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                    <text>Basic Studies on the Western Shipwrecks Discovered in
the Ryukyu Archipelago and Their Influence on Modern
Society
Chiaki Katagiri
Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center
chiakik0407@gmail.com
Yumiko Nakanishi
Osaka Prefectural Board of Education
NakanishiYum@mbox.pref.osaka.lg.jp
Rintaro Ono
Tokai University
or109423@tsc.u-tokai.ac.jp
Hiroki Miyagi
Okinawa International University
h.miyagi@okiu.ac.jp

Abstract
Extensive distributional survey of the underwater cultural heritage
revealed the disposition of 230 underwater cultural heritage sites in the
Ryukyu Archipelago, and 23 sites out of 230 are identified as the wreck
sites. Dates of these wrecks vary from the 12th to 20th centuries;
nevertheless, all the Western shipwrecks found at six sites are dated to
within about 100 years between the latter half of the 18th century to the
19th century. This presentation is about the Western shipwrecks left in the
sea area of the Ryukyu Kingdom. From the late 18th century, the ships
from the Western powers stared to appear frequently. Historical
documents describes that those ships had not intended to come to the
kingdom, but were wrecked due to maritime accidents. Such incidents
brought opportunities for local population to come into contact with the
Westerners though rescuing the wrecks and their crews. Historical
documents and local lore, confirmed by the material evidence retrieved
from the seabed, show that those contacts in some cases developed to
the cultural interaction between local governments, or even nation-tonation. Moreover, the stories of the accidents and rescue efforts by the
local have long been handed down from generation to generation as
moving tales. In fact, there are some cases that those tales were
materialised, for instance in forms of a reconstructed Western ship

�facilitated as play equipment in a local park near the wreck site, as well as
an amusement park themed under the country of the wreck’s nationality.
This research aims to present how the archaeological evidence confirm
historical records related to the Western shipwrecks though the result of
investigation of underwater cultural heritage, as well as to analyse how
those initial contacts with the Westerners though the wreck accidents
developed into the cultural interaction which can be influential even now.
Key words: Ryukyu Archipelago,shipwrecks, survey
Introduction
The Ryukyu Archipelago consists of 199 islands, in a stunning vast sea
area over 1200km between Kyushu Island, located at southern end of
the Japanese Archipelago, and Taiwan. The largest island among the
Ryukyu Archipelago is Okinawa Island, where the present prefectural
government is seated. It is located almost at the centre of the
archipelago (Fig. 1). Being different from the Japanese Archipelago, the
islands of Ryukyu are under subtropical climate, warm throughout the
year. Surrounded by the amazingly beautiful ocean and coral reefs, the
area is also known for scuba diving and other marine sports.

�Fig. 1: Ryukyu Archipelago.

Various kinds of underwater cultural heritage have been discovered so far
and the authors have been continuously undertaking investigations and
researches (Katagiri, et al., 2014a and Ono et al., 2016). Results of our
distributional survey on underwater cultural heritage and its experimental
presentation in the Ryukyu Archipelago were presented at APCONF,
Hawaii in 2014 (Katagiri et al., 2014b). Researches on the wreck sites
and sea routes of the ships in the Ryukyu Archipelago were presented at
IKUWA, Australia in 2016 (Katagiri et al., 2016). This presentation focuses
on the Western shipwreck sites among the shipwreck sites discovered in
the Ryukyu Archipelago.

�Historical Background
There once was an independent kingdom in the Ryukyu Archipelago,
called the Ryukyu Kingdom from 1429AD to 1879AD. There was the
capital palace, Shurijo, in Okinawa Island, the largest among the
archipelago. The palace was the hub of the kingdom where the Ryukyu
King who rules the islands lived. The Ryukyu Kingdom was a maritime
state having thrived during the medieval, the 15th centuries, owing much
to the special relationship with the Ming Dynasty China regarding the
trades.

It greatly flourished on transit trade connecting Japan, Korea,

China and Southeast Asia. The international Naha Port was the centre of
the international trades (Fig. 1). In the following early modern times from
the 17th to 19th centuries, while subordinating to both Qing Dynasty China
and Japan, the kingdom prospered many original aspects in their complex
culture. On one hand, the kingdom had established domestic trade
networks among the islands. On the other hand, the Tokugawa Shogunate
prohibited international trades with other countries than China under the
policy of national isolation (‘Sakoku’) and the kingdom was becoming
isolated from international community. Nevertheless, since the latter half
of the 18th century, the ships of the Western great powers started to
appear in the sea areas of the kingdom. People in the kingdom started to
have contacts with Western ships and the Westerners through rescue of
the Western ships stranded in the neighbouring sea areas. In a historical
drawing on the folding screen, ‘Suirinahakozubyobu’ (owned by Okinawa
Prefectural Museum and Art Museum) painted in the 19th century,
depicting the prosperity of Naha Port, Western ships are also depicted
(Fig. 2). Contrary to the national isolation foreign policy, it is proven that
the Western ships frequently appeared in the sea area of the Ryukyu
Archipelago and was regularly in contact with the Ryukyu Kingdom.

�Fig. 2: Western Ships at Naha Port in the 19th Century
Nationalities and Proportions of the Western Ships Discovered in the
Ryukyu Archipelago
Figure 3 shows the percentage of the shipwreck sites to the entire
underwater cultural heritage discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago,
percentage of the Western shipwreck site to the entire shipwreck sites,
and percentage of their nationalities.

Underwater cultural heritage

discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago includes shipwreck sites, ports,
production sites (like quarries, stone tidal weirs and salt pans) and
submerged sites due to environmental change. The shipwreck sites total
23 sites, which accounts for ten percent of the whole.

�Fig. 3: Percentage of the Shipwreck Sites in the Ryukyu Archipelago.
The shipwreck sites according to its nature can be categorized into three
groups; those related to the trading, those not related to the trade, and the
World War II related sites. The first group of the shipwreck sites relate to
trading; this includes those of Chinese trade ships and domestic trade
ships. Among the sites of Chinese trade ships, seven sites are dated to
the medieval and one to the early modern period, both in total account for
35 percent of the whole shipwreck sites. All eight domestic trade ships
sites are dated to the early modern period, which accounts for 35 percent
of the whole showing the same proportion as Chinese trade ships.
Chinese and domestic trades ships together count 16 sites, which
accounts for 70 percent of the entire shipwreck sites in the Ryukyu
Archipelago.
In contrast, the Western ships appeared in the sea area of the Ryukyu

�Kingdom not for trades, but for other purposes. According to the historical
documents, they were destined to travel toe different places, but were
stranded and sunk in Ryukyu due to typhoons or the like. Six sites with
Western shipwrecks were identified so far, which accounts for 26 percent.
The date of all six sites are concentrated within c. 100 years between the
latter half of the 18th century and the latter half of the 19th century, which
does not conflict with the historical background of the kingdom.
Nationalities of the most Western shipwrecks were identified through the
historical records. Four sites out of six are British ships, one Dutch, and
one unidentified. Even though the evidence if limited, the British
overwhelm the others.
Location of the Western Shipwreck Sites
Figure 4 shows location of the Western shipwreck sites found in the
Ryukyu Archipelago (No. 1 to 6), as well as the location of the iron stock
anchors of the Western ships (A to C) discovered both underwater and on
land. Figure 5 is the respective pictures.

�Fig. 4: Location of the Western Shipwreck Sites in the Ryukyu
Archipelago.

Fig. 5: Pictures of the Western Shipwreck Sites.

�Three Western shipwreck sites are identified in Okinawa Island (No. 1 to
3) where the capital Shurijo used to be located, two in Miyako Island (No.
4 and 5) and one in Tarama Island (No. 6). In Yaeyama Islands located at
the southern border of the Ryukyu Kingdom, no site with Western
shipwreck has been discovered so far. Moreover, regarding the iron stock
anchors of the Western ships, two are found on land, one in Okinawa
Island (A) and one in Tarama Island (B), as well as one underwater in the
sea area around Yonaguni Island (C).
The Outline of the Respective Western Shipwreck Sites.
Ginama Underwater Site (No. 1; A):
The site is located off the coast of Kunigami Village in Okinawa Island, on
the seabed of about seven meter deep. Nansei Islands Underwater
Cultural Heritage Research Group discovered the site in 2002 (Miyagi et
al., 2004). Fragments of the hull, such as copper nails, European
ceramics, wine bottles and Chinese pottery pieces were found on the
seabed. Historical documents revealed that the ship is a British ship called
the Benares, departed from Hong Kong destined to San Francisco
(Watanabe and Nii, 2013). Building stones of granite and an iron stock
anchor reportedly retrieved from the British ships were left in the
neighboring areas on land.
Minamiukibarujima Underwater Site (No. 2):
The site is located off the Coast of Minamiukibaru Island in Uruma City,
Okinawa Island on the seabed of about 17 metre deep. It has been known
for long by the local fishermen. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological

�Centre identified it as the Western shipwreck sites (Katagiri, 2009).
Fragments of the hull, ballast, European ceramics, glass products, bullets
and Chinese pottery pieces were found on the seabed. Historical
documents descrees that a Western ship was stranded and sunk in the
sea off the island in 1876, but its nationality is unidentified (Heshikiya
Azashi Henshu Iinkai, 2009).
Indian Oak Wreck Site (No. 3):
The site is located off the coast of Chatancho in Okinawa Island and found
at a depth of about three metres. The Board of Education in Chatancho
undertook the underwater investigation in 1984 and retrieved fragments
of the hull like copper nails and pieces of copper sheathing, ballast stones,
European ceramics, glass products, Chinese pottery pieces and the like
were found. Historical documents revealed that the ship was the Indian
Oak who had been fighting in the Opium War in 1840. The ship was drifted
to the sea area while she had been transporting supplies (Nakamura,
1994).
Yabiji Underwater Site No.3 (No. 4):
The site is found at a depth of about 13 metres around the coral reef called
Yabiji located in the sea area north of Miyako Island. The site was
identified by the survey of Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center
(Katagiri, 2009). Metal parts of the hull, European ceramics, glass
products and iron ingot like products were discovered from the seabed.
Historical documents indicate that the ship could be assumed as HMS
Providence stranded in 1797 during her exploratory voyage in the North
Pacific (Nagamine, 1997).
Yoshinokaiganoki Underwater Site (No. 5):

�The site is located off Yoshino Coast of Miyako Island, found on the
seabed

at

about

five

metres

deep. The

Okinawa

Prefectural

Archaeological Centre discovered the site in 2008 (Katagiri, 2009). Many
pieces of granite stone blocks processed into cuboid shape are scattered
on the seabed. Fragments of the hull, for instance copper sheathing, as
well as Thai pottery pieces were also found (Arakaki, 2017). Historical
documents indicates that the ship could have been a British ship stranded
and sunk in 1853 on the way from Guangzhou in China to San Francisco.
The document shows that only 6 crew out of 30 and 24 Coolies out of 243
survived, and thus 243 people died of this accident (Taira, 2001).
Takadakaigainoki Underwater Site (No. 6):
The site is located off Takada Coast of Tarama Island. Many pieces of
pottery are scattered on the seabed at about 25 metre deep. The place
was reportedly known among the islanders as the site where a Dutch ship
had been stranded and sunk. The Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological
Center undertook the first underwater survey in 2008 and identified that
the site covers large area (Katagiri, 2010). Fragments of the hull, including
copper nails, metal products, and Chinese ceramic pieces were found on
the seabed (Arakaki, 2017). Historical documents reveal that the ship was
a Dutch ship called Van Bosse, stranded and sunk in 1857 on the way
from Shanghai to Singapore (Kaneda, 2001). There is an iron stock
anchor reported to be retrieved from this ship (B) left on land, as well as a
ceramic piece incised as ‘AMSTERDAM’ and Chinese pottery assumed
to be the cargo (Miyagi et al., 2004).
Education

and

Kyushu

National

The Tarama Village Board of
Museum

recently

undertook

comprehensive investigation and the use of metal detector revealed that
the fragments of the hull were still buried in the sandy seabed (Sasaki,
2017).

�Iron Stock Anchor off the Coast of Irizaki, Yonaguni Island (C):
It is not identified as a Western shipwreck site, but an iron stock anchor of
Western design was discovered off the coast of Irizaki at Yonaguni Island,
on the seabed about 26 metre deep (Katagiri and Yamamoto, 2014). Its
nationality and other details are unknown.
Influence on the Contemporary Society
It is generally said that Captain Basil Hall was the first Westerner visited
Ryukyu and introduced to Europe geography, customs, political and
economic states and the like of Ryukyu based on his careful observation.
On his way going back to Britain, he interviewed to Napoleon Buonaparte
at St. Helena Island. It is a famous story that he told Buonaparte that
people of Loo Choo (Ryukyu) had no arms, used no money and knew
nothing of Europe and His Majesty Napoleon Buonaparte (Hall, 1851 and
1986). Interestingly, Hall was convinced that the people in Ryukyu did not
use money as they did not receive payment of any kind from Hall’s
company for gratitude to all good things sent on board (Hall, 1851). This
description coincides with descriptions often seen in the historic document
of the western sides that shows surprise on Ryukyu people’s hospitality
with no expectation in return. Since then, Western ships coming to Ryukyu
dramatically increased. The phenomenon was not only reported by oral
histories and historical records, but also proved by the material evidence
at many underwater wreck sites of the Western ships by their discoveries
around the Ryukyu Archipelago.
The influence of those Western shipwrecks is seen even now. There is a
park near the wreck site of Indian Oak (No.3), a British ship joined the

�Opium War in 1840, and the play equipment set there in the design of the
reconstructed Indian Oak (Fig. 6). Moreover, there is a theme park caller
‘German Village’ in Miyako Island near the reportedly wreck site of a
German ship, the R. J. Robertson (even though the site not mentioned
above in this presentation as was not identified in the sea). The theme
park is run by the municipality of Miyako City and people of the island are
proud of the history of the rescue. Triggered by those rescue stories, the
UK Prime Minister Tony Blair and the German Prime Minister Gerhard
Schröder visited Chatancho and Miyako City respectively to strength
cultural exchanges when a summit conference had been held at Okinawa
in 2000. In case of HMS Providence, although no park nor theme park,
the local volunteers organised a group to commemorate HMS Providence
(HMS Providence wo Kataru Kai). The group promotes cultural exchanges
with England as the country of her origin and Hokkaido where she called
at.

Fig. 5 (left):
Picture of the
Western
Shipwreck
Sites.

�Curiously, it is often said in gossip that many beautiful women with fair
skin were born in the villages near the sites where the Western ships had
stranded and the Westerner crews were rescued. Those incidents prove
that history of shipwrecks and their rescue stories dated back to more than
a hundred years ago still has great influences on current society as
bridging cultural exchanges between the Western world and Okinawa.
Shipwreck sites in Okinawa are the valuable heritage as the material
evidence of those incidents.

In the future, further investigation and

research on the Western shipwreck sites could promote cultural
exchanges of the related countries and local places through exchanging
and sharing information. The result of such activities could even be a
trigger to develop large-scale international cultural interactions which
could be a leading model-case project representing current globalised
society.
References
Arakaki, T., (Ed.), 2017. Okinawaken no Suichu Iseki, Engan Iseki,
Ennganchiiki Iseki Bunnpu Chousa Houkokusho. Okinawa Prefectural
Archaeological Centre, Naha (in Japanese).
Hall, B., 1818. A Voyage of Discovery, West Coast of Corea: The Great
Loo-Choo Island. London; John Murray.
Hall, B., 1986. A Voyage of Discovery, West coast of Corea: The Great
Loo-Choo Island by Basil Hall, Trans. T. Haruna. Iwanamibunko, Tokyo
(in Japanese).
Hall, B., 1851. Narrative of a Voyage to Java, China and the Great LooChoo Island, with Accounts of Sir Murray Maxwell’s Attack on the Chinese
Batteries, and of an Interview with Napoleon Buonaparte at St. Helena.
William Teggs &amp;Co., London.
Hall, B., 1986. A Voyage of Discovery, West coast of Corea: The Great

�Loo-Choo Island by Basil Hall, Trans. T. Haruna. Iwanamibunko, Tokyo
(in Japanese).
Heshikiya Azashi Henshu Iinkai (Ed.), 2009. Heshikiya Azashi.
Heshikiyaku Jichikai, Uruma (in Japanese).
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Japanese)..
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of underwater cultural heritage and its experimental presentation in the
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�Oral Presentation at IKUWA VI, Freemantle, Australia.
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Fukuoka: 174-197 (in Japanese).

Biographies
Chiaki Katagiri is a senior archaeologist at Okinawa
Prefectural Archaeological Center. He was born in
Nagano Prefecture, Japan in 1976, graduated from
Okinawa International University in 1999 majoring in
archeology. He is specializing in the anthropology of the
islands,
carrying
out
anthropological
and
archaeological fieldwork throughout Asia. He has been
actively engaged in investigation and many research
projects of underwater cultural heritage in the Ryukyu
Archipelago. He is a co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No Suichu-Bunka-Isan:
Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera (Borderink, Naha, 2014).

Yumiko Nakanishi is a senior archaeologist working
at Cultural Properties Protection Division, Osaka
Prefectural Board of Education. She obtained MPhill
in Archaeology at Cambridge University in 2001 and
is currently a PhD candidate, specializing on heritage
management and public archaeology, as well as the
final phase of Kofun Period in Kinki region of Japan.
She has been involved in projects on underwater
cultural heritage in Okinawa area. Her publication
includes ‘The Great East Japan Earthquake and Cultural Heritage:
Towards an Archaeology of Disaster’, Antiquity, Vol. 87: 258-269,
‘Archaeological Administration and Japanese Archaeology’, Japanese
Journal of Archaeology, No. 4 (2017): 171-184, and so on.

�Dr. Rintaro Ono is an Associate Professor of School of
Marine Science and Technology at Tokai University,
Japan. His research is focused on Maritime
Archaeology and Anthropology, and specifically:
human maritime adaptation process, human migration
into Island Southeast Asia and Pacific Islands, human
maritime exploitation history, and maritime trade
history. He has been involved in many research
projects in Japan, Indonesia, Philippines, Palau, and
Vanuatu. He has been visiting researcher or collaborator with some
national and international laboratories and universities. He is author of
more than 50 academic papers, two books, and editor of Prehistoric
Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific Regions. (ANU E Press, 2013).

Hiroki Miyagi is a lecturer at Osaka International
University. He has worked at Board of Education in
Nakijinson and Nago City from 1999 until 2015. He
was born in 1975 and obtained graduated from
Okinawa International University in 1999, majoring in
archaeology, as well as obtained MA in 2009. He is a
co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa:
Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No SuichuBunka-Isan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera
(Borderink, Naha, 2014) and an author of ‘Gusukujidai ni Otozureta
Daikibona Shima no Keikanhenka’ in H. Takamiya, H. and S. Ito, S. (Eds.),
Senshi, Genshi Jidai no Ryukyu Retto: Hito to Keikan (Rokuichishobo,
Tokyo, 2011).

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Basic Studies on the Western Shipwrecks Discovered in the Ryukyu Archipelago and Their Influence on Modern Society</text>
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                <text>Extensive distributional survey of the underwater cultural heritage revealed the disposition of 230 underwater cultural heritage sites in the Ryukyu Archipelago, and 23 sites out of 230 are identified as the wreck sites. Dates of these wrecks vary from the 12th to 20th centuries; nevertheless, all the Western shipwrecks found at six sites are dated to within about 100 years between the latter half of the 18th century to the 19th century. This presentation is about the Western shipwrecks left in the sea area of the Ryukyu Kingdom. From the late 18th century, the ships from the Western powers stared to appear frequently. Historical documents describes that those ships had not intended to come to the kingdom, but were wrecked due to maritime accidents. Such incidents brought opportunities for local population to come into contact with the Westerners though rescuing the wrecks and their crews.  Historical documents and local lore, confirmed by the material evidence retrieved from the seabed, show that those contacts in some cases developed to the cultural interaction between local governments, or even nation-tonation. Moreover, the stories of the accidents and rescue efforts by the local have long been handed down from generation to generation as moving tales. In fact, there are some cases that those tales were materialised, for instance in forms of a reconstructed Western ship &#13;
facilitated as play equipment in a local park near the wreck site, as well as an amusement park themed under the country of the wreckâ€™s nationality.  This research aims to present how the archaeological evidence confirm historical records related to the Western shipwrecks though the result of investigation of underwater cultural heritage, as well as to analyse how those initial contacts with the Westerners though the wreck accidents developed into the cultural interaction which can be influential even now. </text>
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                <text>Chiaki Katagiri </text>
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                <text>Yumiko Nakanishi </text>
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                <text>Hiroki Miyagi </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Chiaki Katagiri </text>
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                <text>Yumiko Nakanishi </text>
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                    <text>Development of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal
Detection System for Underwater Cultural Heritage
Exploration
Yong-Hwa Jung
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
pkm228@korea.kr
Young-Hyun Lee
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
lyh2343@korea.kr
Jin-Hoo Kim
Dong-A University
jkim@donga.ac.kr
Sang-Hee Lee
Dong-A University
lsh3314@naver.com
Hyun-Do Kim
GeoView, LTD.
geokim@geoview.co.kr
Yeong-Hyun Kim
GeoView, LTD.
wave4003@geoview.co.kr

Abstract
The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH)
in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years ‘Development Project of
Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques’ from 2013 through
2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze
could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has
developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for
exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze.

�A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects
exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of
exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a
disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When
using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration,
there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing
an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the
diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a
disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the
antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable
distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may
not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to
develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the
metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of
metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows
easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be
wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and
store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for
underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform
in real time.
Key words: UCH, Korea, magnetometer, survey
Introduction
Since ancient times, Korea has been active in trade, reverence, and
cultural exchanges with neighboring countries; and there are many naval
battles from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern times, so it is very likely
that various artifacts are buried in the seabed. The artifacts that are buried
in seabed are mainly porcelain, metallic artifacts, wooden artifacts, and
life products on ships. It is important to find artifacts because buried
artifacts are important as historical facts and evidence.
Many studies have been conducted to find metal objects buried in
underwater through physical exploration techniques. In Korea, Jung
Hyun-Ki and others studied the electric and magnetic exploration used for
underwater burial objects investigations (Jung Hyun-Ki et al., 2004), Park
In-Seok and others studied the magnetic exploration method for

�underwater artifacts (Park In-Seok et al., 2013). E. Weiss and others
developed a system using magnetic exploration to detect and to
accurately map metal objects buried beneath the shallow waters (Weiss
et al., 2007). S. Tripati and others studied the material of a shipwreck
through an underwater metal detector and an antenna dipstick metal
detector (Tripati et al., 2004). As a result of these studies, the physical
exploration technique to find metal objects buried in seabed using
magnetic exploration or electromagnetic exploration has been developed.
In the case of magnetic exploration, it is the most effective method of
exploration for artifacts made of iron, but it does not respond to metals
such as gold, silver, and copper. There are two methods of
electromagnetic surveying using the metal detector; one is submerging
and diving with the equipment, and the other is towing the antenna in
underwater. The method of submerging and exploring divers with
equipment is time consuming and has a disadvantage; it cannot precisely
locate the position. And the disadvantages of the latter are that If the
antenna is located at a considerable distance from the sea floor, it may
not detect buried metal artifacts.
To solve these problems, the authors developed the sledge-type
underwater metal detection system that can be operated close to the sea
floor

to

compensate

for

the

disadvantages

of

magnetic

and

electromagnetic exploration. In addition, the performance of the metal
detection system using the antenna platform was verified after the iron pot
and the bronze canon were buried in the sea floor, 1m and 2m of the
seabed in Geoje sea area, Taean sea area, and Nakdong river area.
Method and Principle of Metal Detection
In the physical exploration technique, metal detection methods include a
magnetic exploration to detect magnetic metallic materials, and an

�electromagnetic exploration to detect non-magnetic metallic objects such
as gold, silver, and copper. Magnetic exploration is used to identify the
geological structure of the geomagnetic field or its components generated
by fluid motion in the outer core of the earth; and this technique is used
for ground survey, soil exploration, and resource exploration. And a
secondary electric field is generated due to the induction current flowing
in the underground conductive body by the primary electric field. By
detecting the characteristics of this secondary field, information on the
location and shape of metal in the underground can be obtained.
Configuration of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal Detection
System
As shown in Fig. 1, the sledge-type metal detection system consists of a
metal detector, DGPS, and an antenna platform for bringing the antenna
into close contact with the sea floor. It includes software to monitor and
store the positional information collected from DGPS and reaction values
received from metal detector in real time on PC.

Fig. 1(left): Schematic
Diagram.

�1. Metal detector
The metal detector used in this study is a method of detecting metal
objects by using time difference of transmission and reception by pulse
induction method.
Since the time of transmission and reception is different, it is possible to
detect metal objects by using one antenna, and it can be used in seawater
because it is not affected by medium between metal detector and metal
objects. The original metal detector informs the metal response by sound
through the instrument cluster and headset. We use DAQ (Data
Acquisition) to convert analog signals such as instrument panel and sound
into digital signals and to enable real-time monitoring and storage on the
PC through software. In addition, it was supplemented with a buzzer so
that the change of the reaction value can be immediately recognized (Fig.
2).

Fig. 2: Metal Detector.
2. DGPS
DGPS was used to identify the wake of the exploration vessel. The DGPS
uses two or more GPS receivers to reduce positional errors. The location

�information comes in the form of NMEA0183, which shows the wake of
the exploration vessel through the software.
3. Sledge-type antenna platform
The size of the antenna is 20cm x 110cm. A cable (about 30m long) is
attached to the antenna. The resistance of the antenna is 1.75O and the
inductance is 189μH. The antenna platform uses PVC which does not
contain metal material. As shown in Fig. 3, the antenna platform is
manufactured in a caterpillar shape so that it can be closely contacted to
the sea floor. It is designed to overcome obstacles and protects the
antenna. The rope was connected to both ends of the antenna platform,
and the rope was knotted above the center of gravity to form a ring, and
then a descending line was placed to secure land on the undersurface. In
addition, it is possible to create a space in which an underwater camera
can be placed at a position that does not affect the antenna, so that the
sea floor can be confirmed as an image. In addition, a weight was
produced to prevent the buoyancy caused by the cable during the survey.

Fig. 3: Platform.
4. Software
It is possible to monitor and record the incoming signal from the metal
detector and the DGPS location information on the PC in real time. The
software was built using Mathworks' MATLAB GUI. The software installs

�a driver for National Instruments USB-6000, a data acquisition device
connected to a metal detector, to receive data from MATLAB. The
locational information of DGPS is output in the form of NMEA0183, and it
is indicated by the latitude and the longitude through parsing. The
software records the data in real time, ensuring that material acquired in
a sudden emergency is protected. Also, there is a start button with or
without DGPS for single use without DGPS.
Acquisition and Processing Data
1. Field experiment
The experimental research was conducted in 3 sites: Taean sea area,
Geoje sea area, and Nakdong river area. In the Taean and Geoje sea
areas, the size of the research area were 100m × 100m; and the size of
the research area in the Nakdong river was 50m × 200m. Iron pots,
ceramics and bronze cannons were used as experimental samples. They
were intentional buried at 1m, 2m deep under the seabed and sea floor.
A rubber boat was used to minimize the electromagnetic noise in the
acquisition of data, and its operation speed of the exploration vessel was
below 4km/h. The exploration vessels operated in the ‘east-west direction’
and the ‘north-south direction’ in the research areas.
2. Data processing
Two kinds of processing were performed to process the data obtained
from field experiments. The DGPS was installed on the exploration vessel
and collected data of the antenna platform and position. Then, the raw
data coming from the metal detector shows DC deflection, which uses a
high-pass filter to remove the DC deflection.
3. Layback calibration

�For layback calibration, the depth of the area where the survey is
performed was required; and the length of the cable to lower the antenna
platform was also required. For example, if one of the field test sites is 3m
in depth with a 23m in cable length, the horizontal distance between the
exploration vessel and the antenna platform is 22.5m.
4. DC deflection removal
When data coming directly from the metal detector, DC deflection
appeared in some sections and it can be removed through a high-pass
filter. A high-pass filter is a filter that removes less than the specified cutoff frequency and passes the higher frequency band. In this study, a cutoff frequency of 0.1Hz was specified and the higher values were
separated by passing only the higher frequency components.
Results
Taean sea area
Fig. 4 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Taean sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 1m, and 2 iron pots, 2 bronze
cannons buried at 1m. The electromotive force value is measured higher
in the region of double numbered experimental sample areas. (b) It is the
survey line that goes through east-west to 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon
buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon on bottom. It shows that the
electromotive force value is high near the iron pot, bronze cannon. (c) It is
the survey line that goes through south-north to 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m.
Through the profile analysis, we could distinguish 3 iron pots buried at 2m
which did not appear in electromotive force abnormality. (d) It is the survey
line that goes through south-north upon 6 iron pots buried at 1m, and 3

�iron pots, 1 bronze cannon on the bottom. The electromotive force value
was the highest in 3 iron pots on the bottom; and 6 iron pots buried at 1m
showed higher electromotive force than 1 bronze cannon on the bottom.

Fig. 4: Taean Results.
Geoje sea area
Fig. 5 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Geoje sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m.
The electromotive force values in this region are high around the
experimental sample. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west
upon 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot on the
bottom. A signal that was observed between the iron pot and the bronze

�cannon buried at 2m was not the experimental sample, and the value of
the electromotive force value was measured high near the pot and the
bronze cannon. (c) It is the survey line that goes through south-north upon
6 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. It shows the largest electromotive force value at 3
pots on the bottom, and it has large values mainly around the
experimental sample. (d) It is the survey line that goes through south-north
upon 1 iron pot buried at 1m, and 1 iron pot buried at 2m. Based on the
electromotive force value, anomalous signal in the marked area are
detected nearby metal objects.

Fig. 5: Geoje Results.

Nakdong river area

�Fig. 6 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Nakdong river area water bottom. (a) It is the survey line that goes through
east-west upon 3 iron pots, 6 iron pots buried at 1m, 3 iron pots buried at
2m, and 1 iron pot on the bottom. At the place that 1 pot buried at 1m, the
electromotive force value is 1.0V; and one that 1 pot buried at 2m, it has
0.8V. And when the antenna passes near the iron pot on the bottom, the
electromotive force value measured by the metal detector is as high as
about 2.3V. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon 1
iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m,
and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. The position is greatly deviated from the 2 pots
buried at 1m. The electromotive force value of this time was not the iron
pot but the value of other objects on the bottom, or it appears as a layback
error due to water depth or obstacle on the bottom. Overall, we can see
that there is less noise than in other areas.

�Fig. 6: Nakdong River Results.
Conclusion
Most of the underwater cultural heritage in Korea are accidentally
discovered during fishing activities; a systematic exploration of the
regionhas not been done yet. The operation of metal detectors is
necessary to find non-ferrous metals such as gold, silver, copper, and
bronze, but the present operating method has many drawbacks. In this
study, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system was developed
and applied to the field to overcome these disadvantages. Then, the
following results were obtained.
First of all, it can identify iron pots and bronze cannons buried in various
depths and numbers. Secondly, it can possibly identify bronze cannons;

�this was impossible to be identified by conventional magnetic exploration.
Thirdly, there is less noise in the Nakdong river area than in the Taean
and Geoje sea areas. Unlike the Taean and Geoje sea areas, the
Nakdong river area does not have any fishery activity/industry;
consequently, this result might be caused by lack of iron abnormalities
such as trapping on the bottom. Fourthly, there was a section where the
metal reaction/position differed from the actual position of the buried
experiment sample. This might be caused by the position error of the
DGPS and the error of the layback correction. In conclusion, based on
these results, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system will
contribute to the discovery and protection of underwater cultural heritage
if applied to underwater cultural heritage exploration.
References
Jung Hyun-Ki, Park Young-Su, Lim Tae-Taek and Lim Hyung-Rae, 2004.
Electric and magnetic exploration applications for underwater buried
object exploration. RAEG 2004, Kyoto.
Park In-Seok, Kim Hyun-Do, Kim Jin-Hoo, Jung Yong-Hwa and Lee
Young-Hyun, 2013. A study on the magnetic exploration method for
underwater artifact investigation. ISMT 2013, Busan.
Lee Kang-Won and Son Ho-Woong, 2016. Geospatial Information System
Glossary. Gumi Ward, Gumi.
Tripati, S., Gaur, A. S., Vora, S. and Vora, K. H., 2004. Shipwreck
archaeology of Goa: evidence of maritime contacts with other countries.
Current Science, Vol. 86(9): 1238-1245
Weiss, E., Ginzburg, B., Cohen, T. R., Zafrir, H., Alimi, R., Salomonski, N.
and Sharvit, J., 2007. High resolution marine magnetic survey of shallow
water littoral area. Sensor, Vol. 7(9): 1697-1712.
Biographies

�Yong-Hwa Jung is a Researcher &amp; Conservator in the
Underwater Excavation &amp; Conservation Division of the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage of South Korea. He earned his PhD in 2008
from Kongju National University. He has been involved
in several maritime research projects including:
Exploration Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage by
the EOS3D-A (3D Seismic Survey System),
Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Research
Technology Using Crabster CR200, Development Project of Underwater
Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques, Underwater Archaeology
Vessel ‘NURIAN(G/T 290ton)’ Ship building, Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Policy in Korea, Analysis of Manufacturing
Technology and Production Area of Underwater Excavations Pottery.
Young-Hyun Lee majored the marine geophysical
exploration at Dong-A University. He has been working
in division of underwater excavation and conservation
at the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage for 5 years. He had mainly participated in a
research project, which is named "Development
Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration
Techniques". This project had been conducted by our
division from 2013 to 2016. As a marine geophysical researcher, He is still
doing my best to apply those developed exploration techniques, which are
including utilization methods of equipment and development of
equipment, into the underwater archaeology filed.
Jin-Hoo Kim is Professor in Geophysical Engineering.
Born in 1955, Seoul, Korea. B.S. from Seoul National
University, Korea in 1978. Ph.D. in Geophysics from
Colorado School of Mines, U. S. A. in 1986. Currently,
he is the department head of Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering Department, and the director
of Ocean Resources Research Institute, Dong-A
University, Busan, Korea. He has participated in
various geophysical exploration projects for in-land
and
off-shore
site
investigations,
maritime
archaeological surveys, and soil and petrophysical researches.

�Sang-Hee Lee was born in 1989, Busan, Korea. He
graduated from Dong-A University with a bachelor
and master degree in Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering. Current, he is studying at
Dong-A University to get his doctor’s degree. He
has participated in geophysical exploration projects
for in-land off-shore site investigations, maritime
archaeological surveys, petrophysical researches.

Hyun-Do Kim is a CEO at GeoView Co. Ltd.,
Republic of Korea since 2005, where he has been
dealing with marine seismic and geophysical
surveying business. He obtained Ph.D. in
geophysical survey from department of ocean
engineering, Dong-A University, Busan, Republic of
Korea, in 2005. Dr. Kim’s research interests include
marine geophysics and geotechnical survey in inshore and off-shore. Recently, 3D seismic survey
system has been developed and applied to underwater archaeology.

Yeong-Hyun Kim was born in 1979, Busan, Korea.
He graduated from Dong-A University, Department
of Civil Engineering. He studied river port
engineering in Dong-A Graduate School. Currently,
He is working at Geoview Corporation, a marine
survey company and has been working for 8 years.
He is a team leader of marine Survey department.
He is charge of marine geophysical surveys and
geotechnical surveys.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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                <text>The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years â€˜Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniquesâ€™ from 2013 through 2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze. &#13;
A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration, there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform in real time. </text>
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                    <text>The Shared Underwater Cultural Heritage of Japan and the
Netherlands: the Kanrin-maru

Leon Derksen
ICOMOS Netherlands
derksen.leon@gmail.com
Akifumi Iwabuchi
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp

Abstract
In 2014, a non-exhaustive inventory of the shared cultural heritage of the
Netherlands and Japan was made by the Dutch government in the context
of what the Netherlands calls its ‘Shared Cultural Heritage Policy’. This
inventory resulted in an overview of shared cultural heritage grouped into
the categories ‘maritime heritage’, ‘built heritage’, ‘museum collections’
and ‘archives’. Spread over seven different themes and linking to an equal
number of time periods, the inventory provided insights into where
opportunities for cultural collaboration would lie. One of the opportunities
of collaboration found revolved around the potentially preserved Dutch
shipwrecks in Japanese waters. This sparked the incentive to propose a
project-based partnership through a collaborative research project
between the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands and Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, to locate and research the
shipwreck of the Kanrin-maru. The project, which commenced in 2017,
includes the involvement of Dutch and Japanese researchers to facilitate
the transfer of knowledge, as well as the involvement of trainees in order
to ensure capacity building. The Kanrin-maru was a warship specially built
in the Netherlands in 1856 on order of the Tokugawa Shogunate Navy. It
was brought to Japan in 1857, but in 1869 during the Boshin War between
Shogunate and Imperial forces it was taken over by the Imperial Japanese
Navy, and remained in the service of the Imperial Meiji government until
it foundered in the Tsugaru Strait in 1871. Although an anchor thought to
belong to the Kanrin-maru was found near where it was said to have
foundered, no wreck has been found to date. In November 2017, fieldwork
in Hokkaido, including material analysis upon its anchor, as well as library
or archival research is to be done by Dutch and Japanese archaeologists.

�Key words: UCH, Japan, Netherlands,
Introduction
Japan and the Netherlands, two nations sharing a history with over four
centuries of relations, have in recent years reinvigorated their cultural
bonds by promoting collaboration in topics of shared cultural heritage.
While this has already inspired a broad variety of forms of cultural
collaboration such as in the Arts and Crafts1, this also led to collaboration
in the specific field of maritime heritage and underwater cultural heritage
management. For in 2014, the Cultural Heritage Agency of the
Netherlands (RCE)2 and the Japanese Agency for Cultural Affairs
together with the Kyushu National Museum took the lead in this particular
field of collaboration. The main mutual benefit of their collaboration is that
it could help both nations to familiarize with the implications of ratifying the
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. At the
same time, both nations have grabbed this opportunity to aim for
sustainable preservation of what is considered their shared underwater
cultural heritage.
This inspired the current authors to further the collaboration in the field of
shared underwater cultural heritage between the Netherlands and Japan
by proposing the formation a project-based partnership between the RCE
and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, a member
institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology UNITWIN Network
and Japan’s only university with both graduate and undergraduate
courses in nautical archaeology. An official agreement of this partnership
is in the making. With this paper, the current authors wish to promote the
potential of this project and the shared cultural heritage it represents.

�Main aims of the project are knowledge exchange and capacity building
by involving experts and trainees. It was decided that the main subject of
research and training would revolve around locating, and if found,
researching the wreck of the Kanrin-maru (咸臨丸): a Dutch-built screwpropelled steam schooner that supposedly wrecked near Kikonai
Municipality in Hokkaido in 1871. Since the story surrounding the ship and
its wrecking have become strongly rooted in the local community, and
have also been promoted by the local government, efforts will be made
throughout the project to involve the local community and government in
order to facilitate a sustainable preservation of the wreck, its story and
place within the local community.
Since the wreck of the Kanrin-maru has not yet been located, a start was
made in 2017 in order to assess whether locating the wreck is feasible. At
the time of writing, the initial research is well underway and consists of
desk research in both the Netherlands and Japan, as well as a survey in
the field planned somewhere between September and December this
year. Results of what has been gathered through desk research thus far
will be discussed in this paper. The sections further below provide a
historical background sketch, information on prior research, a general
project definition with corresponding aims, objectives and research
questions, and the preliminary results of the initial research. The paper
ends with preliminary conclusions and a thought on the implications of
these conclusions in regard to the continuation of the project.
Historical Background
From around 1639 to the year 1854, in a period now known as the
sakokujidai3, Japan had practically kept its doors shut to all westerners
but the Dutch. At the time, the Dutch were the only ones allowed to trade
with Japan through the tiny artificial island called Dejima4 that lay in front

�of Nagasaki. This centuries old privilege came to an end when in the years
1853-1854, steam warships of the United States Navy led by Commodore
Perry (1794-1858) entered Tokyo Bay and forced Japan to end its
isolation policy. Fearing a foreign invasion, the Tokugawa Shogunate
hastily sought means to build a naval fleet. And for this, the Japanese
turned to the Dutch (Kogure, 2008).
In order to jump-start this naval fleet, Japan ordered from the Dutch arms
and warships among other things, as well as instructors who were to
provide education and training in virtually all matters associated with the
navy (Chijs, 1867). Besides seeing direct economic benefits, the Dutch
hoped this deal would also help them in trying to maintain their foothold in
Japan in the midst of growing competition from other western nations
(Kogure, 2008). Meanwhile, the other naval powers were also planning on
catering Japan’s need for a naval force. In an attempt to beat the
competition, the Netherlands decided to grant the Soembing, a Dutch
paddlewheel steam warship, in 1855 (Stapelkamp, 1999). Sent along with
it was a first Marine Detachment of Dutch naval officers and sailors led by
G.C.C. Pels Rijcken that was to educate and train the Japanese on their
first western-built steam warship.
A year later in the Netherlands, construction commenced on the first
warship for the shogun’s navy. In 1857, the vessel originally named the
Japan was launched and was brought to Nagasaki that same year. Upon
arrival it was renamed to Kanrin-maru and taken into the service of the
Shogunate Navy, becoming the first screw-driven steam warship of
Japan. Together with the Kanrin-maru, the Dutch government sent a
second Marine Detachment that was to replace the first which had
remained there since 1855. The Kanrin-maru was used as a training

�vessel and thus became instrumental in the founding years of the
Japanese navy.
Six years after its introduction in the Japanese naval service, the Kanrinmaru followed in the wake of an American vessel called the Powhatan
which had on board an embassy bound for the United States of America
in order to ratify a new treaty between the USA and Japan. The vessel
crossed the Pacific with the help of a number of American naval officers,
including Captain John Mercer Brooke (1828-1906). To the Japanese
navy, the crossing was an important show of skills as it was only seven
years after Perry’s steam-driven ships had entered Tokyo Bay. This now
legendary voyage is still commemorated by Japan and the USA today, as
it marks an important event in the relations between Japan and the US.
What is more, for Japan it also marks as the second time in history that a
Japanese vessel is known to have crossed the Pacific (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: The Kanrin-maru. (Yokohama Archives of History)

�In the years that followed, the Kanrin-maru remained mainly in use as a
training vessel. When in the years 1868-1869 the Boshin war broke loose,
which was a civil war between forces fighting for the shogunate and forces
fighting for the restoration of the Emperor as the greatest in power, the
Kanrin-maru was used as a military transport vessel in the fleet of the
shogunate until it became battered in a storm and was subsequently
overtaken by the imperial forces.
After the Boshin war had ended with the restoration to power of Emperor
Meiji, the Kanrin-maru remained in the service of the Imperial Navy and
was used as a passenger and transport ship. In 1871, it set sail towards
Hokkaido. Its mission was to safely transport 400 civilians who were to
immigrate into Hokkaido and to colonize it for cultivation. While traversing
the Tsugaru Strait, the Kanrin-maru hit a reef off Kikonai Municipality
where it began to make water. Almost all the passengers and all
crewmembers managed to survive, but the vessel itself supposedly sank
and was lost to the sea.
To this day no wreck has been found, although in 1984 a chance find was
made when a fishing boat hauled up an anchor supposedly at a location
near what is believed to be its wrecking site.
Today, the Kanrin-maru is commemorated through local annual festivities
among other things and has clearly conquered a special place in the
hearts and minds of the local community and government. This has been
most notably achieved by the efforts of the Society of the Kanrin-maru
Crew Descendants, who have been actively promoting this cultural
heritage and the fascinating story that surrounds Japan’s first screwdriven warship. Through this project, the parties involved can combine
their strength to help maintain this valuable source of shared cultural
heritage.

�Prior Research
A chance find occurred in 1984, when an anchor was salvaged from a
depth of 20 meters by a fishing vessel (Fig. 2). The exact location of the
find is still unknown, but a local newspaper stated that it was situated 2
kilometers off the coast of Kikonai Municipality. Subsequently, the anchor
was researched by an expert, who concluded it was highly likely though
still not 100% certain that the anchor belonged to the Kanrin-maru.

Fig. 2: Anchor. (Kikonai Municipality)
Other prior researches consisting of desk works, as well as fieldworks,
have been conducted at the presumed wrecking location before. Although
some remains of ship equipment or shipbuilding materials were said to be
recovered during those field researches, no definite wreck or potentially
associated finds to the Kanrin-maru have been found yet. According to
one Japanese underwater archeologist, all the remains of the Kanrin-maru
have perhaps already been swept away by the strong currents of Tsugaru
Strait.

�Project Definition
As shortly explained in the introduction, the main aims of the project are
to facilitate capacity building as well as knowledge exchange between the
organizations and individuals involved about underwater cultural heritage
management. With the Kanrin-maru as the research subject, the project
also aims to come to a sustainable preservation of the remains of the
Kanrin-maru, if found to be existent. Broader, over-arching aims are to
raise awareness of the existence of underwater cultural heritage among
an international public, and to further improve the bilateral relations
between the Netherlands and Japan.
The main aims will be achieved through the following objectives: Capacity
building through inviting maritime archaeologists and students to join in
on the search and possible research of the Kanrin-maru; knowledge
exchange by inviting underwater archaeologists and specialists in both
Japan and the Netherlands to join the project, and to create an
atmosphere for open discussions with experts and trainees alike.
Sustainable preservation will be achieved not only through the two
objectives shown above, but also through the involvement of the local
source community and government to build sufficient support for future
preservation.
The project is proposed to be conducted in the period between late 2017
and early 2018, encompassing desk research and interviewing informants
aimed at gathering historical and contemporary data to establish an initial
research area, as well as a field survey on land. Main research questions
are as follows: could the wreck of the Kanrin-maru be located?; if so, what
is its state of preservation?; and how can it be preserved for future
generations to come?

�Initial research
Research commenced in April 2017, and at the time of writing is still
underway. The overall aim is to come to a thorough assessment in order
to gauge the chances of finding the Kanrin-maru or related materials in a
preserved state and to establish an initial research area required for the
continuation of the project.
The methods used thus far comprised of desk research in the form of
library and archival research, the results of which have in part been used
to form the historical background sketched earlier above. Fieldwork is also
part of the research schedule, and is due to take place somewhere in
November 2017. It is planned to consist of conducting interviews with local
informants such as the local community near the supposed wrecking site,
as well as visiting and surveying the anchor site and wrecking site from
land.
Library and archival research in the Netherlands mainly focuses on
shining a light on the historical context in which the order, construction
and eventual delivery of the Kanrin-maru took place. This includes but is
not limited to gathering information on the construction of the ship itself,
where it was made, by whom, what materials were used in its construction
and where these materials came from, and what the ship’s overall
characteristics were including its quality in terms of materials and its
sailing ability. On the other hand, library and archival research in Japan
mainly focuses on the wreck of the Kanrin-maru in 1871. Indeed, relatively
many studies about the Kanrin-maru have been conducted in Japan, but
all of them are interested in its building or its first trans-Pacific voyage. No
academic work upon its fate in 1871 has been conducted yet.

�Preliminary Results
Desk research in the Netherlands
In 1853, Japan handed over their first request for warships and the like to
Donker Curtius (1813-1879), contemporary opperhoofd or chief trader
(1852-1855) of the Dutch trading post on Dejima. Among the vessels
requested by Japan were a number of screw-propelled warships (Chijs,
1867). The Japanese had only just learned of the existence of steamships
in 1849 through Dutch books (Arima, 1964), while Perry’s impressive
‘black ships’ were the first real-life steamships appearing before Japanese
eyes. Thus in terms of technology, the Japanese knew they fully
depended on the knowledge of the Dutch about these type of ships. The
Japanese therefore largely left it to the Dutch to decide which type of
vessel would be sent first and what equipment it would have in terms of
propellant (screw or paddlewheel), armament and other specifics (Chijs,
1867).
One of the earliest mentions of the first screw-propelled steam warship
that was to be made for the shogun – and which turn out to be the Kanrinmaru – can be found in a report by contemporary Minster of Colonies, C.F.
Pahud (1803-1873). In his report transcribed by Van der Chijs (1867:
pp.136), he states that this vessel destined for Japan’s navy had to be
built in such a way that it could also serve in the Dutch navy in case the
Japanese government would refuse the vessel for whatever reason. It was
thought that such a ship could not be purchased, neither could it be
constructed on the Navy’s shipyards in the Netherlands nor in the Dutch
Indies. Thus it was decided that the vessel had to be constructed on a
private shipyard.

�Apparently in order to meet these requirements, it was decided
somewhere along the way that this vessel had to be identical to a screwpropelled corvette destined for the Dutch navy that was about to be built
around the same time on Fop Smit’s shipyard in Kinderdijk. This vessel
was given the name Bali, while its sister ship was named the Japan, which
later became the Shogunate’s Kanrin-maru.
In a technical report evaluating the performance of the Bali, Naval
Engineer Huygens (1857) states that the Bali and the Japan were indeed
identical. With this and the above in mind, be it with certain reservations,
we may presume that the Kanrin-maru and the Bali were thus virtually
identical to each other in terms of construction and onboard technology.
This allows taking into account the detailed contemporary reports on the
characteristics of the Bali, since not much details are known about the
Kanrin-maru specifically at this point in time.
The Bali and the Kanrin-maru were constructed at the shipyard of Fop
Smit in Kinderdijk (a UNESCO World Heritage Site). The construction
plans were designed by J.W.L. van Oordt, Head Engineer of the Dutch
navy. The vessel had a waterline length of 40.8 m, a beam of 8.5 m and
a displacement tonnage of 619 tons. It had a depth at the bow of 3.4 m
and at the stern of 3.85 m.
As screw-propelled steamships with sails, both vessels represented the
state-of-the-art in naval engineering. Steam-powered screw propellers
were still a fairly novel technology (Oosten, 1972), having been only
introduced in the American, British and French navies in the 1840s, while
the Dutch had only just welcomed the Medusa as their first screwpropelled steam warship in 1853. In that respect, at least on paper, the
Dutch Navy indeed showed intent of catering the Shogun’s request for the
latest in naval technology.

�The vessel was mainly constructed of wood, though at this point further
details about the materials used in its construction remain unclear.
Additional efforts will be made to find more information regarding the
materials used, as this could allow assessing the quality of these materials
in terms of endurance. This in turn could help in assessing the chances of
finding preserved remains of the Kanrin-maru.
The keel of the Kanrin-maru was laid down in 1856 and the vessel was
launched in 1857. After it was launched, the company of one Mr.
Rietschoten had fitted its three masts with schooner rigging, while its
machinery and boilers were built and installed by the ‘Nederlandsche
Stoombootmaatschappij’ at Feyenoord (Rotterdam) that same year. This
machinery was coal-fired and could nominally produce about 100 metric
horsepower. Tests with the Bali proved that it could reach a top speed of
8¼ nautical miles per hour, or 8¼ knots (Huygens, 1857), although this
also depended on the effectiveness of the stokers (Huygens, 1860).
The Kanrin-maru, or the Japan as it was still called around that time, was
readied in March 1857 and set sail from the Netherlands on March the
25th. Sent along with it was the second Marine Detachment, led by
Commander Knight W.J.C. Huyssen van Kattendyke (1816-1866). In his
diaries (Huyssen van Kattendyke, 1860), he explains that the construction
of the Japan suffered several (undisclosed) delays. These delays may
have been due to problems similar to the Bali which revolved around the
effectiveness of the screw (Huygens, 1857) but were resolved
subsequently.
The Dutch Navy and the Ministry of Colonies followed the Kanrin-maru’s
maiden voyage with great interest, since its performance also had
implications for the Bali which was destined for the Dutch Indies. With this
in mind, Huyssen van Kattendyke explains in his diary that he sailed

�straight to Lisbon (Portugal) in order to test the vessel in all circumstances.
Upon arrival in Lisbon he concluded that the vessel was very fast and had
met his expectations. On the 21st of September that same year, thus after
a voyage of 180 days, the Japan arrived in front of Nagasaki bay.
It was officially handed over to the Japanese in October 1857 and was
renamed into Kanrin-maru. A great part of the Nagasaki’s Naval Training
School then took place on the Kanrin-maru. Training included all aspects
of naval training, ranging from deck and rigging lessons to familiarizing
with the machinery and many more aspects.
Desk Research in Japan
Emphasis of the desk research in Japan was put on the events past 1868
to around 1871 when it wrecked. Literature and archival research was
conducted to reveal more information about the period in between these
years. Unfortunately, however, the trustworthy historical materials, in
particular, between 1869 and 1871, are extremely scarce. No photo of the
Kanrin-maru has not been found yet either in the Netherlands or in Japan.
Only one painting of the Kanrin-maru by Yujiro Suzufuji, an officer of the
Kanrin-maru during the trans-Pacific voyage is kept in the Yokohama
Archives of History (Fig. 1.), which is titled ‘the rough voyage of the Kanrinmaru’.
No Japanese newspaper reported the wreck of the Kanrin-maru in 1871,
partly because in Japan at that time no paper had been published
systematically yet.
Its wreck was said to have happened, therefore, sometimes on 19th
September 1871 due to stormy weather, or sometimes on 20th September
1871 due to bad maneuvering the ship. At that time, two U. S. officers
handled the Kanrin-maru, viz. one was Francis Etienne, who perhaps was

�the captain, and the other was Charline SeLoger Train. Although the
official record submitted to Hokkaido says nothing, on 20th September
1871 the drunken U.S. captain seems to have made the Kanrin-maru run
ashore on a reef off the village of Izumisawa at Kikonai Municipality
(Goda, 2010).
Preliminary Conclusions
Desk research in the Netherlands thus far has shown that the Kanrinmaru, at least to contemporary Dutch naval officers, was indeed a vessel
that represented the latest in naval architecture and met expectations
accordingly. Furthermore, it became part of one of the means available to
the Dutch government in its effort to reinforce what was left of the
centuries old special bond with Japan. This, and its historical voyage to
the US in 1860 as well as its involvement in the Boshin War, provides
support for its historical significance today and in the end adds to the list
of reasons for pursuing sustainable preservation of this special remnant
that has become part of Dutch-Japanese shared cultural heritage. Be it
tangible or intangible, above water or underwater.
At the time of writing, initial research has yet to be completed. This
includes the remaining parts of desk research in Japan and the
Netherlands, as well as fieldwork. Based on the information gathered thus
far, it still is difficult to assess whether or not the wreck of Kanrin-maru
could still be lying on the ocean floor near Kikonai Municipality. If
continuation is indeed desired, detailed plans for an underwater survey
using multibeam or sidescan sonar equipment will have to be made,
taking into account the marine environmental conditions in a demarcated
research area.

�Footnotes
1

. See, for example, the Holland-Kyushu programme, initiated by Dutch
Culture and the Embassy of the Netherlands in Tokyo and the consulategeneral in Osaka: http://hollandkyushu.com/en/.
2

. https://culturalheritageagency.nl/en

鎖国時代, literally meaning ‘closed country period’, though in reality
Japan’s isolation from the outside world was highly relative.
3.

4

. 出島, meaning ‘artificial island’ in Japanese.

References
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Volkenkunde, Amsterdam.
Goda, I., 2010. The Kanrin-maru. Hokkaido Shinbun, Sapporo.
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�National Archives of the Netherlands, 2012. Shared Cultural Heritage
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(http://en.nationaalarchief.nl/sites/default/files/docs/gce_beleidskader_20
13-2016_definitief_-_eng_doca.pdf)
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stoomschip. De Boer Maritieme Handboeken, Bussum.
Pompe van Meerdervoort, J. L. C., 1868. Vijf jaren in Japan (1857-1863).
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Seaton, A. E., 1909. The Screw Propeller and Other Competing
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marine (PhD thesis). Universiteit Leiden, Leiden.
Biographies
Leon Derksen is a member of ICOMOS
Netherlands
and
an
independent
researcher in the field of Dutch maritime
archeology and cultural heritage. He
received his MA from the University of
Groningen in 2014 where he studied
Prehistory and Protohistory, track Maritime
Archaeology. His publications include his MA-thesis entitled Tracing
Remnants of Dutch-Japanese Affairs in the Maritime Cultural Landscape
of Japan (2014) as well as Shared Cultural Heritage of the Netherlands
and Japan (RCE, 2015) which was co-written with Marike Klos.
Akifumi Iwabuchi is Professor of Maritime
Anthropology and Nautical Archaeology at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, a
member institution of the UNESCO Underwater
Archaeology Unitwin Network. He is the ICOMOSICUCH National Representative for Japan, being
also Directors of the Japan Society for Nautical
Research, of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology, and of the Forum on the
Oceanic State of Japan. He received his PhD from the University of
Oxford in 1990. His publications include The People of the Alas Valley

�(Clarendon Press, 1994) and Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An
Introduction to Underwater Archaeology (Kagaku-Dojin, 2012).

�</text>
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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>The Shared Underwater Cultural Heritage of Japan and the Netherlands: the Kanrin-maru </text>
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                <text>In 2014, a non-exhaustive inventory of the shared cultural heritage of the Netherlands and Japan was made by the Dutch government in the context of what the Netherlands calls its â€˜Shared Cultural Heritage Policyâ€™. This inventory resulted in an overview of shared cultural heritage grouped into the categories â€˜maritime heritageâ€™, â€˜built heritageâ€™, â€˜museum collectionsâ€™ and â€˜archivesâ€™. Spread over seven different themes and linking to an equal number of time periods, the inventory provided insights into where opportunities for cultural collaboration would lie. One of the opportunities of collaboration found revolved around the potentially preserved Dutch shipwrecks in Japanese waters. This sparked the incentive to propose a project-based partnership through a collaborative research project between the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, to locate and research the shipwreck of the Kanrin-maru. The project, which commenced in 2017, includes the involvement of Dutch and Japanese researchers to facilitate the transfer of knowledge, as well as the involvement of trainees in order to ensure capacity building. The Kanrin-maru was a warship specially built in the Netherlands in 1856 on order of the Tokugawa Shogunate Navy. It was brought to Japan in 1857, but in 1869 during the Boshin War between Shogunate and Imperial forces it was taken over by the Imperial Japanese Navy, and remained in the service of the Imperial Meiji government until it foundered in the Tsugaru Strait in 1871. Although an anchor thought to belong to the Kanrin-maru was found near where it was said to have foundered, no wreck has been found to date. In November 2017, fieldwork in Hokkaido, including material analysis upon its anchor, as well as library or archival research is to be done by Dutch and Japanese archaeologists. </text>
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                    <text>European Ships of Discovery
Filipe Castro
Texas A&amp;M University
fvcastro@tamu.edu
Abstract
The ships and boats of the 15th and early 16th century European voyages
were the space shuttles of their time, and yet we don’t know much about
them because most have been destroyed by looters and treasure hunters.
This paper will focus on a particular type, the caravel, and presents an
overview of the early European watercraft that crossed the Atlantic and
sailed along the American coasts during the first decades of the 16th
century.
Key words: caravel, 16th Century, Europe, ships, looting

Introduction
The earliest Iberian voyages into the Atlantic were carried out in the
existing ships. Soon however the need to adapt the existing watercraft to
the sailing conditions of the open sea triggered a process of evolution that
is poorly understood, but that reflects the existing cultural, scientific and
economic conditions in the Iberian kingdoms. This is an interesting
process of technological evolution that is in its earliest states of
investigation.
The main ships of the European expansion were sailing ships, mainly
caravels, naus, and galleons. Rowing ships were also used in the
European factories abroad, sometimes shipped in the holds of sailing
ships, and sometimes built in Africa and Asia, in the beginning according
to European standards, but very soon incorporating local features as they

�were understood as advantageous. This paper deals with caravels, a
versatile and small ship type that is still poorly understood.

Caravels
Caravels are among the least understood of all historical vessels.
Mentioned in hundreds, perhaps thousands of books, these ships are
associated with the Iberian exploration of the Atlantic in the 15th century,
and are considered the space shuttles of their time, allowing the
Portuguese and Spanish explorers to sail down the African coast, and
open the maritime routes to the Caribbean, the west coast of Africa, and
the Indian and Pacific Oceans. A few authors have dedicated lengthy
works to this ship type, such as Quirino da Fonseca (1934 and 1935),
Pimentel Barata (1972), Tengarrinha Pires (1980, 1985, 1986, 1988 and
1990), Malcolm Elbl (1985), Francisco Contente Domingues (1989), or
George Schwarz (2008).
Their agility is legendary, and more than 150 years after the first mid-15th
century references to the new exploration caravels, they are mentioned in
an account of a 1597 expedition to the Azores under the Earl of Essex as
fast and highly maneuverable: Whilest we thus stayed about the Rocke,
ye carvalls of Lyshbourne and of the parts thereabouts would daylie come
swarminge about us like butterflies soe neare us as that we might cast a
stone into some of them, and yet could we never catch any one of them,
soe warie and nimble they are (Gorges, 1604, transcribed by Richard
Barker, 2007).
These vessels probably originated in the Mediterranean. The Portuguese
and the Spanish probably changed and adapted this type of vessels to the
navigation along the coast of Africa. Venetian merchant and chronicler

�Alvise da Ca’ da Mosto wrote in the late 15th century: ‘...essendo le
caravelle di Portogallo i migliori navilii che vadino sopra il mare di vele, ed
essendo quelli bene in punto d'ogni cosa che gli fa di bisogno...’ (Ramusio,
1600). Ca’ da Mosto mentions eyes painted on the bow of these caravels,
something characteristic in the Mediterranean since long. He says, about
the inhabitants of the African coast: ‘...e pensavano che gli occhi che si
fanno a prova alli navilii fussero veramente occhi, che 'l navilio per quelli
vedesse dove gli andava per mare ‘(Ramusio, 1600).
This technology spread to northern Europe and the expression ‘carvelbuilt’ still refers to watercraft built with flush laid planks, nailed to preerected frames, a structural improvement that originated in the
Mediterranean and spread along the Atlantic coast of Europe and into the
Baltic, during the late 15th and early 16th centuries.
Although much has been said and written about caravels, these vessels
have never been thoroughly described in historical sources, their
representations are few and impressionistic, and no ship identified as a
caravel has been archaeologically excavated. Replicas have been built
with mixed results, never based on solid supporting information. This
paper is a tentative summary of what is known about these ships, both
from documental sources, written and iconographic, and from the
archaeological record.
Pictures of caravels labelled as such are rare but clear enough to allow
historians, already in the 19th century, to have a fair picture of what they
may have looked like. Portuguese historians Quirino da Fonseca (1934)
and

Tengarrinha

Pires

(1980)

inventoried

representations of caravels in existence.

the

most

important

Pimentel Barata (1989)

published an interesting drawing of a caravel, depicted as the signature
of a caravel master from the 15th century named João de Lião, dated to

�1488 according to the author. This drawing was first published by Avelino
Teixeira da Mota (1971, Fig. 4) who noticed that this is the earliest drawing
of a caravel, designated as such, and one of the earliest dated
representations of a stern panel, which is clearly defined (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1: Signature of a certain João de Lião, master of caravels, dated to
1488, on a document pertaining to the supply of hardtack to a caravel
departing to Africa. (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, CC II-I-781, in
Mota 1971)

Documental Evidence
Before 1500 we can only guess what the word ‘caravel’ means. All we
have to work with are a few textual references: medieval boats named
carávos, two 12th century Italian references to a type of boat called
Caravellum, one 13th century reference to caravelas in the chart of the
Portuguese village of Gaia, one 14th century reference in Spain, and the
15th century caravels of the Discoveries.
Auguste Jal and Corominas explored the origins of the words cáravo and
qârib, both referring to small boats, sometimes coracles. As to the word
caravellum, there is no way to tell what kind of boat the 1159 Genoese
caravellum coopertum was. These boat type appears in two Genoese
12th century documents, the first mentioned is decked (coopertum)

�serving a navis (1159), and the second (1190) is small, belonging to a
caravelator, presumably working as a harbor tender (Ciciliot, 2005). Furio
Ciciliot points out the fact that in the 12th century the word caravelum,
referring to a small boat, is masculine, and does not become feminine until
it is assimilated to a larger vessel: navis sive caravellae (Ciciliot, 2005).
Historian Malcolm Elbl mentions a 1226 reference to a Portuguese caravel
taken by English ships on a return trip from Gascogne (Elbl, 1985). He
cites the French translation Francisque Michel’s Histoire du commerce et
de la navigacion à de Bordeaux (Michel, 186). Michel mentions only ‘un
navire portugais, appelé le Cardinal’ and indicates the Rotuli Litterarum
Patentium (Rot. Litt. Pat., 10 Hen. III, m. 5) and the Rotuli Litterarum
Clausarum (Rot. Litt. Claus., 10 Hen. III, m. 27 et 14; t. II p. 89, col. 2; et
p. 119, col. 1) as her sources. The Rot. Litt. Pat., mention a ‘navem que
vocatur la cardinale’ (1971, p. 36), and the Rot. Litt. Claus. Membrane 14,
mentions an unrelated incident pertaining to wine trade with Bayonne
(1916, 5). I could not access Membrane 27 of Henry’s 10th year, and I am
not sure that all of Henry’s rolls are published.
The caravels referred to in the Chart of Gaia (1255) seem to be fishing
vessels, of which we know nothing. Square rigged vessels were rare in
the Mediterranean between the early 6th century and the mid-13th
century, and most references to caravels mention lateen sails (Bellabarba,
1999).
Some authors have proposed that caravels were mentioned in Alfonso X’s
Libro de las Leyes or Siete Partidas, as it is better known, written between
1254 and 1265. Most authors, however, agree that the passage in
question – Partida Segunda, Titulo XXIV, Ley VII – mentions haloques,
and not caravelas.

�It seems that caravels are not mentioned in Portuguese documents during
the 14th century. There is a reference to caravels in 1307. Malcom Elbl
(1985) places it in Biscay, Spain, and cites Quirino da Fonseca. Quirino
cites Auguste Jal, and places the caravels in northern Europe (1978), and
Jal (1848) is silent about the place and cites Pierre Carpentier (1766), who
does not place these caravels anywhere, and gives a source for it I could
not find: Charta an. circ. 1307.
From the mid-15th century onwards chroniclers mention caravels
engaged in the exploration of the Atlantic, and later carrying Columbus
into the New World. There are some documents describing caravels, the
best known pertaining to the caravels Niña and India, used by Columbus
in his fourth trip (Smith, 1993), or the caravelões de Arguim published by
Alexandre Monteiro (Monteiro at al., 2011). Carlos Etayo transcribed a
1450 contract for the construction of a caravel for a Catalonian mariner
named Gracia Amat with one central and two side rudders, and a length
to beam ratio around 4/1 (Etayo, 1971). Jacques Paviot and Erich Rieth
published a paper relating the construction by Portuguese shipwrights of
two caravels in Brussels, in 1438 and 1439, for the Duke of Burgundy,
Philippe le Bon (Paviot and Rieth, 1989).
Bibliographic research in Italy, where caravels probably originated, is
scarce. Lucien Bash refers to 24 caravels sent by the Republic of Venice
in 1490, with 24 men each, and 30 caravels in 1499 with capacities
between 100 and 400 botte (Bash, 2000). A botta was close to half a
Portuguese tonel, if we are to trust a 1519 document mentioned by Lane
(1964): ‘Per lettere di Sibilia delli 9 ditto erano avvisi, come a di 6 era
venuta una caravella di portata de 60 tonelle, videlicet 120 botte, a qual
era stata a discoprire le Indie (Mexico)…’(Fulin, 1881).

�Although Portuguese and Spanish historians combed the most important
European archives more than one century ago (Domingues, 2004), almost
nothing is known about caravels. Around 1600 we have the first lists of
timbers for the construction of a caravel in the Lisbon National Library
manuscript known as Livro náutico (Anonymous, c.1590), dated to the
1590s, and two cryptic regimentos by Manoel Fernandez, dated to 1616
and illustrated, but difficult to understand because the drawings are not
always represented in the same vertical and horizontal scales
(Fernandez, 1616).
Iconography is scarce and doesn’t shed light on the most important
questions. For instance, they do not tell us whether the early Portuguese
15th century caravels had a stern panel and a central rudder. Around
1500, when we have the first images and descriptions, caravels seem to
be small ships of 15 to 50 tons, built with flush-laid planking, rigged with
one, two, or three masts, all mounting lateen sails. Sometimes they
appear with a foremast rigged with a square sail (Fig. 2). Generally, the
mainmast is placed on the center of the keel, and the second and third
masts are stepped abaft it, with a small stern castle and no forecastle, a
stern panel and a central rudder.

�Fig. 2: Presumed representations of caravels in the Livro da fortalezas
of Duarte d’Armas, circa 1509. (Armas 1509/1997)
Central rudders first appear in Denmark, in the 12th century (Hocker and
Dokkedal, 2001). The earliest explicit reference to a central rudder is
probably Gracia Amat’s contract, in the middle of the 15th century. Stern
panels appear in the iconographical record after 1475, and at least in the
in 15th century iconographical record, central rudders seem to be
characteristic of square-rigged ships.
As it often happens, the word caravel designated a wide range of
watercraft, even in the 16th century: caravelas latinas, caravelas de
Alfama, caravelas redondas, caravelas de armada, and caravelões. In
some cases, we have a fair idea about the main differences between
them, and in other cases circumstantial evidence allows some provisory
hypothesis. Below are presented short description of what each type may
have looked like.

�Caravelas latinas
As already mentioned, during the 14th century they are not mentioned in
Portuguese documents.

In the mid-15th century caravels appear as

lateeners with a capacity around 50 tonéis and crews between 20 and 25
men. It looks like small caravels with 2 or 3 masts with lateen sails
endured for over one century without much change. But we don’t know
what characteristics defined a caravel, or what separated a caravel from
the other lateeners of their time.

Fig. 3: Representation of a caravel in the Retábulo de Santa Auta,
dated to c. 1517. (Photo: author)
Quirino da Fonseca mentions Braancamp Freire describing 54 caravelas
leaving Lisbon in 1488 and 1489, with capacities varying between 15 and
50 tonéis (Fonseca, 1935).
This range of capacities is compatible with other accounts, some written
much later. In 1571, in A vida e feitos de el-rei D. Manuel, D. Jerónimo
Osório, describes caravels as rather small vessels. These caravels don’t
have tops (cestos de gávea), nor their yards make right angles with their
masts, but hang, inclined, secured under the masthead, and the base of
the sail is triangular and almost touches the bulwarks. The yards, which

�are fastened to the ship’s bulwarks, are as thick as topmasts in their lower
part and have smaller sections upwards (Fonseca 1935).
Sometimes these small two- and three-masted lateeners are referred as
typically Portuguese, but José Luis Casado Soto found references to 125
caravels in the Registro General del Sello in the Archivo General de
Simancas between 1476 and 1496, and they seem to come from all over
the Iberian Peninsula.

His figures show that 45% of the caravels

registered were from Andalusia, 21% from the Cantabric region; 19% from
Portugal, 12% from the Mediterranean, and 3% from France, England and
the North Sea (Soto, 1991).
There is no mention of any possible difference between them. Were
Cantabrian and Andalusian caravels much different from each other?
How different were they from the Portuguese ones? Or how did the
Portuguese ones differed from each other?
We have a long way to go before we can say that we understand this ship
type. Iconography can provide some clues if we are to trust the
illustrations in the Atlas of Georg Braun (1541-1622), published between
1572 and 1617 (Fig. 4). The quality of the illustrations in Braun’s Atlas is
known, including the figures in local dresses. It is not uncommon for
painters and illustrators to register in the mapmaker’s guilds and work on
map illustrations when they and an opportunity (Binding, 2003 and Unger,
2010). The ship illustrations in Braun’s Atlas seem to be reliable as well,
and vary from city to city. Although no systematic study of the Atlas’ ships
has been done yet, the caravels represented in several Portuguese and
Spanish cities, in Iberia or around the world, seem plausible and accurate,
and consistent with the descriptions below.

�Fig. 4: Caravels: presumably Portuguese at São Jorge da Mina (leaf)
and presumably Spanish at Santander (right). (After the 1572 edition of
Braun and Hogengberg’s atlas)
Caravelas de Alfama
Paulo Monteiro found this reference in a Spanish late 16th century
document: ‘(…) Tambien se quedan despalmando dos caravelas
pequenas destas que aqui llaman de Alfama que las pide el Almirante
para llevar consigo…’ (Monteiro pers. comm. 2009).
Were at least some of the Spanish caravels larger than the Portuguese
ones? José Luis Casado Soto mentions a witness account of Columbus’
second voyage, Pedro Mártir de Anglería, who claims that Columbus took
17 vessels: 3 large cargo ships with tops, 12 caravels, and 2 large
caravels, with masts large enough to support tops. Nothing is said about
their rigging arrangements. Were these typically different from those of
the Portuguese caravels?
Caravelas redondas
Navarrete calls caravelas redondas ‘castellanas’. They have three masts,
the foremast mounting a square sail and the main and mizzen masts
mounting lateen sails. Quirino da Fonseca cites him: “caravels were
divided into Portuguese and Castilian, the first exclusively lateen-rigged,
could sail cinco ou seis quartas (56˚ to 67˚) into the wind, facilitating the
Portuguese routes to the African gold mines. Castilian caravels used in
their seas with square sails, or better, with a square sail on the foremast.”

�Quirino also refers to a 1512 letter from D. Fernando to Pedrarias Davilla
in Panama: ‘Yo vos mando que … se hagan luego tres o cuatro carabelas,
al modo de Andalucía, las dos, e las otras dos, pequeñas, latinas, como
las de Portugal...’ (Fonseca 1935).
In Columbus’ Diario de a bordo, transcribed by friar Bartolomé de las
Casas, the entry for August 9, 1492, famously mentions the explorer
decision to change the rigging of his caravel Pinta: ‘y adobaran muy bien
la Pinta con mucho trabajo e diligencias del Almirante, de Martin Alonso
y de los demás; (…) Hicieran la Pinta redonda, porque era latina;’(Colón,
1991).
In the 14th century Mediterranean it was common to rig two-masted cargo
vessels with a square sail on the foremast and a lateen sail on the mizzen.
Sergio Bellabarba called this rigging arrangement quadra-latina and
proposed two possible roots for the development of three-masted, shiprigged vessels, one from the two-masted lateeners and one from the onemasted square-rigged cogs, both common merchant ships in the mid-14th
century Mediterranean (Bellabarba, 1999). According to Bellabarba’s
plausible theory, both ship types at some point may have adopted a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement, the two-masted lateeners by changing
to a square mainsail, the cogs by adding a lateen-rigged mizzen mast.
The earliest representation of a ship-rigged three-masted vessel dates to
1409 and appears in a Catalonian document. It shows a cocca with a
quadra-latina rigging arrangement to which a foremast was added,
mounting a square sail (Mott, 1997). Caravelas redondas seem to have
evolved in a similar way. It looks like they were two-masted lateeners –
which show the mainmast always stepped on the middle of the keel – with
a third mast, a foremast stepped far forward. This type of vessel is

�represented in Braun and Hogenberg’s Civitates orbis terrarium,
especially in Spanish harbors. (Fig. 5)

Fig. 5. Lateeners in Lisbon, c. 1530 (detail from the Leiden view of
Lisbon, COLLBN J.29-15-7831-110-30)
Two documents dated to 1498 (before Columbus’ fourth voyage) contain
the inventories of the rigging of two caravels, Santa Clara, or Niña (60
toneles – probably not the Niña of the first voyage – and Santa Cruz, or
India, built in Hispaniola during the second voyage with the remains of the
ships lost in the hurricane that swept La Isabela in 1495.
Both these caravels had four masts, and both had square sails on the fore
and main masts, and lateen sails on the mizzen and bonaventure.
Additionally Santa Cruz had a bowsprit and a spritsail; and Santa Clara
has ‘dos botalos vno del trinquete y otro de la cont[ra]’ (Smith, 1993).
Gaspar Correia states that Vasco da Gama sailed to India in 1502 with
‘cinco caravelas latinas, que mandou muito bem concertar’ and ‘iam com
velas redondas armadas, para com elas navegarem quando cumprisse’.
He does not mention how many masts these ships had, and the
representations we have date to around 1565, more than half a century
later.

�Large cargo ships – naus or naos, caracche, or hulks, as they were known
in the Atlantic, Mediterranean, and Baltic – tend to have three masts and
square sails on the bowsprit, fore, and main masts, and a lateen sail on
the mizzen mast.
When a fourth mast appears, in the late 15th century, square sails are
always present, either on the fore and main masts, or only on the
foremast. The first type of rigging is common on larger vessels, such as
galleons, developed around 1500, or on the Spanish caravelas redondas,
such as the Santa Clara and the Santa Cruz. The second type, with
square sails only on the foremast, is typical of the Portuguese caravelas
de armada.
Caravelas de armada
It is curious to notice that in the 1550s Fernando Oliveira is skeptical about
the qualities of the caravelas de armada. In his Arte da guerra no mar he
states: ‘A mim me pareceu sempre, que caravelas de armada, não eram
tão boas como são gabadas, por serem um género de navios misturado
e neutro, e as partes que tomam de cada um dos outros géneros serem
as piores’ (Oliveira, 1555).
Later, in his Livro da fábrica das naus, Oliveira states: ‘Aqui me lembra
e quero o dizer, antes que me esqueça, que nunca me pareceu bem,
fazer da caravela navio redondo, diga cada um o que quiser, que tudo
será afeiçoado’ and ‘porque, mudando-se a forma da vela, cumpre
mudar-se a fábrica do fundo, a qual já não pode ser mudada’ (Oliveira, c.
1580).
In the middle of the 16th century these caravels were purposely built with
a forecastle and four masts, rigged with square sails on the foremast and
lateen on the remaining three, and later would be as large as 180 tonéis.

�As mentioned above, there are two regimentos for the construction of
these caravels in Manoel Fernandez treatise (1616), and they both have
two decks. We have their main dimensions:
 Folios 16 and 107: The caravel with 11 rumos (17m) of keel has
23.2m of length overall, a max beam of 6.42m, a depth of hold of
4.1 m, and a flat amidships of 2.05m.
 Folio 24 (and 108?): The caravel with 12 rumos (18.5m) of keel, has
25.5m of length overall, a max beam of 7.19m, a depth oh hold
4.40m, and a flat amidships of 2.31m.
These caravelas de armada have length to beam ratios of 3.61 and 3.55
respectively, values that are compatible with the extensive iconography,
often with reliable, albeit impressionistic, characteristics.
Caravelões
It seems that the smaller caravels were sometimes referred to as
caravelões (Pico, 1955). Alexandre Monteiro transcribed two early 16th
century documents relating to caravelões de Arguim that describe 3masted vessels with bowsprits, square sails on the fore and main masts,
and a lateen sail on the mizzen (Monteiro et al., 2011). Both caravelões
have hatch covers, so there is no doubt about the fact that they were
decked, as it should be expected in ships that are engaged in oceanic
trips. One of these caravelões had a crew (companha) of nine: pilot, six
sailors, and two apprentices. This information gives us a hint of the ship’s
dimension, if we are to believe Fernando Oliveira, who one generation
later, in the mid-16th century, states that crews should be calculated as
follows:
 Up to 10 tonéis: 2 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 10 to 20 tonéis: 3 sailors, 1 apprentice;
 20 to 30 tonéis: 4 sailors, 2 apprentices;

� Above 30 tonéis: add 1 sailor / 4 tonéis and 1 apprentice / 3 sailors.
According to Oliveira, both the master and the pilot must be counted as
sailors, thus suggesting a ship with a capacity around 42 tonéis (Oliveira,
1555).
One of these documents (1508) is particularly interesting because it refers
a bowsprit, fore and mainmasts, and a bonaventure mast with its yard.
Although there is no mention of a mizzen mast and yard, there is one
mizzen sail, and one mizzen halyard (ostaga). It is not clear whether this
is a mistake, or there were caravelões with 4 masts (Fig. 2).
Conclusion
The sample of shipwrecks of probable Iberian origin is small and the
preservation is often poor. Moreover, it is impossible to say for sure that
these archaeological remains are even remotely related to caravels. The
size, shape, structure, construction sequence, and rigging of the Iberian
caravels of the 15th and 16th centuries are far from well-understood. In
spite of the many excellent historical publications available for almost one
century in certain cases, we have more doubts than certainties when it
comes to reconstruct these mysterious ships. Most data on caravels and
other small vessels dates to the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th
centuries, more than a century after the first voyages into the Atlantic. A
small sample of measurements from contracts and technical texts
suggests that all caravels, even the Portuguese caravelas de armada,
were small vessels, that they all relied primarily on lateen rigs, and that by
the 16th century they all had stern panels and central rudders, no
forecastle, one to four masts with a minimum of two lateen rigged masts,
a low sterncastle, and no topmasts. For the Iberian Peninsula all caravels
had length to beam ratios between 3 and 4, tonnages between 50 and
150 toneles, corresponding to lengths overall between 15m and 25m.

�The archaeological record suggests that vessels of this size had similar
basic construction features and scantlings. In other words, that there was
an ‘Iberian way’ of designing and building small ocean-going vessels, of
which some were possibly caravels. However, only the full publication of
a much larger sample of shipwrecks will help shed light on this subject.

References
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�Elbl, Martin Malcolm, 1985. The Portuguese caravel and European
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Biography
Filipe Vieira de Castro is Professor of Anthropology,
holds the Frederick R. Mayer II Fellowship of Nautical
Archaeology, and is the Director of the Ship
Reconstruction Laboratory at Texas A&amp;M University.
He has a degree in civil engineering from Lisbon’s
Instituto Superior Técnico, a Master of Business
Administration from the Catholic University of Lisbon,
and a PhD in Anthropology from Texas A&amp;M
University. He has conducted field work in Portugal,
Panama, Puerto Rico, Brazil, Italy, and Croatia, and his main interests are
the history of wooden shipbuilding technology and European seafaring in
the late medieval and early modern periods.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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