an elected stone Buddha
statue from the 16th century was also found.

The end time of the

underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen might be the latter
half of the 16th century, because only one relic, i.e. a cup made from
celadon porcelain, from the 17th century was found there.
The transition period of the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen could be divided into three or four phases, viz. Phase I
around the 8th century, Phase II in the 12th century which was the most
flourishing time of this site, Phase of Rupture from the middle of the 13th
century to 14th century, and Phase III from the 15th to 16th centuries when
the site had been revived.

Distribution Situation of Relics Every Investigation Area
Then, is such situation universal at the whole survey wards of the site?
Figure 4 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics for
each survey ward for each century. Before Phase I, all wards had relics
although its number was relatively small.

This trend seems to have

continued until the 10th century. Because this investigation area used to
be a river delta, these small relics were flowed there together with
sediment along the river branches. At first, it was the secondary centre to
accumulate broken relics.

Some relics, in particular, from the 10th

century, are not broken at all and not obliterated; the original places of

�those relics would not have been so far away. Perhaps, they might be
used directly above this site.

Fig. 4: Numbers of excavated relics at each research area.

�Phase II is completely different from Phase I. Almost all relics from this
phase were found only around the survey ward of B, although only one
relic was found around the survey ward of A. Relics from the 11th century,
as well as ones from the 13th century, have been excavated only at the
survey ward of B. This distribution of relics does not seem to be originated
from the natural sedimentation but from real human activities.

After Phase of Rupture, this site might have been developed as a new
zone at Phase III after the 15th century. Relics belonging to this period
were mainly distributed over the survey ward of a medieval graveyard and
the offshore places of each survey ward. As no relic is found in the survey
wards of A and B and the survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated
between the survey wards of A and B, the site of Nishihamasengen had
been changed into land or from drying at Phase III.

Constitution of Relics and Land Use in Phase II
At Phase II around the peak period of the 12th century, what kind of
human activities were observed on the site? When did its rivers run dry?
The compositions of relics from the survey wards of B are shown in Figure
5. Most of the relics are things for offering only, while ones for boiling or
for storing do not exist. Therefore, the survey ward of B at Phase II was
not a waste site of general daily necessaries near commoners’ hamlets,
but maybe it would have had several mounds of Buddhist scriptures.
Because some sutra cases or substitute inkstones are excavated, literate
people, which differed from common villagers, might be living there at
Phase II.

�Fig. 5 (left): Relics at the research area
of B from the 12th to 13th Century.

In former days, men of weight who wished for peaceful death built mounds
of Buddhist scriptures in order to bury the scriptures under the mounds.
The height of prosperity of this custom was the 12th century in Japan
(Sugiyama, 2007); this historical fact may correspond to the case of the
site of Nishihamasengen. As for substitute inkstones, they started to be
used in the latter half of the 11th century in Japan. Literate people
intentionally built mounds of Buddhist scriptures at the survey ward of B,
because at the time of Phase II, which extended over 150 years from the
latter half of the 11th century to the first quarter of the 13th century, the
survey ward of B was dryland, not half-submerged land. This fact is also
proved by the restricted size of ward, measuring about 40m from east to
west and 50m from south to north; throwing sutra cases and substitute
inkstones away from the lakeshore is the out of question.
The concentration of the relics and its conglomeration at the survey ward
B suggest that this zone began to become dry before the middle of the
11th century. A study of historical geography (Mizuno, 2011) says that

�during the Hoen period (1135-1141) the shrine territory of the Gion Shrine
was established around this investigation area and its territorial landsubdivision would have been spread far into under the current Lake Biwa
(Fig. 6).

It could also be imagined that sutra cases and substitute

inkstones from the survey ward B would have been used by some men of
weight who managed this shrine territory and conducted its religious
activities.

Fig. 6: Land division of the Medieval Period. (S. Mizuno)
New Development after Phase III
It is after 15th century that human beings restarted to live around the site
of Nishihamasengen. No relic has been excavated at all at the survey
wards of A and B, while at the survey wards of a medieval graveyard, C
along the lakeshore, and offshore sinking parts of each ward small amount
of relics have been found. These consist of not only stone material
cultures but also old china plates, earth pottery plates, pots, grinding
bowls, many variations of receptacles. On the grinding bowls some usewear is observed, which proves the existence of real human living there
at this time.

�The medieval graveyard must not have built on the submerged land but
on the riverbed of some flow channels when the survey wards A, B, and
C were formed as a river delta at the beginning, which was not suitable
for plotting rice fields. This ward seemed to have been looked like the
actual banks of hell at the middle age.

According to some botanical

analyses and natural scientific dissections of lakebed soil, much larger
offshore areas of the current underwater site of Nishihamasengen were
used for dryland agriculture at Phase III after the 15th century.
Some oral traditions and historical materials tell us that there used to have
been a village named ‘Nisihama-mura’.

The relics discovered in the

underwater site of Nishihamasengen prove that the village of Nisihamamura was founded after the 15th century. The oldest and first historical
material titled Eikyo Shichinen Kanjin Sarugaku Hogacho which
mentioned this village was written in 1435. Since the number of relics
near the lakeshore is relatively small, the village centre at that time might
have been on more offshore place among agricultural fields.
Cause of Its Submergence and Time
What was the actual cause of the submergence of the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen and when? From the 15th to the
16th centuries, undoubtedly, the water level of Lake Biwa varied from 84.2
m 84.7m approximately above sea level (Nakagawa, 2017).
Judging from many aspects of the excavated relics from the site of
Nishihamasengen, Phase III was terminated at the latter half of the 16th
century. Although some stone materials were sometimes reutilized, no
relics from the Edo period was found and the newest one is from the first
half of the 17th century. During Phase III, the highest peak attitude of the
ward of a medieval graveyard is 83.2m (about 1.2m deep). If its ground

�attitude nowadays were the same as one in the middle age, villagers had
built their graveyard on the bottom of Lake Biwa. Indeed, the water level
fluctuation of Lake Biwa is about 1m throughout the year all through the
ages, but its fluctuation could not explain why a medieval graveyard is
now under Lake Biwa. Some botanical analyses also tell us that around
the graveyard the ground was dry at that time. Therefore, the ground
subsidence must have happened between the end of the 16th century and
the beginning of the 17th century.
The most probable movement of the earth's crust was the big earthquake
occurred on 18th January 1586.

According to Luís Fróis, a Jesuit

missionary, because of this earthquake many ground cracks ate
thousands of houses and villagers, and the remaining ones were
destroyed by fires. He also described its ground liquefactions, saying that
from ground cracks black and liquid soil was coming out (Ida, 1987). The
legendary village of Nisihhama-mura or the contemporary underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen was submerged under Lake Biwa
in 1586.
Conclusion
Lakeshore and seashore has changed due to water fluctuation, soil
sedimentation, crustal movement, and so on. Underwater archaeology
could investigate some causes of those changes, studying submerged
sites. In Japan, however, most think that underwater archaeology is the
study of shipwrecks and not many archaeologists are interested in the
historical transitions of waterfront environment or underwater settlement
sites. In the Japan archipelago, on the other hand, there are still to be
many unknown underwater sites, which are similar to the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. Researching upon them will be
able to cast a new light on the history of Japan or human beings generally.

�References
Ida, K., 1987. History of Tensho Big Earthquake. Nagoya University
Press, Nagoya.
Mizuno, S., 2011. Historical environment of Lake Biwa and human
beings. In S. Mizuno (Ed.), Environmental History of Lake Biwa and
Human Beings, Iwata, Tokyo: 5-26.
Nakagawa, H., 2017. Archaeological study of water level fluctuation at
Lake Biwa: some phases from the end of the ancient times to the middle
age. Busshitsu Bunka, Vol. 97:113-154.
Nakagawa, H., (Ed.), 2016. The Site of NIshihamasengen: Surveys and
Studies of Submerged Sites at Lake Biwa, Sunrise, Shiga.
Sugiyama, H., 2007. Kyo-zutsu. In M. Ono et al. (Eds.), Great
Encyclopaedia of Historical Archaeology, Yoshikawakobunkan, Tokyo:
339-340.
Biography
Hisashi Nakagawa was born in Aichi Prefecture in 1988. During the
undergraduate level, he learned underwater archaeology and supervised
by Prof. Hiromichi Hayashi at the University of Shiga Prefecture (20072011). Prof. Hayashi did study underwater
archaeology from Prof. Yoshio Oe, who is respected
as "Father of Underwater Archeology in Japan". In
2013 he completed the master program (Human
Culture) at the University of Shiga Prefecture, and
then, he had been a PhD candidate in the same
university, and a Research Fellow of Japan Society
for the Promotion of Science (2013-2016). He works
now at the Toyohashi City Museum Art and History.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>A Preliminary Study on the Barrier of the Sino-French War of 1884 at Tamsui Estuary, Taiwan </text>
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                <text> During the Sino-French War of 1884, the Qing military intentionally sank a number of wrecks filled with rocks under the Tamsui River and surrounded them with naval mines and many railings to form a barrier against the French invasion. In 2014, one hundred and thirty years later, the government planned to construct a bridge across the river estuary; and, in accordance with the law concerning environmental impact assessments and archaeological impact assessments, the author conducted an investigation to find potential underwater archaeological remains.  The survey tools for this project included a side scan sonar, a multi-beam sonar, a magnetometer, and a sub-bottom profiler. A total of 31 anomalies were detected by these sonars; most of them were lain on the surface of the river bed, and these were believed to be modern debris. However, some anomalies were covered by the sand or under the river bed; therefore, the team could not identifiy these targets further without underwater operations. First, In order to verify the anomalies lying on the surface of the river bed, the team used an underwater camera and diverbased investigation.  As a result of the investigation, no specific archaeological remains were found on the surface of the river bed; also the team found out that the sediments of the riverbed had accumulated repeatedly by erosion and floods since 1884. It seems that a strong power of natural dynamics on this region may had destroyed the barrier. In conclusion, the underwater investigation could not confirm archaeological remains of the barrier. Further investigation is required to find archaeological remains.  In this paper, the author shall share historical contexts related to the Tamsui Estuary that were found during his historical literature reviews. Also the author shall share his hypothesis of where to find, or what might have happened to, the potential archaeological remains from Sino-French War of 1884. </text>
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                <text>Tai-Lung </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>11/24/2017</text>
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                <text>Tai-Lung </text>
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                    <text>The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and
Use in Lake Biwa, Japan

Hisashi Nakagawa
Toyohashi City Museum Art and History
nakagawa_134@yahoo.co.jp

Abstract
Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately
4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More
than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to
understand the subtleties of history. As an example, the Awazu-bottom
site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years
ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed
near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake. The
Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and is one
of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake,
and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only
port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it
disappeared in the 12th century. The causes of this sites’ submergence
is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water
balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow
into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore,
the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the
riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have
occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the
government to this day. Not only are water levels problematic, but ground
sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water
transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study,
the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As
a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by
earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged
to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction. In
this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront
environment and its use.
Key words: landscape, Lake, Japan, riverine

�Introduction
Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan and many people have
lived on this lake. There are more than 90 underwater or lakeside
archaeological sites that exist here. As it has approximately 4,000,000
years of history, its form has been changed due to a variety of factors such
as crustal deformations or sediment depositions. In recent years, the
relation between these geographical or geological changes and lives of
the local people has gradually been revealed by a lot of archaeological
materials acquired through some investigations of the submerged sites
(Nakagawa, 2016). In this paper, the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen in Nagahama city is discussed in order to describe the
natural and historical environmental changes at Lake Biwa from the
ancient times to the middle age.
General Description of the Site
The underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen site is located at
the bottom of Lake Biwa in front of the town of Gion in Nagahama city,
which is in northeastern part of Shiga Prefecture. Local oral tradition tells
us that ‘the village called Nishihama formerly existed here, but it was
submerged into the bottom of lake by a big earthquake during the Kansho
year of the Muromachi period (1460-1466)’.
Before examining historical facts, first of all, some current aspects of the
bottom topography found from survey maps and sedimentation situations
have to be shown. The investigation area is shallow off shore; around
100m. It is less than 1.5m deep and more than 82.8 m of altitude. There
3 topographical elevated points are characteristically observed (Fig. 1).
These points have been named A, B, and D as each survey ward (Fig. 2).
In addition, the survey ward of C has no elevation, and a medieval

�graveyard does not have any elevated peaks, either. In more than 80m
of offing, the more clay-like topography regarded as former ground is still
spread. Its average bottom attitude is less than 82.8m (about more than
1.5m deep). In this very peculiar area, old withered trees have been
excavated. Because some botanical analyses prove that its soil contains
large amounts of plant opals from bamboo grasses, this area was certainly
dry land in earlier times.

Fig. 1: Topographical lakebed map around the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen.

�Fig. 2. Research areas of the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen.
In the survey ward of A, its highest bottom elevation is approximately
83.7m (about 0.6m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the
western part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to
west and 60m from south to north. Around the survey ward of A, the
gentle collapse-like topography which was caused by the power waves
from the offing direction could be seen (survey ward of A’). In the survey
ward of B, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.75m (about
0.55m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the east part of
the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m
from south to north. Around the survey ward of B, as A, the gentle
collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of B’). In the survey
ward of C, the average bottom elevation is approximately 83.3m (about
1m deep). It is on the western part of the investigation area along the
lakeshore, measuring about 80m from east to west and 15m from south
to north.
In the survey ward of D, its highest bottom elevation is approximately
83.4m (about 0.9m deep). This relatively small and oval elevated ward is
situated at the centre of the investigation area, measuring about 35m from

�east to west and 15m from south to north. Around the survey ward of D
as well, as A and B, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen
(survey ward of D’). The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated
about from 50m to 70m off the lakeside, and its average bottom altitude is
83.1m (about 1.2m deep). There many stone materials, most of which
used to be grave stones, are found; each medieval grave consisted of
many stones, which were nearly a size larger than a fist of a grown-up
man or smaller than human skull, forming a rectangular section or a cairn.
The bottom material at the flat part (less than 83.2 m of altitude) at the
investigation area consists of small grains of sands. They seem to have
been brought there later by wave action or longshore currents. The
survey ward of a medieval graveyard is buried under these sands by half.
Contra to this, the bottom material of elevated wards of A, B, and D
consists of round-shaped small river stones, each of which is from
approximately 5cm to 10cm in diameter. Although one of the survey ward
of C consists mainly of such river stones, many bigger stones, each of
which is from 20cm to 30cm in diameter, are also observed sporadically
on this ward.
As for the reason why there are some topographical elevated points there,
as this area used to be a river delta. Because of this fact, small river
stones are found in the elevated wards of A, B, and D. Each ward still
looks like the shape of a river delta. Judging from the survey map, around
four tributary branches might have flowed into Lake Biwa, but the direction
of water flows may have been altered in later years. So presumably the
river was about 250m wide at the mouth.

�Historic Environmental Transition Judging from Old Topographies
and Relics
Development Process of the Sites
Figure 3 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics from
this site for each century. Obviously its peaks were the 8th and the 12th
centuries while only one relic from the 14th century was found. Since the
15th century, this site seems to have restarted as a new site.

The

tendencies at the 12th and the 13th centuries look similar, but almost all
relics from the 12th century consist mainly of unglazed pottery named
‘yama cha wan’, which disappeared before the first quarter of the 13th
century. In the survey ward
C, the remains of a well was found which seems to be abandoned
deliberately during the 13th century. The cultural discontinuation of this
underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be observed
around the 13th century; this place itself was deserted with awareness.

Fig. 3: Numbers of excavated relics.
Only one relic from the 14th century at the survey ward of C is either air
ring of a five-ring stone pagoda. It was originally made in the 14th century,

�but later after the 15th century it was reutilized as a tomb stone. In the
same elevated zone as the pagoda was found, an elected stone Buddha
statue from the 16th century was also found.

The end time of the

underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen might be the latter
half of the 16th century, because only one relic, i.e. a cup made from
celadon porcelain, from the 17th century was found there.
The transition period of the underwater archaeological site of
Nishihamasengen could be divided into three or four phases, viz. Phase I
around the 8th century, Phase II in the 12th century which was the most
flourishing time of this site, Phase of Rupture from the middle of the 13th
century to 14th century, and Phase III from the 15th to 16th centuries when
the site had been revived.

Distribution Situation of Relics Every Investigation Area
Then, is such situation universal at the whole survey wards of the site?
Figure 4 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics for
each survey ward for each century. Before Phase I, all wards had relics
although its number was relatively small.

This trend seems to have

continued until the 10th century. Because this investigation area used to
be a river delta, these small relics were flowed there together with
sediment along the river branches. At first, it was the secondary centre to
accumulate broken relics.

Some relics, in particular, from the 10th

century, are not broken at all and not obliterated; the original places of

�those relics would not have been so far away. Perhaps, they might be
used directly above this site.

Fig. 4: Numbers of excavated relics at each research area.

�Phase II is completely different from Phase I. Almost all relics from this
phase were found only around the survey ward of B, although only one
relic was found around the survey ward of A. Relics from the 11th century,
as well as ones from the 13th century, have been excavated only at the
survey ward of B. This distribution of relics does not seem to be originated
from the natural sedimentation but from real human activities.

After Phase of Rupture, this site might have been developed as a new
zone at Phase III after the 15th century. Relics belonging to this period
were mainly distributed over the survey ward of a medieval graveyard and
the offshore places of each survey ward. As no relic is found in the survey
wards of A and B and the survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated
between the survey wards of A and B, the site of Nishihamasengen had
been changed into land or from drying at Phase III.

Constitution of Relics and Land Use in Phase II
At Phase II around the peak period of the 12th century, what kind of
human activities were observed on the site? When did its rivers run dry?
The compositions of relics from the survey wards of B are shown in Figure
5. Most of the relics are things for offering only, while ones for boiling or
for storing do not exist. Therefore, the survey ward of B at Phase II was
not a waste site of general daily necessaries near commoners’ hamlets,
but maybe it would have had several mounds of Buddhist scriptures.
Because some sutra cases or substitute inkstones are excavated, literate
people, which differed from common villagers, might be living there at
Phase II.

�Fig. 5 (left): Relics at the research area
of B from the 12th to 13th Century.

In former days, men of weight who wished for peaceful death built mounds
of Buddhist scriptures in order to bury the scriptures under the mounds.
The height of prosperity of this custom was the 12th century in Japan
(Sugiyama, 2007); this historical fact may correspond to the case of the
site of Nishihamasengen. As for substitute inkstones, they started to be
used in the latter half of the 11th century in Japan. Literate people
intentionally built mounds of Buddhist scriptures at the survey ward of B,
because at the time of Phase II, which extended over 150 years from the
latter half of the 11th century to the first quarter of the 13th century, the
survey ward of B was dryland, not half-submerged land. This fact is also
proved by the restricted size of ward, measuring about 40m from east to
west and 50m from south to north; throwing sutra cases and substitute
inkstones away from the lakeshore is the out of question.
The concentration of the relics and its conglomeration at the survey ward
B suggest that this zone began to become dry before the middle of the
11th century. A study of historical geography (Mizuno, 2011) says that

�during the Hoen period (1135-1141) the shrine territory of the Gion Shrine
was established around this investigation area and its territorial landsubdivision would have been spread far into under the current Lake Biwa
(Fig. 6).

It could also be imagined that sutra cases and substitute

inkstones from the survey ward B would have been used by some men of
weight who managed this shrine territory and conducted its religious
activities.

Fig. 6: Land division of the Medieval Period. (S. Mizuno)
New Development after Phase III
It is after 15th century that human beings restarted to live around the site
of Nishihamasengen. No relic has been excavated at all at the survey
wards of A and B, while at the survey wards of a medieval graveyard, C
along the lakeshore, and offshore sinking parts of each ward small amount
of relics have been found. These consist of not only stone material
cultures but also old china plates, earth pottery plates, pots, grinding
bowls, many variations of receptacles. On the grinding bowls some usewear is observed, which proves the existence of real human living there
at this time.

�The medieval graveyard must not have built on the submerged land but
on the riverbed of some flow channels when the survey wards A, B, and
C were formed as a river delta at the beginning, which was not suitable
for plotting rice fields. This ward seemed to have been looked like the
actual banks of hell at the middle age.

According to some botanical

analyses and natural scientific dissections of lakebed soil, much larger
offshore areas of the current underwater site of Nishihamasengen were
used for dryland agriculture at Phase III after the 15th century.
Some oral traditions and historical materials tell us that there used to have
been a village named ‘Nisihama-mura’.

The relics discovered in the

underwater site of Nishihamasengen prove that the village of Nisihamamura was founded after the 15th century. The oldest and first historical
material titled Eikyo Shichinen Kanjin Sarugaku Hogacho which
mentioned this village was written in 1435. Since the number of relics
near the lakeshore is relatively small, the village centre at that time might
have been on more offshore place among agricultural fields.
Cause of Its Submergence and Time
What was the actual cause of the submergence of the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen and when? From the 15th to the
16th centuries, undoubtedly, the water level of Lake Biwa varied from 84.2
m 84.7m approximately above sea level (Nakagawa, 2017).
Judging from many aspects of the excavated relics from the site of
Nishihamasengen, Phase III was terminated at the latter half of the 16th
century. Although some stone materials were sometimes reutilized, no
relics from the Edo period was found and the newest one is from the first
half of the 17th century. During Phase III, the highest peak attitude of the
ward of a medieval graveyard is 83.2m (about 1.2m deep). If its ground

�attitude nowadays were the same as one in the middle age, villagers had
built their graveyard on the bottom of Lake Biwa. Indeed, the water level
fluctuation of Lake Biwa is about 1m throughout the year all through the
ages, but its fluctuation could not explain why a medieval graveyard is
now under Lake Biwa. Some botanical analyses also tell us that around
the graveyard the ground was dry at that time. Therefore, the ground
subsidence must have happened between the end of the 16th century and
the beginning of the 17th century.
The most probable movement of the earth's crust was the big earthquake
occurred on 18th January 1586.

According to Luís Fróis, a Jesuit

missionary, because of this earthquake many ground cracks ate
thousands of houses and villagers, and the remaining ones were
destroyed by fires. He also described its ground liquefactions, saying that
from ground cracks black and liquid soil was coming out (Ida, 1987). The
legendary village of Nisihhama-mura or the contemporary underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen was submerged under Lake Biwa
in 1586.
Conclusion
Lakeshore and seashore has changed due to water fluctuation, soil
sedimentation, crustal movement, and so on. Underwater archaeology
could investigate some causes of those changes, studying submerged
sites. In Japan, however, most think that underwater archaeology is the
study of shipwrecks and not many archaeologists are interested in the
historical transitions of waterfront environment or underwater settlement
sites. In the Japan archipelago, on the other hand, there are still to be
many unknown underwater sites, which are similar to the underwater
archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. Researching upon them will be
able to cast a new light on the history of Japan or human beings generally.

�References
Ida, K., 1987. History of Tensho Big Earthquake. Nagoya University
Press, Nagoya.
Mizuno, S., 2011. Historical environment of Lake Biwa and human
beings. In S. Mizuno (Ed.), Environmental History of Lake Biwa and
Human Beings, Iwata, Tokyo: 5-26.
Nakagawa, H., 2017. Archaeological study of water level fluctuation at
Lake Biwa: some phases from the end of the ancient times to the middle
age. Busshitsu Bunka, Vol. 97:113-154.
Nakagawa, H., (Ed.), 2016. The Site of NIshihamasengen: Surveys and
Studies of Submerged Sites at Lake Biwa, Sunrise, Shiga.
Sugiyama, H., 2007. Kyo-zutsu. In M. Ono et al. (Eds.), Great
Encyclopaedia of Historical Archaeology, Yoshikawakobunkan, Tokyo:
339-340.
Biography
Hisashi Nakagawa was born in Aichi Prefecture in 1988. During the
undergraduate level, he learned underwater archaeology and supervised
by Prof. Hiromichi Hayashi at the University of Shiga Prefecture (20072011). Prof. Hayashi did study underwater
archaeology from Prof. Yoshio Oe, who is respected
as "Father of Underwater Archeology in Japan". In
2013 he completed the master program (Human
Culture) at the University of Shiga Prefecture, and
then, he had been a PhD candidate in the same
university, and a Research Fellow of Japan Society
for the Promotion of Science (2013-2016). He works
now at the Toyohashi City Museum Art and History.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and Use in Lake Biwa, Japan </text>
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                <text>Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to understand the subtleties of history.  As an example, the Awazu-bottom site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake.  The Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and  is one of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake, and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it disappeared in the 12th century.  The causes of this sitesâ€™ submergence is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore, the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the government to this day.  Not only are water levels problematic, but ground sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study, the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction.  In this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront environment and its use.</text>
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                <text>Hisashi Nakagawa </text>
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                    <text>Developing the Foundation for Sustainable Management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage Starting from Local
Involvement: Case Studies in Okinawa
Yumiko Nakanishi
Osaka Prefectural Board of Education
NakanishiYum@mbox.pref.osaka.lg.jp
Rintaro Ono
Tokai University
or109423@tsc.u-tokai.ac.jp
Norimitsu Sakagami
Tokai University
sakagami@scc.u-tokai.ac.jp
Hironobu Kan
Research Center for Coastal Seafloor, Kyushu University
kan@scs.kyushu-u.ac.jp
Chiaki
Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center
chiakik0407@gmail.com

Katagiri

Abstract
The Ryukyu Archipelago is well known for its beautiful ocean and coral
reefs; and thanks to these beautiful oceans, scuba diving and snorkeling
and have become one of the most important activities for its tourist
industry of the archipelago. Around the islands, 230 underwater cultural
heritage sites were found and identified. In this presentation, the authors
shall introduce their attempts and case studies regarding the public
engagement of local communities with management of underwater
cultural heritage, including providing guidelines for sustainable
valorization of the site with local marine sports industry. For Yarabuoki
underwater site of Ishigaki Island, there are seven iron grapnel anchors
and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). To
establish a connection/relationship between the site and the local
professional divers, who actually go into the sea and see the site most
frequently, the authors provided workshops about UCH and a place where

�archaeologists and the local professional divers can exchange their
opinions. The goal of these activities is to ask professional divers of local
communities help to monitor UCH after scientific evaluations led by
archaeologists are completed. The Ohajima underwater site is located off
the Coast of Kume Island in Okinawa. This site contains a dense
distribution of medieval Chinese pottery. Public open-houses were
experimentally organized twice for local communities. The Board of
education from local communities (for instance, Kumejima Museum) and
local diving communities were heavily involved and helped underwater
archaeologists and the research team to organize this event. After
continuous attempts of public outreach, public awareness and interests
for UCH among the local diving communities has increased. More divers
have started visiting the sites. However, an increase in public awareness
creates another concerns that it exposes the UCH sites into social media
such as blogs by visitors, articles on diving magazines, and so on.
Henceforth, the next challenge confronting the authors and the local
communities regarding these sites are plans to properly monitor those
sites and a proposal for a reliable long-term management plans. More
importantly, these monitoring and management plans have to involve wide
varieties and different type of local communities
Key words: Ryukyu, UCH, public engagement, management

Introduction
In past few decades, in addition to conventional preservation operations
for cultural heritage sites, understanding values of cultural heritages, and
utilizing those as cultural resources for local communities has become a
very important perspective to manage cultural heritage. Archaeological
sites are often turned to site museums where visitors actually visit and
enjoy the original sites. This new phenomenon is widely seen not only on
terrestrial sites, but also on underwater sites. This paper aims to share the
authors’ attempts and experiences of their attempt to establish the
involvement of local communities towards sustainable management plans
of underwater cultural heritage, and their case studies around the area of
Okinawa Prefecture.

�Background and Subjects of Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Okinawa
Okinawa consists of the southern half of the Ryukyu Archipelago with 199
islands, and its area expands over 1200km between Kyushu Island and
Taiwan. Because of its location, islands of Okinawa have subtropical
climates which makes Okinawa differs from other areas of Japan, and it
gives warm climate through a year. Islands of Okinawa are surrounded by
amazingly beautiful ocean with flourishing coral reefs. Therefore, these
beautiful waters are very popular among scuba divers and snorkelers.
Sometimes, those divers and snorkelers become to be interested in
something different from beautiful fishes and corals; they want to see
something different yet attractive. Therefore, authors believe that UCH
has great potential to be a resources of truism, or diving industry.
Indeed, underwater cultural heritage often attracts non-archaeologists
and non-experts. For instance, the wreck-diving is one of the very popular
diving-tour options in many countries, such as Malta and other
Mediterranean islands. It is already the major tourist attraction in many
countries. In the case of Okinawa, a beautiful coral reef with schools of
colorful fishes shall provide special background which adds extra value
on diving on UCH.

230 underwater cultural heritage sites are identified

around the islands in the Okinawa Prefecture. This presentation is about
the authors’ attempts to establish strong ties between the local public and
underwater cultural heritage managements and to provide guidelines for
sustainable managements of the site and involving of local marine sports
industry into this management plans.
The Ohajima underwater site is located off the coast of Kume Island in
Okinawa. The site contains dense distributions of medieval Chinese
pottery. Public Open Site Day was experimentally held twice in the island.

�Along with the authors’ research team of underwater archeologists and
researchers who organized the events, attendance, and support from the
Local Board of Education (Kumejima Museum) and local diving
communities (Katagiri et al., 2012).
The Yarabuoki underwater site of Ishigaki Island consists of seven iron
grapnel anchors and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars
(tsuboya-yaki). During field campaigns, authors and its research team
provided workshops and a meeting to exchange opinion with local
communities in order to establish a new tie and relationship between the
UCH of the islands and local professional divers who visit the the sites
most frequently (Ono et al., 2015 and Nakanishi et al., 2016). The aim of
these activities and meetings are to ask local diving communities to
monitor the sites even after the scientific academic evaluations of the site
led by authors is completed in near future, and to share general
knowledges and perspectives of protecting UCH as our common
heritages and value those heritages in non-intrusive manners.
After the continuous attempts, public awareness and interests in UCH
have increased dramatically among the local divers and its communities.
More divers began to visit the sites. Yet, this new movements and trends
has invoked another potential dangers toward this UCH. The potential
dangers is an increased number of divers and exposure of UCH into wider
range of the general public; the UCH have started to appear in divers’
SNS, blogs, diving magazines, and so forth. This trend may trigger
unfriendly and intrusive activities on the sites, such as lootings and
destructions. Henceforward, now the authors have to urgently focus on its
plans of site managements and monitoring plans, and to accomplish this
task, involvement wide variety of scholars as well as local communities
are essential.

�Case Studies in Okinawa Part 1: Ohajima Site in Kume Island,
Okinawa: Open Site Day
Location and Characteristics of the Site
The Ohajima underwater site is located off the coast Oha Island where is
annexed to Kume Island in Okinawa. The site consists of a dense
distribution of Chinese pottery that is dated between the latter half of the
14th century and the beginning of the 15th century. A Public Open Site
day was experimentally held twice (in 2011 and 2013). Local Board of
Education (Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities supported
underwater archaeologists and researchers to organize this event
(Katagiri et al., 2012).
The main attraction of the event was a tour to Ohajima underwater site
either by snorkeling or a glass-bottomed boat. The event schedule was
especially composed for the general public to understand general ideas
of UCH; the schedule (described as Step 1 - 5) of the event can be seen
below:
Step 1: Lecture ‘History and Culture of Kume Island’
Step 2: Material Observation of Ceramics Excavated from Underwater
Site
Step 3: Tour of the On-land Site Where Was Important for Maritime
Trades.
Step 4: Snorkeling Practice
Step 5: Snorkeling Tour of the Site
Step 1: Lecture ‘History and Culture of Kume Island’
First, archaeologists gave a 30 minute long preliminary lecture prior to the
site visit. This lecture was about general knowledge and information
regarding history of Kume Island. The authors believed that providing

�historical information and knowledge to the participants is very important
because the lecture and its information transform this event into a learning
opportunity rather than be a just sightseeing for fun (Katagiri et al., 2012).
Step 2: Material Observation of Ceramics Excavated from the
Underwater Site
As the second step, the participants experienced observation-practice on
raised artefacts; those artefacts used for this 30 minutes long observationpractice included pottery pieces were collected from Ohajima site and a
stone anchor from Uegusuku (Castle) Site (Fig. 1). The purpose of this
practice is for participants to understand the appearances of underwater
artefacts; and this experience helped the participants to find/recognize
artefacts during the following underwater on-site tour. Experiences of
observations on artefacts together with the lecture of preliminary
knowledge of the site provided a great preparation for the following tour
and this event (Katagiri et al., 2012).

Fig. 1: Material observation excavated ceramics from underwater site.
(Kumejima Museum, Kume Island)

�Step 3: Tour to the On-land Site Where Was Important for Maritime
Trades
Furthermore, the participants attended a tour to terrestrial cultural heritage
sites: on this tour, participants visited the Tenkogu Site, the Kuramoto-ato
Site, the Majako Port Site, quarries, and so on. This one hour long tour
was organized and guided by archaeologists. The aim of this tour was to
explain site-formation processes of Ohajima underwater site and to
provide comprehensive knowledge of archaeological sites and its
surrounding environments (Katagiri et al., 2012).
Step 4: Snorkeling Practice
Before visiting the underwater site, a practice session was provided to
participants who decided to visit the site with snorkeling. For this tour, two
different options were provided for participants; one is visiting the site by
snorkeling, and the other option is to visit the site by a glass-bottomed
boat. Twenty participants visited the site by snorkeling, and the other
participants who did not want to swim chose the glass-bottomed boat.
Both tour lasted one hour-long each. This practice-session of snorkeling
was taught by local professional divers for safety reasons of participants
(Katagiri et al., 2012).
Step 5: Snorkeling Tour of the Site
Finally, as the last activities of the Open Site Day, the participants visited
and enjoyed the actual UCH site. Fig.2 displays a scene of the snorkeling
tour in Ohajima underwater site (Katagiri et al., 2012).

�Fig. 2: A snorkelling tour of the site. (Ohajima Underwater Site, Kume
Island)

Discussion
The authors believed that the Open Site Day was successful; this
experiment of public outreach that take local participants to the actual
UCH sites can be a great case study for other UCH site across the Ryukyu
Archipelago. Although this experiment was generally a successful case,
the authors also became to acknowledge its difficulties and rooms for
improvements in order to use it this experiments using it as a case study
of public outreach with other UCH sites across the archipelago. Also, this
type of events still requires experienced archaeologists to organize and to
provide informative lectures; nonetheless, these archaeologists were
most cases not originally from local communities. The authors believe that
an ideal perspective of local workshops and public outreach for UCH is
‘sustainability’; local divers and communities became to be able to provide
workshops as well as monitoring and management UCH without supports
from outside. Thus, next challenge for this public outreach experiments is

�to compose a flexible guideline that make those events more sustainable
by local diving experts and communities.
Case Studies in Okinawa Part 2: Yarabuoki Underwater Site
Location and Characteristics of the Site
Yarabuoki underwater site is located off the coast of Yarabuzaki in Nagura
Bay of Ishigaki Island in Okinawa Prefecture. This site contains seven iron
grapnel anchors of various sizes and a cluster of Early Modern Okinawan
ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). This type of ceramic jars were originally
produced in Okinawa Islands between the 16th century and the 19th
century, which also corresponding to the time periods of the Early Modern
Ryukyu Kingdom Period for Okinawa Islands and the Edo Period for the
main lands of Japan (Fig. 3). Also those grapnel anchors found in this site
are the only examples of grapnel anchors that are found in Japan.

Fig. 3: The assemblage of Okinawa produced pottery in good condition
at the Yarabuoki underwater site. (Okinawa Prefectural Archaeology
Center)

�The site was discovered by a local professional diver, Seiji Fujii, in 2009.
And in 2010, the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center conducted
inspection survey with assistances of the Nansei Islands Underwater
Cultural Heritage Study Group (Katagiri, 2010 and 2013). This newly
discovered UCH site also required an accurate recording by experienced
diving archaeologists, and then values of the site have to be evaluated
and disseminated. Currently authors and their research team is operating
an

interdisciplinary

research

project

to

evaluate

historical

and

archaeological values of the site, as well as its potentials as a cultural
resource for local communities (Ono et al., 2016).
Moreover, authors also believe that geographical and topographical data
around site area shall greatly contribute to understand site formation
process and its reconstruction. Under this scope, Dr. Kan conducted a
multibeam echo sounding (MBES) survey around Yarabuoki underwater
site in August 2011 (Kan et al., 2015 and Ono et al. 2016). This multibeam data successfully visualized the bathymetry around the site with
lateral grid resolution of one metre. Fig. 4 displays enlarged image of the
multibeam bathymetric map of Yarabuoki underwater site with plotted
locations of its components. The authors believe that this multibeam map
is an essential tool for their public outreach because the map can be a
tool to convey accurate academic evaluations of the site to its readers and
visitors. The authors have to remark on the importance of scientific and
historical values of UCH sites and its dissemination to local communities;
without understanding its cultural significance, divers will not be able to
appreciate UCH and visiting the sites will be a part of fun dives, not a part
of cultural activities. Moreover, without understanding cultural values of
UCH properly, its exposures to the general public may trigger negative
impacts on the sites.

�Fig. 4: Multibeam bathymetric map of the Yarabuoki underwater site.
(Hironobu Kan)

Workshops with the Local Professional Divers
First, the authors tried to build a network with local professional divers who
frequently visit this UCH site. Also Mr. Fujii, who found and reported the
site to Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, has been involved in
archaeological investigations since the beginning. A goal of this was to
establish strong ties with the local diving communities and to ask them to
monitor the UCH sites; also the authors tried to share histories and
archaeological information of the site based on scholarly researches as
well as methods for non-intrusive/non-disturbance recreation diving on
UCH sites. With supports from Ishigaki City Board of Education where
manages cultural heritages around/in the island, authors organized
several workshops and invite local divers; during this workshops, divers
also visited the site with authors and diving archaeologists. Then the
authors and participants exchange opinions towards UHC of the islands

�and discussed values of the sites for local communities and importance of
in situ preservation (Nakanishi et al., 2016).
These workshops started November 2015, and the authors have tried to
share the idea of UCH and its important concepts that is not to touch or
remove artefacts and contexts from its original positions. Also as a part of
the workshop, the authors and archaeologists invited participants, or local
professional divers, to the UCH sites during the archaeological
investigations; aims of this activities are to share archaeological methods
of underwater recording of UCH, such as measuring and drawing of the
sites in scientific manners. Throughout these workshops, the author
believes that the local divers become to be aware of significances of
archaeological information of the site that may help archaeologists to
reconstruct the past (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5: Site visit with the local professional divers. (Yuji Yamamoto)

�Discussion
For this experimental research in Ishigaki Island, the authors also focused
on involvements of local communities into monitoring and managements
plans. Therefore collaborative efforts with local authorities and the general
public were essential. Local divers may be able to visit the sites as their
daily activities, yet they also do monitoring while they do so, and when
they found a new archaeological site, they can quickly yet properly report
their discoveries to the local authorities using established network via
authors’ workshops. An ideal goal of this workshops and experimental
research is to establish a sustainable management and monitoring plans
of UCH site; once archaeological investigations are completed, the
authors want local diving communities and their local dive shops to bring
their customers (recreation divers who visit the island) to UCH sites with
providing proper information of its history and archeology. When those
diving tours on the UCH become popular activity, their frequent visit may
function as a monitoring activity, not to mention that these tours may have
positive impacts on the local tourist businesses by bringing customers to
the island by.
The authors’ main question for this experimental research on public
outreach and dissemination is ‘how to maintain and protect qualities of
scientific information and values of archaeological sites during the course
of dissemination’.
Discussion:

Developing

the

Foundation

for

Sustainable

Management Plans on Underwater Cultural Heritage with Local
Involvement
The authors’ main purpose of this research is to establish sustainable
management and monitoring plans for UCH. It is important to remark that

�the sustainable management and monitoring plan is different from other
leisure diving activities on shipwreck sites that are often intrusive and
destructive to UCH. Also, to make the stated management and monitoring
plans different from other uncontrolled leisure shipwreck diving activities,
it is very important for archaeologists to provide good scientific information
to local diving communities and dive shops where will bring leisure divers
to the UCH sites after archaeological investigations are completed. If the
local diving communities recognize and share values of UCH, they will
respects its presence, and keep non-intrusive and non-destructive
methods to enjoy their underwater common heritages. In order convey
values of UCH to the local communities properly, it is important for
archaeologists and researchers to provide ‘good’ information and data.
For instance, in case of Yarabuoki underwater site, high-resolution multibeam maps were provided to local communities. Indeed, there are many
good case studies of similar concepts: for instance, similar case studies
were done for Baia Underwater Archaeological Park (Nogami et al., 2007),
protected-sites-tours in Sicily (Soprintendenza del Mare, 2009 and Tusa,
2009) and so forth (Nakanishi et al., 2017). For this authors’ experimental
researches around Okinawa areas, authors need to find the most suitable
case study and its fittest methodology to accomplish their dissemination
and monitoring plans as socio-cultural and natural environmental studies.
Throughout the authors’ researched and the workshops in Kume Island
and Ishigaki Island, local communities and diving shops displayed strong
interest to be a part of the management and monitoring plans. Now, the
authors have to move to next step; that is further development of the local
networks and capacity buildings. Those two developments are essential
for the plan to be established with local communities for long-term site
management. For this purpose, authors composed four-step work-

�models; this model can be seen as Fig. 6 (Nakanishi and Katagiri 2017,
amended by the authors).

Fig. 6: Suggested model case: 4 steps and subjects to overcome.
(Nakanishi and Katagiri, 2017, amended)
For an already identified UCH site, four-step process shall be expected to
accomplish a sustainable management plan. First, as Step 1,
archaeologists and researchers have to investigate and identify values of
the UCH site. It is an essential process because these values display how
to manage and protect the sites. Also this value shall be shared with local
communities; therefore, values of the sites have to be identified and
studied before the following dissemination processes. Also, these
archaeological investigation by scholars may take multi-years and can be
labor intensive; therefore, collaboration with local diving communities are
often very helpful. Moreover, this collaborative efforts between

�archaeologists and local diving communities can be a positive first steps
of local involvement for the management and monitoring UCH.
The second step is capacity building. The capacity building include
introduction of UCH to local communities; therefore, providing proper
knowledge and methods to protect and manage the sites is essential. For
that reason, workshop-style, such as Yarabuoki underwater site, is an
effective method to accomplish this step. Additionally, this step may widely
expose UCH into the general public; therefore, one of the important tasks
for archaeologists is to evaluate preservation condition/status of sites, and
its access have to be restricted if it is necessary. In short, it is important
for archaeologists and experts to share and disseminate good knowledge
and information with the local communities.

The third step is ‘risk management’ and ‘establishment’. UCH has been
opened to the general public via the processes of the previous step; and
it may trigger influx of tourists into the UCH. The main task of this stage is
to closely monitor the UCH. To do this correctly and frequently, supports
of local diving communities with proper networking shall become
essential. On the other hand, the authors hope another potential of UCH;
the beginning of new touristic trends by utilizing UCH may generate new
values of UCH for local communities. The authors is hoping that practice
of UCH site management and monitoring shall be established throughout
this step.
Final stage, or Step 4, is about ‘sustainability’ by the local communities. It
is important for local communities to lead site managements and
monitoring operation of UCH. While archaeologists and other experts still
be able to support the local communities if necessary, the author strongly

�believe that main groups that manage and monitor the UCH have to be
local communities. This shifting process may take long time. However the
authors also hope that the local communities may become to realize their
own values on UHCs throughout their experiences of the management.
When the local communities understand values and methods to manage
and monitor UCH without helps by archaeologists and experts,
‘sustainability’ of the management will be achieved. To accomplish the
Step 4, supports from local authorities, such as Board of Education of a
municipal government where is responsible for managing cultural
heritages found in the region, is essential. Two main important tasks for
them are: to secure and maintain academic values of UCH and keep
qualities of its management; to report and register new discoveries of UCH
within their jurisdictions.

Before closing this paper, the authors want to give special thanks to
Coastal Area Capability Project in Southeast Asia (Research Institute for
Humanity and Nature), Tokai Project Study ‘Okinawa Underwater Cultural
Heritage and Underwater Museum Project’ (Tokai University), and
Mitsubishi Foundation, for their supports by funding this research project.
References
Kan, H., Urata, K., Nagao, M., Hori, N., Fujita, K., Yokoyama, Y.,
Nakashima, Y., Ohashi, T., Goto, K. and Suzuki, A., 2015, Submerged
karst landforms observed by multibeam bathymetric survey in Nagura
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Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2009. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites
(II): Volume on Miyako of Yaeyama. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological
Center, Naha (in Japanese).

�Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2010. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites
(III): Site Map Volume. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, Naha
(in Japanese).
Katagiri, C., 2013. Iron anchors discovered in Nansei islands. In Asian
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University The Faculty of Law, Economics and Humanities, (Eds.), The
Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater
Archaeology: Nansei Shoto, ARIUA, Fukuoka: 136-141 (in Japanese).
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Heritage in Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue (Okinawa No SuichuBunka-Isan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera), Borderink, Naha (in
Japanese).
Katagiri, C., Yamada, H., Sakihara, T., Nakajima, T., Miyagi, H.,
Watanabe, Y., 2012. The report of an underwater cultural heritage tour in
Kumejima: the project of ‘the museum of underwater cultural heritage’.
Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum,
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Ryukyu archipelago, Okinawa, Japan. In H. van Tilburg et al. (Eds.),
Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Vol. 2, APCONF 2014, Honolulu: 655-668.
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suichubunkaisan no hozonkatsuyou moderu kouchiku no tameno
kokusaihikakukenkyu. The Summary of Research Presentations at the
General Assembly of the Japanese Archaeological Association, 83th: 6869 (in Japanese).
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�Okinawa to Underwater Site Museum. Poster Session at IKUWA VI,
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Y., 2013. Present and future of the underwater cultural heritages in the
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Takemura, F. and Sakagami, N., 2016. Discovery of iron grapnel anchors
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�Biographies
Yumiko Nakanishi is a senior archaeologist working
at Cultural Properties Protection Division, Osaka
Prefectural Board of Education. She obtained MPhill
in Archaeology at Cambridge University in 2001 and
is currently a PhD candidate, specializing on
heritage management and public archaeology, as
well as the final phase of Kofun Period in Kinki
region of Japan. She has been involved in projects
on underwater cultural heritage in Okinawa area.
Her publication includes ‘The Great East Japan Earthquake and Cultural
Heritage: Towards an Archaeology of Disaster’, Antiquity, Vol. 87: 258269, ‘Archaeological Administration and Japanese Archaeology’,
Japanese Journal of Archaeology, No. 4 (2017): 171-184, and so on.

Dr. Rintaro Ono is an Associate Professor of School
of Marine Science and Technology at Tokai
University, Japan. His research is focused on
Maritime Archaeology and Anthropology, and
specifically: human maritime adaptation process,
human migration into Island Southeast Asia and
Pacific Islands, human maritime exploitation history,
and maritime trade history. He has been involved in
many research projects in Japan, Indonesia,
Philippines, Palau, and Vanuatu. He has been visiting researcher or
collaborator with some national and international laboratories and
universities. He is author of more than 50 academic papers, two books,
and editor of Prehistoric Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific
Regions. (ANU E Press, 2013).

�Dr. Norimitsu Sakagami is an Associate
Professor of the School of Marine
Science and Technology at Tokai
University, Japan. He has developed
marine robotic systems such as a
human-sized underwater robot with
manipulators, underwater soil core
sampling robot, wave-powered boat and
so on. The primary focuses of his
research are motion control of marine surface vehicles and underwater
vehicles. His major works include ‘Development of an Underwater
Robotic Inspection System Using Mechanical Contact’, Journal of Field
Robotics, Vol.30(4):624-640, 2013 (co-author) and others.

Dr. Hironobu Kan is a Professor in the Graduate
School of Integrated Sciences for Global Society,
Kyushu University, and Director of the Research
Center for Coastal Seafloor, Kyushu University,
Japan. The primary focus of his current research is
Coral Reefs and Coastal Seafloor Geomorphology
using Multibeam Bathymetric Echo Sounder and
SCUBA Diving Surveys. His recent work includes
‘Submerged karst landforms observed by multibeam
bathymetric survey in Nagura bay, Ishigaki island, southwestern Japan’,
Geomorphology 229:112-124, 2015 (DOI:
10.1016/j.geomorph.2014.07.032).
Chiaki Katagiri is a senior archaeologist at Okinawa
Prefectural Archaeological Center. He was born in
Nagano Prefecture, Japan in 1976, graduated from
Okinawa International University in 1999 majoring in
archeology. He is specializing in the anthropology of
the islands, carrying out anthropological and
archaeological fieldwork throughout Asia. He has been
actively engaged in investigation and many research
projects of underwater cultural heritage in the Ryukyu
Archipelago. He is a co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No Suichu-BunkaIsan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera (Borderink, Naha, 2014).

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Developing the Foundation for Sustainable Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Starting from Local Involvement: Case Studies in Okinawa </text>
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                <text>The Ryukyu Archipelago is well known for its beautiful ocean and coral reefs; and thanks to these beautiful oceans, scuba diving and snorkeling and have become one of the most important activities for its tourist industry of the archipelago. Around the islands, 230 underwater cultural heritage sites were found and identified. In this presentation, the authors shall introduce their attempts and case studies regarding the public engagement of local communities with management of underwater cultural heritage, including providing guidelines for sustainable valorization of the site with local marine sports industry. For Yarabuoki underwater site of Ishigaki Island, there are seven iron grapnel anchors and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). To establish a connection/relationship between the site and the local professional divers, who actually go into the sea and see the site most frequently, the authors provided workshops about UCH and a place where &#13;
archaeologists and the local professional divers can exchange their opinions. The goal of these activities is to ask professional divers of local communities help to monitor UCH after scientific evaluations led by archaeologists are completed. The Ohajima underwater site is located off the Coast of Kume Island in Okinawa. This site contains a dense distribution of medieval Chinese pottery. Public open-houses were experimentally organized twice for local communities. The Board of education from local communities (for instance, Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities were heavily involved and helped underwater archaeologists and the research team to organize this event.&#13;
 After continuous attempts of public outreach, public awareness and interests for UCH among the local diving communities has increased. More divers have started visiting the sites. However, an increase in public awareness creates another concerns that it exposes the UCH sites into social media such as blogs by visitors, articles on diving magazines, and so on. Henceforth, the next challenge confronting the authors and the local communities regarding these sites are plans to properly monitor those sites and a proposal for a reliable long-term management plans. More importantly, these monitoring and management plans have to involve wide varieties and different type of local communities.</text>
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                <text>Yumiko Nakanishi</text>
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                    <text>The Iron Grapnel Supposed to Belong to the Sinan
Shipwreck and Other Anchors in East Asia

Mitsuhiko Ogawa
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology
qq3a3qt9@poppy.ocn.ne.jp

Abstract
In 2016 an iron grapnel was shown in some special exhibitions marking
the 40th anniversary of the Sinan shipwreck excavation in Korea. The
grapnel 2.3m length has four arms, and it had been raised by a
fisherman’s net in 1972 before the wreck was discovered. Around the
Song Dynasty of China, stone anchor stocks composed of wooden shanks
were generally used; their distributions ranged from the Primorsky region
of Russia in the north to the south in Vietnam and the Philippines. In
Korea and in Japan, crude stone anchor stocks modelled after Chinese
anchors were widely used at that time. From the Takashima underwater
site associated with the Mongolian invasion of Japan in the 13th century
or during the early Yuan Dynasty, stone anchor stocks of separate type
were frequently discovered. After the Ming Dynasty, iron grapnels started
to be used in large, but at the same time wooden anchors were also kept
in use on different styles from region to region. In Japan, iron four-armed
grapnels were appeared in some art pictures after the Muromachi Period,
and then during the Edo Period those grapnels became popular as the
mainstream of Japanese anchors. The iron four-armed grapnel, which is
considered to have belonged to the Sinan shipwreck, seems to have
equipped on a Japanese vessel dated from the Edo period to early
modern times as its characters are found among Japanese grapnels.
However, the possibility that it still belonged to the Sinan shipwreck could
not be denied completely, because the actual origin of Japanese grapnels
is unknown; Chinese manufacturing technology of grapnels, which is
known for the time being, was different from Japanese one, but another
technology, which would have an impact upon both Japanese and the
Sinan shipwreck’s grapnels, might have existed in China.
Key words: Sinan shipwreck, Korea, grapnel, anchor

�Introduction: The Iron Grapnel Believed to belong to the Sinan
Shipwreck
In

2016,

an

iron

grapnel

was

displayed

along

with

the

reconstruction/restoration model of Sinan Shipwreck in a special
exhibition that commemorate the 40th year anniversary of the Excavation
of the Sinan Shipwreck in Korea. This iron grapnel displayed along with
the restoration model was stated that it was a Chinese steel anchor from
the Yuan Dynasty, and it belongs to ‘the Sinan shipwreck’ (National
Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2016). The grapnel is
2.3m in length and has four arms. It was raised by a fisherman’s net in
1972, before the wreck was discovered (National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage, Korea, 2016).

The author has observed iron grapnels at museums in China; these
anchors were dated later than the Ming Dynasty. Also in Japan, iron
grapnels were used from the Edo Period to modern era. The author only
had a brief knowledge of iron grapnels that were widely used in China and
Japan, and he never had conducted a research on it. Moreover, the author
could not find any researches focused on iron grapnels conducted by
other scholars. The author has observed an interesting point on these
anchors that, about morphology-wise, the iron grapnel found near the
Sinan Shipwreck site was very similar to Japanese type. In this paper, the
author shares his comparative studies on iron grapnels that was believed
to belong to the Sinan Shipwreck and other ones which were widely used
in China and Japan.
Chinese Iron Grapnels

�Tiangong Kaiwu, a Chinese technical document at the end of the Ming
Dynasty, described methods to manufacture ‘Iron anchor anchors’ (Song,
1639). To build an iron grapnel, individually made four arms were joined
to a shank on after another at the end. For forging, materials from an old
earth wall sieve were sprinkled on the forging areas. On the iconography
that explain the forging processes, total 15 people were displayed,
including who supported shanks and arms and who forging. From these
iconographies, peculiar rectangle sectional shapes of the grapnel were
not yet confirmed. Around this time, a ship carries 5 to 6 Iron anchors; the
largest one is about 500 loaves, and it is used in emergency. In addition,
it was described/instructed that Iron grapnels could not be used on the
stone bottom area; it had to be used on sandy and mud seabed. Also,
there is a description that a ship applied sudden stop by dropping a stern
anchor to avoid collisions to ships in front.
According to Guanzhuo Wang, a historian who studies ships in China, it
is said that ‘stone anchor’, ‘wooden anchor’ and ‘Iron anchor’ coexisted
simultaneously in the Song and Yuan Dynasties, while primarily ‘woodstone anchor’ was widely used (Wang, 2000). In Chiming Uekgo Picture
of the Northern Song Dynasty, a ‘small iron anchor’ was depicted near the
bow of the river ship. In Jilin City, Jilin Province in 1975, a small three-arm
iron grapnel (22.5cm in length) dated the early in the Kim Dynasty was
found. In historical written sources from the Song and Yuan Dynasties,
these were descriptions on different types of anchors: ‘iron anchor’ and
‘iron anchor with four nails’ were widely used; in the Ming and Qing
Dynasties, ‘iron anchor’ was used in the northern sea area of hard mud
bottom; ‘wooden anchor’ was used in the southern deep sea of soft mud
bottom, both are respectively used depending on the types of sediments;
and for river ships ‘iron anchor’ was widely used. Regarding

�archaeological examples of ‘iron anchors’, an iron grapnel was found on
the Ming dynasty shipwreck during its excavation in the Songji River,
Liangshan, Shandong Province, in 1956. This anchor was 1.36m long and
had inscriptions on the surface, and it said ‘Hongwe 5th made’ and ‘85
loaves of heaviness’. Another archaeological example was found from
Quanzhou, Fujian, in 1981; it was an iron grapnel which was 2.68m long
and 758.3kg.
The author also visited and observed a few iron grapnels; he visited the
sea castle in Penglai City in Shandong Province, the Quanzhou Bay Old
Ship Museum in Quanzhou City, Fujian Province, the Guangzhou
Museum in Guangzhou City in Guangdong Province. Additionally, there
are reported documents about iron grapnels excavated from the Penglai
Sea castle (Chen,1989) (Fig. 1). The author analysed and studied
characteristics of those iron grapnels from these materials, but since the
amount of information is too big to share in this paper; therefore, detailed
descriptions of individual materials shall be reported in another occasion.

Fig. 1 (left): Iron Grapnel Excavated
from Penglai Sea Castle. (Chen,
1989)

�Chinese iron grapnels were built by forging individually forged arms to the
shank; in many cases, the joint points between arms and the shank
displayed peculiar shapes of remnants created by the forging (Fig. 2).
Additionally, there were examples that used/forged steel sheets on the
joinery points as a reinforcement. The cross-sectional shapes of the shank
and arms have irregular circular shape or irregular square shape; there
are no examples of clear rectangle shapes that can be seen on iron
grapnels found in Japan. The anchor ring had a small circular shape, and
its inner diameter was relatively small. It indicates that the end of the
shank was molded to make a hole. In many cases, those forging marks
were conspicuous. Also, there were examples that wood leaf-shaped fluke
were attached at the tip of arms. The shape of four arms formed a ‘+’
shape when it was seen from the crown side (Fig. 3).

�Fig. 2 (left): Iron Grapnel of the Ming Dynasty at the Dengzhou
Museum. Fig. 3 (right): Iron Grapnel of the Qing Dynasty at the
Dengzhou Museum.
Japanese Iron Grapnels
Ishii Kenji, a scholar who studied history of ships in Japan, explained
weights of the ‘the first anchor’ of the Bezai ship. He also studied
transition/evolution of Japanese anchors (Ishii, 1983). His studies on
history of Japanese anchors started with ancient simple stone anchors
that composed of a rope tied to a natural stone. On the ships traveled to
Tang (China), as well as on ships used between Heian Period and the
Medieval Era in Japan, wooden anchors were commonly used. The
wooden anchors used on these ships composed of a flat stone
sandwiched by two branches of hook-shaped trees. Based on
iconography that ‘iron grapnel’ and ‘wooden anchor’ were depicted in the
Scroll ‘Jinguu Kougou Engi Emaki’ in 1443, he believed that iron grapnels

�might be used on Daimyo's warships and other large ships around the
15th century.
Yet, Ishii indicated that there must be technical difficulties to forge iron
grapnels if Japan tried to build it domestically around that time; and the its
cost for mass-production must be another problem. Therefore, he
suspects that the iron grapnels in the 15th century were imported from
China. In the 16th century, use of iron anchors become popular among
warships. Yet, wooden anchors were often depicted with merchant ships
in the first half of the 17th century; the beginning of wide spread uses of
iron grapnels might need to wait until the middle of the 17th century.

Other Japanese scholars agree with Ishii 's theory about date of its
beginning and wide distribution of iron grapnels. Matsui analyzed 49 iron
grapnels found mainly northern area (Hokuriku) in the main island of
Japan, and he concluded that the transition to iron grapnels occurred
sometime in the 18th to the 20th centuries based on morphological
analysis on anchor rings and attached rings (Matsui, 2013). Ishihara restudied researches on wooden anchors conducted by Wang, Ishii,
Tamura, and several other researches, and he concluded that transition
from wooden anchors to iron grapnels were caused/triggered by
shipworms which ate wooden products in the sea (Ishihara, 2015).
Ninomiya examined the maritime traffic in Tokyo Bay and the Sodegaura
fishery industry based on literature/historical sources; also, he descrived
the perspectives of trading and distribution of iron grapnels in the Edo
Period in Japan (Ninomiya, 2017). Tamura, a folklore scholar, conducted
folklore investigations on ‘anchor blacksmith’ in Fukuyama City, Hiroshima
Prefecture. Tamura noted that iron grapnel was forged by superimposing
plate-like steel called ‘Yao’ (Tamura, 1978). He also described the

�manufacturing process of the iron grapnels: each part, such as four parts
of arms, a shank, an anchor ring and an attached ring were individually
prepared first, and then the arms and anchor rings were forged onto the
shank, and arms were spread into form 4 arms, then the loop of anchor
ring was expanded. His investigation was very important to conduct a
comparative study of manufacturing methodology of different anchors;
therefore, his research is especially important for the author’s researches
In Japan, at least 50 iron grapnels are known to be exist. The author
studied characteristics of these anchors; however, its information may be
too detailed to share in this paper, so that he has to wait to share such
detailed information until other opportunities. In general, Japanese iron
grapnels were composed/welded of separately built plate-shaped steels,
so that the cross-section of the shank and arms display a clear-cut
rectangular shape (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4: Iron Grapnel Raised up off Suzu City, Ishikawa Prefecture.
Although sometimes it displays slight lamellar traces and forge contact
traces due to forge weld, surfaces of Japanese iron grapnel are flat.

�Nonetheless, there are no examples in Japanese grapnels that shows
wrapped steel sheets reinforcements on arms alike Chinese grapnels.
The arms of Japanese grapnels were forged into the shank, and then the
arms were expanded after; henceforward, many of the (side-profile)
shapes of anchors showed a gentle ‘J’ shape (Fig. 5). And the shape of
the four arms from the crown exhibited a ‘X’ shape (Fig. 6). Although the
anchor ring displayed a large almond shape; the introduction of the
electric hammer in the modern period has made it smaller and the crosssectional shape tends to be circular.

Fig. 5: Iron Grapnel at Fukuura Shika Town, Ishikawa Prefecture.

�Fig. 6: Iron Grapnel at Fukuura Shika Town, Ishikawa Prefecture, from
its Crown Side.
Anchor of the Era before and after the Yuan Dynasty
Regarding the small iron grapnels, the first evidence appeared in the
North Song and Kim Dynasties. Although, the word/noun of ‘iron anchor’
and ‘iron anchor four nails’ appeared in literatures of the Song Dynasty,
the first archaeological evidence of iron grapnel had to wait until the
beginning of the Ming Dynasty (Wang, 2000). Anchors that widely used in
the Song Dynasty were ‘wood-stone anchor’ with ‘mono style stone
anchor stock.’ Regarding Yuan Dynasty, wood-stone anchors with
‘separate style stone anchor stock’ were main archaeological evidence
found from the underwater site at Takashima Island, Nagasaki Prefecture,
Japan; this site is also known for the Mongolia Attack to Japan in 1281.
Contrarily, mono style stone anchor stocks were rarely found in this site
(Takashima Town Board of Education, 1996). In the Takashima Island
site, however, a mono-style stone anchor stock was cut in half and

�converted as ‘separate style stone anchor stock’. This may indicate that
the both types had been coexisted, or it was at their transition period
(Ogawa, 2008a and 2008b). Those wood stone anchors with this
‘separate style stone anchor stocks’ was also used at Penglai Sea Castle
in Shandong Province and Quanzhou Bay in Fujian Province (Li, 1998).
Afterwards, ‘wood-stone anchor’ with ‘mono style stone anchor stock’ had
shifted into ‘wooden anchor’ with wooden stock. Iron grapnels appeared
at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, yet it did not mean that wooden
anchors disappeared due to the appearance of iron grapnels. An
iconography from Qing dynasty displayed sea boats using both wooden
anchor and iron grapnels. Therefore, for the Sinan Ship dated the middle
of the Yuan Dynasty, there is a possibility that Sinan Ship used wood
stone anchors (or wooden anchors) and iron grapnels at the same time.
Conclusion
The cross-section of the shank likely belonging to the Sinan shipwreck is
rectangular in shape, and a part where the arms as well as the anchor ring
are attached to the shank is pounded to connect by a flat piece of iron.
The arms curve gradually inward and make a figure of ‘J’. The crosssection of the arm is flat rectangular. The anchor ring is large, narrowly
long and almond like shape. Moreover, the cross-section is flat
rectangular. There features obviously resemble the futures of Japanese
iron grapnel; based on those reasons, the author believed that the
grapnels that believed to belong to the Sinan shipwreck was most likely
belonged to the iron grapnels of the Japanese vessels dated from the
early modern period to the modern period.

�In the current state, however, it is difficult to establish precise dating of the
Japanese style iron grapnels due to lack of the data and information for
establishment of manufacturing. On the other hand, there is another
possibility for the iron grapnel from the Sinan shipwreck to seek its origin
in China. There might be some manufacturing techniques in China that
would become the origin of Japanese grapnel manufacture later. This
possible original manufacture technique has not been found/confirmed yet
in China; however, it could be possible that Sinan shipwreck had carried
Chinese iron grapnel that produced by Chinese manufacturing techniques
that would be taught to Japanese later was onboard the Sinan shipwreck
of the Yuan Dynasty. Nonetheless, the author concludes that, under these
circumstances, it was most likely that the iron grapnels that is believed to
belong to the Sinan shipwreck was a Japanese iron grapnel from the early
modern period to the modern period.
Acknowledgements
The detailed data on the four-armed iron anchor that believed to belong
to the Shinan shipwreck has been shared by Dr. Hong Soon-Jae and Dr.
Park Ye-Ree of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage. Mr. Yuichiro Tashiro also helped me greatly for the related
articles on the webpages. I deeply express my gratitude toward them.
References
Chen, T.,1989. Penglai Old Ship Belongings Analysis: Penglai Old Ship
and Dengzhou Old Port. Dalian Maritime College Publishing House,
Dalian (in Chinese).
Ishii, K., 1983. Zusetsu Wasen Shi Wa, Zusetsu, Nippon Kaiji Shi Wa
Sosho, Vol.1. Shiseido, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Ishii, K., 1995. Wa Sen I, Mono to Ningen no Bunkashi, Vol. 76, Hosei
University Press, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Ishihara, W., 2013. Ikari No Bunka Shi, Book Series of Bukkyo University,
Shibunkaku Publisher, Kyoto (in Japanese)

�Li, G., 1998. Ancient Chinese anchors: their rigging and conservations.
The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 27(4): 307-312.
Matsui, H., 2013. Yotsuzume tetsuikari no kisoteki kenkyu: fune ni
kakawaru mono no keishiki gakuteki kosatsu. Bulletin of Archaeology
(Department of Archaeology University of Kanazawa), Vol.134: 27-52 (in
Japanese).

National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2016.
http://blog.naver.com/seamuse1994/220889730348
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2017.
http://www.seamuse.go.kr/seamuseweb/cop/bbs/selectBoardArticle.do?
nttId=1155&amp;bbsId=BBSMSTR_000000000249&amp;pageIndex=2&amp;searchtitle
=&amp;searchcont=&amp;searchkey=&amp;searchwriter=&amp;searchWrd=&amp;searchCtgryY
n=A&amp;mn=KO_02_04#link
Ninomiya, T., 2017. Yotsu zume ikari ni tsuite, Study of the History of
Sodegaura City, Vol.18: 69-79 (in Japanese).
Ogawa, M., 2008a. Kaiiki ajia no ikariishi koroshi. In Y. Yokkaichi (Ed.),
Mono Kara Mita Kaiiki Ajiashi, Kyudai Ajia Sosho, Kyushu University
Press, Fukuoka: 1-37 (in Japanese).
Ogawa, M., 2008b. Higashi ajia kaiiki ni okeru chugoku sutairu ikariishi no
Kkenkyu. Proceeding of the First Korea-Japan Underwater Archaeology,
Korea: 103-144 (in Japanese and Korean).
Song, Y., 1637 (1969). Tiangong Kaiwu (in Chinese), Trans. K. Yabuuchi,
Toyo Bunko, Vol.130, Heibonsha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Takashima Town Board of Education, 1996. Takashim Kaitei Iseki III,
Takshima-cho Bunkazai Chosa Hokokusho, Vol. 2. Takashima Town
Board of Education, Takashima-cho (in Japanese).
Tamura, Z., 1978. Tomo no ikari to kugi. In Hiroshima Prefecture (Ed.),
History of Hiroshima Prefecture: Folk Custom, Hiroshima Prefecture,
Hiroshima: 709-716 (in Japanese).
Wang, G., 2000. Chinese Old Ship Graphic Chart. SDX Joint Publishing
Company, Beijing (in Chinese).

�Biography
Mitsuhiko Ogawa was bone in Ishikawa Prefecture in
1968. He received MA degree in Archaeology from the
University of Kanazawa in 2005. He is majoring in
underwater archaeology, especially, in anchors and
stone anchor stocks as well as in Chinese ceramics. He
became a member of the Kyusyu Okinawa Society for
Underwater Archaeology in 1992 and has been a senior
research associate of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology since 2011. He has excavated
many underwater archaeological sites such as
Takashima Island, the Maegata Bay or Ojika Island (Yamami), and has
also involved in the survey of underwater cultural heritage around the
Japan Sea. He has published many papers related to underwater
archaeology in East Asia.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>The Iron Grapnel Supposed to Belong to the Sinan Shipwreck and Other Anchors in East Asia </text>
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                <text>In 2016 an iron grapnel was shown in some special exhibitions marking the 40th anniversary of the Sinan shipwreck excavation in Korea.  The grapnel 2.3m length has four arms, and it had been raised by a fishermanâ€™s net in 1972 before the wreck was discovered.  Around&#13;
 the Song Dynasty of China, stone anchor stocks composed of wooden shanks were generally used; their distributions ranged from the Primorsky region of Russia in the north to the south in Vietnam and the Philippines.  In Korea and in Japan, crude stone anchor stocks modelled after Chinese anchors were widely used at that time.  From the Takashima underwater site associated with the Mongolian invasion of Japan in the 13th century or during the early Yuan Dynasty, stone anchor stocks of separate type were frequently discovered.  After the Ming Dynasty, iron grapnels started to be used in large, but at the same time wooden anchors were also kept in use on different styles from region to region.  In Japan, iron four-armed grapnels were appeared in some art pictures after the Muromachi Period, and then during the Edo Period those grapnels became popular as the mainstream of Japanese anchors.  The iron four-armed grapnel, which is considered to have belonged to the Sinan shipwreck, seems to have equipped on a Japanese vessel dated from the Edo period to early modern times as its characters are found among Japanese grapnels. However, the possibility that it still belonged to the Sinan shipwreck could not be denied completely, because the actual origin of Japanese grapnels is unknown; Chinese manufacturing technology of grapnels, which is known for the time being, was different from Japanese one, but another technology, which would have an impact upon both Japanese and the Sinan shipwreckâ€™s grapnels, might have existed in China.   </text>
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                    <text>Legal Status of Sunken State Vessels and Sovereign
Immunity
Kaè Oyama
Chukyo University
k-oyama@mecl.chukyo-u.ac.jp
Abstract
The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection
of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as ‘UCH
Convention’) adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome
development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal
provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to underwater cultural
heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982
(hereinafter referred to as ‘UNCLOS’). Some texts of the UCH
Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the comprehensive
international order of the seas in relation to the other provisions of
UNCLOS and customary international law, e.g., the definition of
underwater cultural heritage, the ‘creeping’ expansion of coastal states’
jurisdiction especially in the EEZ and on the continental shelf, and the
sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels [The paper primarily follows
to the terminology of the UCH Convention which uses ‘state vessels’. It is
defined as ‘warships, and other vessels…that were owned or operated by
a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for government noncommercial purposes’ in Article 1(8).] This presentation will especially
focus on the issue of sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels amongst
them. International law in relation to warships is complex and uncertain
and the issue has high political sensitivity as Article 2(8) of the UCH
Convention reflects such a circumstance. The purpose of the
presentation, therefore, is to explore the legal status of sunken state
vessels. It examines the related provisions and their drafting process of
the UCH Convention, the legal status of warships which UNCLOS
provides and in the rules of customary international law. It will also
observe some cases including notable States practices.
Key words: UNESCO, UNCLOS, UCH

�Introduction
The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection
of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as ‘the UCH
Convention’) adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome
development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal
provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to the protection of
underwater cultural heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea in 1982 (hereinafter referred to as ‘UNCLOS’), though it is called
as ‘A Constitution for the Oceans’ with 320 Articles and 9 Annexes. Some
texts of the UCH Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the
comprehensive international order of the seas in relation to the other
provisions of UNCLOS and general rules of international law.
The treatment of sunken state vessels1 is also one of the most
controversial and challenging issues which the drafters of the UCH
Convention faced. International law in relation to warships is complex,
uncertain, and politically highly sensitive. The key provisions of the UCH
Convention regarding this issue, the legal status of sunken State vessels,
are Article 2(8), 7(3), and 10(7) and, due to them, most of maritime States
do not have wish to ratify the Convention2.
This article will focus on the reason and background of such controversy.
First, it examines the existing international law and related State practices
in order to evaluate the legal status of sunken State vessels under
customary international law. Second, it reviews mainly Article 2(8), 7(3),
and 10(7) of the UCH Convention. The purpose of this article is to clarify
the gap between the UCH Convention and customary international law in
relation to the legal status of sunken State vessels and, thereafter, try to
explore a key to resolve the gap.

�Sunken State Vessels in General International Law
Definition of Warships in UNCLOS
According to Article 29 in UNCLOS, ‘warship’ means ‘a ship belonging to
the armed forces of a State bearing the external marks distinguishing such
ships of its nationality, under the command of an officer duly
commissioned by the government of the State and whose name appears
in the appropriate service list or its equivalent, and manned by a crew
which is under regular armed forces discipline’.
Warships had enjoyed specific right for centuries under customary
international law and it codified in Article 95 that they ‘have complete
immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State’ on the
high seas. Also Article 96 provides that ‘[s]hips owned or operated by a
State and used only on government non-commercial service shall, on the
high seas, have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other
than the flag State’.
This principle also extends in Article 58(2) to the vessels navigates in the
EEZ of coastal States ‘in so far as they are not incompatible’ with the
provisions relating to the EEZ set out in Part V of UNCLOS. Also in Article
32 which provides as below, the rules of innocent passage (Migliorino,
1985) are respected in the territorial sea of the coastal states:
‘With such exceptions as are contained in subsection A and in
articles 30 and 31, nothing in this Convention affects the
immunities of warships and other government ships operated for
non-commercial purposes.’

�Sovereign Immunity
Until early nineteenth century, the immunity of foreign States was absolute
(absolute doctrine). Then, towards the end of the nineteenth century, a
restrictive view gradually took place (restrictive doctrine). An exception
was envisaged for acts performed jure gestionis or jure privatorum that is,
performed by a foreign State in a private capacity as a legal person subject
to private law (Cassese, 2005).
In the line with the restrictive doctrine, whereby immunity is confined to
circumstances in which a State acts as a State, immunity extends only to
State craft that are engaged in non-commercial service. Governmentowned ships operated for commercial purposes are subject to the same
treatment as privately owned merchant ships (Dromgoole, 2013).
The question is that whether or not the principle of sovereign immunity
continues to apply to a State vessel even after it has sunk. There are two
streams; first, immunity does not apply after a warship sunk on ground of
that a warship is not a warship any longer once it sunk, and a ship is not
a ship any longer. Sunken vessel is not the object which can meet the
definition of vessel. With regard to warships particularly, as Article 29
provides a ship must be ‘under command’ and ‘manned’ and the
conditions which are only possible while it is operational (Caflisch, 1983;
Strati, 2005). Sunken warships are not the objects to meet the definition
of warship. As such, they are not subject to flag state jurisdiction any
longer and therefore not retain their immunity any longer. This position
leads to the conclusion that the flag State, qua flag State, cannot prohibit
a salvage attempted by another State or private operator.

�Second position is more promising that sunken State vessel retains
immunity because the argument for immunity is on the fact that such craft
are state property. States have reasons for maintaining an interest in State
vessels after their sinking and these interests are not confined merely to
casualties. There are therefore legitimate basis for affording such property
indefinite immunity (Rubin, 1975).
A number of maritime States defend the second position and according to
general rules of international law the title of the sunken warships may be
only lost or transferred by: express abandonment; or capture or surrender
under the law of war (Yamamoto, 1981).
International Conventions and State Practices
International legislation and State practices show that the legal status
implies that sunken State vessels, such as warships and vessels on
government service, regardless of location or of the time elapsed since
their wreckage, remain the property of the State owning them at the time
of their sinking, unless it explicitly and formally abandon its ownership.
Such sunken vessels should be respected as maritime graves or reservoir
of classified information of the flag State. Thus, it is applied sovereign
immunity to sunken State vessels and they shall not be salvaged without
the express consent of the flag State (Aznar-Gómez, 2003).
This position is confirmed by several international instruments, e.g., Article
14 of 1910 Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules with Respect
to Assistance and Salvage at Sea3, Article 4 (1) of the 1989 International
Convention on Salvage4, 2007 International Convention on the Removal
of Wrecks5. There are also some representative cases where State have
recognized the sovereign immunity and title of sunken State vessels; the
Exchange of Note Constituting an Agreement between UK and Italy

�Regarding the Salvage of HMS Spartan in 19526; Italy recognized the
British title to the wreck; Australia recognized the Dutch title to the Old
Dutch Shipwrecks belonging to the Dutch East India Company, covered
by 1972 Agreement7; France recognized US title to the CSS Alabama in
19898; US recognized the French title with La Belle9 in 2003.
There are remarkable cases in the US, the Juno and La Galga case in
2000 and the Mercedes case in 2011. It should be noted that after these
cases, some particularly concerned States, including US, Germany,
Japan, Russia, Spain, UK, clarified their position in their unilateral
declaration on the legal status of sunken State vessels by stating that
sunken state vessels continue to enjoy sovereign immunity after sinking,
wherever they are located10.

The Juno and La Galga Case
In 1990s, a commercial salvage company, Sea Hunt Inc., submitted an in
rem claim respectively against two Spanish frigates, La Galga de
Andalucia and the Juno, which were sunk in 1750 and 1802 in the US
contiguous zone (Vierucci, 2001). The Sea Hunt was issued with a permit
by the State of Virginia to search for the wrecks and, when they were
found, Virginia claimed title to them under the Abandoned Shipwreck Act
of 1987 (ASA). When the Spanish government knew that a permit for
commercial exploitation had been awarded, it issued a diplomatic note of
protest and expressed its wish to protect the sanctity of its maritime
gravesites. Despite the protest, intervention at the site went ahead and
Sea Hunt initiated an in rem salvage action in the District Court in Norfolk.
Although the District Court partially supported Sea Hunt Inc.11, the Court
of Appeal of the 4th Circuit fully supported Spanish claims to the two

�wrecks12. The US Supreme Court then finally confirmed this legal position
in 200113.
The salvor insisted that the vessels had been abandoned by their owner
and that it was entitled to recover artefacts by the permit issued by the
state of Virginia. It concluded that vessel had not been expressly
abandoned by Spain, by reversing a finding of the District Court that Spain
had expressly abandoned La Galga when it entered into the 1763
Definitive Treaty of Peace between France, Great Britain and Spain.
Spain had transferred most of its New World territories to Great Britain in
the Treaty. Court of Appeal noted that the terms of the treaty did not
provide the ‘clear and convincing evidence’ of express abandonment that
was required, because of the absence of specific reference to vessels or
shipwrecks in the Treaty. It continued that ‘[i]t is the right of the owner of
any vessel to refuse unwanted salvage’14
This case shows some important points; first, it gave the opportunity to
several States to explicitly state their position regarding the legal status of
sunken State vessels including warships. It was confirmed in US
Presidential Statement in 2001 that ‘title to foreign sunken State craft may
be transferred or abandoned only in accordance with the law of the foreign
flag State15’ and US ‘recognizes that title to a United States or Foreign
sunken State craft, wherever located, is not extinguished by passage of
time, regardless of when such sunken State craft was lost at sea’.
Second, the Court of Appeals held that sovereign vessels must be treated
differently

from

privately

owned

ones.

The

so-called

‘implied

abandonment standard’ would seem therefore to be least defensible
where a nation has stepped forward to assert ownership of its sovereign
shipwrecks16.

�Third, unauthorized salvage of sunken State vessels is legally precluded,
the salvor is denied any kind of reward, and artifacts removed from the
bottom of the sea must be returned to the sovereign owner (AznarGómez, 2010).
The Mercedes Case
Odyssey Marine Exploration (OME) in the US discovered a shipwreck in
international waters about 100miles west of the Straits of Gibraltar in
2007. A number of coins and small artefacts were recovered from the site
and flown into the jurisdiction of the US District Court of Tampa, Florida,
by OME17. Spain asserted; (a) the vessel was the Nuestra Señora de las
Mercedes, a frigate of war of the Royal Spanish Navy that had exploded
with great loss of life in 1804; (b) Spain had not abandoned its sovereign
rights over the vessel; (c) under international and domestic US las, foreign
State vessels should be afforded the same legal regime as those of the
US; (d) the court lacked subject-matter jurisdiction over the res under the
Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act of 1976 (FSIA).
In 2009, the Magistrate Judge Pizzo issued Report &amp; Recommendations
(R &amp; R) in favour of the legal position of Spain. He concluded, on the
balance of evidence, that the wreck was the Mercedes and
‘unquestionably’ the property of Spain18. Under the FSIA, which set out
the basis for US court jurisdiction over foreign States, a foreign State and
its property are presumptively immune from the jurisdiction of the US
courts unless an exception applied19. Judge Pizzo concluded that none of
the exceptions put forward by OME was applicable and consequently, the
court was ‘without jurisdiction to adjudicate the claims against Spain’s
property’20. He recommended OME to return the recovered items to
Spain21.

�The Treatment of Sunken State Vessels in the UCH Convention
Drafting Process
The 1994 International Law Association (ILA) draft and 1998 UNESCO
draft of the UCH Convention excluded warships and other state-owned or
operated vessels and aircraft used for non-commercial purposes from the
scope of application of the Convention by following the approach of many
maritime treaties because of its high political sensitivities. It meant that
most of the UCH in the world put outside of the protective framework of
the Convention and that it would seriously undermine the object of the
Convention.
One of the obstacles to removing the exclusion was the provision in the
1998 draft for abandonment “to be deemed” in certain cases. The
application of such a provision to state vessels was unacceptable to many
States that strongly insisted that their ownership rights could be lost only
through an express abandonment (Dromgoole and Gaskell, 1999) and it
was dropped.
The preferable outcome for the maritime States would have been for the
Convention to codify their stance on express abandonment and immunity
by providing that the express consent of the flag State would be required
in all cases of proposed interference with sunken State vessels. However,
a number of Latin American and Caribbean States refused to recognize
the title of the flag State to colonial-era vessels in their coastal waters.
They asserted that the UCH ‘is the property of the State in which it is found
and through this it is the heritage of the humanity22’. As a consequence, a
specific regime for sunken state vessels set out in the final text proved to
be unacceptable to most of maritime States.

�Definition of “State Vessels and Aircraft” and General Principle
Article 1(8) of the UCH Convention defines ‘state vessels and aircraft’ to
mean:
‘warships, and other vessels or aircraft that were owned or
operated by a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for
government non-commercial purposes, that are identified as such
and that meet the definition of underwater cultural heritage.’

The definition is consistent with those in other Conventions, including
UNCLOS and Salvage Convention in1989 and it excludes state-owned
vessels that were engaged in trade or other private service.
With regard to sovereign immunity, there were concerns about the
extent to which any new convention would afford coastal State
jurisdiction in respect of State vessels. The final text of the Convention
draws a compromise between the interests of flag States and coastal
States. In Article 2 (8), it is stated that:
‘(N)othing in this Convention shall be interpreted as modifying the
rules of international law and State practice pertaining to sovereign
immunities, nor any State’s rights with respect to its State vessels
and aircraft.’

Control Mechanisms in each maritime zone
Despite of the Article 2(8), Maritime powers such as France, the UK,
Russia and US voted against the adoption of the UCH Convention. One
of the main reasons of this was that the Convention prepares some
challenging provisions with regard to the control mechanisms in each
maritime zone, especially in Article 7(3) and 10(7), and they understood

�that the text did not cover all their legal expectation as flag States
protecting their sunken State vessels, particularly their sunken warships.
One of the most controversial is the regime of the territorial waters. Article
7(3) states:
‘Within their archipelagic waters and territorial sea, in the exercise
of their sovereignty and in recognition of general practice among
States, States Parties, with a view to cooperating on the best
methods of protecting State vessels and aircraft, should inform the
flag State Party to this Convention and, if applicable, other States
with a verifiable link, especially a cultural, historical or
archaeological link, with respect to the discovery of such
identifiable State vessels and aircraft. [Emphasis added.]’

In this Article, the problem is the use of term ‘should’ rather than ‘shall’
and it is highly contentious. It means the notice to the flag State is not
legally obliged and no consent of the flag State is required to conduct
activities directed at their sunken State vessels.
The mechanism in the EEZ and continental shelf is also highly
contentious. Article 10(7) states:
‘Subject to the provisions of paragraphs 2 and 4 of this Article, no
activity directed at State vessels and aircraft shall be conducted
without the agreement of the flag State and the collaboration of the
Coordinating State.’

It provides that no activity shall be conducted without the agreement of
the flag State, however it made two exceptions in cases; first, emergency
measures are required to prevent ‘immediate danger’ to UCH from ‘human
activities or any other cause, including looting’, in which case the consent
of the flag States does not have to be obtained first; second, the sovereign
rights or jurisdiction of a State party in its EEZ or on its continental shelf

�may be interfered with unless it takes action to prohibit or authorize
activities directed at UCH located in that zone.
In such cases, a State party may prohibit or authorize those activities
without first consulting the flag State. It seems that this is in consistent
with what Article 2(8) provides and gives rise to the confusion. Flag States
are bound to see the possibility of a coastal States acting under one of
these exceptions as an infringement of their sovereign rights, and
therefore, by using Article 2(8), they may challenge the coastal State’s
right to act (Dromgoole, 2003).
Conclusion
The UCH Convention seems to attempt challenging the existing
international law and State practices on the sovereign immunity issue in
order to accomplish the purpose of this Convention. It must be said,
however, the UCH Convention has failed to provide a satisfactory
compromise between the interests of flag States and coastal States on
the issue and it is the major obstacle to the ratification of the Convention
by a number of States. In fact, when the UK abstained from voting on the
final text of the Convention, it noted that the UK considers that ‘the current
text erodes the fundamental principles of customary international law,
codified in [the UNCLOS], of Sovereign Immunity which is retained by a
State’s warships and vessels and aircraft…. until expressly abandoned by
that State’. ‘The text purports to alter the fine balance between the equal,
but conflicting rights of Coastal and Flag States, carefully negotiated in
[the UNCLOS] in a way that is unacceptable’ to the UK. It highlights a
conflict between existing international law and the UCH Convention.

�In order to resolve such a conflict, it is needed to interpret once again
Article 2(8) which states ‘nothing in this Convention shall be interpreted
as modifying the rules of international law and State practice’ (emphasis
added) and observe the building process of customary international law
which is crystalized through the accumulation of States practices. The
UCH Convention has already entered into force with more than 50 State
parties. The Article 2(8) leaves the elaboration of the argument of the legal
status of sunken State vessels and their sovereign immunity in the future
State practices for building of customary international law and the
Convention itself might have the possibility of the evidence of them,
although several maritime States attempt to stop such a stream by stating
their position on the sovereign immunity of sunken State vessels as
mentioned above after the Juno and La Galga case and the Mercedes
case
In observation, in the favor of the UCH Convention, of the process of
crystallization of customary international law on this issue, ‘cooperation
among States’ which is the basic philosophy of the UCH Convention as it
is stated in its Preamble could be any key element. Cooperation, in fact,
can be seen in several bilateral agreements as introduced above and
might lead a new stream. In this context, some special circumstances
might give the wreck a particular status when it is considered to be either
a human grave (Aznar-Gómez, 2010; Garabello, 2004) or/and a historical
or cultural site.
When we consider thousands of military vessels and aircraft lost during
the First and Second World Wars in the twentieth-century, they will have
involved many human fatalities and the primary concern of States will be
to preserve the sanctity of the site and to ensure that any human remains
are afforded appropriate treatment (Dromgoole, 2013)23. The debate of

�this issue on sovereign immunity of sunken State vessels should keep reopening among States and their practices are needed to be continued to
observe carefully.
Endnotes
1

The paper primarily follows to the terminology of the UCH Convention
which uses “state vessels” in Article 1(8).
2

France ratified the Convention in 2013.

3

Adopted on 23 September 1910, US Treaty Series, p. 576.

4

Adopted on 28 April 1989, UN Treaty Series, Vol. 1953, p. 165

5

Adopted on 23 May 2007, IMO Doc. LEG/CONF.16/19 (2007).

6

Concluded on 6 November 1952, UN Treaty Series, Vol. 158, p. 432.

7

Concluded on 6 November 1972, Australian Treaty Series, No.18
(1972).
8

Concluded on 3 October 1989, UN Law of the Sea Bulletin, Vol. 20
(1996) p. 26.
9

Signé à le 31 mars 2003, Journal officiel de la République française, No.
144, p. 10560.
10

These unilateral declarations can be found in Federal Register, Vol.69,
No. 24 (2004) pp. 5647-5648.
11

Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 47 F.
Supp. 2d 678 (E.D. Va. 1999).
12

Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.31d
634 (4th Cir. 2000).
13

Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d
634 (4th Cir. 2000), cert. denied, 148 L.Ed. 2d 956, 121 C. Ct. 1079
(2001).
14

Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d
634 (4th Cir. 2000), pp. 640-641.
15

Expressed on 19 January 2001, Federal Register, Vol.69, No.24 (2004),
p. 5648.
16

Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d
634 (4th Cir. 2000), p. 647.

�17

Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel,
675 F Supp. 2nd P. 1126 (2009).
18

Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel,
675 F. Supp.2nd P. 1126, 1139 (2009).
19

FSIA, Section 1609.

20

Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel,
675 F. Supp. 2nd P. 1126, 1130 (2009).
21

There were other parties to file a claim against the res, such as Peru
and 25 descendants of passengers transporting goods on the Mercedes.
22

Adopted on 16 June 1998, in UNESCO, Background Materials on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Vol.2 (2000), p. 341-342.
23

One of the Japanese main concerns is recovering remains in the naval
battle site in the Pacific War. See (Iwabuchi, 2012) p.88-90.

References
Aznar-Gómez, M. J., 2003. Legal status of sunken warships ‘revised’.
Spanish Yearbook of International Law, Vol.9: 61-101. .
Aznar-Gómez, M. J., 2010. Treasure hunters, sunken state vessels and
the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural
Heritage. International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law, Vol.25: 209236. .
Cassese, A., 2005. International Law, 2nd ed., Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Caflisch, L., 1983. Submarine antiquities and the international law of the
sea. In Asser Institute (Ed.), Netherlands Yearbook of International Law,
Vol.13, Springer, Heidelberg: 3-32.

Dromgoole, S., 2013. Underwater Cultural Heritage and International
Law, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Dromgoole, S. and Gaskell, N., 1999. Draft UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 1998. International Journal
of Marine and Coastal Law, Vol. 14:171-192.

�Garabello, R., 2004. La Convenzione UNESCO sulla protezione del
patrimonio culturale subacqueo, Univ. Milano Bicocca, Milan.
Iwabuchi, A., 2012. Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to
Underwater Archaeology. Kagaku-Dojin, Kyoto.
Migliorino, L., 1985. The recovery of sunken warships in international law.
In B. Vukas (Ed.), Essays on the Law of the Sea, Sveucilisna Naklada
Liver, Zagreb: 244-258.
Rubin, A., 1975. Sunken Soviet submarines and central intelligence: law
of property and the agency. American Journal of International Law,
Vol.69: 855-858.
Strati, A., 1995. The Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: An
Emerging Objective of the Contemporary Law of the Sea. M. Nijhoff, The
Hague.
Vierucci, L., 2001. Le statut juridique des navires de guerre ayant coulé
dans des eaux etrangères: le cas des frégates espagnoles Juno et La
Galga retrouvées au large des côtes des Etats-Unis, Revue générale de
droit international public, Vol. 105: 705-725.
Yamamoto, S., 1981. Salvage of sunken foreign vessel and the
ownership. Hogaku Kyoushitsu, Vol. 1(4): 61-65.

Biography
Kaè OYAMA is an Associate Professor of International
Law at Chukyo University Japan. She finished her
Ph.D. course and LL.M course at Keio University,
Japan. Before her academic position, she was a fellow
at the Ocean Policy Research Foundation, and an
international legal analyst at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of Japan. She also experienced a Visiting
Professor of the United Nations University (2006-14)
and a visiting fellow at Lauterpacht Centre for
International Law, University of Cambridge (2012-13).
Her main publications include Introduction to International Law (2014),
International Order of the Seas and Ocean Policy (2006), and so forth.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Legal Status of Sunken State Vessels and Sovereign Immunity </text>
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                <text>The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as 'UCH Convention') adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to underwater cultural heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 (hereinafter referred to as 'UNCLOS'). Some texts of the UCH Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the comprehensive international order of the seas in relation to the other provisions of UNCLOS and customary international law, e.g., the definition of underwater cultural heritage, the 'creeping' expansion of coastal states' jurisdiction especially in the EEZ and on the continental shelf, and the sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels [The paper primarily follows to the terminology of the UCH Convention which uses 'state vessels'. It is defined as 'warships, and other vessels...that were owned or operated by a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for government noncommercial purposes' in Article 1(8).] This presentation will especially focus on the issue of sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels amongst them. International law in relation to warships is complex and uncertain and the issue has high political sensitivity as Article 2(8) of the UCH Convention reflects such a circumstance. The purpose of the presentation, therefore, is to explore the legal status of sunken state vessels. It examines the related provisions and their drafting process of the UCH Convention, the legal status of warships which UNCLOS provides and in the rules of customary international law. It will also observe some cases including notable States practices.</text>
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                <text>Kaè Oyama </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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