1 10 14 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b501753de63f323578fb631cd3b3827f.pdf bc1c99ef6aa5ed29d43b31bb8377a6c9 PDF Text Text A Methodology for Accurate and Quick Photogrammetric Recording of Underwater Cultural Heritage Kotaro A.P.P.A.R.A.T.U.S. apparatus.japan@gmail.com Yamafune LLC Abstract In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since 2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different countries. Key words: UCH, photogrammetry, Photoscan Introduction Agisoft PhotoScan and other off-the-shelf photogrammetry software became available for archaeologists in 2010. By 2017, after only 7 years, photogrammetry has become a one of the most frequently used recording methods for UCH (underwater cultural heritage) sites. The author of this paper works as a professional maritime archaeologist and applied photogrammetric recording on more than 35 archaeological sites in more than 10 different countries. Because of its submerged circumstances of many shipwrecks, each site has different conditions: such as visibility and �colors of waters, depth, topography, water current and so on. Those different conditions create problems that requires different ways to solve those difficulties. Additionally, each project has different mission statement, or project’s goal. For that reason, each submerged site requires different types of methodologies for data-collection and data processing. Moreover, to use produced 3D digital models as archaeological data, it is important to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D models (Yamafune et al., 2016). Yet, to produce these accurate models, it is essential to takes a week to produce local coordinate system that gives scale and georeferenced on the model. To solve these lengthy problem, the author created a methodology that produces local coordinate system in short time (1 or 2 dives) yet provide fairly accurate results. In this paper, the author shall share his methodology of photogrammetric recording that he has developed and currently using. Literature Review and Terminological Confusion of Photogrammetry Before the author starts discussions regarding his photogrammetry methodology, there is an important point that must be noted. The point is a confusion related with the word ‘photogrammetry;’ ‘photogrammetry’ has been used repeatedly in history; probably the first time it appeared in/as a discipline of science was during the WWII. When airplane became widely available for military use, cameras were mounted on scouting airplanes; then photos taken from the mounted cameras where meticulously re-calibrated and composed to create a photomosaic, or a map, of enemy’s territories. In other words, ‘photogrammetry’ that were used first during the WWII was a technique to create accurately composed photomosaic (Burtch, 2008; Van Damme, 2015; Konecny, 2003). And it �was a well-known fact that Dr. George Bass and Dr. Frederick Van Doornick, well-known ‘first generation’ maritime archaeologists, used photogrammetry for their Yassiada underwater expeditions in 1960s; detailed site plans were produced based on photomosaic that were taken from a camera that was mounted on horizontally positioned rails on the seabed (Van Doorninck, 1967; Bass, 1972; Bass and Van Doorninck, 1982). In their publications, they used a word ‘photogrammetry;’ however, it must be noted that ‘photogrammetry’ in their article and ‘photogrammetry’ that produces 3D digital models today uses different systems and indicate different recording systems. Another terminological confusion related to a word ‘photogrammetry occurred in 1990s. In 1990s, maritime archaeologists started practice DSM (Direct Survey Method); many cases this system is referred as trilateration. DSM provides a local coordinate system/network to help production of 2D site plans of submerged shipwreck site. DSM is a method to directly measure distances in between control points and detailed/reference points to create positional networks. Consequently, DSM provides XYZ coordinates of control points and detailed points, and maritime archaeologists use these XY coordinates to produce 2D site plans (Holt 2003: Green and Gainsford 2003). When DSM became a popular method among maritime archaeologists as a mapping method in 90s, another method was also often used to produce 2D site plans; and this another method is also called ‘photogrammetry.’ This photogrammetry is known with the software Photomodeler. Photomodeler is a photogrammetry software; and this photogrammetry mainly applied for underwater excavations in 1990s and 2000s uses a meticulously calibrated camera and its images that captures at least three reference �points in one image. Thanks to meticulous calibration of the camera and its series of images, Photomodeler can calculate the XYZ coordinates of reference points; and these reference points are used to produce 2D site plans and 3D CAD drawings. Indeed, the data sets that DSM and this photogrammetry produced were very similar; both system provides XYZ coordinates of reference points on submerged sites. A few articles were published in 1990s and the early 2000s related to this photogrammetry that produce XYZ coordinates of reference points, or a local coordinate system (Green et al., 2002). However, photogrammetry that related Photomoder is different from photogrammetry that can produce 3D models. Confusingly, around 2010, when photogrammetry that can produce 3D models began to become popular recording methods, EOS system (the software company manufactures Photomodeler) released upgraded version of the software called Photomodeler Scanner. This Photomodeler Scanner can produce 3D models of subjects that uses similar system with ‘photogrammetry’ that the author will discuss in this paper. Nonetheless, it is important to be noted that Photomodeler that can provide XYZ coordinates of reference points and Photomodeler Scanner that can produce 3D models are different types of ‘photogrammetry.’ And a word ‘photogrammetry’ mainly referred in articles of maritime archaeology in 1990s and early 2000s were mainly focus on Photomodeler and its system that provides XYZ coordinates of reference points on archaeological sites. In 2010, Agisoft PhotoScan was released. While Autodesk 123D Catch, Photomodeler Scanner and other photogrammetry software that produce 3D digital models were also released around the same time, thanks to its georeferencing systems and user-friendly workflows, Agisoft Photoscan immediately became popular photogrammetry software among maritime �archaeologists are keen to apply quick and accurate recording methods on submerged sites. By 2017, many maritime archaeology projects enjoy this recording application. Nonetheless, another confusing terminological problem is happening. After 2010, almost all the time ‘photogrammetry’ indicates a system that produces 3D digital models; however, there are many different words were being used to indicate this one system. The author often hears SfM (Structure from Motion) in the United State and Japan, some articles including IJNA (International Journal of Nautical Archaeology) prefer Multi-image Photogrammetry, some Italian scholars sometimes use Close-range Photogrammetry, and scholars form northern European countries sometimes use Computer-Vision Photogrammetry. Yet all these words imply one system that produces 3D digital models based on digital images. Concluding this section, the word ‘photogrammetry’ implies different systems when it was used for maritime archaeology. From 1960s and 1980s, ‘photogrammetry’ implies a system that produced a photomosaic of sites; from 90s and 00s, ‘photogrammetry”’ implies a system that used calibrated digital cameras and its photos to calculate XYZ coordinates of reference points located on the site to produce 2D site plans and 3D CAD drawing (by connecting reference points). After 2010, ‘photogrammetry’ implies a system that produces 3D digital models. Furthermore, this ‘photogrammetry’ after 2010 that produces 3D digital models is called in different names, such as SfM, Multi-image Photogrammetry, Close-range Photogrammetry, Computer-Vision photogrammetry, and so on, yet these all names indicate only one system. In this paper, the author shall use a word “photogrammetry” in his discussions, and this “photogrammetry” indicates a system that produces 3D digital models. �Importance of Local Coordinate Systems Tying the site plan to a set of local coordinates is a key factor to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced photogrammetric 3D digital models. There are two reasons that creating a local set of coordinates is important. The first reason is to correct scale and distortion of the photogrammetric models and to geographically reference the site plan. One of the advantages of photogrammetry is that it does not require precise calibration of the camera. Although calibration is recommended, the software primarily uses pixel information to reconstruct a site, which means that the construction of the point clouds does not require manual calibration. Moreover, the software reads metadata from the camera and lens and minimizes the errors. Distortions are inevitable, however, and this possible error can be minimized by applying known distances and specific photo capturing sequences, or “flight path.” The second reason to establish local coordinate system is that unless tied to a system of coordinates, models float in unspecified tridimensional fields. To fix the models in the correct position, local coordinates must be included on the models. Without this, it is impossible to export the computer graphics files to mapping software with the correct position. Georeferenced information facilitates a straightforward workflow when models and orthophotos (high resolution photomosaic) are exported. Also, the processing and rendering capacity of the Agisoft PhotoScan software is limited by both software and hardware configurations. This constrains the maximum polygon count for the mesh (which makes up the surface of the model), and the maximum number and resolution of UV mapped textures (‘UV’ is a XY coordinates for texture), which are composed photomosaic on surfaces of mesh. Large data sets can be divided into smaller Chunks (PhotoScan’s term), which are separately �processed. These Chunks can be imported into a single PhotoScan file afterward without merging (Tool > Append) and other modelling and mapping software applications and merged without decimation (the reducing of the polygon count). When models and orthophotos are georeferenced, the merging process is automatic, and exported files are opened in their correct positions in other software. A set of local coordinates is paramount to ensure an accurate manipulation of models or orthophotos. Scale-bar Methods and DSM While local coordinates system that is produced by DSM can be used to scale-constrain photogrammetric model, Agisoft PhotoScan also allows the input of measurements in a different way. PhotoScan uses scale bars, or known distance, instead of importing local coordinates collected using DSM. At actual archaeological sites, establishing control points and local coordinates may take a week. This may not be suitable for a short-term survey project. The author had tested the both methods to fix distortions and scale of photogrammetric models. Measuring methods that will be discussed and compared are: trilateration (DSM) using 3H Site Recorder, and scale bars that are placed on the site. To compare and examine the accuracy both methods, local coordinates and known distances of both methods were applied to a photogrammetric model, and each different method was compared to control measurements. The control measurements were taken directly from the wooden model. For this test, the author used a 1:10 scale wooden model of a saveiro, a 20th-century Brazilian coastal sailing boat. In order to simulate an archaeological shipwreck site, the wooden model was laid down on its starboard side, �and its floor timbers were pulled slightly out so that its starboard futtocks lay on the bottom (See also Fig. 2 and 3). Direct Survey Method (Trilateration) The first method to discuss is trilateration, also known as Direct Survey Method (DSM). Trilateration (DSM) has been repeatedly used in underwater archaeological recordings. For this DSM, the author used 3H Site Recorder (Demo Version). In order to acquire coordinates of reference points, a control network first had to be established. The author placed eight control points around the wooden model, set all the control points to a congruent height (40 cm from the ground), and set this height as the surface of the water, or depth of 0 cm. To establish the positions of the control points, or a control network, 19 measurements were taken. The tolerance established for errors was set at 0.3 cm; therefore, all distance errors bigger than 0.3 cm were shown in red (shorter) and blue (longer). Only one distance (CP5 – CP7) showed a + 0.39 cm statistical error after the adjustment of the control points. After the control network, or positions of datum points, was established, 11 reference points were placed on the model. A total of 44 measurements were taken from the control points; each reference point was measured from the nearest four control points (Fig. 1). Two measurements indicated over 0.3 cm error; however, both errors were less 0.5 cm, which is within an acceptable range of error. �Fig. 1: The Local Coordinate Network of reference points and control points around the Saveiro Wooden Model (Top View: Horizontal Plane). Scale-bars Method Scale bars are often used when pictures of archaeological sites are taken. These scale bars can be extremely useful in photogrammetry. Scale bars give accurate scale information in archaeological photography, and when a site is being mapped using photogrammetry, they can be used to check measurements after other methods, such as DSM, were used to correct distortion and scale of a created photogrammetric model. However, distortions and dimensions can be fixed by using only scale bars, a feature that allows archaeologists to skip the time-consuming DSM system. To test the accuracy of this method, four scale bars were placed on the four sides of the saveiro model. In this particular case, considering the size of the model the four scale bars available were unnecessarily long. Therefore, seven 10 cm scale bars with markers were created on the existing scale bars. These smaller 10 cm bars were entered as fixed distances in the photogrammetric model (Fig. 2). �Fig. 2: Seven 10cm scale bars created on the Saveiro Photogrammetric Model for the Scale Bar Method. Comparison of DSM and Scale-bars Methods To test the accuracy of these two survey methods mentioned above, the measurements from all photogrammetric models of the saveiro were compared within a single set of control measurements. The control measurements were taken directly from the wooden model; 21 selected distances between reference points were taken for this purpose (Fig. 3). The control measurements were compared to the measurements obtained by the other methods (Table 1). �Fig. 3: The photogrammetric model of the Saveiro Wooden Ship Model and the measured distances between reference points for the comparison. �Table 1. Distances between reference points to compare different surveying methods to fix distortions and scales of the Saveiro Wooden Ship Model’s photogrammetric mModel The results suggest that scale-bar can be a more accurate scale-constrain method in a photogrammetric model. The measurements taken from the photogrammetric model with trilateration (DSM) coordinates display an average error of 0.39 cm. The more accurate results obtained were through the use of scale bars; the scale bars allowed an average error of 0.19 cm. The results of the experiments with two scale-constrain methods discussed show that the scale bars method provided better results in fixing scales from photogrammetry surveys. The main disadvantage of trilateration (DSM) is that it requires many measurements. For instance, �the saveiro model required 19 measurements to establish the control point network and 44 measurements to calculate the coordinates of reference points. On the other hand, the scale-bars method does not require any measurements. However, it is important to note that the scale-bars methods cannot establish a local coordinates system. This is a disadvantage when compared to the traditional trilateration (DSM) method; scale bars can fix distortion and scale of photogrammetric models, but they need a complementary method to establish local coordinates. The Recommended Method to Produce 1:1 Scale-constrained Georeferenced 3D Models Following is an experimental methodology that author composed and applied on several underwater shipwreck sites, and these photogrammetric models shows successful results. Testing Scale-bar Method on Larger Underwater Sites The author tested scale-bars method on various underwater shipwreck sites; including Operation Forager directed by Dr. Jennifer McKinnon and Dr. Toni Carrell (Saipan 2017: 8 wrecks), Fourni Underwater Survey Project directed by Dr. George Koutsouflakis and Dr. Peter Campbell (Greece 2017: 9 wrecks), and Converging the World Project directed by Nicholas Budsberg and Charles Bendig (the Bahamas 2017: 1 sites). While recording those submerged archaeological sites, the author positioned 4 – 8 scale bars on each site for photogrammetric recording. To test possible distortions in a larger submerged site (for instances �around 30m x 30m), the author intentionally scale-constrained only one corner with a 1m scale bar using the Scale-bars method, and check calculated distance using a 1m scale bar on the opposite site. The result showed that the distance error of the 1m scale bar on the opposite side is 2.5mm. And this result stay same with other photogrammetric models of other sites (errors varies in 0.5mm – 3mm). In other words, if a 3D digital model is scaled by one side of the 30m x 30m coverage area, distance error (or distortion) can be less than 2.5mm anywhere if an archaeologist tries to measure 1m-long areas; and it also means that possible maximum positional errors from one end to the other end of the 30m-long site (if this distortion occurs in linier manner) is 7.5cm. Again, the biggest advantage of the scale-bars methods is its simplicity and speed. It doesn’t require any tape measurements; scale-bars can be simply positioned around the sites. More importantly, once ‘Scale Bars’ are created in Agisoft Photoscan, camera locations and scale of the created model can be fixed based on known distances by ‘Optimize Cameras’ command (open ‘reference tab’ > input known distances on ‘Scale bar’ > ‘Update’ > ‘Optimize Cameras’). Using this ‘Optimize Cameras’ command, distance errors on the 1m can be 0.5mm or less. This means possible distance error of 30m-long site is 1.5cm. Importance of the ‘Flight Path’ To obtain good/accurate results with minimum distortions on created photogrammetric models discussed above, the author strong believes that his distinctive “flight path” is the key factor. The author originally developed his flight path to ensure successful rate in “Align Photos” process. Photo alignment is the most important phase in photogrammetric modeling. To maximize the probability of creating successful photo �alignment, the author developed a flight path for sequences of photo shooting. The best results have been achieved by capturing surrounding area first to lock the site. Then, photographs are taken perpendicularly to capture a top view of the site with appropriate overlap. After complete photo shooting in both transversal and longitudinal paths, additional photographs must be taken with the camera tilted to capture vertical surfaces of rich tridimensional structures (Fig. 4). Actual ‘flight path’ of archaeological sites can vary depending on multiple factors; therefore, meticulous planning of a flight path is an important part of successful photogrammetric recording. Most important factor of flight path is its interwoven manner; sometimes the diver who use photogrammetry only apply transversal path without the longitudinal path and the locking paths. In other words, if only one direction of flight path is applied, directional distance/length of from one point on one side to another point on the opposite side shall be long, and distortions on images will be accumulated. However, if three paths (Locking path, transversal path, and longitudinal path) are properly operated, distance from one side to the opposite side will be shorter hence the distortion can be minimized. For that reason, the author strongly recommends that photo-shooting sequences, or ‘flight path,’ for photogrammetry have to be practiced with interwoven manners. �Fig. 4: Recommended flight path for photogrammetric recording. Applying Local Coordinate System on Scale-bars Method Next step to create a 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D models is to apply a local coordinate system on a created 3D digital model. As it was discussed earlier, scale-bars methods can produce fairly accurate scaleconstrained 1:1 models; however, these models cannot carry georeferenced/positional information. Having a georeferenced/spatial information is essential for archaeologists to use 3D photogrammetric models as scientific data for their analysis. In order to apply/generate a georeferenced data on a created 3D model, it only requires XYZ coordinates of three control points within a site. The author uses distances between three control points placed on the archaeological site to establish a temporal XY coordinates on the three points. A triangle can be created if distances between three points are known. To obtain these distances from a created scale-constrained 3D model, control point must be created/placed on the model. Control point can be created easily in Agisoft PhotoScan as markers by double clicking on the respective position on the mode (these markers can be created on the photos by right clicking and choose ‘create markers’ in Agisoft PhotoScan). Then scale-bars were �created between these three points to extract calculated distances between the points (choose two respective markers on reference pane > right click on selected markers > create ‘scale bars’ > click ‘view estimated’). Using these distances between three points, a triangle can be created using 3D CAD software such as Rhino 3D. Then orientation of the triangle must be adjusted based on depth-measurements of these control points collected by diver’s dive computer (Fig. 5). This adjusted triangle and positions of its three corners give new/adjusted XYZ coordinates of the three points; the author uses these coordinates to adjust angle of these three control points on the 3D model in Agisoft PhotoScan (open reference tab > input XYZ coordinates of the corner of the adjusted triangles > ‘update’). Once these adjusted coordinates were applied, the 3D photogrammetric model shall contain georeferenced information. Fig. 5: Adjustment of the coordinate triangle (The blue triangle is a temporal triangle that was created based on distances between control points. And the red one is the adjusted triangle; its orientation was adjusted based on depth-measurements of the three control points. Then new coordinates were collected from corners of the red triangle). �Using a 1:1 scale constrained photogrammetric model as new local Coordinate System On the Conversing the World Project, the team of maritime archaeologists excavated an early sixteenth century Spanish shipwreck in the Bahamas during the summer 2017; this shipwreck is also known as the Highbourne Cay Shipwreck. The author is in charge of photogrammetric recording of the shipwreck site, and he applied the combination of scale-bars and triangle geo-referencing methodology explained above to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Furthermore, once a 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D model of the site was created in Agisoft PhotoScan, it is easy to extract coordinates of any possible points on the 3D model by creating markers (right click on the model or a photo > ‘create makers’ > ‘view estimated’). This means that when 3D models are created on the same area or smaller areas within the site in following day, coordinates of reference points/markers can be collected from the first 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced model, and apply these coordinates on newly created 3D models. This means once a local coordinate system is generated within the first model, archaeologists can use this coordinate system to both scale-constrain and geo-reference following photogrammetric models. The author prefers to call this first 1;1 scale constrained georeferenced 3D model as ‘Mother Model’, and following 3D models that receive coordinates from Mother Model as Child Models. In other words, the Mother Models itself works as a local coordinate system of the site, and archaeologists can extract XYZ coordinates of any reference points form the Mother models to create another 1:1 scale constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. �Conclusion Past 7 years, photogrammetry became one of the most frequently used recording applications on UCH (Underwater Cultural Heritage). However, if archaeologists use these 3D digital models as scientific data, it is vital to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Once a 3D digital model carries/contains correct/real scale and georeferenced information, archaeologists are able to extract dimensional information, section profiles, DEM (Digital Elevation Models) and contour maps, orthomosaics (high resolution photomosaic), 2D siteplans, and other scientific data. The author’s methodology uses simple scale bars placed on site and a triangle created in 3D CAD software based on distances in between three control points. This methodology provide accurate results in a short-term (for instances, if a site is 30m x 30m in size and 20m deep, it will be 0.5mm possible error in 1m, or 1.5cm possible error in 30m, with the optimization, and it takes only 3 - 4 dives with one diver). Once the first model, or Mother Model, is created, following photogrammetric models from the campaign can take advantage of a local coordinate system of Mother Model. In other words, photogrammetric recording processes can be much faster, so that archaeologists are able to create series of 3D digital models during the same excavation campaign. Consequently, maritime archaeologists can obtain enough dataset to study a shipwreck site with layers of information and study stratigraphy of shipwrecks. References Bass, G. F. and Van Doorninck, F. H., 1971. A fourth-century shipwreck at Yassi Ada. American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 75(1): 27–37. �Bass, G. F. and Van Doorninck, F. H., 1982. Yassi Ada, Vol. 1: A Seventhcentury Byzantine Shipwreck. Texas A&M University Press, College Station. Burtch, R., 2008. History of photogrammetry. Lecture Notes on the History of Photogrammetry. Ferris State University, Big Rapids (https://spatial.curtin.edu.au/local/docs/HistoryOfPhotogrammetry.pdf, Last Updated 2008, Accessed 11/24/2015). Green, J. and Gainsford, M., 2003. Evaluation of underwater surveying techniques. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 32: 252-261. Green, J., Matthews, S. and Turanli, T., 2002. Underwater archaeological surveying using photomodeler, virtualmapper: different applications for different problems. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 31: 283-292. Holt, P., 2003. An assessment of quality in underwater archaeological surveys using tape measurements. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 31(2): 246-251. Konecny, G., 2003. Geoinformation Remote Sensing, Photogrammetry and Geographic Information Systems. Taylor & Francis, London. Van Doorninck, F. H., 1967. The Seventh-century Byzantine Ship at Yassi Ada; Some Contributions to the History of Naval Architecture. PhD Thesis, University of Pennsylvania. Van Damme, T., 2015. Computer Vison Photogrammetry for Underwater Archaeological Site Recording: A Critical Assessment. MA Thesis, University of Southern Denmark. Yamafune, K., Torres, R. and Castro, F., 2016. Multi-image photogrammetry to record and reconstruct underwater shipwreck site. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 17-3-2016 (online). . �Biography Kotaro Yamafune received his Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Hosei University in Tokyo in 2006. He entered the Nautical Archaeology Program in the Anthropology Department at Texas A&M University in September 2009 and received his Master of Arts degree in August 2012. He continued his studies in the Texas A&M University Nautical Archaeology Program and earned his doctorate in May 2016. His research interests include shipbuilding in Medieval Europe and the European Age of Discovery, and ship reconstruction. He also focuses on photogrammetric recording of submerged cultural heritage, including ship � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Methodology for Accurate and Quick Photogrammetric Recording of Underwater Cultural Heritage Description An account of the resource In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since 2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different countries. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kotaro Yamafune Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kotaro Yamafune Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ca521fbf9871fd5ccea14958a5342eab.pdf 50a2da2b93919375039998fd8e24370c PDF Text Text Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily Skills in Chinese Junk Xu Lu Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society xuluxm2013@yahoo.com Yu Long Fa Xiamen Old Fishing Port 13666084562@163.com Abstract Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill. �Key words: Chinese junk, seafaring, ethnography Fig. 1: One of the Earlier Documents to Record the Compass Bearing Direction for Sailing Routes between Fu-Chow to Ryukyu in 1580. Introduction In 2004, the author had opportunity to sail on the three-masted Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage, this long voyage from Dong Shan Bay of southern Fujian to Zhu-Hai of Canton took 9 days and covered 330 nautical miles. Jin Hua Xin was the last working traditional sailing junk in China coast; nearly 100 years old (Xu, 2010). Several months of onboard investigation voyage provided a rare field experience to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization, and their daily work; and this experience led the author to raise a subject of seafarers with a marine ethnographic field investigation project along the Fujian coast in 2001. The details of seafarers daily work on Chinese junks are little known by outsiders previously; yet the last successors of sailors and fishermen recollected their past stories piece by piece. Experimental archaeology creates an effective scene for realistic performance of past systems by sailing a full-scale reconstruction boat. A small full-size replica LanTay II is planning an archaeological voyage to cross the Taiwan Strait, the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. Previous Researches �The studies on seamanship for operating and maneuvering Chinese junks have not yet been explored in detail. To improve productivity, safety and speed standards of the traditional water transport industry, a unique official field investigation and iconographies collected for Chinese cargo junks had been engaged in Fujian during 1958-1959. These works were restrictedly published in book in 1960，also a reference for sail design and use was attached in its appendices. This may be the only short description in Chinese for sailing practices. Sometime in the early 20th century, European scholars tried to understand the composition of Chinese junk. A brief description about the structure and working principle of yuloh has been included in G.R.G. Worcester’s marine ethnographic field investigation (1947). Joseph Needham (1971) also had a brief introduction about the action of wind on a Chinese junk under sail, and the principles of tacking and wearing. There are also a few references about the performance of Chinese sails under different angles of apparent wind in Thomas Hoppe’s English manuscript in 2004. One of the earlier European scholars who observed Chinese traditional navigation is G. R. G. Worcester (1947). He noticed some important details and technical logic that others had not found before; his description is a following: “In former days, lighted joss sticks suspended from the deck head were the only timepieces…the cheap alarm chock has greatly simplified navigation for the junk master. The junks carry no charts of any kind. The laodahs find their way by means of a skillful combination of sea instinct, keen eyesight, good memory, and an instinct for direction nearly as a homing pigeon…they stand in for the land, depending entirely upon their knowledge of its appearance and the depth and nature of the soundings to give them position, for to them the bottom of the sea has its hills and valleys like the land, and they acquire an intimate acquaintance with its contours and the type of bottom to be expected in each locality.” �Another European scholar, Joseph Needham, noted the joss sticks used by Chinese seafarers (1971): “…(besides sand-glass,) Burning incense in stick-like form is a practice which goes far back into China’s Middle Ages, and it would have been very easy to measure time approximately enough with the ‘joss-sticks’.” Needham (1971) also categorized the history of navigational methods into three periods: (a) primitive navigation (b) quantitative navigation (Measurement): +900 A.D. in East Asia (c) mathematical navigation: +1500 A.D. In 2008, an original map of the China Seas region was rediscovered in the Bodleian Library Special Collections in Oxford by Robert K. Batchelor (2014) and Timothy Brook (2013). The Selden Map is a detailed map of Southern China dated the mid-16th century; it appears that the old Xiamen port is the beginning of all the sea routes on the map, it also labeled the trade routes departing from Xiamen. A recent paper summarized the navigation and religion in traditional Chinese junk have listed several historical materials and demonstrated with two collections of sounding lead in Quan-Zhou (Lin, 2015). Historical Contexts A boat under sail is a very complex historical mechanism; the vessel consists and represents a naval architecture system, as the tools for different functions, as a space to reflect the weather, the waves and the currents, and as a society for the composition of crew and their daily life. In his encyclopaedic work, Heavenly Creations (chapter on boat, Tian- �Gong-Kai-Wu), Song Yingxing (1637) divided the Chinese vessels into sea-going, river and other craft; and then, he classified these for many types according to their different sailing environment. This classification may be applied even today because Chinese sailing traditions have changed little through time, and the last sailors and fishermen of wooden sailing junk still survive/alive. This paper focuses on Sha-Po-Wei, the main area of old Xiamen port until the first half of the 20th century, the ages when wooden sailing boats shuttle in the Taiwan Strait. Sha-Po-Wei, along with adjacent coast lines, was an ideal port for seafarers due to its location on the sea route connecting East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Taiwan (Fig. 2). The demand of marine transportation and ocean fishery brought seafarers from coastal regions of Quan-Zhou and lower Zhang-Zhou River. Seafarers of Sha-PoWei divided into two types: crews and fishermen. The crews mainly migrated from Hui-An county of Quan-Zhou, while fishermen moved from Zhang-Zhou river basin belong to Hai-Chen county. Fishermen of Sha-Po-Wei called themselves ‘sea beggars,’ and it is subdivided into several groups according different fishing method, namely types and lengths of fishing vessel. Those groups (between fishermen and local resident, fishermen and crews, even between different groups of Sha-Po-Wei fishermen) were rarely communicating each other. Furthermore, both fishermen and crews lived in their own enclosed social space to avoid troubles with others; many of them have not even walked several miles out to countryside in whole their life. �Fig. 2: A Map of South Fujian and Old Amoy Port Sha-Po-Wei. Organization To learn composition of crews is the first step to approach their daily life. In general, 15-20 tons deadweight trade vessel with two sails allocated 56 sailors, 30-35 tons also two sails would be 7-8 sailors, 55-65 tons with three sails has 12-13 sailors. Crews were temporary employed between by the ship owner; however, in addition to their lower wage, every sailor was allowed to carry a few private cargo up to 250 kilograms, and usually the ‘laodahs’ (equivalent to captain in Western) had doubled weight and doubled payment more than other crews. There are five chief positions in Chinese trade vessel; these were laodah, (and vice laodah, which is �equivalent to helmsman in the western world), mast head, sampan, foreboard, and supply chief (besides the ‘chu-hai’ who served as ship owner's representative also in charge of accounting and port to call for loading and unloading cargo). The crews were on duty during the day and in two shifts in the night; they changed shifts in midnight. Laodah and vice laodah keep working throughout the voyage until they cast the anchor. Chuhai did not participate in onboard works. For a local long-line fishing vessels crew size was much bigger than a corresponding-sized merchant ship. Lodah and vice laodah had to work day and night during the deep-sea fishing voyage; there were no chief positions for other sailors, hence there were no arranged shifts. After vessel dropped the long liner fishing, sampans were lowered one by one along the fishing route; 3-4 sailors on each sampan were taking back the hooks. This hard work usually lasted all day long. There is a small shrine at the aft area of the poop deck containing the effigy of the junk’s patron saints, Goddess of Mercy, Matsu, Guandi, etc. The laodah or vice laodah of trade vessel burned incense in stick-like ‘joss-stick’ one by one throughout the voyage to keep alight in the shrine where the compass laid also. For fishing junks, it was same but joss-stick only burned one in morning and one in evening, as well as some important occasions and critical times. Many local long liners have one ‘tong-ki’, a trance-state man while intercommunicated oracles onboard; he would give advice in case of an emergency. The tong-ki was a fisherman in normal times, and they did not receive extra payment. A living room/quarters was located at the aft area of the ship, or the lower area of the quarter-poop deck; laodah’s bunk on the back on the left, opposite side was for chu-hai. In Chinese junk, portside also named yuloh side while starboard called sail side. Ice butt and stove located in the sail �side, toilet and water bin were in the yuloh side. Sailors carried water in a bin contained 30 ‘dan’, or 1500 kilograms. Seamanship The bamboo strip sails had been adopted in Chinese junks since the Western Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), and used up until the early 20th century. However, the last successors of seafarers along the Fujian coast, which the average age is 80 years old, mostly never saw the bamboo sails; some of them just heard them from their previous generation or two generations earlier in which these sails were being used. To operate a bamboo matting sail, it has to be rolled and unrolled; it is heavier than one used cloth sail. There is an idiom applied to both sail types, and that says ‘trim one's rubber to the wind’. The cloth lugsail was fasten on odd number of bamboo from luff to leech where could see the balance from the mast; each end of the batten on the leech was connected by the bight and through some euphroes lead the control sheets terminated in one main sheet to the stern of the upper deck. The sail was often very heavy, and it required the whole crew at the winch to set the sail. On Jin Hua Xin, it required approximately 12 minutes with six sailors to turn the winch. The vice laodah held the tiller and order the trimmer to control the main sheet, while the laodah served as a navigator and rarely handled the rudder. The leeward sailing, windward sailing, and wind abeam sailing were the main points of Chinese sailing junk under different angles of apparent wind. The latter was rarely recorded by previous researchers, both Song Yingxing (1637) and Needham (1971) seemed to be confused between the beam reach and windward sailing. The local seafarers call it ‘tripod sheet’ as the sheet system have fasted the main sail keep it at approximate 50 degree angle with the stern, which is the position in between the leeward sailing and windward sailing. The Old Xiamen �seafarers often used tripod sheet when they set sail to Tainan by the winter monsoon (northeast or north wind). The main sail of Fujian junk was hung on starboard side of the mast, thus the sailors on quarterdeck would see the bamboo battens while sailing with tripod sheet; they called it open sail (all the way on the road was port tack, the batten was force to left the mast). When the boat went back to Xiamen by using same monsoon, no matter sailing with close reach or beam reach ,it was starboard tack; this was call close sail (the batten was pushed to touch the mast) as the bamboo battens could not been seen at the position of laodah. Moreover, Chinese sailors often worked to windward tacking and jibing by turn the stern to wind; accident jibe was deemed to be dangerous especially under the strong wind. Onboard tools include axes, nails, knives and cloth tec., were used for emergency repairs. The author learnt and experienced to block the bottom loopholes in the towed voyage of Lan Tay II at February 2004 (Fig. 3). Fig. 3: To block the bottom loopholes of the LanTay II. �Navigation Just like people live in mountains naturally know and understand their surrounding landform, Chinese seafarers understood that the seabed had hills and valleys similar to the land with different sediment types; sailors used these sediments and topography of the seabed to acquire positions of the vessel on voyages. The last successors of Fujian seafarers did not use the needle sailing route manuscripts, but they relied on their trained eyesight and memories. Yet, some of them also learnt the manuscripts given by their previous generation; therefore, they can read and understand it. Phing-Chou Kho Than, written between 1111 and 1117 by Chu Yu, described navigation techniques as follow: “The ship’s pilots are acquainted with the configuration of the coasts, at night they steer by the stars, and in the day-time by the sun. In dark weather they look at the south-point needle (compass). They also use a line a hundred feet long with a hook at the end, which they let down to take samples of mud from the sea-bottom, by its smell they can determine their whereabouts.” The sounding lead was used to ascertain the depth of water, the head of lead has a hole filled with soap or grease to stick to a few seabed materials to identify if there was sand, mud, or stones. The weight of a sounding lead was between 3-5 kilograms. The word ‘fathom’ and ‘water’ was used by old Xiamen port seafarers to mean a two-arm span, which is approximately 1.6 meters. Usage of the sounding lead was also described by Xiao LiuQiu Man Zhi written in 1755. When thrown into the sounding lead from window of yuloh or shipboard, sailors should remain the boat stationary. Every five waters there was a red sign in the rope. �The laodah or vice laodah burned a joss-stick and kept it alight in the shrine after the ship set sail, and each incense ran about one hour; this also helped them to acquire the positions in the sailing route. Chinese seafarers almost never used the ‘distance’ to describe the sea route, but instead of ‘how long’ it took. In the middle of the Selden Map, there is an illustration of a Chinese mariner’s compass at the top, this may be the earliest sample can be seen today (Fig. 4). The compass was divided into 24 points represented by the twelve Chinese, earthly branches and the twelve heavenly stems. The most common compass was consisted of a round wood box, where an arrow shaped needle was balanced inside. The oldest style compass was dry-pivoted, later ones were filled with water; yet both were called ‘drygen’ by local seafarers. After the compass was improved with 12 Chinese characters, it came to 360 degrees; this compass was called ‘luo-gen’. The seafarers were taught to use the compass and to calculate the tides and winds since they were young. Every seagoing junk had two dry-gens, at least, should one needle lose its magnetic field. The Vice laodah kept one on his side, while the loadah kept another one. In the night, it was illuminated by the laodah’s opium pipe. Even sampans from long line fishing junks had their own small dry-gens. Fig. 4 (right): The Chinese Mariner’s Compass on Selden Map. �Besides compass and sounding lead, Sha-Po-Wei fishermen used primitive astronomical guidance for them to orient themselves. They could read directions by simply by 4 stars during the night. Venus for east, Needle End Star for south, West Star for west and North Star for north. Sailing Routes There are a least eleven historical documents about compasses and its bearing directions for sailing routes in Taiwan Strait: these are listed as follows: 1. Si yi Guang Ji (四夷广记), written between 1592 and 1598 by Shen Mao Shang. 2. Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (顺风相送 Fair Winds for Escort), written in about 1593. 3. Tung His Yang Khao (东西洋考 Studies on the Oceans East and West) ,written in 1617 by Chuang Hsich. 4. Chih Nan Cheng Fa (指南正法 General Compass Bearing Sailing Directions), written before 1669. 5. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu (海国闻见录)，written in 1730 by Chen Lun Jiong 6. Peng hu Ji Lue (澎湖纪略)，written during the reign of Emperor Qianlong in Qing Dynasty by Hu Jian Wei. 7. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi (小琉球漫志)，written in 1755 by Zhu Shi Jia. 8. Wai Hai Ji Yao (外海纪要), written in early 19th century by Li Zen Jie. 9. Xia-Men Zhi (厦门志，Xiamen Chronicle), written in 1839 by Zhou Kai. 10. Xia-Men-Gang ji shi (厦门港纪事), written in 1843 by Dou Zheng Biao. 11. Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu (海疆要略必究), written in 1856 by Li Yan Yu. �When a ship set sail to Tainan from Xiamen, nearly all the above documents showed similar descriptions for navigation; departing from Nan Tai Wu of Xiamen at direction between ‘chen’ and ‘Xun’ (amount to 127.5°)，it takes seven ‘gen’ to Peng-Hu hill, then sail at direction of ‘xun’ (about 135°)，and it takes another five ‘gen’ to Luerhmen of Tainan. Many sailors of old Xiamen port served on merchant junks between south Fujian and Taiwan; they sailed to Tai-Nan in north wind season, went to Wu-Qi of Taichung, Lu-Kang of Chang-Hua, Dong-Shi and Bu-Dai of Chia-Yi, kee-Lung during south wind season. Mostly, they set sail from the old Xiamen port; it took less than one tide to arrive Bay Liao-Luo of Quemoy. After waiting for good wind, they set sail again and used the tripod sheet sailing to Ma-Kung of Peng-Hu for approximately twenty hours. They then waited for suitable winds and tides to Luerhmen; it would take another 10 hours. They would try to sail closer to the east direction when sailed across Taiwan Strait. It would take much less time when ones sailed from Tainan to Xiamen. Archaeological Experiment of LanTay II On 21st May 2017 at 10 am, LanTay II set sail from port of Liao-Luo of Quemoy planning to trace the historical sailing route by heading 127.5° to Peng-Hu (Fig. 5). The weather forecast for the day were Wind Northeast Beaufort force 3, Swell 1.3 meters, but the author onboard found that the wind had veered to east and increasingly, while the swell is more angular than the wind after the ship entered Taiwan Strait. The course of the ship had to turn in direction of 170°-180° to steer quartering sea. The LanTay II was under control until 16 pm, when the skipper made the decision to abandon the boat at the position 24.1743°N, 118.5535°E, while the situation was Wind East Beaufort force 6-7, Swell 3 meters and 6-7 meters �instantaneous. The 6 years of preparatory archaeological voyage lasted 6 hours, all the crew numbers transferred to companion ship. Fig. 5: The archaeological voyage of LanTay II. As postmortem reports of the experiment, Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fishermen had compiled the warning signals as below: a. The day of 21st May was the 26th day of the fourth month in Chinese lunar calendar, one of the brightest days of the Great White Planet in the whole year; and it is the day for brewing disaster the whole year ahead in Taiwan Strait. It means that this is a day with storm surge and a taboo day for sailing. b. The included angle of wind and wave increasing with the height of the sun which reached the maximum after 12 am, and they stacked up into higher swell. The best set sailing time to cross Taiwan Strait was 4 am. �c. The position where the ship was abandoned is right between seabed valley and hills based on the past records; that was where the swell on the sea surface become rougher (Fig. 6). Fig. 6: The Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fisherman motioned the topography of the seabed of the Taiwan Strait they recorded half a century ago. Discussion The seamanship and navigation of the Chinese Junk requires a plethora of nautical knowledge and a variety of onboard skills. All knowledge regarding Junk ships (including sail and rudder, sounding lead, mariner’s compass, joss-stick, compass bearing recorded for sailing route, wind and tide, etc.) formed a closely connected knot of complementary techniques. The information gathered during the marine ethnographic field investigations at old Xiamen port indicated that a series of traditional onboard skills displayed by the last successors of sailors and fishermen may be closely corresponding to skills and techniques described in the historical documents that range from Song Dynasty to Qing Dynasty. Nonetheless, details of the geographic parameters of sailing routes are still obscure, such as accurate depths and seabed materials, and the sailing directions under the effect on winds and tides. An old local �seafarers proverb says, ‘The stationary compass bearing recorded but flexible brains’, and also says ‘Live performances to speak clearly’, thus experimental archaeological methodologies, or sailing a real ship, shall be used to study their historical context to reconstruct navigational practices and methodologies for sailing in China Seas. The better way forward with archaeological voyages is involving the older seamen and indigenous fishermen into the sailing investigations. The authors believe that expected discoveries of this research-investigation will bring new evidence that significantly extends our knowledge of earlier onboard lives of Chinese Junk ships. Oral Sources 1. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 27th March 2012. 2. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 30th March 2012. 3. Huang ChaoQi, Ruan PengShi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2012. 4. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 13th April 2012. 5. Huang ChaoQi, Yu LongFa, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 21st April 2012. 6. Huang Chao Qi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 17th June 2014. 7. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 10th November 2014. 8. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2015. 9. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 12th April 2015. 10. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 12th December 2015. 11. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 18th December 2015. 12. Ruan QueTou, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 27th December 2015. 13. Ruan ShiLu, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 30th December 2015. 14. Ruan ShiLu, Ruan QueTou, Sha Po Wei of Xiamen, 8th January 2016. �15. Capt. Zhang TongLong, Ruan QingTing, and Yu LongFa, Si Ming Nan Road of Xiamen, 27th May 2017. References Anonymous, 1653. Selden Map of Southern China and Southeast Asia (MS Selden Supro 105). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Anonymous, 1593. Fair Winds for Escort / Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (MS Selden Supro 145). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Anonymous, ca. 1669. Chih Nan Cheng Fa / General Compass Bearing Sailing Directions (MS Selden Supro 578). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Batchelor, R. K., 2014. The Selden Map and the Making of a Global City, 1549–1689. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Brook, T., 2013. Mr. Selden's Map of China: Decoding the Secrets of a Vanished Cartographer. Bloomsbury Press, New York. Chen, Lun Jiong, 1730. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Chu, Yu, 1111-1117. Phing-Chou Kho Than, Repn in 2006. Elephant Press, Zhengzhou. Chuang, Hsich, 1617. Tung His Yang Khao (Studies on the Oceans East and West), Rpen in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Dou, Zheng-Biao, 1843. Xia-Men-Gang ji shi. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. Hoppe, T., 2004-2008. Mainland China Revival of the Junk. Unpublished Manuscript. Hu, JianWei, ca. 1736. Peng hu Ji Lue, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Li, YanYu, 1856. Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. �Li, ZenJie, ca.1800. Wai Hai Ji Yao. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. Lin, Han, 2015. Navigation and religion in traditional Chinese ship. Symposium of Navigation and Religion of the Traditional Ships in East Asia, Busan. Needham, J.,1971. Science and Civilisation in China, Nautical Research, Vol. IV: Physics and Physical, Part III: Civil Engineering and Nautics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Sailing Cargo Junks Office of Department of Transportation of Fujian (Ed.), 1960. Fu jian sheng Mu Fan Chuan tu ji (Collection of Cargo Junks Drawings for Fujian Province). Department of Transportation of Fujian, Fuzhou. Shen, MaoShang, 1592-1598. Si yi Guang Ji, Repn. in 1947. China Central Library, Nanking. Song, YingXing, 1637. Heavenly Creations (Tian-Gong-Kai-Wu) in Sequel to Si-Ku-Quan-Shu, Zi Radical, Repn. in 2002. Shanghai Ancient Books Press, Shanghai. Worcester, G. R. G., 1947. The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze: A Study in Chinese Nautical Research, Vol. 1: Introduction and Craft of the Estuary and Shanghai Area. Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, Shanghai. Xiao, ChongYe and Xie Jie, 1580. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu), Repn. in 1997. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Xu, Lu, 2010. A Ship Archaeological Investigation on Canton Style Sailing Junks: the Jun Hua Xing Case. In China Maritime Museum (Ed.), The Position and Mission of China’s Maritime Culture, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Shanghai: 236-252. Zhou, Kai, 1839. Xia-Men Zhi (Xaimen Chronicle), Repn. in 1996. Lu Jiang Press, Xiamen. Zhu, ShiJie, 1755. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academy of Taiwan Business Bank in 1970, Taipei. �Biographies Xu Lu (Chinese: 许路) is Founding Director and Chief Maritime Archaeologist of NVOCC Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society (CSJES). He is a commissioner of China Maritime History Studies Association and Fellow of The explorers Club. He also works as a co-research fellow for NSC-ANR project Maritime knowledge for China Seas hosted by École française d'Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (IHP) in 2014-2018 duration. His English publication include The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: An Overview (Delta Book World, 2014). Yu LongFa (Chinese: 余龙发) is a local fisherman at Xiamen old fishing port, born in 1952 at ShaPoWei. He works as a professional fisherman since the age of 12, being a skillful master of seamanship and navigation in east and South China Sea during past 50 years. He assisted Mr. Xu Lu with the recording and decoding on board skills in Chinese Sailing Junk. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily Skills in Chinese Junk Description An account of the resource Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xu Lu Yu Long Fa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Xu Lu Yu Long Fa Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b529e1801d2ecbc7f3598dd2fa22c6af.pdf f49e7ebd2cd59e79eab61d7476e47351 PDF Text Text Uraga Port between Manila and Acapulco Kahoru Suzuki Japan Society for Nautical Research s-k20@nifty.com Abstract Uraga Port at the southern end of the Miura Peninsula, located at the entrance of Tokyo Bay, is formed as a deep cove from the Pacific Ocean; it is less susceptible to weather conditions and is suitable for the natural environment. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Japan opened three international trade ports. Holland and England is Hirado, Portugal is Nagasaki, Spain is Uraga. Ieyasu Tokugawa begins dispatching shipbuilding engineers and miners from Spain and as a result of negotiating with the Philippine Governor General, the Spaniards of Manila visited Uraga Port every year since 1604 and the Franciscan Monastery in the town was built. Ieyasu Tokugawa also sent British William Adams to Manila and negotiated to continue dealing with Spain However, contrary to the intention of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Spain did not convey shipbuilding technology and mining technology. In 1611, Mexican envoy Sebastián Vizcaíno came to Uraga, but only the east coast of Japan was investigated. At the beginning of the Edo period Christianity was forbidden in 1613. Just before the death of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Diego de Santa Catalina came to Uraga, Ieyasu Tokugawa questioned Spain's attitude, banished him to Spain, and the transaction with Spain was completely completed. Japan took an isolation policy and only Uraga Port quietly disappeared as a trade port. Key words: Galleon, port, Manila, Acapulco Introduction When Ieyasu Tokugawa appeared on the political front stage, Japan was isolated from East Asian countries being a disorderly situation both economically and externally. For him, therefore, it was natural trend to �revive the economic infrastructure and turn it into a way to open the country. First of all, Ieyasu Tokugawa started the normalization of diplomacy in Spain, which had been severed by the San Felipe incident. In December 1598, Ieyasu Tokugawa contacted Franciscan missionaries and negotiated to invite a Spanish ship in Manila to Uraga. He sent a letter to the Spanish Governor of the Philippines to dispatch construction engineers of Galleon ship and innovative smelting engineers of Mexico. As a result, the Franciscan monastery was built in Uraga. Since 1604 a Spanish ship from Manila to Acapulco had entered to Uraga every year, which was opened as an international trade port. It is worth noting that William Adams from England was closely involved in this Uraga diplomacy. Today, a number of studies on William Adams conducted by Japanese, Dutch, or British researchers, but on him as a diplomatic advisor of Ieyasu Tokugawa for Spain is not considered at all. Despite the fact that politicians did not usually hire foreigners in Japanese history, reasons why only William Adams was hired were not discussed among scholars. Although Nagasaki and Hirado trades have been investigated a lot, no survey on Uraga trade has been done. Why did Ieyasu Tokugawa abandon the deportation order of missionaries by Hideyoshi Toyotomi and accept Catholicism? Request Spanish Miners and Shipbuilding Technicians �Ieyasu’s negotiations with Spain are not limited to trade. He was trying to invite shipbuilders for western styled Galleon ships and miners. At that time Japan was using troublesome method, called haihuki method, for silver mining. Because of its immaturity, this method led lots of economical loss. On the other hand, Spain used a revolutionary amalgam method in Mexico and Peru that used ‘lead’. This technology was discovered in Mexico in 1557 and was adopted in 1571, whereby Mexico gained a lot of silver. For Ieyasu’s future perspectives on progress of economic policy, introduction of this technology to domestic silver mining had an important meaning. In addition, Japan did not have any construction technologies for large western typed sailing vessels to withstand trans-Pacific voyage, Ieyasu Tokugawa thought that its technological introduction from Spain was important as well. To accomplish his two plans, in December 1598 Ieyasu Tokugawa summoned a Franciscan missionary Jerónimo de Jesús who had experiences of trade-negotiations in Japan since the era of Hideyoshi Toyotomi. Ieyasu Tokugawa proposed for Spain to use Uraga as a trading post and build big ships there. In order to avoid drifting alike the San Felipe issue, Jerónimo de Jesús considered that using another ports in the Far East between Manila and Acapulco passage was useful. To do so, he thought, it was essential to survey the east coast of Japan for safe voyage �around the Far East. Yet, Jerónimo de Jesús explained that he had to request these plans to the Spanish Governor of the Philippines. However, the Spanish side did not intend to accept Ieyasu's request at all. Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia mentioned this issue in his An Account of Japan, 1609 that there were abundant of silver veins in Japan; even though they did not have a good smelting technology, production is surprisingly vast. He also remarked that if Japan had had foreign miners and mercury for production of silvers, wealth of Japan might have become a threat for Spain. As for shipbuilding technologies, Antonio de Morga, an aide of the Spanish Governor of the Philippines remarked about this issue in his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, he said that giving technology of shipbuilding to Japan was not a wise decision. Manila did not receive any attacks from Japan before that time because only because Japan did not have any technologies to build large sailing vessels. If Japan became to possess such technologies, Japan would come to Manila by ship to attack the Spanish territories. If those trading posts were attacked by Japanese troops, 500 Spaniards in a castle have no power to fight back. Japanese Laws Regarding Shipwrecks and Extinction of Yawata Ships In Japan it was believed that shipwrecks were caused by Gods of the sea since the ancient times, and cargos and trade goods of the wrecked ships �were legally confiscated by the owner of the coastal land. To ease the anger of the sea gods, thereafter, new temples or shrines were built using sales-profits of such goods from the wrecks. No captain of the ship had any rights to repair the ships or to retrieve properties and cargos from the wrecks. The substantial loss of the San Felipe confiscated by Hideyoshi Toyotomi exceeded 1 million pesos. Therefore, the Spaniards from Manila to Acapulco had to avoid getting stranded in Japan. Ieyasu Tokugawa was concerned that this Japanese custom regarding shipwrecks was a biggest obstacle against the negotiations with Spain. In 1602, Ieyasu Tokugawa noted to the Spanish Governor of the Philippines that ‘in the future we would not confiscate any cargos and trading goods of drifting ships from your country, and Japan should also provide some foods and places to repairs Spanish ships’. The similar political statements were written in the trade patent form with the Netherlands and with England later. In a letter of July 1599, the Spanish Governor of the Philippines requested three issues to Ieyasu Tokugawa, viz. control and punishment of the Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) in the Philippine Sea, prohibiting Japanese from visiting Manila without permission, and not dispatching more than three vessels each year (Ikoku Nikki). Spanish asked for a proof or an insurance of a public trade to Japanese side, and requested as many permission documents (Watanai Seal Imprint) for trading with Ieyasu Tokugawa. According to a study by a Japanese scholar, Ieyasu �Tokugawa enacted an order that any ships having neither seal nor permission document should not allowed to go to the Philippines. This new regulation or red seal system was executed from 1600; the origin of red seal trade system was born from the Uraga diplomacy by Ieyasu Tokugawa. Two Spanish Vessels Drifted into Kanto There were two records of drift incidents of Spanish ships from Manila to Kanto has. The first one is commander Don Juan Esquerra drifted to Otaki Kazusa in the fall of 1601. At this time, Ieyasu Tokugawa provided a sailing ship built by William Adams in Japan and provisions. He successfully returned to Luzon in 1604 (Ikoku Nikki). After that, an ambassador visited to Uraga in May 1606 to display their appreciation for Ieyasu’s treatment on commander Don Juan Esquerra. This visiting was recorded as "Sagami-kun to Miura Odori Hanedai" in 1606. The second wreck occurred in September 1609. The Spanish Governor of the Philippines Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia or Don Rodrigo wrecked at Kanto Iwawada on his return trip to Acapulco. This time, Ieyasu Tokugawa sent William Adams to Iwawada. In An Account of Japan, 1609, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia mentioned ‘Ieyasu’s favorite British officer William Adams brought a passage-permission “salvo conducto” and a red seal “chapa”’. At this opportunity, Ieyasu Tokugawa tried re-negotiating with Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, regarding the dispatch of miners. The agreements of this negotiation between them were listed below: �1. Providing provisions and foods for Spaniards. 2. Repair for ships shall be provided by Japanese shipbuilders with normal wages. 3. Ambassadors shall be treated respectively in Japan, and accommodations are provided to them. 4. Between 100 and 200 Spanish miners shall be dispatched to Japan. When a vein was discovered by Spanish, half of the smelted silver will be divided among miners, and the remaining half shall be divided into Ieyasu Tokugawa and King Felipe. 5. Priests have to be allowed to stay in Japan for the Spanish miners, and all jurisdictions for them were controlled by Spanish side. 6. When Spanish were attacked by Japanese, the Japanese king shall punish the offenders. 7. Exorcise Dutch from Japan. 8. Permit Spanish to survey on east coast of Japan. The reason why ‘shipbuilders and Galleons’ was not a part of this agreement was that Ieyasu Tokugawa already owned sailing vessels which were built by William Adams and their construction techniques. To Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, Ieyasu Tokugawa gave a 120 ton ship which was designed and built by William Adams for his return trip. This ship was named San Buena Ventura and, in August 1610, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia left Uraga port for Acapulco. In the maritime history of Japan, the first ship crossed the Pacific Ocean was this vessel built by William Adams. William Adams' Negotiations with Manila Since 1604, Uraga Minato in the Kanto area had been used as a trading post by Spanish mercantile ships every year. On the other hand, Portugal �tried to prevent Manila from its trading with China and Japan. According to Lorenzo Pérez’s Apostolado y martirio del Beato Luis Sotelo en el Japón, following this notion, in May 1606 the Spanish Roundtable Conference was held at the Kingdom of Spain, and the king ordered the Spanish Governor of the Philippines to stop Manila from its trade with Japan. To mitigate and solve this problem, Spanish captain Francisco Moreno Donoso together with a missionary Beato Luis Sotelo visited Ieyasu Tokugawato in order to seek a solution. Beato Luis Sotelo suggested Ieyasu Tokugawa to send William Adams to Manila as a negotiator with Spain. As a result, William Adams visited the Spanish Governor of the Philippines Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia on 15th June 1608 at Manila. This was thirteen years before the beginning of Japan’s commerce with England, i.e. Adams' home country. This was also one year before Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia drifted to Kanto Iwawada on his return voyage to Acapulco in 1609. Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia understood the potential of profits that the Philippines gained from trade and relationships with Japan. On 9th July 1608, he released all Japanese prisoners in order to finish, or get rid of, issues related to Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) which had been pending. Then, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia wrote a letter to Ieyasu Tokugawa on the same day. This letter in Ikoku Nikki, which was translated by one of Ieyasu’s personal scholars, is as follows: �捧 前将軍家康尊公書云 本国伊須波二屋之帝王 当国呂宋為守護拙夫被仰付 今度致渡海 候。然者、前々於守護人 御懇意之段令承知候。到我等、無御異 議候様可恭候 縦雖隔雲山万里候。心中者非其儀候。彌々可申談 候。次又拙夫、此国参着砌 当所数年逗留之日本人徒者共候而 所之騒ニ罷成候之間 当年者壹人も不相残帰国之儀申付候。雖然 毎年渡海之商客 何も無疎意人等候之間 致馳走候。向後別儀有 ・ ・ ・・ 間敷候。如例年 今年も黒船差渡候。則到関東可乗入之旨 安子 申付候。併海路不任雅意候へは 日域中者、皆以御国之儀候之間 何所へ成共 風次第可入津之由申付候 此加飛丹同船中者共 御 馳走奉仰候。兼又貴国居住之ふらて之儀 如前々被加御哀燐候様 是又奉仰候。少進物以目録申上候。奉表寸志而已。恐惶敬白。 慶長拾三年五月廿七日 鈍、ろちりこで 朱印 びへいろ 判也 謹上 日本国御主、大御所様 (Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia, who arrived in Manila was the Governor of the King of the Spanish Kingdom. In order to strengthen the bond for long-lasting relationship with your country (Japan), Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia released all the Japanese prisoners who had been imprisoned in Manila for several years. Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia believed that two nations shall have good relationship and conflicts in �such will not reoccur. This year, Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia will send one ship, and he will give an order the ship to enter Kanto, and Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia has already mentioned so to ‘Ange’ and requested provisions and other hospitality for its captain.) The author believes that, together with one captain and one navigator of the ship, William Adams was onboard this ship to Japan in 1608. A person, who was described as ‘Ange’ in the letter, was also known as Miura Anno. Indeed, his person was William Adams. His presence onboard was also described in Lorenzo Pérez’s letter, saying that he ordered William Adams to enter the Kanto area. The Minister of State of Mexico for Japanese and Chinese affairs, C. A. Lera also mentioned and described William Adams as ‘Anjin’. In the book of Ikoku Nikki, additionally, William Adams was written and named as ‘Anza’, ‘Anji’, ‘Ann’, or ‘Anzin’, and in Japanese Travel Book written by John Saris, William Adams was named ‘Ange’. William Adams' trip to Manila, indeed, solved the problems related to Yawata ships (Japanese pirates) that had been causing problems in Philippine waters, and he managed to resume the Uraga trade. In the same year, to avoid unnecessary conflicts, an ordinance was enacted in Uraga that was to forbid Uraga residency to do any violence activities against Spanish people. According to Apostolado y martirio del Beato Luis Sotelo en el Japón, written by C. A. Lera, this ordinance was created based on William Adams’s advice. In Uraga, a Franciscan monastery was constructed in the same year as well which was also based on advice of �William Adams. These generous treatments toward Spanish people in Uraga were not because Ieyasu Tokugawa mitigated his attitude against Christianity but because rather Ieyasu Tokugawa needed to withhold his negative opinions toward Christianity in order to make his business with Spain more successful. Importance of William Adams Why Ieyasu Tokugawa did heavily trust William Adams as a diplomatic adviser? In the history of Japan, his case was extremely exceptional because there were no other cases, except for William Adams. Japanese emperors, shoguns, or important authorities have never used foreigners as their important consultants before. Presumably, indeed, this happened because of the Uraga diplomatic and trading policy by Ieyasu Tokugawa. 1. When William Adams visited Ieyasu Tokugawa first time in April 1600, he asked Ieyasu Tokugawa to give him permission to start business in Japan like other Portuguese or Chinese merchants, but Ieyasu Tokugawa did not give him any permissions, which William Adams recorded in his journal. If Ieyasu’s interest had been to use William Adams for trade purposes with England or the Netherlands, he might not have had been allowed by Ieyasu Tokugawa to trade with Spain. Ieyasu Tokugawa would have asked William Adams on the early stage to look for Dutch or British trading partners as soon as possible. However, the trade with the Netherlands established later in August 1609, nine years after Adams came to Japan and that one with England was established in October �1613, thirteen years after his arrival. In addition, trading agreements were established with the Netherlands and England because these countries needed Japan for their international competitions. Their positive attitudes toward trades with Japan were so much different from the passive or rather negative attitude of Spanish. Ieyasu Tokugawa himself was the person who eagerly invited Spain to Uraga to establish a good economic relationship with Manila or Acapulco. 2. Indeed, Ieyasu Tokugawa never invited any mercantile vessels form the Netherlands and England to enter Uraga. Both nations were only permitted to build commercial halls in Hirado. If Ieyasu Tokugawa wished, Ieyasu he could easily have invited or ordered mercantile vessels from the Netherlands and England to establish trading posts in Unaga, which is very close to Edo, in order to make Kanto as an international economic center. However, only Spain was frequently asked and invited to use Uraga by Ieyasu Tokugawa. 3. Another interesting fact was that Ieyasu Tokugawa gave William Adams a house at Edo, as well as at the village of Hemi where close to Uraga. Ieyase Tokugawa gave even a fief near Uraga to William Adams, too. These facts clearly indicate that William Adams was expected to work as an Ieyasu’s diplomatic advisor for Spanish issues, not for a simple trading advisor with England and the Netherlands. This is obvious because another Dutch diplomatic advisor Jan Joosten only received a house at Edo from Ieyasu Tokugawa. �4. On 15th August 1615 when the ambassador Diego de Santa Catalina, who was sent by the Spanish Governor Mexico, arrived in Uraga on Masamune’s ship, San Juan Bautista, Ieyasu Tokugawa summoned William Adams from Hirado to Uraga. This event also indicated that William Adams was especially expected to work on diplomatic negotiations, in particular, with Spain. It is clear from the above that William Adams was a heavily specialized personal for Ieyasu’s Spain diplomacy. Relationship between Masamune’s European Ship and Sebastián Vizcaíno. In June 1611, to thanks to hospitalities that Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia received from Ieyasu Tokugawa during the wreck incidents on his way returning to Acapulco, Sebastián Vizcaíno, the ambassador of the Spanish Governor of Mexico, entered Uraga. Another mission of his was to survey the east coast of Japan and to discover a legendary island where produced fruitful amounts of gold and silver believed to exist near Japan, and to make this legendary place as Spanish new trading port in East Asia. Not surprisingly, Sebastián Vizcaíno did not manage to find a fictitious gold and silver island, repeatedly encountered storms, and his ship was destroyed eventually and returned to Uraga for repair on 7th November 1612. After Sebastián Vizcaíno returned to Uraga, he asked Ieyasu Tokugawa to lend his help for construction of a new sailing vessel to go home. However, Ieyasu Tokugawa received from him only some �nautical charts and maps of east coast of Japan, not any silver mining engineers. Then, Ieyasu Tokugawa began to realize that his attempt to invite Spanish miners to Japan to improve Japan’s domestic mining system would not be materialized. Instead, Sebastián Vizcaíno asked Masamune Date, a local lord of Oshu, for help. When he visited the east coast of Japan, such as coasts of Oshu, for surveying, he met Masamune Date who said to him that Masmune Date loved to invite mercantle vessels from Mexico. After that, Sebastián Vizcaíno offered a shipbuilding master to Masamune Date and, thanks to this goodwill, Masamune Date later dispatched his embassy to Europe. Accordingly, Ieyasu’s attempt to invite Spanish miners to Japan fell apart without any successes. It was 1st February 1614 that Ieyasu’s new executive order to completely ban against Christian propagations throughout the country was enacted. Thus, his plan to transform Uraga into an international trade port was perished and ended. Conclusion Leyasu 's Uraga diplomacy was exclusively focused on relationship with Spain. Moreover, the port that Ieyasu Tokugawa used to invite Spanish mercantile vessels was always Uraga port. Other ports that Ieyasu Tokugawa used to invite other European nations such as England, the Netherlands, and Portugal were not Uraga but Hirado or Nagasaki. Ieyasu’s true intention was to import and learn new profitable techniques of mining developed in Mexico. For Ieyasu Tokugawa, therefore, William �Adams was a very important diplomatic consultant to negotiate with Spain. To build a friendly relationship with Spain, Ieyasu Tokugawa answered to requests by the Spanish Governor of the Philippines to give permissions with red seals to the limited numbers of Japanese mercantile ships. In other words, the original concept of Ieyasu's red seal trade system was born from his Uraga diplomacy. From the beginning, Spanish did not have any intentions to send their silver miners to Japan. Ieyasu’s mistake was that he could not disclose their intentions. Failure of his Uraga diplomacy resulted in the complete ban on Christianity in Japan. Nearly 300,000 Japanese who believed in teachings of the Society of Jesuit and Franciscan were killed in the end. Consequently, Japan or Tokugawa-Shogunate decided to close the doors to any foreign countries, except for the Netherlands and for China. It could be said that Ieyasu’s Uraga diplomacy with Spain also triggered the 250 years of Japan’s national isolation. References Suzuki, K., 1994. Uraga port opening and intention of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Kanagawa Chiikishi Kenkyu, Vol. 12:1-17. . Suzuki, K., 2010. Diplomatic Relation between Span and Japan by Ieyasu Tokugawa. Shin Jimbutsuourai Sha, Tokyo. Suzuki, K., 2014. Spain diplomacy and Uraga minato. Kanagawa, Vol. 52: 1-20. Regional �Biography Kahoru Suzuki, born in 1946 at the Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan, is a specialized national public servant in the Japanese government, who was decorated with the Order of the Sacred Treasure, Silver Rays in 2016. She is a member of the Japan Society for Nautical Research and the Society of Japanese Historical Research. In 1993 she received her BA in Japanese History from Kokugakuin University. Her books include The Sagami Miura Clan and their History (Shin Jimbutsuourai Sha, 2007), Diplomatic Relation between Span and Japan by Ieyasu Tokugawa (Shin Jimbutsuourai Sha, 2010), or The Mukai Navy and its Surroundings (Shincho, 2014). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Uraga Port between Manila and Acapulco Description An account of the resource Uraga Port at the southern end of the Miura Peninsula, located at the entrance of Tokyo Bay, is formed as a deep cove from the Pacific Ocean; it is less susceptible to weather conditions and is suitable for the natural environment. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Japan opened three international trade ports. Holland and England is Hirado, Portugal is Nagasaki, Spain is Uraga. Ieyasu Tokugawa begins dispatching shipbuilding engineers and miners from Spain and as a result of negotiating with the Philippine Governor General, the Spaniards of Manila visited Uraga Port every year since 1604 and the Franciscan Monastery in the town was built. Ieyasu Tokugawa also sent British William Adams to Manila and negotiated to continue dealing with Spain However, contrary to the intention of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Spain did not convey shipbuilding technology and mining technology. In 1611, Mexican envoy Sebastián Vizcaíno came to Uraga, but only the east coast of Japan was investigated. At the beginning of the Edo period Christianity was forbidden in 1613. Just before the death of Ieyasu Tokugawa, Diego de Santa Catalina came to Uraga, Ieyasu Tokugawa questioned Spain's attitude, banished him to Spain, and the transaction with Spain was completely completed. Japan took an isolation policy and only Uraga Port quietly disappeared as a trade port. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kahoru Suzuki Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kahoru Suzuki Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/77672662d9c01da33bb028fc65000c93.pdf b6d1299224c66e8e489a69f59c34a38c PDF Text Text Who Were the Africans in Eastern Asia? : The Christian European Period 1500-1900 AD Clifford Pereira Royal Geographical Society cliffjpereira@hotmail.com Abstract Seaways, especially monsoonal ones, allow movement on two directions. However Eurocentric approaches have tended to create hierarchies of cultures which have biased movements in particular directions to the historical exclusion of some narratives. This is a fresh look at a cultural connection from a perspective that has evaded investigation and seeks to balance the research on Chinese interactions with Africans in Africa. Africans have been trading with Asia for hundreds of years, yet their history and presence in East Asia has been barely suggested or investigated. The role of African crewmen is an important part of this narrative and one that brings a new dimension (if not challenges) to ethnographic studies of maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes. Key words: Africa, China, interactions, exchange, ethnography Introduction In this paper an African is defined as a person whose ancestors were born in Africa, Therefore discourse not limited to people who are perceived or perceive themselves as Black or indeed Black African. Eastern Asia is defined as the territory roughly east of a line 92⁰ East of the Meridian to 146⁰ East, that is inclusive of Japan, North and South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, China and both mainland and maritime Southeast Asia. The paper proposes to answer four fundamental yet simple questions: 1) Who were the Africans that came to Eastern Asia (Origins)? 2) How did they get to Eastern Asia (Routes)? 3) What were they known as in Eastern Asia and why (Exonyms)? �4) What was the nature of their lives in Southeast Asia (Socio-economic and Political Agency)? After intense research on the lengthy topic of Africans in Eastern Asia, much of it from African perspectives, taking in important research evidenced by Timothy Powers (2010 and 2012), Li Anshan (2015), George Hatke (2013), Jacques Gernet (1999), William Clarence-Smith (2006), de Verre Allen (1993), John Sutton (1990), Marina Tolmacheva (1993), Louise Levathes and Shihan de Silva Jayasuraya (2008a and 2008b) a possible chronological framework consisting of four periods based on the above criteria was produced: 1) The Hindu-Buddhist Asian period 300BC-700 AD. 2) The Islamic Asian period 700-1500 AD 3) The Christian European period 1500-1900 AD 4) The Modern Period 1900-2000 AD. It is impossible to cover such an immense timeframe within this paper; however, a concise bibliography is included for reference and future research. This paper will concentrate on the evidence provided for period 3, which has been termed ‘The Christian European period 1500-1900 AD’ for the simple reason that the majority of the evidence for this period is from European sources. The paper examines this and other available evidence before reaching the conclusion. The Evidence Prior to the sixteenth century, Africans that were not Christians or Muslims were regarded as infidels or Qaffiri (‫كافر‬, singular) by the Arabs and Persians in Africa and in India (Pankhurst, 2003) and were allowed by the tenants of Islam to be enslaved. Generally, Christians in the Horn of Africa were mainly from the Amhara, Tagaru (or Tigrayna) people, and Muslims were from the coastal Tigre, Tagaru, Afar and Somali peoples. The major �pagan peoples at this time were mainly Oromoo and Sidama. All of these were Cushitic speakers. The coastal peoples were in-part the descendants of the Axumites – an important African maritime people. Research has already established that the main flow of Africans in the Islamic Asian period 700-1500 AD (including the Tang, Yuan and Early Ming Dynasties) was ultimately from the Horn of Africa and along the Maritime Silk Route to Eastern Asia (Pankhurst, 2003 and Powers, 2010). This trend continued into the sixteenth century when the majority of Africans arriving in India, including pre-Portuguese Goa came through the port of Zeila which was the main exporter enslaved pagan Oromoo and free Abyssinians destined for India where they were called Habshis (Pankhurst, 2003) and this is confirmed by Linschoten (2005) ‘there are many Arabians and Abexiins in India’ and he notes that ‘there are many of them [Abexiins] in India that are captives and slaves’. From the sixteenth century European records provide evidence of African presence in East Asia, starting in succession with the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, English and the finally the French. Portuguese experiences in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Maghreb, had led them to describe all Muslims as Mouros or Moors. They understood that the process of Arabisation meant that Arabs were not a race, but a people. Arriving in East Africa in 1498 the Portuguese regarded the Muslim people that they encountered on the coast (i.e. Arab, Persian, Somali and Swahili) all as Moors – a term that they extended with their travels right across the Indian Ocean to the spice-producing Sultanates of the Malukas and Southern Philippines. Mistrust and trading necessities meant that they were reluctant to enslave these Moors. In fact, vastly �outnumbered and economically reliant on these Muslims produced a ‘keep your enemies close’ approach. After the Portuguese established themselves in Southeast Africa (modern day Mozambique) enslaved Africans increasingly came from through Mozambique Island which they held from 1507, but this trade was still far below the Arab-Persian trade from the Horn of Africa. The Portuguese were quick to adopt the Arabic term as Kaffirs or Cafres for the enslaved pagan Africans as a trading commodity, a labour force, militia, and a prospective Catholic convert (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). There were in Goa ‘Many Persians, Arabians and Abexijns, some [of them] Christians and some [of them] Moors’. Linschoten (2005) notes the tattoos that identify the Christians and makes it clear that ‘these Abexiins… such as are free doe serve in al India for sailors and seafaring men with such merchants as sailed from Goa to China, Japon, Bengala, Mallaca, Ormus and all the Oriental coast.’ Linschoten explains that after arriving in India the Portuguese sailors are ‘ashamed to live in that order and think it is a great discredit unto them’. Interestingly he also explains that the Abexiins are hired on low wages and travel with their wives under a Portuguese Captain but possibly an Arab boatswain who oversees the Abexiins. Charles Boxer (1997), historian of the Portuguese Empire noted that ‘Portuguese shipping in the inter-port trade of Asia was increasingly operated from the days of Albuquerque onwards, by Asian seamen working under a very few white or Eurasian officers. Even the great carracks of 1,000-2,000 tons which plied between Goa, Macao and Nagasaki might be entirely crewed by Asians and negro slaves’. However �Boxer is incorrect. The reputation of the Christian and Muslim Abyssinians as good sailors was widespread, though the enslaved Abexiin were actually animist (i.e. kaffir) Oromoo tribesmen, who had a strong military tradition and were often good horsemen. In several areas of the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific, piracy was endemic and Africans were rare enough for their presence to cause fear. It was therefore wise for the Portuguese to man their ships with Abexiin crew and for the Jesuits to have kaffir retainers and body guards. This explains the Africans arriving in Macau from the 1550’s on Portuguese ships and those depicted on the Japanese Nanban Byobu (southern Barbarian folding screens) in Japan. In Siam (Thailand) King Chairacha entered relations with the Portuguese and allowed a trading and religious presence at Ayutthaya. In 1538 as an assurance against Burmese invasion and eager for Portuguese military technology he requested that the Portuguese actually retain a military presence which resulted in 130 Portuguese men being based in the established Portuguese settlement. Bearing in mind the paucity of Portuguese men in Asia, it could well be that many of these “Portuguese” were in fact Africans. There were definitely Japanese and Chinese Christians, and other Luso-Asians at the settlement which lasted until 1767 when the Burmese destroyed Ayutthaya. During the early years in Goa the Jesuits employed slaves, and the Church Provincial Council of 1567 laid down precise rules for the keeping of slaves (Borges, 1994). Though in reality this was not the case in Eastern Asia. Perhaps the best known African of this period in East Asia was the one called Yasuke, who was an African retainer of the Japanese warlord Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). Yasuke appears to have arrived in Japan in 1579 as part of the entourage of the Jesuit Visitor Alessandro �Valignano. It was Nobunaga who gave the African the name Yasuke (Lockley, 2017). Both free and bonded helpers were members of the domestic staff of the Jesuits in the Japan Province, the majority of the former were Japanese, while the enslaved ones were Africans, Indians, Malays, Koreans or Japanese (Borges, 1994). Another African is mentioned in Japanese sources as a gunner in the service of Arima Harunobu in 1584. The unification of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns between 1580 and 1640 resulted in the wars with the Dutch and ultimately the downfall of the Portuguese Eastern Empire. The same wars resulted in an acute shortage of soldiers throughout the seventeenth century. But the Portuguese considered sepoys (Indian soldiers) as physically unfit and preferred the more robust African soldiers (Sequeira-Antony, 2004). By the early seventeenth century, slaves were the largest non-Goan group living in the city of Goa, most of these were Africans who had come through Mozambique Island and other parts of Eastern Africa, and the rest were Asians. They served as caretakers, guards, servants, concubines and artisans. From Goa slaves were shipped to other Portuguese settlements and even to Lisbon (Borges, 1994). The first recorded African to enter the territory of modern South Korea was a personal servant attached to the Portuguese trader João Mendes, who was on a Japanese vessel blown off course by a typhoon while travelling between Phnom Penh and Nagasaki. They drifted on to the island of Tong Yong in 1604. It appears that João Mendes was on a diplomatic mission for Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616) to the Khymer Kingdom (Kim, 2008). There was a Portuguese merchant and a Jesuit presence at Hoi An in Vietnam, but no substantial research has been done on the community to confirm an African presence. �Friar Domingo Navarette recorded the presence of African soldiers in Guangzhou in 1618 and confirmed that they were runaways from Macau (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). In 1622 enslaved Africans defended the Portuguese base at Macau which the Dutch attacked with a force of 13 ships and 1300 men. The Portuguese numbered only 150 – two thirds of which were residents, mostly mestiços. Additionally there were Jesuit artillerist and decisively up to 100 armed African slaves. There are also observations in 1637 of the few Portuguese cavalleros (horsemen) being accompanied by Africans servants dressed in expensive red damask bearing lances on which were placed the crests of the Portuguese families. It appears that there were two Africans in Macau who acted as interpreters between the Portuguese and the Chinese. One of these, Antonio was a ‘Capher Eathiopian Abissen’. The other is described as a ‘Chincheo runaway from the Portugal’s at Macau’. He was therefore an enslaved African who had escaped from Macau possibly to the Chenghai District of Eastern Guangdong Province. Both men appear to have learnt Cantonese and therefore to have been in Southern China for some time (Pankhurst, 2003). By the time Portugal gained her independence from Spain in 1640 as many as 5000 Africans lived in Macau and there were even special masses for their wives. They were employed mainly as enslaved personal servants to the men, as labourers and guards or soldiers. Enslaved Chinese females were preferred as household maids, cooks, wet-nurses and personal servants to the ‘Portuguese’ wives who were often mestiços (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). By the early Qing Dynasty (1644-1912) Africans were definitely present in small numbers in Guangdong province as well as at Macau (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). In 1651 the Governor of Macau requested ‘Negro’ soldiers rather than Mestiços from India (de �Silva Jayaruraya, 2008b). Friar Domingo Navarette again recorded the presence of African soldiers in Guangzhou in 1686 (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). According to Brother José de Jesus, in 1745 there were in Macau: ‘twelve thousand men who at the same time dwelt there […] between Portuguese, half-castes, Nhons [Japanese], Malays, Canarins [Goans], Timorese, Mozambicans [Mixed heritage from Mozambique Island], Malabars, Moors [Muslims], Kaffirs [Non-Muslim Africans], and other nations……’ (Puga, 2013). No information is available on the African presence in Spanish Formosa (1626-1642). The people of the Philippine islands had their own form of slavery before the arrival of the Spanish. In Tagalog these were called alipin. Africans must have arrived on the Spanish vessels across the Pacific from Acapulco as sailors, servants and slaves. The Spanish in the Philippines initially had their local Asian slaves, but in 1586 Philip II of Spain proposed to slowly eliminate enslavement of his Spanish Indies subjects by requesting all children to be born free and banning new slave purchases. The laws proved very successful but started a trend of purchasing foreigners (including Indians, Chinese and Malays, Koreans and Japanese) who were not subject to the king’s laws. The Portuguese seized the trading opportunity and brought enslaved Africans from the Indian Ocean for sale to the Spanish in the Philippines, these were known as esclavavos negros (negro slaves). By 1621 Africans constituted about a third of the Intramuros population at Manila. A Little work has been done on the African presence in the Spanish Indies in the Marianas which suggests an African presence from at least 1602. With the termination of Portuguese interaction, Africans disappear after 1640 and for the entire Tokugawa period. However, it would be interesting to know of any �evidence of Africans resident at Hirado or Deshima, or in Taiwan attached to the Dutch presence in the East Indies. While the European trade in Africans from the Horn of Africa decreased the late eighteenth century saw Africans sold at Mozambique Island arriving at Macau through the Portuguese colonies of Diu, Damman and Goa. One of the traders was a Portuguese called Joaquim do Rosario Monteiro (Machado, 2003). There is no information on Africans in the Maluku Islands. Considering their troubled history and the use of Africans as soldiers in Sri Lanka by the Dutch since the mid-seventeenth century one would expect some African presence in the region. Between 1831 and 1842 the Dutch attempted to recruit no fewer than 2,200 Africans for service in their colonial army, primarily in the Dutch East Indies. In the end they only contracted 44 men from Elmina Castle (Ghana). But another push for men recruited from Kumasi, mainly from non-Ashanti peoples in the North of present-day Ghana produced 2,200 men serving 15-year contracts. While a second attempt among the Ashanti produced 235 men. A consequence was that this militia was composed of men from different ethnic groups that spoke different languages. Mistrust among them was a challenge to the Dutch. To ensure against a mutiny the Dutch distributed them into separate companies and battalion. It appears that African liaisons with the Javanese and Sumatrans resulted in many of them being more fluent in Malay then Dutch. This gave them an advantage when organising themselves and making demands for equal pay or better living standards. By December 1841 there were 1,318 Africans in the Koninklijk Nederlandsch-Indisch Leger (Royal Netherlands-Indies Army). Recruitment had been vastly reduced at Africa, but in 1850 The Dutch �decided to resume African military recruitment in Elmina and 800 were recruited between 1860 and 1872, mainly from the Ashanti. In the Indies they were known by the term Londo Ireng in Javanese or Belinda Hitam (Black Dutch) in Malay. This recruitment ended in 1872 when Britain took over the Dutch possessions in the Gold Coast (i.e. Ghana), but many of these Africans stayed in Indonesia (mainly in Java) and married Malay women. They also had their own area of Purworejo called Kampung Afrikan. Here the community retained its distinct Afro-Indonesian culture. Soldiers who lived in other areas and were simply assimilated into Indonesian societies (van Kessel, 2008). Around 1879 the Portuguese Governor of Timor had a battalion which included 200 Africans who the Timorese called Falikas. The 1881 census of Singapore includes Africans though their numbers were small (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). Conclusion Initially most of the Africans who came to Eastern Asia on board Portuguese ships where from the present day Ethiopia and Eritrea, including the Tigre and Tagaru crewmen and pagan Oromoo or Sidama. Then increasingly from the seventeenth century onwards Africans came from among the Makua, Yao/Nyanja, and Maravi, of Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe though the island of Mozambique from the seventeenth centuries. Africans arriving with the Dutch in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries initially came from West Africa, among the Akan and Dagbane language groups in modern day Ghana, Burkina Faso. There may have been a few Malagasy boarded at Cape Town. �Three distinct routes to East Asia for enslaved Africans can be discerned; the first and oldest route is from Zeila to Oman or Hormuz and on to the Gujarat on Arab Persian or Gujarati vessels. After purchase in Gujarat the route was through Goa to Macau and then to any Portuguese or Spanish port. From around 1600 the route was entirely on Portuguese vessels from Mozambique Island to Macau via Goa. The nineteenth century Dutch route was from Elmina in Ghana to Cape Town and directly to Batavia on Dutch vessels. This period stands in stark contrast to previous ones for Africans and other people of colour arriving in Eastern Asia. Formally Africans had arrived as envoys, merchants, soldiers and slaves into a realm that was composed roughly of the same elements of stratified society that existed in Eastern Asia. But the arrival of Africans with the Europeans was different. Africans of this period (1500-1900) arrived on European ships as sailors under European captains, or often in the entourage of the European merchants, and Jesuit missionaries. The Chinese used the term Gui-nu (Ghost-slave) for Africans, or in Cantonese Gui-lo (ghost man). In Japanese Africans were called Kurobo (Lockley, 2017) or Kuronbo in the Nagasaki dialect (Screech, 2017). So the Africans often arrived in a position subservient to Europeans who themselves were perceived, at least by the Chinese and Japanese, as Southern barbarians (Nanbanjin in Japanese) and therefore below the status of the Chinese and Japanese. This is perhaps most evident in the seventeenth century use of the Cantonese term Gui-Nu (ghost-slave) for Africans in Guanghzhou, but also in the Japanese term Kuronbo (black novice monk). Both of these terms place the Africans as �subservient to the Europeans. The range of this servitude from novice or page to slave reflected the reality. African features and physique were clearly admired for strength (Lockley, 2017), however the subservient status that Africans held almost everywhere in Eastern Asia (in contrast to South Asia) fed into indigenous concepts of colour based on working status, caste, or in the case of the Burmese, Thais, Filipinos and Taiwanese on the perception of subjugated peoples such as the Mons, Khymers, enslaved Ternate Islanders, Taiwanese Aboriginals or Philippine Aboriginals (Blussé, 2009) who they thought of as Blacks. With the exception of Korea, Japan and much of China, Asians themselves would be colonised by Europeans adding to the stigma of dark colour, and its association with race, enhanced by the Atlantic Slave Trade and Euro-American concepts of racism. Nevertheless, the adoption of Catholicism brought the Africans some support from the Catholic Church that effectively managed the civic life of both Portuguese and Spanish Asia. Friar Domingo Navarrete mentioned the wives of the “negroes” in Macau at mass, and in 1637 Peter Mundy mentions that these wives were Chinese slaves. So legitimate intermarriage between Africans and Chinese took place in Macao (de Silva Jayasuraya, 2008) and the resulting Afro-Chinese were absorbed in the Macanese community. Little work has been done on the African presence in the Philippines or in the Marianas, but presumably the same Catholic system was at work. It seems that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the largest concentration of Africans in Eastern Asia was at Portuguese Macau. Of course Macau was governed from Goa which was the terminus of all �Asian trade to and from Europe via Mozambique Island, and the African presence in both cities continues to the present day. But foci shifted to the Dutch city of Batavia in the nineteenth century. Africans arriving with the Dutch were concentrated in the Batavia area, where they served the Royal Dutch Indies Army. They married Indonesian and Luso-Indonesian women and settled mainly in Java. In 1965 when Indonesia gained independence the Belinda Hitam were offered Dutch citizenship and immigrated to the Netherlands. Little work has been done on the African presence prior to the twentieth century in French Indo-China (Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam). Acknowledgements I owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. Shihan De Silva Jayasuraya (London), Dr.Thomas Lockley (Tokyo), and Dr. Ineke Van Kessel (Lieden). References Anshan, L., 2015. African diaspora in China: reality, research and reflection. The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.7 (10): 10-43. Blussé, L., 2009. The cave of the black spirits: searching for a vanished people. In D. Blundell (Ed.), Austronesian Taiwan: Linguistics, History, Ethnology, Prehistory, Rev. Ed., University of California, Berkeley: 134152. Borges, C. J., 1994. The Economics of the Goa Jesuits, 1542-1759. Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi. Botas, J. F. O., 2016. Macua 1937-45: living on the edge, economic management over military defences. In G. Gunn (Ed.), Wartime Macau: Under the Japanese Shadow, Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong: 55-71. �Boxer, C. R., 1997. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825. Carcanet, Lisbon. Clarence-Smith, W. G., 2006. Islam and the Abolition of Slavery. C. Hurst and Company, London. de Silva Jayasuriya, S., 2008a. African Identity in Asia: Cultural Effects of Forced Migration. Marcus Wiener Publishers, Princeton. de Silva Jaysuriya, S., 2008b. Identifying Africans in Asia. In S. de Silva Jaysuriya and J-P. Angenot (Eds.), Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia, Brill, Leiden: 7-36. de Verre Allen, J., 1993. Swahili Origins. East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi. Gernet, J., 1999. A History of Chinese Civilisation. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gibb, H. A. R., 1962. The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hatke, G., 2013. Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa. New York University Press, New York. Kim, B. R., 2008. African presence in Korea. In K. K. Prasad and J-P. Angenot (Eds.), Tadia: The African Diaspora in Asia Explorations on a Less Known Fact, Jana Jagrati Prakashana, Bangalore: 435-444. Levathus, L., 1994. When China Ruled the Seas :The Treasure Fleet of the Dragon Throne, 1405-1433. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Linschoten, J. H., 2005. The Voyage to the East Indies, Vol. 1. Elibron Classics, London. �Lockley, T., 2017. 『信長と弥助：本能寺を生き延びた黒人侍 (Nobunaga and Yasuke: The Black Samurai Who Survived the Homoji)』 Ohta Publishing, Tokyo. Mach, J., 1986. Madagascar : Island of the Ancestors. British Museum Publications, London. Machado, P., 2004. A forgotten corner of the Indian ocean: Gujarati merchants, Portuguese India and the Mozambique slave trade, 17301830. In G. Campbell (Ed.), Structure of Slavery in the Indian Ocean, Africa and Asia, Routledge, London: 17-32. Pankhurst, R., 2003. The Ethiopian diaspora to India: the role of Habshis and Sidis from medieval times to the end of the eighteenth century. In S. de Silva Jayasuraya and R. Pankhurst (Eds.), The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean, Africa World Press, Asmara:189-221. Pereira, C. J., 2008. Nineteenth century European references to the African diaspora in the Arabian peninsula. In S. de Silva Jaysuriya and JP. Angenot (Eds.), Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia, Brill, Leiden: 121-129. Pereira, C. J., 2012. Zheng He and the African horizon: an investigative study into the Chinese geography of early fifteenth-century eastern Africa. In Chia Lin Sien and S. Church (Eds.), Zheng He and the Afro-Asian World, Melaka Museums Corporation, Melaka: 248-279. Powers, T., 2010. The Red Sea Region during the ‘Long’ Late Antiquity, AD 500-1000. D.Phil. Thesis, University of Oxford. Powers, T., 2012. The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate, AD 5001000. The American University in Cairo Press, Cairo. Puga, M. G., 2013. The British Presence in Macau 1635-1793. Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong. �Screech, T., 2017. The image of the black in Japanese art: from the beginning to 1850. In D. Bindman, S. P. Blier and H. L. Gates Jr. (Eds.), The Image of the Black in African and Asian Art. Harvard University Press, Cambridge: 235-340. Sequeira Antony, P., 2004. The Goa-Bahia Intra-Colonial Relations 16751825. Institute for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities MESHAR, Tellichery. Sutton, J., 1990. A Thousand Years of East Africa. British Institute of Eastern Africa, Nairobi. Tolmacheva, M., 1993. The Pate Chronicle. Michigan State University Press, East Lansing. van Kessel, I., 2008. Becoming Black Dutchmen: West African Soldiers in the Dutch East Indies. In K. K. Prasad and J-P. Angenot (Eds.), Tadia: The African Diaspora in Asia Explorations on a Less Known Fact, Jana Jagrati Prakashana, Bangalore: 361-381. Biography Clifford Pereira is a Historical Geographer specialising in ‘hidden histories’ and migrations from and within the Indian Ocean World. A graduate of Geography and Asian Studies from the University of Ulster, he is a long-term fellow of the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), where he was also curator, consultant and facilitator on outreach projects (2006-2013). Pereira was Honorary Research Assistant with Royal Holloway, University of London (2010-2013), and Visiting Assistant Researcher for Dalian Maritime University, China (2011-2015). He is currently a Researcher on the African collection of the Museum of Anthropology (MOA) at UBC, Canada and specialist researcher and for the international heritage consultancy firm Barker-Langham, London (2008-Present). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Who Were the Africans in Eastern Asia? : The Christian European Period 1500-1900 AD Description An account of the resource Seaways, especially monsoonal ones, allow movement on two directions. However Eurocentric approaches have tended to create hierarchies of cultures which have biased movements in particular directions to the historical exclusion of some narratives. This is a fresh look at a cultural connection from a perspective that has evaded investigation and seeks to balance the research on Chinese interactions with Africans in Africa. Africans have been trading with Asia for hundreds of years, yet their history and presence in East Asia has been barely suggested or investigated. The role of African crewmen is an important part of this narrative and one that brings a new dimension (if not challenges) to ethnographic studies of maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Clifford Pereira Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Clifford Pereira Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c5f116d37fd59d72ae742b75a7690f4f.pdf 4338c70a07b08939373ab4d32b4e3df5 PDF Text Text Legal Status of Sunken State Vessels and Sovereign Immunity Kaè Oyama Chukyo University k-oyama@mecl.chukyo-u.ac.jp Abstract The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as ‘UCH Convention’) adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to underwater cultural heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 (hereinafter referred to as ‘UNCLOS’). Some texts of the UCH Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the comprehensive international order of the seas in relation to the other provisions of UNCLOS and customary international law, e.g., the definition of underwater cultural heritage, the ‘creeping’ expansion of coastal states’ jurisdiction especially in the EEZ and on the continental shelf, and the sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels [The paper primarily follows to the terminology of the UCH Convention which uses ‘state vessels’. It is defined as ‘warships, and other vessels…that were owned or operated by a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for government noncommercial purposes’ in Article 1(8).] This presentation will especially focus on the issue of sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels amongst them. International law in relation to warships is complex and uncertain and the issue has high political sensitivity as Article 2(8) of the UCH Convention reflects such a circumstance. The purpose of the presentation, therefore, is to explore the legal status of sunken state vessels. It examines the related provisions and their drafting process of the UCH Convention, the legal status of warships which UNCLOS provides and in the rules of customary international law. It will also observe some cases including notable States practices. Key words: UNESCO, UNCLOS, UCH �Introduction The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as ‘the UCH Convention’) adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to the protection of underwater cultural heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 (hereinafter referred to as ‘UNCLOS’), though it is called as ‘A Constitution for the Oceans’ with 320 Articles and 9 Annexes. Some texts of the UCH Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the comprehensive international order of the seas in relation to the other provisions of UNCLOS and general rules of international law. The treatment of sunken state vessels1 is also one of the most controversial and challenging issues which the drafters of the UCH Convention faced. International law in relation to warships is complex, uncertain, and politically highly sensitive. The key provisions of the UCH Convention regarding this issue, the legal status of sunken State vessels, are Article 2(8), 7(3), and 10(7) and, due to them, most of maritime States do not have wish to ratify the Convention2. This article will focus on the reason and background of such controversy. First, it examines the existing international law and related State practices in order to evaluate the legal status of sunken State vessels under customary international law. Second, it reviews mainly Article 2(8), 7(3), and 10(7) of the UCH Convention. The purpose of this article is to clarify the gap between the UCH Convention and customary international law in relation to the legal status of sunken State vessels and, thereafter, try to explore a key to resolve the gap. �Sunken State Vessels in General International Law Definition of Warships in UNCLOS According to Article 29 in UNCLOS, ‘warship’ means ‘a ship belonging to the armed forces of a State bearing the external marks distinguishing such ships of its nationality, under the command of an officer duly commissioned by the government of the State and whose name appears in the appropriate service list or its equivalent, and manned by a crew which is under regular armed forces discipline’. Warships had enjoyed specific right for centuries under customary international law and it codified in Article 95 that they ‘have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State’ on the high seas. Also Article 96 provides that ‘[s]hips owned or operated by a State and used only on government non-commercial service shall, on the high seas, have complete immunity from the jurisdiction of any State other than the flag State’. This principle also extends in Article 58(2) to the vessels navigates in the EEZ of coastal States ‘in so far as they are not incompatible’ with the provisions relating to the EEZ set out in Part V of UNCLOS. Also in Article 32 which provides as below, the rules of innocent passage (Migliorino, 1985) are respected in the territorial sea of the coastal states: ‘With such exceptions as are contained in subsection A and in articles 30 and 31, nothing in this Convention affects the immunities of warships and other government ships operated for non-commercial purposes.’ �Sovereign Immunity Until early nineteenth century, the immunity of foreign States was absolute (absolute doctrine). Then, towards the end of the nineteenth century, a restrictive view gradually took place (restrictive doctrine). An exception was envisaged for acts performed jure gestionis or jure privatorum that is, performed by a foreign State in a private capacity as a legal person subject to private law (Cassese, 2005). In the line with the restrictive doctrine, whereby immunity is confined to circumstances in which a State acts as a State, immunity extends only to State craft that are engaged in non-commercial service. Governmentowned ships operated for commercial purposes are subject to the same treatment as privately owned merchant ships (Dromgoole, 2013). The question is that whether or not the principle of sovereign immunity continues to apply to a State vessel even after it has sunk. There are two streams; first, immunity does not apply after a warship sunk on ground of that a warship is not a warship any longer once it sunk, and a ship is not a ship any longer. Sunken vessel is not the object which can meet the definition of vessel. With regard to warships particularly, as Article 29 provides a ship must be ‘under command’ and ‘manned’ and the conditions which are only possible while it is operational (Caflisch, 1983; Strati, 2005). Sunken warships are not the objects to meet the definition of warship. As such, they are not subject to flag state jurisdiction any longer and therefore not retain their immunity any longer. This position leads to the conclusion that the flag State, qua flag State, cannot prohibit a salvage attempted by another State or private operator. �Second position is more promising that sunken State vessel retains immunity because the argument for immunity is on the fact that such craft are state property. States have reasons for maintaining an interest in State vessels after their sinking and these interests are not confined merely to casualties. There are therefore legitimate basis for affording such property indefinite immunity (Rubin, 1975). A number of maritime States defend the second position and according to general rules of international law the title of the sunken warships may be only lost or transferred by: express abandonment; or capture or surrender under the law of war (Yamamoto, 1981). International Conventions and State Practices International legislation and State practices show that the legal status implies that sunken State vessels, such as warships and vessels on government service, regardless of location or of the time elapsed since their wreckage, remain the property of the State owning them at the time of their sinking, unless it explicitly and formally abandon its ownership. Such sunken vessels should be respected as maritime graves or reservoir of classified information of the flag State. Thus, it is applied sovereign immunity to sunken State vessels and they shall not be salvaged without the express consent of the flag State (Aznar-Gómez, 2003). This position is confirmed by several international instruments, e.g., Article 14 of 1910 Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules with Respect to Assistance and Salvage at Sea3, Article 4 (1) of the 1989 International Convention on Salvage4, 2007 International Convention on the Removal of Wrecks5. There are also some representative cases where State have recognized the sovereign immunity and title of sunken State vessels; the Exchange of Note Constituting an Agreement between UK and Italy �Regarding the Salvage of HMS Spartan in 19526; Italy recognized the British title to the wreck; Australia recognized the Dutch title to the Old Dutch Shipwrecks belonging to the Dutch East India Company, covered by 1972 Agreement7; France recognized US title to the CSS Alabama in 19898; US recognized the French title with La Belle9 in 2003. There are remarkable cases in the US, the Juno and La Galga case in 2000 and the Mercedes case in 2011. It should be noted that after these cases, some particularly concerned States, including US, Germany, Japan, Russia, Spain, UK, clarified their position in their unilateral declaration on the legal status of sunken State vessels by stating that sunken state vessels continue to enjoy sovereign immunity after sinking, wherever they are located10. The Juno and La Galga Case In 1990s, a commercial salvage company, Sea Hunt Inc., submitted an in rem claim respectively against two Spanish frigates, La Galga de Andalucia and the Juno, which were sunk in 1750 and 1802 in the US contiguous zone (Vierucci, 2001). The Sea Hunt was issued with a permit by the State of Virginia to search for the wrecks and, when they were found, Virginia claimed title to them under the Abandoned Shipwreck Act of 1987 (ASA). When the Spanish government knew that a permit for commercial exploitation had been awarded, it issued a diplomatic note of protest and expressed its wish to protect the sanctity of its maritime gravesites. Despite the protest, intervention at the site went ahead and Sea Hunt initiated an in rem salvage action in the District Court in Norfolk. Although the District Court partially supported Sea Hunt Inc.11, the Court of Appeal of the 4th Circuit fully supported Spanish claims to the two �wrecks12. The US Supreme Court then finally confirmed this legal position in 200113. The salvor insisted that the vessels had been abandoned by their owner and that it was entitled to recover artefacts by the permit issued by the state of Virginia. It concluded that vessel had not been expressly abandoned by Spain, by reversing a finding of the District Court that Spain had expressly abandoned La Galga when it entered into the 1763 Definitive Treaty of Peace between France, Great Britain and Spain. Spain had transferred most of its New World territories to Great Britain in the Treaty. Court of Appeal noted that the terms of the treaty did not provide the ‘clear and convincing evidence’ of express abandonment that was required, because of the absence of specific reference to vessels or shipwrecks in the Treaty. It continued that ‘[i]t is the right of the owner of any vessel to refuse unwanted salvage’14 This case shows some important points; first, it gave the opportunity to several States to explicitly state their position regarding the legal status of sunken State vessels including warships. It was confirmed in US Presidential Statement in 2001 that ‘title to foreign sunken State craft may be transferred or abandoned only in accordance with the law of the foreign flag State15’ and US ‘recognizes that title to a United States or Foreign sunken State craft, wherever located, is not extinguished by passage of time, regardless of when such sunken State craft was lost at sea’. Second, the Court of Appeals held that sovereign vessels must be treated differently from privately owned ones. The so-called ‘implied abandonment standard’ would seem therefore to be least defensible where a nation has stepped forward to assert ownership of its sovereign shipwrecks16. �Third, unauthorized salvage of sunken State vessels is legally precluded, the salvor is denied any kind of reward, and artifacts removed from the bottom of the sea must be returned to the sovereign owner (AznarGómez, 2010). The Mercedes Case Odyssey Marine Exploration (OME) in the US discovered a shipwreck in international waters about 100miles west of the Straits of Gibraltar in 2007. A number of coins and small artefacts were recovered from the site and flown into the jurisdiction of the US District Court of Tampa, Florida, by OME17. Spain asserted; (a) the vessel was the Nuestra Señora de las Mercedes, a frigate of war of the Royal Spanish Navy that had exploded with great loss of life in 1804; (b) Spain had not abandoned its sovereign rights over the vessel; (c) under international and domestic US las, foreign State vessels should be afforded the same legal regime as those of the US; (d) the court lacked subject-matter jurisdiction over the res under the Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act of 1976 (FSIA). In 2009, the Magistrate Judge Pizzo issued Report & Recommendations (R & R) in favour of the legal position of Spain. He concluded, on the balance of evidence, that the wreck was the Mercedes and ‘unquestionably’ the property of Spain18. Under the FSIA, which set out the basis for US court jurisdiction over foreign States, a foreign State and its property are presumptively immune from the jurisdiction of the US courts unless an exception applied19. Judge Pizzo concluded that none of the exceptions put forward by OME was applicable and consequently, the court was ‘without jurisdiction to adjudicate the claims against Spain’s property’20. He recommended OME to return the recovered items to Spain21. �The Treatment of Sunken State Vessels in the UCH Convention Drafting Process The 1994 International Law Association (ILA) draft and 1998 UNESCO draft of the UCH Convention excluded warships and other state-owned or operated vessels and aircraft used for non-commercial purposes from the scope of application of the Convention by following the approach of many maritime treaties because of its high political sensitivities. It meant that most of the UCH in the world put outside of the protective framework of the Convention and that it would seriously undermine the object of the Convention. One of the obstacles to removing the exclusion was the provision in the 1998 draft for abandonment “to be deemed” in certain cases. The application of such a provision to state vessels was unacceptable to many States that strongly insisted that their ownership rights could be lost only through an express abandonment (Dromgoole and Gaskell, 1999) and it was dropped. The preferable outcome for the maritime States would have been for the Convention to codify their stance on express abandonment and immunity by providing that the express consent of the flag State would be required in all cases of proposed interference with sunken State vessels. However, a number of Latin American and Caribbean States refused to recognize the title of the flag State to colonial-era vessels in their coastal waters. They asserted that the UCH ‘is the property of the State in which it is found and through this it is the heritage of the humanity22’. As a consequence, a specific regime for sunken state vessels set out in the final text proved to be unacceptable to most of maritime States. �Definition of “State Vessels and Aircraft” and General Principle Article 1(8) of the UCH Convention defines ‘state vessels and aircraft’ to mean: ‘warships, and other vessels or aircraft that were owned or operated by a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for government non-commercial purposes, that are identified as such and that meet the definition of underwater cultural heritage.’ The definition is consistent with those in other Conventions, including UNCLOS and Salvage Convention in1989 and it excludes state-owned vessels that were engaged in trade or other private service. With regard to sovereign immunity, there were concerns about the extent to which any new convention would afford coastal State jurisdiction in respect of State vessels. The final text of the Convention draws a compromise between the interests of flag States and coastal States. In Article 2 (8), it is stated that: ‘(N)othing in this Convention shall be interpreted as modifying the rules of international law and State practice pertaining to sovereign immunities, nor any State’s rights with respect to its State vessels and aircraft.’ Control Mechanisms in each maritime zone Despite of the Article 2(8), Maritime powers such as France, the UK, Russia and US voted against the adoption of the UCH Convention. One of the main reasons of this was that the Convention prepares some challenging provisions with regard to the control mechanisms in each maritime zone, especially in Article 7(3) and 10(7), and they understood �that the text did not cover all their legal expectation as flag States protecting their sunken State vessels, particularly their sunken warships. One of the most controversial is the regime of the territorial waters. Article 7(3) states: ‘Within their archipelagic waters and territorial sea, in the exercise of their sovereignty and in recognition of general practice among States, States Parties, with a view to cooperating on the best methods of protecting State vessels and aircraft, should inform the flag State Party to this Convention and, if applicable, other States with a verifiable link, especially a cultural, historical or archaeological link, with respect to the discovery of such identifiable State vessels and aircraft. [Emphasis added.]’ In this Article, the problem is the use of term ‘should’ rather than ‘shall’ and it is highly contentious. It means the notice to the flag State is not legally obliged and no consent of the flag State is required to conduct activities directed at their sunken State vessels. The mechanism in the EEZ and continental shelf is also highly contentious. Article 10(7) states: ‘Subject to the provisions of paragraphs 2 and 4 of this Article, no activity directed at State vessels and aircraft shall be conducted without the agreement of the flag State and the collaboration of the Coordinating State.’ It provides that no activity shall be conducted without the agreement of the flag State, however it made two exceptions in cases; first, emergency measures are required to prevent ‘immediate danger’ to UCH from ‘human activities or any other cause, including looting’, in which case the consent of the flag States does not have to be obtained first; second, the sovereign rights or jurisdiction of a State party in its EEZ or on its continental shelf �may be interfered with unless it takes action to prohibit or authorize activities directed at UCH located in that zone. In such cases, a State party may prohibit or authorize those activities without first consulting the flag State. It seems that this is in consistent with what Article 2(8) provides and gives rise to the confusion. Flag States are bound to see the possibility of a coastal States acting under one of these exceptions as an infringement of their sovereign rights, and therefore, by using Article 2(8), they may challenge the coastal State’s right to act (Dromgoole, 2003). Conclusion The UCH Convention seems to attempt challenging the existing international law and State practices on the sovereign immunity issue in order to accomplish the purpose of this Convention. It must be said, however, the UCH Convention has failed to provide a satisfactory compromise between the interests of flag States and coastal States on the issue and it is the major obstacle to the ratification of the Convention by a number of States. In fact, when the UK abstained from voting on the final text of the Convention, it noted that the UK considers that ‘the current text erodes the fundamental principles of customary international law, codified in [the UNCLOS], of Sovereign Immunity which is retained by a State’s warships and vessels and aircraft…. until expressly abandoned by that State’. ‘The text purports to alter the fine balance between the equal, but conflicting rights of Coastal and Flag States, carefully negotiated in [the UNCLOS] in a way that is unacceptable’ to the UK. It highlights a conflict between existing international law and the UCH Convention. �In order to resolve such a conflict, it is needed to interpret once again Article 2(8) which states ‘nothing in this Convention shall be interpreted as modifying the rules of international law and State practice’ (emphasis added) and observe the building process of customary international law which is crystalized through the accumulation of States practices. The UCH Convention has already entered into force with more than 50 State parties. The Article 2(8) leaves the elaboration of the argument of the legal status of sunken State vessels and their sovereign immunity in the future State practices for building of customary international law and the Convention itself might have the possibility of the evidence of them, although several maritime States attempt to stop such a stream by stating their position on the sovereign immunity of sunken State vessels as mentioned above after the Juno and La Galga case and the Mercedes case In observation, in the favor of the UCH Convention, of the process of crystallization of customary international law on this issue, ‘cooperation among States’ which is the basic philosophy of the UCH Convention as it is stated in its Preamble could be any key element. Cooperation, in fact, can be seen in several bilateral agreements as introduced above and might lead a new stream. In this context, some special circumstances might give the wreck a particular status when it is considered to be either a human grave (Aznar-Gómez, 2010; Garabello, 2004) or/and a historical or cultural site. When we consider thousands of military vessels and aircraft lost during the First and Second World Wars in the twentieth-century, they will have involved many human fatalities and the primary concern of States will be to preserve the sanctity of the site and to ensure that any human remains are afforded appropriate treatment (Dromgoole, 2013)23. The debate of �this issue on sovereign immunity of sunken State vessels should keep reopening among States and their practices are needed to be continued to observe carefully. Endnotes 1 The paper primarily follows to the terminology of the UCH Convention which uses “state vessels” in Article 1(8). 2 France ratified the Convention in 2013. 3 Adopted on 23 September 1910, US Treaty Series, p. 576. 4 Adopted on 28 April 1989, UN Treaty Series, Vol. 1953, p. 165 5 Adopted on 23 May 2007, IMO Doc. LEG/CONF.16/19 (2007). 6 Concluded on 6 November 1952, UN Treaty Series, Vol. 158, p. 432. 7 Concluded on 6 November 1972, Australian Treaty Series, No.18 (1972). 8 Concluded on 3 October 1989, UN Law of the Sea Bulletin, Vol. 20 (1996) p. 26. 9 Signé à le 31 mars 2003, Journal officiel de la République française, No. 144, p. 10560. 10 These unilateral declarations can be found in Federal Register, Vol.69, No. 24 (2004) pp. 5647-5648. 11 Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 47 F. Supp. 2d 678 (E.D. Va. 1999). 12 Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.31d 634 (4th Cir. 2000). 13 Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634 (4th Cir. 2000), cert. denied, 148 L.Ed. 2d 956, 121 C. Ct. 1079 (2001). 14 Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634 (4th Cir. 2000), pp. 640-641. 15 Expressed on 19 January 2001, Federal Register, Vol.69, No.24 (2004), p. 5648. 16 Sea Hunt Inc. v. Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634 (4th Cir. 2000), p. 647. �17 Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, 675 F Supp. 2nd P. 1126 (2009). 18 Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, 675 F. Supp.2nd P. 1126, 1139 (2009). 19 FSIA, Section 1609. 20 Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, 675 F. Supp. 2nd P. 1126, 1130 (2009). 21 There were other parties to file a claim against the res, such as Peru and 25 descendants of passengers transporting goods on the Mercedes. 22 Adopted on 16 June 1998, in UNESCO, Background Materials on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Vol.2 (2000), p. 341-342. 23 One of the Japanese main concerns is recovering remains in the naval battle site in the Pacific War. See (Iwabuchi, 2012) p.88-90. References Aznar-Gómez, M. J., 2003. Legal status of sunken warships ‘revised’. Spanish Yearbook of International Law, Vol.9: 61-101. . Aznar-Gómez, M. J., 2010. Treasure hunters, sunken state vessels and the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law, Vol.25: 209236. . Cassese, A., 2005. International Law, 2nd ed., Oxford: Oxford University Press. Caflisch, L., 1983. Submarine antiquities and the international law of the sea. In Asser Institute (Ed.), Netherlands Yearbook of International Law, Vol.13, Springer, Heidelberg: 3-32. Dromgoole, S., 2013. Underwater Cultural Heritage and International Law, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Dromgoole, S. and Gaskell, N., 1999. Draft UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 1998. International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law, Vol. 14:171-192. �Garabello, R., 2004. La Convenzione UNESCO sulla protezione del patrimonio culturale subacqueo, Univ. Milano Bicocca, Milan. Iwabuchi, A., 2012. Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to Underwater Archaeology. Kagaku-Dojin, Kyoto. Migliorino, L., 1985. The recovery of sunken warships in international law. In B. Vukas (Ed.), Essays on the Law of the Sea, Sveucilisna Naklada Liver, Zagreb: 244-258. Rubin, A., 1975. Sunken Soviet submarines and central intelligence: law of property and the agency. American Journal of International Law, Vol.69: 855-858. Strati, A., 1995. The Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: An Emerging Objective of the Contemporary Law of the Sea. M. Nijhoff, The Hague. Vierucci, L., 2001. Le statut juridique des navires de guerre ayant coulé dans des eaux etrangères: le cas des frégates espagnoles Juno et La Galga retrouvées au large des côtes des Etats-Unis, Revue générale de droit international public, Vol. 105: 705-725. Yamamoto, S., 1981. Salvage of sunken foreign vessel and the ownership. Hogaku Kyoushitsu, Vol. 1(4): 61-65. Biography Kaè OYAMA is an Associate Professor of International Law at Chukyo University Japan. She finished her Ph.D. course and LL.M course at Keio University, Japan. Before her academic position, she was a fellow at the Ocean Policy Research Foundation, and an international legal analyst at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. She also experienced a Visiting Professor of the United Nations University (2006-14) and a visiting fellow at Lauterpacht Centre for International Law, University of Cambridge (2012-13). Her main publications include Introduction to International Law (2014), International Order of the Seas and Ocean Policy (2006), and so forth. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Legal Status of Sunken State Vessels and Sovereign Immunity Description An account of the resource The entry into force in 2009 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as 'UCH Convention') adopted in 2001 could be regarded as a welcome development to elaborate or clarify any ambiguity of only two marginal provisions as Article 149 and 303 with regard to underwater cultural heritage in United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 (hereinafter referred to as 'UNCLOS'). Some texts of the UCH Convention, however, give controversy in fact to the comprehensive international order of the seas in relation to the other provisions of UNCLOS and customary international law, e.g., the definition of underwater cultural heritage, the 'creeping' expansion of coastal states' jurisdiction especially in the EEZ and on the continental shelf, and the sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels [The paper primarily follows to the terminology of the UCH Convention which uses 'state vessels'. It is defined as 'warships, and other vessels...that were owned or operated by a State and used, at the time of sinking, only for government noncommercial purposes' in Article 1(8).] This presentation will especially focus on the issue of sovereign immunity of sunken state vessels amongst them. International law in relation to warships is complex and uncertain and the issue has high political sensitivity as Article 2(8) of the UCH Convention reflects such a circumstance. The purpose of the presentation, therefore, is to explore the legal status of sunken state vessels. It examines the related provisions and their drafting process of the UCH Convention, the legal status of warships which UNCLOS provides and in the rules of customary international law. It will also observe some cases including notable States practices. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kaè Oyama Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Kaè Oyama Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c1533cde635f46a15ced79111b4ae56d.pdf 68cbd8b6f8e30e8c16513cc98c636d6c PDF Text Text The Iron Grapnel Supposed to Belong to the Sinan Shipwreck and Other Anchors in East Asia Mitsuhiko Ogawa Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology qq3a3qt9@poppy.ocn.ne.jp Abstract In 2016 an iron grapnel was shown in some special exhibitions marking the 40th anniversary of the Sinan shipwreck excavation in Korea. The grapnel 2.3m length has four arms, and it had been raised by a fisherman’s net in 1972 before the wreck was discovered. Around the Song Dynasty of China, stone anchor stocks composed of wooden shanks were generally used; their distributions ranged from the Primorsky region of Russia in the north to the south in Vietnam and the Philippines. In Korea and in Japan, crude stone anchor stocks modelled after Chinese anchors were widely used at that time. From the Takashima underwater site associated with the Mongolian invasion of Japan in the 13th century or during the early Yuan Dynasty, stone anchor stocks of separate type were frequently discovered. After the Ming Dynasty, iron grapnels started to be used in large, but at the same time wooden anchors were also kept in use on different styles from region to region. In Japan, iron four-armed grapnels were appeared in some art pictures after the Muromachi Period, and then during the Edo Period those grapnels became popular as the mainstream of Japanese anchors. The iron four-armed grapnel, which is considered to have belonged to the Sinan shipwreck, seems to have equipped on a Japanese vessel dated from the Edo period to early modern times as its characters are found among Japanese grapnels. However, the possibility that it still belonged to the Sinan shipwreck could not be denied completely, because the actual origin of Japanese grapnels is unknown; Chinese manufacturing technology of grapnels, which is known for the time being, was different from Japanese one, but another technology, which would have an impact upon both Japanese and the Sinan shipwreck’s grapnels, might have existed in China. Key words: Sinan shipwreck, Korea, grapnel, anchor �Introduction: The Iron Grapnel Believed to belong to the Sinan Shipwreck In 2016, an iron grapnel was displayed along with the reconstruction/restoration model of Sinan Shipwreck in a special exhibition that commemorate the 40th year anniversary of the Excavation of the Sinan Shipwreck in Korea. This iron grapnel displayed along with the restoration model was stated that it was a Chinese steel anchor from the Yuan Dynasty, and it belongs to ‘the Sinan shipwreck’ (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2016). The grapnel is 2.3m in length and has four arms. It was raised by a fisherman’s net in 1972, before the wreck was discovered (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, Korea, 2016). The author has observed iron grapnels at museums in China; these anchors were dated later than the Ming Dynasty. Also in Japan, iron grapnels were used from the Edo Period to modern era. The author only had a brief knowledge of iron grapnels that were widely used in China and Japan, and he never had conducted a research on it. Moreover, the author could not find any researches focused on iron grapnels conducted by other scholars. The author has observed an interesting point on these anchors that, about morphology-wise, the iron grapnel found near the Sinan Shipwreck site was very similar to Japanese type. In this paper, the author shares his comparative studies on iron grapnels that was believed to belong to the Sinan Shipwreck and other ones which were widely used in China and Japan. Chinese Iron Grapnels �Tiangong Kaiwu, a Chinese technical document at the end of the Ming Dynasty, described methods to manufacture ‘Iron anchor anchors’ (Song, 1639). To build an iron grapnel, individually made four arms were joined to a shank on after another at the end. For forging, materials from an old earth wall sieve were sprinkled on the forging areas. On the iconography that explain the forging processes, total 15 people were displayed, including who supported shanks and arms and who forging. From these iconographies, peculiar rectangle sectional shapes of the grapnel were not yet confirmed. Around this time, a ship carries 5 to 6 Iron anchors; the largest one is about 500 loaves, and it is used in emergency. In addition, it was described/instructed that Iron grapnels could not be used on the stone bottom area; it had to be used on sandy and mud seabed. Also, there is a description that a ship applied sudden stop by dropping a stern anchor to avoid collisions to ships in front. According to Guanzhuo Wang, a historian who studies ships in China, it is said that ‘stone anchor’, ‘wooden anchor’ and ‘Iron anchor’ coexisted simultaneously in the Song and Yuan Dynasties, while primarily ‘woodstone anchor’ was widely used (Wang, 2000). In Chiming Uekgo Picture of the Northern Song Dynasty, a ‘small iron anchor’ was depicted near the bow of the river ship. In Jilin City, Jilin Province in 1975, a small three-arm iron grapnel (22.5cm in length) dated the early in the Kim Dynasty was found. In historical written sources from the Song and Yuan Dynasties, these were descriptions on different types of anchors: ‘iron anchor’ and ‘iron anchor with four nails’ were widely used; in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, ‘iron anchor’ was used in the northern sea area of hard mud bottom; ‘wooden anchor’ was used in the southern deep sea of soft mud bottom, both are respectively used depending on the types of sediments; and for river ships ‘iron anchor’ was widely used. Regarding �archaeological examples of ‘iron anchors’, an iron grapnel was found on the Ming dynasty shipwreck during its excavation in the Songji River, Liangshan, Shandong Province, in 1956. This anchor was 1.36m long and had inscriptions on the surface, and it said ‘Hongwe 5th made’ and ‘85 loaves of heaviness’. Another archaeological example was found from Quanzhou, Fujian, in 1981; it was an iron grapnel which was 2.68m long and 758.3kg. The author also visited and observed a few iron grapnels; he visited the sea castle in Penglai City in Shandong Province, the Quanzhou Bay Old Ship Museum in Quanzhou City, Fujian Province, the Guangzhou Museum in Guangzhou City in Guangdong Province. Additionally, there are reported documents about iron grapnels excavated from the Penglai Sea castle (Chen,1989) (Fig. 1). The author analysed and studied characteristics of those iron grapnels from these materials, but since the amount of information is too big to share in this paper; therefore, detailed descriptions of individual materials shall be reported in another occasion. Fig. 1 (left): Iron Grapnel Excavated from Penglai Sea Castle. (Chen, 1989) �Chinese iron grapnels were built by forging individually forged arms to the shank; in many cases, the joint points between arms and the shank displayed peculiar shapes of remnants created by the forging (Fig. 2). Additionally, there were examples that used/forged steel sheets on the joinery points as a reinforcement. The cross-sectional shapes of the shank and arms have irregular circular shape or irregular square shape; there are no examples of clear rectangle shapes that can be seen on iron grapnels found in Japan. The anchor ring had a small circular shape, and its inner diameter was relatively small. It indicates that the end of the shank was molded to make a hole. In many cases, those forging marks were conspicuous. Also, there were examples that wood leaf-shaped fluke were attached at the tip of arms. The shape of four arms formed a ‘+’ shape when it was seen from the crown side (Fig. 3). �Fig. 2 (left): Iron Grapnel of the Ming Dynasty at the Dengzhou Museum. Fig. 3 (right): Iron Grapnel of the Qing Dynasty at the Dengzhou Museum. Japanese Iron Grapnels Ishii Kenji, a scholar who studied history of ships in Japan, explained weights of the ‘the first anchor’ of the Bezai ship. He also studied transition/evolution of Japanese anchors (Ishii, 1983). His studies on history of Japanese anchors started with ancient simple stone anchors that composed of a rope tied to a natural stone. On the ships traveled to Tang (China), as well as on ships used between Heian Period and the Medieval Era in Japan, wooden anchors were commonly used. The wooden anchors used on these ships composed of a flat stone sandwiched by two branches of hook-shaped trees. Based on iconography that ‘iron grapnel’ and ‘wooden anchor’ were depicted in the Scroll ‘Jinguu Kougou Engi Emaki’ in 1443, he believed that iron grapnels �might be used on Daimyo's warships and other large ships around the 15th century. Yet, Ishii indicated that there must be technical difficulties to forge iron grapnels if Japan tried to build it domestically around that time; and the its cost for mass-production must be another problem. Therefore, he suspects that the iron grapnels in the 15th century were imported from China. In the 16th century, use of iron anchors become popular among warships. Yet, wooden anchors were often depicted with merchant ships in the first half of the 17th century; the beginning of wide spread uses of iron grapnels might need to wait until the middle of the 17th century. Other Japanese scholars agree with Ishii 's theory about date of its beginning and wide distribution of iron grapnels. Matsui analyzed 49 iron grapnels found mainly northern area (Hokuriku) in the main island of Japan, and he concluded that the transition to iron grapnels occurred sometime in the 18th to the 20th centuries based on morphological analysis on anchor rings and attached rings (Matsui, 2013). Ishihara restudied researches on wooden anchors conducted by Wang, Ishii, Tamura, and several other researches, and he concluded that transition from wooden anchors to iron grapnels were caused/triggered by shipworms which ate wooden products in the sea (Ishihara, 2015). Ninomiya examined the maritime traffic in Tokyo Bay and the Sodegaura fishery industry based on literature/historical sources; also, he descrived the perspectives of trading and distribution of iron grapnels in the Edo Period in Japan (Ninomiya, 2017). Tamura, a folklore scholar, conducted folklore investigations on ‘anchor blacksmith’ in Fukuyama City, Hiroshima Prefecture. Tamura noted that iron grapnel was forged by superimposing plate-like steel called ‘Yao’ (Tamura, 1978). He also described the �manufacturing process of the iron grapnels: each part, such as four parts of arms, a shank, an anchor ring and an attached ring were individually prepared first, and then the arms and anchor rings were forged onto the shank, and arms were spread into form 4 arms, then the loop of anchor ring was expanded. His investigation was very important to conduct a comparative study of manufacturing methodology of different anchors; therefore, his research is especially important for the author’s researches In Japan, at least 50 iron grapnels are known to be exist. The author studied characteristics of these anchors; however, its information may be too detailed to share in this paper, so that he has to wait to share such detailed information until other opportunities. In general, Japanese iron grapnels were composed/welded of separately built plate-shaped steels, so that the cross-section of the shank and arms display a clear-cut rectangular shape (Fig. 4). Fig. 4: Iron Grapnel Raised up off Suzu City, Ishikawa Prefecture. Although sometimes it displays slight lamellar traces and forge contact traces due to forge weld, surfaces of Japanese iron grapnel are flat. �Nonetheless, there are no examples in Japanese grapnels that shows wrapped steel sheets reinforcements on arms alike Chinese grapnels. The arms of Japanese grapnels were forged into the shank, and then the arms were expanded after; henceforward, many of the (side-profile) shapes of anchors showed a gentle ‘J’ shape (Fig. 5). And the shape of the four arms from the crown exhibited a ‘X’ shape (Fig. 6). Although the anchor ring displayed a large almond shape; the introduction of the electric hammer in the modern period has made it smaller and the crosssectional shape tends to be circular. Fig. 5: Iron Grapnel at Fukuura Shika Town, Ishikawa Prefecture. �Fig. 6: Iron Grapnel at Fukuura Shika Town, Ishikawa Prefecture, from its Crown Side. Anchor of the Era before and after the Yuan Dynasty Regarding the small iron grapnels, the first evidence appeared in the North Song and Kim Dynasties. Although, the word/noun of ‘iron anchor’ and ‘iron anchor four nails’ appeared in literatures of the Song Dynasty, the first archaeological evidence of iron grapnel had to wait until the beginning of the Ming Dynasty (Wang, 2000). Anchors that widely used in the Song Dynasty were ‘wood-stone anchor’ with ‘mono style stone anchor stock.’ Regarding Yuan Dynasty, wood-stone anchors with ‘separate style stone anchor stock’ were main archaeological evidence found from the underwater site at Takashima Island, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan; this site is also known for the Mongolia Attack to Japan in 1281. Contrarily, mono style stone anchor stocks were rarely found in this site (Takashima Town Board of Education, 1996). In the Takashima Island site, however, a mono-style stone anchor stock was cut in half and �converted as ‘separate style stone anchor stock’. This may indicate that the both types had been coexisted, or it was at their transition period (Ogawa, 2008a and 2008b). Those wood stone anchors with this ‘separate style stone anchor stocks’ was also used at Penglai Sea Castle in Shandong Province and Quanzhou Bay in Fujian Province (Li, 1998). Afterwards, ‘wood-stone anchor’ with ‘mono style stone anchor stock’ had shifted into ‘wooden anchor’ with wooden stock. Iron grapnels appeared at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, yet it did not mean that wooden anchors disappeared due to the appearance of iron grapnels. An iconography from Qing dynasty displayed sea boats using both wooden anchor and iron grapnels. Therefore, for the Sinan Ship dated the middle of the Yuan Dynasty, there is a possibility that Sinan Ship used wood stone anchors (or wooden anchors) and iron grapnels at the same time. Conclusion The cross-section of the shank likely belonging to the Sinan shipwreck is rectangular in shape, and a part where the arms as well as the anchor ring are attached to the shank is pounded to connect by a flat piece of iron. The arms curve gradually inward and make a figure of ‘J’. The crosssection of the arm is flat rectangular. The anchor ring is large, narrowly long and almond like shape. Moreover, the cross-section is flat rectangular. There features obviously resemble the futures of Japanese iron grapnel; based on those reasons, the author believed that the grapnels that believed to belong to the Sinan shipwreck was most likely belonged to the iron grapnels of the Japanese vessels dated from the early modern period to the modern period. �In the current state, however, it is difficult to establish precise dating of the Japanese style iron grapnels due to lack of the data and information for establishment of manufacturing. On the other hand, there is another possibility for the iron grapnel from the Sinan shipwreck to seek its origin in China. There might be some manufacturing techniques in China that would become the origin of Japanese grapnel manufacture later. This possible original manufacture technique has not been found/confirmed yet in China; however, it could be possible that Sinan shipwreck had carried Chinese iron grapnel that produced by Chinese manufacturing techniques that would be taught to Japanese later was onboard the Sinan shipwreck of the Yuan Dynasty. Nonetheless, the author concludes that, under these circumstances, it was most likely that the iron grapnels that is believed to belong to the Sinan shipwreck was a Japanese iron grapnel from the early modern period to the modern period. Acknowledgements The detailed data on the four-armed iron anchor that believed to belong to the Shinan shipwreck has been shared by Dr. Hong Soon-Jae and Dr. Park Ye-Ree of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage. Mr. Yuichiro Tashiro also helped me greatly for the related articles on the webpages. I deeply express my gratitude toward them. References Chen, T.,1989. Penglai Old Ship Belongings Analysis: Penglai Old Ship and Dengzhou Old Port. Dalian Maritime College Publishing House, Dalian (in Chinese). Ishii, K., 1983. Zusetsu Wasen Shi Wa, Zusetsu, Nippon Kaiji Shi Wa Sosho, Vol.1. Shiseido, Tokyo (in Japanese). Ishii, K., 1995. Wa Sen I, Mono to Ningen no Bunkashi, Vol. 76, Hosei University Press, Tokyo (in Japanese). Ishihara, W., 2013. Ikari No Bunka Shi, Book Series of Bukkyo University, Shibunkaku Publisher, Kyoto (in Japanese) �Li, G., 1998. Ancient Chinese anchors: their rigging and conservations. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 27(4): 307-312. Matsui, H., 2013. Yotsuzume tetsuikari no kisoteki kenkyu: fune ni kakawaru mono no keishiki gakuteki kosatsu. Bulletin of Archaeology (Department of Archaeology University of Kanazawa), Vol.134: 27-52 (in Japanese). National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2016. http://blog.naver.com/seamuse1994/220889730348 National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2017. http://www.seamuse.go.kr/seamuseweb/cop/bbs/selectBoardArticle.do? nttId=1155&bbsId=BBSMSTR_000000000249&pageIndex=2&searchtitle =&searchcont=&searchkey=&searchwriter=&searchWrd=&searchCtgryY n=A&mn=KO_02_04#link Ninomiya, T., 2017. Yotsu zume ikari ni tsuite, Study of the History of Sodegaura City, Vol.18: 69-79 (in Japanese). Ogawa, M., 2008a. Kaiiki ajia no ikariishi koroshi. In Y. Yokkaichi (Ed.), Mono Kara Mita Kaiiki Ajiashi, Kyudai Ajia Sosho, Kyushu University Press, Fukuoka: 1-37 (in Japanese). Ogawa, M., 2008b. Higashi ajia kaiiki ni okeru chugoku sutairu ikariishi no Kkenkyu. Proceeding of the First Korea-Japan Underwater Archaeology, Korea: 103-144 (in Japanese and Korean). Song, Y., 1637 (1969). Tiangong Kaiwu (in Chinese), Trans. K. Yabuuchi, Toyo Bunko, Vol.130, Heibonsha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Takashima Town Board of Education, 1996. Takashim Kaitei Iseki III, Takshima-cho Bunkazai Chosa Hokokusho, Vol. 2. Takashima Town Board of Education, Takashima-cho (in Japanese). Tamura, Z., 1978. Tomo no ikari to kugi. In Hiroshima Prefecture (Ed.), History of Hiroshima Prefecture: Folk Custom, Hiroshima Prefecture, Hiroshima: 709-716 (in Japanese). Wang, G., 2000. Chinese Old Ship Graphic Chart. SDX Joint Publishing Company, Beijing (in Chinese). �Biography Mitsuhiko Ogawa was bone in Ishikawa Prefecture in 1968. He received MA degree in Archaeology from the University of Kanazawa in 2005. He is majoring in underwater archaeology, especially, in anchors and stone anchor stocks as well as in Chinese ceramics. He became a member of the Kyusyu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology in 1992 and has been a senior research associate of the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology since 2011. He has excavated many underwater archaeological sites such as Takashima Island, the Maegata Bay or Ojika Island (Yamami), and has also involved in the survey of underwater cultural heritage around the Japan Sea. He has published many papers related to underwater archaeology in East Asia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Iron Grapnel Supposed to Belong to the Sinan Shipwreck and Other Anchors in East Asia Description An account of the resource In 2016 an iron grapnel was shown in some special exhibitions marking the 40th anniversary of the Sinan shipwreck excavation in Korea. The grapnel 2.3m length has four arms, and it had been raised by a fisherman’s net in 1972 before the wreck was discovered. Around the Song Dynasty of China, stone anchor stocks composed of wooden shanks were generally used; their distributions ranged from the Primorsky region of Russia in the north to the south in Vietnam and the Philippines. In Korea and in Japan, crude stone anchor stocks modelled after Chinese anchors were widely used at that time. From the Takashima underwater site associated with the Mongolian invasion of Japan in the 13th century or during the early Yuan Dynasty, stone anchor stocks of separate type were frequently discovered. After the Ming Dynasty, iron grapnels started to be used in large, but at the same time wooden anchors were also kept in use on different styles from region to region. In Japan, iron four-armed grapnels were appeared in some art pictures after the Muromachi Period, and then during the Edo Period those grapnels became popular as the mainstream of Japanese anchors. The iron four-armed grapnel, which is considered to have belonged to the Sinan shipwreck, seems to have equipped on a Japanese vessel dated from the Edo period to early modern times as its characters are found among Japanese grapnels. However, the possibility that it still belonged to the Sinan shipwreck could not be denied completely, because the actual origin of Japanese grapnels is unknown; Chinese manufacturing technology of grapnels, which is known for the time being, was different from Japanese one, but another technology, which would have an impact upon both Japanese and the Sinan shipwreck’s grapnels, might have existed in China. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mitsuhiko Ogawa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Mitsuhiko Ogawa Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/af279e045e2565b015f5a1a7aac7184d.pdf 08b852799248f4a5a7fe57f063e63904 PDF Text Text Developing the Foundation for Sustainable Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Starting from Local Involvement: Case Studies in Okinawa Yumiko Nakanishi Osaka Prefectural Board of Education NakanishiYum@mbox.pref.osaka.lg.jp Rintaro Ono Tokai University or109423@tsc.u-tokai.ac.jp Norimitsu Sakagami Tokai University sakagami@scc.u-tokai.ac.jp Hironobu Kan Research Center for Coastal Seafloor, Kyushu University kan@scs.kyushu-u.ac.jp Chiaki Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center chiakik0407@gmail.com Katagiri Abstract The Ryukyu Archipelago is well known for its beautiful ocean and coral reefs; and thanks to these beautiful oceans, scuba diving and snorkeling and have become one of the most important activities for its tourist industry of the archipelago. Around the islands, 230 underwater cultural heritage sites were found and identified. In this presentation, the authors shall introduce their attempts and case studies regarding the public engagement of local communities with management of underwater cultural heritage, including providing guidelines for sustainable valorization of the site with local marine sports industry. For Yarabuoki underwater site of Ishigaki Island, there are seven iron grapnel anchors and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). To establish a connection/relationship between the site and the local professional divers, who actually go into the sea and see the site most frequently, the authors provided workshops about UCH and a place where �archaeologists and the local professional divers can exchange their opinions. The goal of these activities is to ask professional divers of local communities help to monitor UCH after scientific evaluations led by archaeologists are completed. The Ohajima underwater site is located off the Coast of Kume Island in Okinawa. This site contains a dense distribution of medieval Chinese pottery. Public open-houses were experimentally organized twice for local communities. The Board of education from local communities (for instance, Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities were heavily involved and helped underwater archaeologists and the research team to organize this event. After continuous attempts of public outreach, public awareness and interests for UCH among the local diving communities has increased. More divers have started visiting the sites. However, an increase in public awareness creates another concerns that it exposes the UCH sites into social media such as blogs by visitors, articles on diving magazines, and so on. Henceforth, the next challenge confronting the authors and the local communities regarding these sites are plans to properly monitor those sites and a proposal for a reliable long-term management plans. More importantly, these monitoring and management plans have to involve wide varieties and different type of local communities Key words: Ryukyu, UCH, public engagement, management Introduction In past few decades, in addition to conventional preservation operations for cultural heritage sites, understanding values of cultural heritages, and utilizing those as cultural resources for local communities has become a very important perspective to manage cultural heritage. Archaeological sites are often turned to site museums where visitors actually visit and enjoy the original sites. This new phenomenon is widely seen not only on terrestrial sites, but also on underwater sites. This paper aims to share the authors’ attempts and experiences of their attempt to establish the involvement of local communities towards sustainable management plans of underwater cultural heritage, and their case studies around the area of Okinawa Prefecture. �Background and Subjects of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa Okinawa consists of the southern half of the Ryukyu Archipelago with 199 islands, and its area expands over 1200km between Kyushu Island and Taiwan. Because of its location, islands of Okinawa have subtropical climates which makes Okinawa differs from other areas of Japan, and it gives warm climate through a year. Islands of Okinawa are surrounded by amazingly beautiful ocean with flourishing coral reefs. Therefore, these beautiful waters are very popular among scuba divers and snorkelers. Sometimes, those divers and snorkelers become to be interested in something different from beautiful fishes and corals; they want to see something different yet attractive. Therefore, authors believe that UCH has great potential to be a resources of truism, or diving industry. Indeed, underwater cultural heritage often attracts non-archaeologists and non-experts. For instance, the wreck-diving is one of the very popular diving-tour options in many countries, such as Malta and other Mediterranean islands. It is already the major tourist attraction in many countries. In the case of Okinawa, a beautiful coral reef with schools of colorful fishes shall provide special background which adds extra value on diving on UCH. 230 underwater cultural heritage sites are identified around the islands in the Okinawa Prefecture. This presentation is about the authors’ attempts to establish strong ties between the local public and underwater cultural heritage managements and to provide guidelines for sustainable managements of the site and involving of local marine sports industry into this management plans. The Ohajima underwater site is located off the coast of Kume Island in Okinawa. The site contains dense distributions of medieval Chinese pottery. Public Open Site Day was experimentally held twice in the island. �Along with the authors’ research team of underwater archeologists and researchers who organized the events, attendance, and support from the Local Board of Education (Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities (Katagiri et al., 2012). The Yarabuoki underwater site of Ishigaki Island consists of seven iron grapnel anchors and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). During field campaigns, authors and its research team provided workshops and a meeting to exchange opinion with local communities in order to establish a new tie and relationship between the UCH of the islands and local professional divers who visit the the sites most frequently (Ono et al., 2015 and Nakanishi et al., 2016). The aim of these activities and meetings are to ask local diving communities to monitor the sites even after the scientific academic evaluations of the site led by authors is completed in near future, and to share general knowledges and perspectives of protecting UCH as our common heritages and value those heritages in non-intrusive manners. After the continuous attempts, public awareness and interests in UCH have increased dramatically among the local divers and its communities. More divers began to visit the sites. Yet, this new movements and trends has invoked another potential dangers toward this UCH. The potential dangers is an increased number of divers and exposure of UCH into wider range of the general public; the UCH have started to appear in divers’ SNS, blogs, diving magazines, and so forth. This trend may trigger unfriendly and intrusive activities on the sites, such as lootings and destructions. Henceforward, now the authors have to urgently focus on its plans of site managements and monitoring plans, and to accomplish this task, involvement wide variety of scholars as well as local communities are essential. �Case Studies in Okinawa Part 1: Ohajima Site in Kume Island, Okinawa: Open Site Day Location and Characteristics of the Site The Ohajima underwater site is located off the coast Oha Island where is annexed to Kume Island in Okinawa. The site consists of a dense distribution of Chinese pottery that is dated between the latter half of the 14th century and the beginning of the 15th century. A Public Open Site day was experimentally held twice (in 2011 and 2013). Local Board of Education (Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities supported underwater archaeologists and researchers to organize this event (Katagiri et al., 2012). The main attraction of the event was a tour to Ohajima underwater site either by snorkeling or a glass-bottomed boat. The event schedule was especially composed for the general public to understand general ideas of UCH; the schedule (described as Step 1 - 5) of the event can be seen below: Step 1: Lecture ‘History and Culture of Kume Island’ Step 2: Material Observation of Ceramics Excavated from Underwater Site Step 3: Tour of the On-land Site Where Was Important for Maritime Trades. Step 4: Snorkeling Practice Step 5: Snorkeling Tour of the Site Step 1: Lecture ‘History and Culture of Kume Island’ First, archaeologists gave a 30 minute long preliminary lecture prior to the site visit. This lecture was about general knowledge and information regarding history of Kume Island. The authors believed that providing �historical information and knowledge to the participants is very important because the lecture and its information transform this event into a learning opportunity rather than be a just sightseeing for fun (Katagiri et al., 2012). Step 2: Material Observation of Ceramics Excavated from the Underwater Site As the second step, the participants experienced observation-practice on raised artefacts; those artefacts used for this 30 minutes long observationpractice included pottery pieces were collected from Ohajima site and a stone anchor from Uegusuku (Castle) Site (Fig. 1). The purpose of this practice is for participants to understand the appearances of underwater artefacts; and this experience helped the participants to find/recognize artefacts during the following underwater on-site tour. Experiences of observations on artefacts together with the lecture of preliminary knowledge of the site provided a great preparation for the following tour and this event (Katagiri et al., 2012). Fig. 1: Material observation excavated ceramics from underwater site. (Kumejima Museum, Kume Island) �Step 3: Tour to the On-land Site Where Was Important for Maritime Trades Furthermore, the participants attended a tour to terrestrial cultural heritage sites: on this tour, participants visited the Tenkogu Site, the Kuramoto-ato Site, the Majako Port Site, quarries, and so on. This one hour long tour was organized and guided by archaeologists. The aim of this tour was to explain site-formation processes of Ohajima underwater site and to provide comprehensive knowledge of archaeological sites and its surrounding environments (Katagiri et al., 2012). Step 4: Snorkeling Practice Before visiting the underwater site, a practice session was provided to participants who decided to visit the site with snorkeling. For this tour, two different options were provided for participants; one is visiting the site by snorkeling, and the other option is to visit the site by a glass-bottomed boat. Twenty participants visited the site by snorkeling, and the other participants who did not want to swim chose the glass-bottomed boat. Both tour lasted one hour-long each. This practice-session of snorkeling was taught by local professional divers for safety reasons of participants (Katagiri et al., 2012). Step 5: Snorkeling Tour of the Site Finally, as the last activities of the Open Site Day, the participants visited and enjoyed the actual UCH site. Fig.2 displays a scene of the snorkeling tour in Ohajima underwater site (Katagiri et al., 2012). �Fig. 2: A snorkelling tour of the site. (Ohajima Underwater Site, Kume Island) Discussion The authors believed that the Open Site Day was successful; this experiment of public outreach that take local participants to the actual UCH sites can be a great case study for other UCH site across the Ryukyu Archipelago. Although this experiment was generally a successful case, the authors also became to acknowledge its difficulties and rooms for improvements in order to use it this experiments using it as a case study of public outreach with other UCH sites across the archipelago. Also, this type of events still requires experienced archaeologists to organize and to provide informative lectures; nonetheless, these archaeologists were most cases not originally from local communities. The authors believe that an ideal perspective of local workshops and public outreach for UCH is ‘sustainability’; local divers and communities became to be able to provide workshops as well as monitoring and management UCH without supports from outside. Thus, next challenge for this public outreach experiments is �to compose a flexible guideline that make those events more sustainable by local diving experts and communities. Case Studies in Okinawa Part 2: Yarabuoki Underwater Site Location and Characteristics of the Site Yarabuoki underwater site is located off the coast of Yarabuzaki in Nagura Bay of Ishigaki Island in Okinawa Prefecture. This site contains seven iron grapnel anchors of various sizes and a cluster of Early Modern Okinawan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). This type of ceramic jars were originally produced in Okinawa Islands between the 16th century and the 19th century, which also corresponding to the time periods of the Early Modern Ryukyu Kingdom Period for Okinawa Islands and the Edo Period for the main lands of Japan (Fig. 3). Also those grapnel anchors found in this site are the only examples of grapnel anchors that are found in Japan. Fig. 3: The assemblage of Okinawa produced pottery in good condition at the Yarabuoki underwater site. (Okinawa Prefectural Archaeology Center) �The site was discovered by a local professional diver, Seiji Fujii, in 2009. And in 2010, the Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center conducted inspection survey with assistances of the Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group (Katagiri, 2010 and 2013). This newly discovered UCH site also required an accurate recording by experienced diving archaeologists, and then values of the site have to be evaluated and disseminated. Currently authors and their research team is operating an interdisciplinary research project to evaluate historical and archaeological values of the site, as well as its potentials as a cultural resource for local communities (Ono et al., 2016). Moreover, authors also believe that geographical and topographical data around site area shall greatly contribute to understand site formation process and its reconstruction. Under this scope, Dr. Kan conducted a multibeam echo sounding (MBES) survey around Yarabuoki underwater site in August 2011 (Kan et al., 2015 and Ono et al. 2016). This multibeam data successfully visualized the bathymetry around the site with lateral grid resolution of one metre. Fig. 4 displays enlarged image of the multibeam bathymetric map of Yarabuoki underwater site with plotted locations of its components. The authors believe that this multibeam map is an essential tool for their public outreach because the map can be a tool to convey accurate academic evaluations of the site to its readers and visitors. The authors have to remark on the importance of scientific and historical values of UCH sites and its dissemination to local communities; without understanding its cultural significance, divers will not be able to appreciate UCH and visiting the sites will be a part of fun dives, not a part of cultural activities. Moreover, without understanding cultural values of UCH properly, its exposures to the general public may trigger negative impacts on the sites. �Fig. 4: Multibeam bathymetric map of the Yarabuoki underwater site. (Hironobu Kan) Workshops with the Local Professional Divers First, the authors tried to build a network with local professional divers who frequently visit this UCH site. Also Mr. Fujii, who found and reported the site to Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, has been involved in archaeological investigations since the beginning. A goal of this was to establish strong ties with the local diving communities and to ask them to monitor the UCH sites; also the authors tried to share histories and archaeological information of the site based on scholarly researches as well as methods for non-intrusive/non-disturbance recreation diving on UCH sites. With supports from Ishigaki City Board of Education where manages cultural heritages around/in the island, authors organized several workshops and invite local divers; during this workshops, divers also visited the site with authors and diving archaeologists. Then the authors and participants exchange opinions towards UHC of the islands �and discussed values of the sites for local communities and importance of in situ preservation (Nakanishi et al., 2016). These workshops started November 2015, and the authors have tried to share the idea of UCH and its important concepts that is not to touch or remove artefacts and contexts from its original positions. Also as a part of the workshop, the authors and archaeologists invited participants, or local professional divers, to the UCH sites during the archaeological investigations; aims of this activities are to share archaeological methods of underwater recording of UCH, such as measuring and drawing of the sites in scientific manners. Throughout these workshops, the author believes that the local divers become to be aware of significances of archaeological information of the site that may help archaeologists to reconstruct the past (Fig. 5). Fig. 5: Site visit with the local professional divers. (Yuji Yamamoto) �Discussion For this experimental research in Ishigaki Island, the authors also focused on involvements of local communities into monitoring and managements plans. Therefore collaborative efforts with local authorities and the general public were essential. Local divers may be able to visit the sites as their daily activities, yet they also do monitoring while they do so, and when they found a new archaeological site, they can quickly yet properly report their discoveries to the local authorities using established network via authors’ workshops. An ideal goal of this workshops and experimental research is to establish a sustainable management and monitoring plans of UCH site; once archaeological investigations are completed, the authors want local diving communities and their local dive shops to bring their customers (recreation divers who visit the island) to UCH sites with providing proper information of its history and archeology. When those diving tours on the UCH become popular activity, their frequent visit may function as a monitoring activity, not to mention that these tours may have positive impacts on the local tourist businesses by bringing customers to the island by. The authors’ main question for this experimental research on public outreach and dissemination is ‘how to maintain and protect qualities of scientific information and values of archaeological sites during the course of dissemination’. Discussion: Developing the Foundation for Sustainable Management Plans on Underwater Cultural Heritage with Local Involvement The authors’ main purpose of this research is to establish sustainable management and monitoring plans for UCH. It is important to remark that �the sustainable management and monitoring plan is different from other leisure diving activities on shipwreck sites that are often intrusive and destructive to UCH. Also, to make the stated management and monitoring plans different from other uncontrolled leisure shipwreck diving activities, it is very important for archaeologists to provide good scientific information to local diving communities and dive shops where will bring leisure divers to the UCH sites after archaeological investigations are completed. If the local diving communities recognize and share values of UCH, they will respects its presence, and keep non-intrusive and non-destructive methods to enjoy their underwater common heritages. In order convey values of UCH to the local communities properly, it is important for archaeologists and researchers to provide ‘good’ information and data. For instance, in case of Yarabuoki underwater site, high-resolution multibeam maps were provided to local communities. Indeed, there are many good case studies of similar concepts: for instance, similar case studies were done for Baia Underwater Archaeological Park (Nogami et al., 2007), protected-sites-tours in Sicily (Soprintendenza del Mare, 2009 and Tusa, 2009) and so forth (Nakanishi et al., 2017). For this authors’ experimental researches around Okinawa areas, authors need to find the most suitable case study and its fittest methodology to accomplish their dissemination and monitoring plans as socio-cultural and natural environmental studies. Throughout the authors’ researched and the workshops in Kume Island and Ishigaki Island, local communities and diving shops displayed strong interest to be a part of the management and monitoring plans. Now, the authors have to move to next step; that is further development of the local networks and capacity buildings. Those two developments are essential for the plan to be established with local communities for long-term site management. For this purpose, authors composed four-step work- �models; this model can be seen as Fig. 6 (Nakanishi and Katagiri 2017, amended by the authors). Fig. 6: Suggested model case: 4 steps and subjects to overcome. (Nakanishi and Katagiri, 2017, amended) For an already identified UCH site, four-step process shall be expected to accomplish a sustainable management plan. First, as Step 1, archaeologists and researchers have to investigate and identify values of the UCH site. It is an essential process because these values display how to manage and protect the sites. Also this value shall be shared with local communities; therefore, values of the sites have to be identified and studied before the following dissemination processes. Also, these archaeological investigation by scholars may take multi-years and can be labor intensive; therefore, collaboration with local diving communities are often very helpful. Moreover, this collaborative efforts between �archaeologists and local diving communities can be a positive first steps of local involvement for the management and monitoring UCH. The second step is capacity building. The capacity building include introduction of UCH to local communities; therefore, providing proper knowledge and methods to protect and manage the sites is essential. For that reason, workshop-style, such as Yarabuoki underwater site, is an effective method to accomplish this step. Additionally, this step may widely expose UCH into the general public; therefore, one of the important tasks for archaeologists is to evaluate preservation condition/status of sites, and its access have to be restricted if it is necessary. In short, it is important for archaeologists and experts to share and disseminate good knowledge and information with the local communities. The third step is ‘risk management’ and ‘establishment’. UCH has been opened to the general public via the processes of the previous step; and it may trigger influx of tourists into the UCH. The main task of this stage is to closely monitor the UCH. To do this correctly and frequently, supports of local diving communities with proper networking shall become essential. On the other hand, the authors hope another potential of UCH; the beginning of new touristic trends by utilizing UCH may generate new values of UCH for local communities. The authors is hoping that practice of UCH site management and monitoring shall be established throughout this step. Final stage, or Step 4, is about ‘sustainability’ by the local communities. It is important for local communities to lead site managements and monitoring operation of UCH. While archaeologists and other experts still be able to support the local communities if necessary, the author strongly �believe that main groups that manage and monitor the UCH have to be local communities. This shifting process may take long time. However the authors also hope that the local communities may become to realize their own values on UHCs throughout their experiences of the management. When the local communities understand values and methods to manage and monitor UCH without helps by archaeologists and experts, ‘sustainability’ of the management will be achieved. To accomplish the Step 4, supports from local authorities, such as Board of Education of a municipal government where is responsible for managing cultural heritages found in the region, is essential. Two main important tasks for them are: to secure and maintain academic values of UCH and keep qualities of its management; to report and register new discoveries of UCH within their jurisdictions. Before closing this paper, the authors want to give special thanks to Coastal Area Capability Project in Southeast Asia (Research Institute for Humanity and Nature), Tokai Project Study ‘Okinawa Underwater Cultural Heritage and Underwater Museum Project’ (Tokai University), and Mitsubishi Foundation, for their supports by funding this research project. References Kan, H., Urata, K., Nagao, M., Hori, N., Fujita, K., Yokoyama, Y., Nakashima, Y., Ohashi, T., Goto, K. and Suzuki, A., 2015, Submerged karst landforms observed by multibeam bathymetric survey in Nagura bay, Ishigaki island, south-western Japan. Geomorphology, Vol. 229: 112124. Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2009. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites (II): Volume on Miyako of Yaeyama. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, Naha (in Japanese). �Katagiri, C. (Ed.), 2010. Distribution Survey Report of the Coastal Sites (III): Site Map Volume. Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center, Naha (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., 2013. Iron anchors discovered in Nansei islands. In Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, Association for Nansei Islands Underwater Cultural Heritage Study Group and Kagoshima University The Faculty of Law, Economics and Humanities, (Eds.), The Database of Underwater Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Underwater Archaeology: Nansei Shoto, ARIUA, Fukuoka: 136-141 (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., Miyagi, H. and Watanabe, M., 2014. Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue (Okinawa No SuichuBunka-Isan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera), Borderink, Naha (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., Yamada, H., Sakihara, T., Nakajima, T., Miyagi, H., Watanabe, Y., 2012. The report of an underwater cultural heritage tour in Kumejima: the project of ‘the museum of underwater cultural heritage’. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Vol. 5: 19-36 (in Japanese). Katagiri, C., Yamamoto, Y. and Nakanishi, Y., 2014b. Distributional survey of underwater cultural heritage and its experimental presentation in the Ryukyu archipelago, Okinawa, Japan. In H. van Tilburg et al. (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Vol. 2, APCONF 2014, Honolulu: 655-668. Nakanishi, Y. and Katagiri, C., 2017. Okinawa kaiiki deno suichubunkaisan no hozonkatsuyou moderu kouchiku no tameno kokusaihikakukenkyu. The Summary of Research Presentations at the General Assembly of the Japanese Archaeological Association, 83th: 6869 (in Japanese). Nakanishi, Y., Katagiri, C., Tusa, S., Agneto, F. and Selvaggio, P., 2017. A study on the development of underwater cultural heritage management in Sicily, Italy. Bulletin of the Museum, Okinawa Prefectural Museum and Art Museum, Vol.10: 19-42 (in Japanese with English summary). Nakanishi, Y., Tetsu, T. and Ono, R., 2016. Pursuing Sustainable Preservation and Valorisation of Underwater Cultural Heritage: Attempt in �Okinawa to Underwater Site Museum. Poster Session at IKUWA VI, Fremantle. Nogami, T. and Petrella, D., 2007. Report on the visits of Baia underwater park. Kanazawa University Archaeology Department Bulletin, Vol. 59:2631 (in Japanese). Ono, R., Katagiri, C., Sakagami, N., Kan, H., Miyagi, H. and Yamamoto, Y., 2013. Present and future of the underwater cultural heritages in the Yaeyama islands: perspective from the recent research of Yarabuoki. Proceedings of Yaeyama Museum, Vol. 22:20-43 (in Japanese). Ono, R., Katagiri, C., Kan, H., Nagano, N., Nakanishi, Y., Yamamoto, Y., Takemura, F. and Sakagami, N., 2016. Discovery of iron grapnel anchors in early modern Ryukyu and management of underwater cultural heritages in Okinawa, Japan. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 45(1):75-91. Ono, R., Kan, H., Sakagami, N., Nagano, M. and Katagiri, C., 2014. First discovery and mapping of early modern grapnel anchors in Ishigaki island and cultural resource management of underwater cultural heritage in Okinawa. In H. van Tilburg et al. (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd AsiaPacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Vol. 2, APCONF 2014, Honolulu: 983-697. Ryukyu Shinpo (琉球新報), 2013. Moved by underwater cultural heritage: Chinese pottery on the seabed (Suichu isan ni kando, kaitei no chuugoku san toujiki). Ryukyu Shinpo, 10th October 2013 (in Japanese) . Sakagami, N., Li, Y., Yamada, Y., Kawasaki, I., Niki, M., Ono, R. and Ishikawa, S., 2014. Ocean environmental education through ‘monozukuri’ in Ishigaki island. Journal of Japan Society for Engineering Education, Vol. 62(3): 47–52 (in Japanese). Soprintendenza del Mare, 2009. Manutenzione degli itinerari culturali subacquei della soprintendenza del mare: norme di progettazione e fruizione. Assessorato dei beni culturali e dell’identità siciliana, Dipartimento dei beni culturali e dell’identità siciliana, Palermo. Tusa, S., 2009. Research, protection and evaluation of Sicilian and Mediterranean marine cultural heritage. Conservation Science in Cultural Heritage, Vol. 9(1): 79-98. �Biographies Yumiko Nakanishi is a senior archaeologist working at Cultural Properties Protection Division, Osaka Prefectural Board of Education. She obtained MPhill in Archaeology at Cambridge University in 2001 and is currently a PhD candidate, specializing on heritage management and public archaeology, as well as the final phase of Kofun Period in Kinki region of Japan. She has been involved in projects on underwater cultural heritage in Okinawa area. Her publication includes ‘The Great East Japan Earthquake and Cultural Heritage: Towards an Archaeology of Disaster’, Antiquity, Vol. 87: 258269, ‘Archaeological Administration and Japanese Archaeology’, Japanese Journal of Archaeology, No. 4 (2017): 171-184, and so on. Dr. Rintaro Ono is an Associate Professor of School of Marine Science and Technology at Tokai University, Japan. His research is focused on Maritime Archaeology and Anthropology, and specifically: human maritime adaptation process, human migration into Island Southeast Asia and Pacific Islands, human maritime exploitation history, and maritime trade history. He has been involved in many research projects in Japan, Indonesia, Philippines, Palau, and Vanuatu. He has been visiting researcher or collaborator with some national and international laboratories and universities. He is author of more than 50 academic papers, two books, and editor of Prehistoric Marine Resource Use in the Indo-Pacific Regions. (ANU E Press, 2013). �Dr. Norimitsu Sakagami is an Associate Professor of the School of Marine Science and Technology at Tokai University, Japan. He has developed marine robotic systems such as a human-sized underwater robot with manipulators, underwater soil core sampling robot, wave-powered boat and so on. The primary focuses of his research are motion control of marine surface vehicles and underwater vehicles. His major works include ‘Development of an Underwater Robotic Inspection System Using Mechanical Contact’, Journal of Field Robotics, Vol.30(4):624-640, 2013 (co-author) and others. Dr. Hironobu Kan is a Professor in the Graduate School of Integrated Sciences for Global Society, Kyushu University, and Director of the Research Center for Coastal Seafloor, Kyushu University, Japan. The primary focus of his current research is Coral Reefs and Coastal Seafloor Geomorphology using Multibeam Bathymetric Echo Sounder and SCUBA Diving Surveys. His recent work includes ‘Submerged karst landforms observed by multibeam bathymetric survey in Nagura bay, Ishigaki island, southwestern Japan’, Geomorphology 229:112-124, 2015 (DOI: 10.1016/j.geomorph.2014.07.032). Chiaki Katagiri is a senior archaeologist at Okinawa Prefectural Archaeological Center. He was born in Nagano Prefecture, Japan in 1976, graduated from Okinawa International University in 1999 majoring in archeology. He is specializing in the anthropology of the islands, carrying out anthropological and archaeological fieldwork throughout Asia. He has been actively engaged in investigation and many research projects of underwater cultural heritage in the Ryukyu Archipelago. He is a co-author of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Okinawa: Pieces of History in the Blue or Okinawa No Suichu-BunkaIsan: Aoi Umi ni Sizunda Rekishi no Kakera (Borderink, Naha, 2014). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Developing the Foundation for Sustainable Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Starting from Local Involvement: Case Studies in Okinawa Description An account of the resource The Ryukyu Archipelago is well known for its beautiful ocean and coral reefs; and thanks to these beautiful oceans, scuba diving and snorkeling and have become one of the most important activities for its tourist industry of the archipelago. Around the islands, 230 underwater cultural heritage sites were found and identified. In this presentation, the authors shall introduce their attempts and case studies regarding the public engagement of local communities with management of underwater cultural heritage, including providing guidelines for sustainable valorization of the site with local marine sports industry. For Yarabuoki underwater site of Ishigaki Island, there are seven iron grapnel anchors and a cluster of Early Modern Ryukyuwan ceramic jars (tsuboya-yaki). To establish a connection/relationship between the site and the local professional divers, who actually go into the sea and see the site most frequently, the authors provided workshops about UCH and a place where archaeologists and the local professional divers can exchange their opinions. The goal of these activities is to ask professional divers of local communities help to monitor UCH after scientific evaluations led by archaeologists are completed. The Ohajima underwater site is located off the Coast of Kume Island in Okinawa. This site contains a dense distribution of medieval Chinese pottery. Public open-houses were experimentally organized twice for local communities. The Board of education from local communities (for instance, Kumejima Museum) and local diving communities were heavily involved and helped underwater archaeologists and the research team to organize this event. After continuous attempts of public outreach, public awareness and interests for UCH among the local diving communities has increased. More divers have started visiting the sites. However, an increase in public awareness creates another concerns that it exposes the UCH sites into social media such as blogs by visitors, articles on diving magazines, and so on. Henceforth, the next challenge confronting the authors and the local communities regarding these sites are plans to properly monitor those sites and a proposal for a reliable long-term management plans. More importantly, these monitoring and management plans have to involve wide varieties and different type of local communities. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Yumiko Nakanishi Rintaro Ono Norimitsu Sakagami Hironobu Kan Chiaki Katagiri Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Yumiko Nakanishi Rintaro Ono Norimitsu Sakagami Hironobu Kan Chiaki Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6a275ffeef37f06e94530ed5134b2791.pdf c2dbaf85d61bbd705bbb1f792d2e8a97 PDF Text Text The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and Use in Lake Biwa, Japan Hisashi Nakagawa Toyohashi City Museum Art and History nakagawa_134@yahoo.co.jp Abstract Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to understand the subtleties of history. As an example, the Awazu-bottom site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake. The Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and is one of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake, and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it disappeared in the 12th century. The causes of this sites’ submergence is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore, the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the government to this day. Not only are water levels problematic, but ground sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study, the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction. In this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront environment and its use. Key words: landscape, Lake, Japan, riverine �Introduction Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan and many people have lived on this lake. There are more than 90 underwater or lakeside archaeological sites that exist here. As it has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, its form has been changed due to a variety of factors such as crustal deformations or sediment depositions. In recent years, the relation between these geographical or geological changes and lives of the local people has gradually been revealed by a lot of archaeological materials acquired through some investigations of the submerged sites (Nakagawa, 2016). In this paper, the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen in Nagahama city is discussed in order to describe the natural and historical environmental changes at Lake Biwa from the ancient times to the middle age. General Description of the Site The underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen site is located at the bottom of Lake Biwa in front of the town of Gion in Nagahama city, which is in northeastern part of Shiga Prefecture. Local oral tradition tells us that ‘the village called Nishihama formerly existed here, but it was submerged into the bottom of lake by a big earthquake during the Kansho year of the Muromachi period (1460-1466)’. Before examining historical facts, first of all, some current aspects of the bottom topography found from survey maps and sedimentation situations have to be shown. The investigation area is shallow off shore; around 100m. It is less than 1.5m deep and more than 82.8 m of altitude. There 3 topographical elevated points are characteristically observed (Fig. 1). These points have been named A, B, and D as each survey ward (Fig. 2). In addition, the survey ward of C has no elevation, and a medieval �graveyard does not have any elevated peaks, either. In more than 80m of offing, the more clay-like topography regarded as former ground is still spread. Its average bottom attitude is less than 82.8m (about more than 1.5m deep). In this very peculiar area, old withered trees have been excavated. Because some botanical analyses prove that its soil contains large amounts of plant opals from bamboo grasses, this area was certainly dry land in earlier times. Fig. 1: Topographical lakebed map around the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. �Fig. 2. Research areas of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. In the survey ward of A, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.7m (about 0.6m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the western part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 60m from south to north. Around the survey ward of A, the gentle collapse-like topography which was caused by the power waves from the offing direction could be seen (survey ward of A’). In the survey ward of B, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.75m (about 0.55m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the east part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m from south to north. Around the survey ward of B, as A, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of B’). In the survey ward of C, the average bottom elevation is approximately 83.3m (about 1m deep). It is on the western part of the investigation area along the lakeshore, measuring about 80m from east to west and 15m from south to north. In the survey ward of D, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.4m (about 0.9m deep). This relatively small and oval elevated ward is situated at the centre of the investigation area, measuring about 35m from �east to west and 15m from south to north. Around the survey ward of D as well, as A and B, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of D’). The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated about from 50m to 70m off the lakeside, and its average bottom altitude is 83.1m (about 1.2m deep). There many stone materials, most of which used to be grave stones, are found; each medieval grave consisted of many stones, which were nearly a size larger than a fist of a grown-up man or smaller than human skull, forming a rectangular section or a cairn. The bottom material at the flat part (less than 83.2 m of altitude) at the investigation area consists of small grains of sands. They seem to have been brought there later by wave action or longshore currents. The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is buried under these sands by half. Contra to this, the bottom material of elevated wards of A, B, and D consists of round-shaped small river stones, each of which is from approximately 5cm to 10cm in diameter. Although one of the survey ward of C consists mainly of such river stones, many bigger stones, each of which is from 20cm to 30cm in diameter, are also observed sporadically on this ward. As for the reason why there are some topographical elevated points there, as this area used to be a river delta. Because of this fact, small river stones are found in the elevated wards of A, B, and D. Each ward still looks like the shape of a river delta. Judging from the survey map, around four tributary branches might have flowed into Lake Biwa, but the direction of water flows may have been altered in later years. So presumably the river was about 250m wide at the mouth. �Historic Environmental Transition Judging from Old Topographies and Relics Development Process of the Sites Figure 3 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics from this site for each century. Obviously its peaks were the 8th and the 12th centuries while only one relic from the 14th century was found. Since the 15th century, this site seems to have restarted as a new site. The tendencies at the 12th and the 13th centuries look similar, but almost all relics from the 12th century consist mainly of unglazed pottery named ‘yama cha wan’, which disappeared before the first quarter of the 13th century. In the survey ward C, the remains of a well was found which seems to be abandoned deliberately during the 13th century. The cultural discontinuation of this underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be observed around the 13th century; this place itself was deserted with awareness. Fig. 3: Numbers of excavated relics. Only one relic from the 14th century at the survey ward of C is either air ring of a five-ring stone pagoda. It was originally made in the 14th century, �but later after the 15th century it was reutilized as a tomb stone. In the same elevated zone as the pagoda was found, an elected stone Buddha statue from the 16th century was also found. The end time of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen might be the latter half of the 16th century, because only one relic, i.e. a cup made from celadon porcelain, from the 17th century was found there. The transition period of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be divided into three or four phases, viz. Phase I around the 8th century, Phase II in the 12th century which was the most flourishing time of this site, Phase of Rupture from the middle of the 13th century to 14th century, and Phase III from the 15th to 16th centuries when the site had been revived. Distribution Situation of Relics Every Investigation Area Then, is such situation universal at the whole survey wards of the site? Figure 4 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics for each survey ward for each century. Before Phase I, all wards had relics although its number was relatively small. This trend seems to have continued until the 10th century. Because this investigation area used to be a river delta, these small relics were flowed there together with sediment along the river branches. At first, it was the secondary centre to accumulate broken relics. Some relics, in particular, from the 10th century, are not broken at all and not obliterated; the original places of �those relics would not have been so far away. Perhaps, they might be used directly above this site. Fig. 4: Numbers of excavated relics at each research area. �Phase II is completely different from Phase I. Almost all relics from this phase were found only around the survey ward of B, although only one relic was found around the survey ward of A. Relics from the 11th century, as well as ones from the 13th century, have been excavated only at the survey ward of B. This distribution of relics does not seem to be originated from the natural sedimentation but from real human activities. After Phase of Rupture, this site might have been developed as a new zone at Phase III after the 15th century. Relics belonging to this period were mainly distributed over the survey ward of a medieval graveyard and the offshore places of each survey ward. As no relic is found in the survey wards of A and B and the survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated between the survey wards of A and B, the site of Nishihamasengen had been changed into land or from drying at Phase III. Constitution of Relics and Land Use in Phase II At Phase II around the peak period of the 12th century, what kind of human activities were observed on the site? When did its rivers run dry? The compositions of relics from the survey wards of B are shown in Figure 5. Most of the relics are things for offering only, while ones for boiling or for storing do not exist. Therefore, the survey ward of B at Phase II was not a waste site of general daily necessaries near commoners’ hamlets, but maybe it would have had several mounds of Buddhist scriptures. Because some sutra cases or substitute inkstones are excavated, literate people, which differed from common villagers, might be living there at Phase II. �Fig. 5 (left): Relics at the research area of B from the 12th to 13th Century. In former days, men of weight who wished for peaceful death built mounds of Buddhist scriptures in order to bury the scriptures under the mounds. The height of prosperity of this custom was the 12th century in Japan (Sugiyama, 2007); this historical fact may correspond to the case of the site of Nishihamasengen. As for substitute inkstones, they started to be used in the latter half of the 11th century in Japan. Literate people intentionally built mounds of Buddhist scriptures at the survey ward of B, because at the time of Phase II, which extended over 150 years from the latter half of the 11th century to the first quarter of the 13th century, the survey ward of B was dryland, not half-submerged land. This fact is also proved by the restricted size of ward, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m from south to north; throwing sutra cases and substitute inkstones away from the lakeshore is the out of question. The concentration of the relics and its conglomeration at the survey ward B suggest that this zone began to become dry before the middle of the 11th century. A study of historical geography (Mizuno, 2011) says that �during the Hoen period (1135-1141) the shrine territory of the Gion Shrine was established around this investigation area and its territorial landsubdivision would have been spread far into under the current Lake Biwa (Fig. 6). It could also be imagined that sutra cases and substitute inkstones from the survey ward B would have been used by some men of weight who managed this shrine territory and conducted its religious activities. Fig. 6: Land division of the Medieval Period. (S. Mizuno) New Development after Phase III It is after 15th century that human beings restarted to live around the site of Nishihamasengen. No relic has been excavated at all at the survey wards of A and B, while at the survey wards of a medieval graveyard, C along the lakeshore, and offshore sinking parts of each ward small amount of relics have been found. These consist of not only stone material cultures but also old china plates, earth pottery plates, pots, grinding bowls, many variations of receptacles. On the grinding bowls some usewear is observed, which proves the existence of real human living there at this time. �The medieval graveyard must not have built on the submerged land but on the riverbed of some flow channels when the survey wards A, B, and C were formed as a river delta at the beginning, which was not suitable for plotting rice fields. This ward seemed to have been looked like the actual banks of hell at the middle age. According to some botanical analyses and natural scientific dissections of lakebed soil, much larger offshore areas of the current underwater site of Nishihamasengen were used for dryland agriculture at Phase III after the 15th century. Some oral traditions and historical materials tell us that there used to have been a village named ‘Nisihama-mura’. The relics discovered in the underwater site of Nishihamasengen prove that the village of Nisihamamura was founded after the 15th century. The oldest and first historical material titled Eikyo Shichinen Kanjin Sarugaku Hogacho which mentioned this village was written in 1435. Since the number of relics near the lakeshore is relatively small, the village centre at that time might have been on more offshore place among agricultural fields. Cause of Its Submergence and Time What was the actual cause of the submergence of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen and when? From the 15th to the 16th centuries, undoubtedly, the water level of Lake Biwa varied from 84.2 m 84.7m approximately above sea level (Nakagawa, 2017). Judging from many aspects of the excavated relics from the site of Nishihamasengen, Phase III was terminated at the latter half of the 16th century. Although some stone materials were sometimes reutilized, no relics from the Edo period was found and the newest one is from the first half of the 17th century. During Phase III, the highest peak attitude of the ward of a medieval graveyard is 83.2m (about 1.2m deep). If its ground �attitude nowadays were the same as one in the middle age, villagers had built their graveyard on the bottom of Lake Biwa. Indeed, the water level fluctuation of Lake Biwa is about 1m throughout the year all through the ages, but its fluctuation could not explain why a medieval graveyard is now under Lake Biwa. Some botanical analyses also tell us that around the graveyard the ground was dry at that time. Therefore, the ground subsidence must have happened between the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century. The most probable movement of the earth's crust was the big earthquake occurred on 18th January 1586. According to Luís Fróis, a Jesuit missionary, because of this earthquake many ground cracks ate thousands of houses and villagers, and the remaining ones were destroyed by fires. He also described its ground liquefactions, saying that from ground cracks black and liquid soil was coming out (Ida, 1987). The legendary village of Nisihhama-mura or the contemporary underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen was submerged under Lake Biwa in 1586. Conclusion Lakeshore and seashore has changed due to water fluctuation, soil sedimentation, crustal movement, and so on. Underwater archaeology could investigate some causes of those changes, studying submerged sites. In Japan, however, most think that underwater archaeology is the study of shipwrecks and not many archaeologists are interested in the historical transitions of waterfront environment or underwater settlement sites. In the Japan archipelago, on the other hand, there are still to be many unknown underwater sites, which are similar to the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. Researching upon them will be able to cast a new light on the history of Japan or human beings generally. �References Ida, K., 1987. History of Tensho Big Earthquake. Nagoya University Press, Nagoya. Mizuno, S., 2011. Historical environment of Lake Biwa and human beings. In S. Mizuno (Ed.), Environmental History of Lake Biwa and Human Beings, Iwata, Tokyo: 5-26. Nakagawa, H., 2017. Archaeological study of water level fluctuation at Lake Biwa: some phases from the end of the ancient times to the middle age. Busshitsu Bunka, Vol. 97:113-154. Nakagawa, H., (Ed.), 2016. The Site of NIshihamasengen: Surveys and Studies of Submerged Sites at Lake Biwa, Sunrise, Shiga. Sugiyama, H., 2007. Kyo-zutsu. In M. Ono et al. (Eds.), Great Encyclopaedia of Historical Archaeology, Yoshikawakobunkan, Tokyo: 339-340. Biography Hisashi Nakagawa was born in Aichi Prefecture in 1988. During the undergraduate level, he learned underwater archaeology and supervised by Prof. Hiromichi Hayashi at the University of Shiga Prefecture (20072011). Prof. Hayashi did study underwater archaeology from Prof. Yoshio Oe, who is respected as "Father of Underwater Archeology in Japan". In 2013 he completed the master program (Human Culture) at the University of Shiga Prefecture, and then, he had been a PhD candidate in the same university, and a Research Fellow of Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (2013-2016). He works now at the Toyohashi City Museum Art and History. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and Use in Lake Biwa, Japan Description An account of the resource Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to understand the subtleties of history. As an example, the Awazu-bottom site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake. The Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and is one of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake, and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it disappeared in the 12th century. The causes of this sites’ submergence is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore, the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the government to this day. Not only are water levels problematic, but ground sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study, the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction. In this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront environment and its use. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hisashi Nakagawa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Hisashi Nakagawa Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/47d565c29bb6b4ef88960eedc05eef95.pdf c2dbaf85d61bbd705bbb1f792d2e8a97 PDF Text Text The Historical Transition of Lakefront Environment and Use in Lake Biwa, Japan Hisashi Nakagawa Toyohashi City Museum Art and History nakagawa_134@yahoo.co.jp Abstract Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan. It has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, and many people have lived on this lake. More than 90 underwater archaeological sites exist here, and we are able to understand the subtleties of history. As an example, the Awazu-bottom site,is dated to the middle of the Jomon period approximately 5,000 years ago, and is the largest freshwater shell mound in Japan. It was formed near the lakefront at first, but now submerged on the bottom of lake. The Shiozu-port site is a late Heian period dated to 800 years ago, and is one of the oldest harbor sites in Japan. It was constructed to reclaim the lake, and prospered as water transport area. Many important remains, not only port facilities but also shrines and more, have been excavated, but it disappeared in the 12th century. The causes of this sites’ submergence is closely related an environmental transition of the lakefront. The water balance is particularly important problem. Approximately 460 rivers flow into this lake, but the discharge is only through the Seta-River. Therefore, the water level is greatly fluctuated by the sedimentation situation of the riverbed. According to the old historical documents, many floods have occurred. Therefore, sometimes dredging is carried out by the government to this day. Not only are water levels problematic, but ground sedimentation is as well. The lakefront is convenient for fishery and water transportation, but on the other hand, the land is soft. In a certain study, the ground water level is slightly 20cm higher than water level of lake. As a result of this, serious damage to the settlements have occurred by earthquakes. The extreme effect of this has settlements bring submerged to the bottom of lake by lateral Flow; landslide by the soil liquefaction. In this paper, I would like to study a historical transition of the lakefront environment and its use. Key words: landscape, Lake, Japan, riverine �Introduction Lake Biwa is the largest and oldest lake in Japan and many people have lived on this lake. There are more than 90 underwater or lakeside archaeological sites that exist here. As it has approximately 4,000,000 years of history, its form has been changed due to a variety of factors such as crustal deformations or sediment depositions. In recent years, the relation between these geographical or geological changes and lives of the local people has gradually been revealed by a lot of archaeological materials acquired through some investigations of the submerged sites (Nakagawa, 2016). In this paper, the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen in Nagahama city is discussed in order to describe the natural and historical environmental changes at Lake Biwa from the ancient times to the middle age. General Description of the Site The underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen site is located at the bottom of Lake Biwa in front of the town of Gion in Nagahama city, which is in northeastern part of Shiga Prefecture. Local oral tradition tells us that ‘the village called Nishihama formerly existed here, but it was submerged into the bottom of lake by a big earthquake during the Kansho year of the Muromachi period (1460-1466)’. Before examining historical facts, first of all, some current aspects of the bottom topography found from survey maps and sedimentation situations have to be shown. The investigation area is shallow off shore; around 100m. It is less than 1.5m deep and more than 82.8 m of altitude. There 3 topographical elevated points are characteristically observed (Fig. 1). These points have been named A, B, and D as each survey ward (Fig. 2). In addition, the survey ward of C has no elevation, and a medieval �graveyard does not have any elevated peaks, either. In more than 80m of offing, the more clay-like topography regarded as former ground is still spread. Its average bottom attitude is less than 82.8m (about more than 1.5m deep). In this very peculiar area, old withered trees have been excavated. Because some botanical analyses prove that its soil contains large amounts of plant opals from bamboo grasses, this area was certainly dry land in earlier times. Fig. 1: Topographical lakebed map around the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. �Fig. 2. Research areas of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. In the survey ward of A, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.7m (about 0.6m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the western part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 60m from south to north. Around the survey ward of A, the gentle collapse-like topography which was caused by the power waves from the offing direction could be seen (survey ward of A’). In the survey ward of B, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.75m (about 0.55m deep). This relatively elevated ward is situated on the east part of the investigation area, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m from south to north. Around the survey ward of B, as A, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of B’). In the survey ward of C, the average bottom elevation is approximately 83.3m (about 1m deep). It is on the western part of the investigation area along the lakeshore, measuring about 80m from east to west and 15m from south to north. In the survey ward of D, its highest bottom elevation is approximately 83.4m (about 0.9m deep). This relatively small and oval elevated ward is situated at the centre of the investigation area, measuring about 35m from �east to west and 15m from south to north. Around the survey ward of D as well, as A and B, the gentle collapse-like topography could be seen (survey ward of D’). The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated about from 50m to 70m off the lakeside, and its average bottom altitude is 83.1m (about 1.2m deep). There many stone materials, most of which used to be grave stones, are found; each medieval grave consisted of many stones, which were nearly a size larger than a fist of a grown-up man or smaller than human skull, forming a rectangular section or a cairn. The bottom material at the flat part (less than 83.2 m of altitude) at the investigation area consists of small grains of sands. They seem to have been brought there later by wave action or longshore currents. The survey ward of a medieval graveyard is buried under these sands by half. Contra to this, the bottom material of elevated wards of A, B, and D consists of round-shaped small river stones, each of which is from approximately 5cm to 10cm in diameter. Although one of the survey ward of C consists mainly of such river stones, many bigger stones, each of which is from 20cm to 30cm in diameter, are also observed sporadically on this ward. As for the reason why there are some topographical elevated points there, as this area used to be a river delta. Because of this fact, small river stones are found in the elevated wards of A, B, and D. Each ward still looks like the shape of a river delta. Judging from the survey map, around four tributary branches might have flowed into Lake Biwa, but the direction of water flows may have been altered in later years. So presumably the river was about 250m wide at the mouth. �Historic Environmental Transition Judging from Old Topographies and Relics Development Process of the Sites Figure 3 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics from this site for each century. Obviously its peaks were the 8th and the 12th centuries while only one relic from the 14th century was found. Since the 15th century, this site seems to have restarted as a new site. The tendencies at the 12th and the 13th centuries look similar, but almost all relics from the 12th century consist mainly of unglazed pottery named ‘yama cha wan’, which disappeared before the first quarter of the 13th century. In the survey ward C, the remains of a well was found which seems to be abandoned deliberately during the 13th century. The cultural discontinuation of this underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be observed around the 13th century; this place itself was deserted with awareness. Fig. 3: Numbers of excavated relics. Only one relic from the 14th century at the survey ward of C is either air ring of a five-ring stone pagoda. It was originally made in the 14th century, �but later after the 15th century it was reutilized as a tomb stone. In the same elevated zone as the pagoda was found, an elected stone Buddha statue from the 16th century was also found. The end time of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen might be the latter half of the 16th century, because only one relic, i.e. a cup made from celadon porcelain, from the 17th century was found there. The transition period of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen could be divided into three or four phases, viz. Phase I around the 8th century, Phase II in the 12th century which was the most flourishing time of this site, Phase of Rupture from the middle of the 13th century to 14th century, and Phase III from the 15th to 16th centuries when the site had been revived. Distribution Situation of Relics Every Investigation Area Then, is such situation universal at the whole survey wards of the site? Figure 4 shows the graphic chart of the number of excavated relics for each survey ward for each century. Before Phase I, all wards had relics although its number was relatively small. This trend seems to have continued until the 10th century. Because this investigation area used to be a river delta, these small relics were flowed there together with sediment along the river branches. At first, it was the secondary centre to accumulate broken relics. Some relics, in particular, from the 10th century, are not broken at all and not obliterated; the original places of �those relics would not have been so far away. Perhaps, they might be used directly above this site. Fig. 4: Numbers of excavated relics at each research area. �Phase II is completely different from Phase I. Almost all relics from this phase were found only around the survey ward of B, although only one relic was found around the survey ward of A. Relics from the 11th century, as well as ones from the 13th century, have been excavated only at the survey ward of B. This distribution of relics does not seem to be originated from the natural sedimentation but from real human activities. After Phase of Rupture, this site might have been developed as a new zone at Phase III after the 15th century. Relics belonging to this period were mainly distributed over the survey ward of a medieval graveyard and the offshore places of each survey ward. As no relic is found in the survey wards of A and B and the survey ward of a medieval graveyard is situated between the survey wards of A and B, the site of Nishihamasengen had been changed into land or from drying at Phase III. Constitution of Relics and Land Use in Phase II At Phase II around the peak period of the 12th century, what kind of human activities were observed on the site? When did its rivers run dry? The compositions of relics from the survey wards of B are shown in Figure 5. Most of the relics are things for offering only, while ones for boiling or for storing do not exist. Therefore, the survey ward of B at Phase II was not a waste site of general daily necessaries near commoners’ hamlets, but maybe it would have had several mounds of Buddhist scriptures. Because some sutra cases or substitute inkstones are excavated, literate people, which differed from common villagers, might be living there at Phase II. �Fig. 5 (left): Relics at the research area of B from the 12th to 13th Century. In former days, men of weight who wished for peaceful death built mounds of Buddhist scriptures in order to bury the scriptures under the mounds. The height of prosperity of this custom was the 12th century in Japan (Sugiyama, 2007); this historical fact may correspond to the case of the site of Nishihamasengen. As for substitute inkstones, they started to be used in the latter half of the 11th century in Japan. Literate people intentionally built mounds of Buddhist scriptures at the survey ward of B, because at the time of Phase II, which extended over 150 years from the latter half of the 11th century to the first quarter of the 13th century, the survey ward of B was dryland, not half-submerged land. This fact is also proved by the restricted size of ward, measuring about 40m from east to west and 50m from south to north; throwing sutra cases and substitute inkstones away from the lakeshore is the out of question. The concentration of the relics and its conglomeration at the survey ward B suggest that this zone began to become dry before the middle of the 11th century. A study of historical geography (Mizuno, 2011) says that �during the Hoen period (1135-1141) the shrine territory of the Gion Shrine was established around this investigation area and its territorial landsubdivision would have been spread far into under the current Lake Biwa (Fig. 6). It could also be imagined that sutra cases and substitute inkstones from the survey ward B would have been used by some men of weight who managed this shrine territory and conducted its religious activities. Fig. 6: Land division of the Medieval Period. (S. Mizuno) New Development after Phase III It is after 15th century that human beings restarted to live around the site of Nishihamasengen. No relic has been excavated at all at the survey wards of A and B, while at the survey wards of a medieval graveyard, C along the lakeshore, and offshore sinking parts of each ward small amount of relics have been found. These consist of not only stone material cultures but also old china plates, earth pottery plates, pots, grinding bowls, many variations of receptacles. On the grinding bowls some usewear is observed, which proves the existence of real human living there at this time. �The medieval graveyard must not have built on the submerged land but on the riverbed of some flow channels when the survey wards A, B, and C were formed as a river delta at the beginning, which was not suitable for plotting rice fields. This ward seemed to have been looked like the actual banks of hell at the middle age. According to some botanical analyses and natural scientific dissections of lakebed soil, much larger offshore areas of the current underwater site of Nishihamasengen were used for dryland agriculture at Phase III after the 15th century. Some oral traditions and historical materials tell us that there used to have been a village named ‘Nisihama-mura’. The relics discovered in the underwater site of Nishihamasengen prove that the village of Nisihamamura was founded after the 15th century. The oldest and first historical material titled Eikyo Shichinen Kanjin Sarugaku Hogacho which mentioned this village was written in 1435. Since the number of relics near the lakeshore is relatively small, the village centre at that time might have been on more offshore place among agricultural fields. Cause of Its Submergence and Time What was the actual cause of the submergence of the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen and when? From the 15th to the 16th centuries, undoubtedly, the water level of Lake Biwa varied from 84.2 m 84.7m approximately above sea level (Nakagawa, 2017). Judging from many aspects of the excavated relics from the site of Nishihamasengen, Phase III was terminated at the latter half of the 16th century. Although some stone materials were sometimes reutilized, no relics from the Edo period was found and the newest one is from the first half of the 17th century. During Phase III, the highest peak attitude of the ward of a medieval graveyard is 83.2m (about 1.2m deep). If its ground �attitude nowadays were the same as one in the middle age, villagers had built their graveyard on the bottom of Lake Biwa. Indeed, the water level fluctuation of Lake Biwa is about 1m throughout the year all through the ages, but its fluctuation could not explain why a medieval graveyard is now under Lake Biwa. Some botanical analyses also tell us that around the graveyard the ground was dry at that time. Therefore, the ground subsidence must have happened between the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century. The most probable movement of the earth's crust was the big earthquake occurred on 18th January 1586. According to Luís Fróis, a Jesuit missionary, because of this earthquake many ground cracks ate thousands of houses and villagers, and the remaining ones were destroyed by fires. He also described its ground liquefactions, saying that from ground cracks black and liquid soil was coming out (Ida, 1987). The legendary village of Nisihhama-mura or the contemporary underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen was submerged under Lake Biwa in 1586. Conclusion Lakeshore and seashore has changed due to water fluctuation, soil sedimentation, crustal movement, and so on. Underwater archaeology could investigate some causes of those changes, studying submerged sites. In Japan, however, most think that underwater archaeology is the study of shipwrecks and not many archaeologists are interested in the historical transitions of waterfront environment or underwater settlement sites. In the Japan archipelago, on the other hand, there are still to be many unknown underwater sites, which are similar to the underwater archaeological site of Nishihamasengen. Researching upon them will be able to cast a new light on the history of Japan or human beings generally. �References Ida, K., 1987. History of Tensho Big Earthquake. Nagoya University Press, Nagoya. Mizuno, S., 2011. Historical environment of Lake Biwa and human beings. In S. Mizuno (Ed.), Environmental History of Lake Biwa and Human Beings, Iwata, Tokyo: 5-26. Nakagawa, H., 2017. Archaeological study of water level fluctuation at Lake Biwa: some phases from the end of the ancient times to the middle age. Busshitsu Bunka, Vol. 97:113-154. Nakagawa, H., (Ed.), 2016. The Site of NIshihamasengen: Surveys and Studies of Submerged Sites at Lake Biwa, Sunrise, Shiga. Sugiyama, H., 2007. Kyo-zutsu. In M. Ono et al. (Eds.), Great Encyclopaedia of Historical Archaeology, Yoshikawakobunkan, Tokyo: 339-340. Biography Hisashi Nakagawa was born in Aichi Prefecture in 1988. During the undergraduate level, he learned underwater archaeology and supervised by Prof. Hiromichi Hayashi at the University of Shiga Prefecture (20072011). Prof. Hayashi did study underwater archaeology from Prof. Yoshio Oe, who is respected as "Father of Underwater Archeology in Japan". In 2013 he completed the master program (Human Culture) at the University of Shiga Prefecture, and then, he had been a PhD candidate in the same university, and a Research Fellow of Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (2013-2016). He works now at the Toyohashi City Museum Art and History. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Preliminary Study on the Barrier of the Sino-French War of 1884 at Tamsui Estuary, Taiwan Description An account of the resource During the Sino-French War of 1884, the Qing military intentionally sank a number of wrecks filled with rocks under the Tamsui River and surrounded them with naval mines and many railings to form a barrier against the French invasion. In 2014, one hundred and thirty years later, the government planned to construct a bridge across the river estuary; and, in accordance with the law concerning environmental impact assessments and archaeological impact assessments, the author conducted an investigation to find potential underwater archaeological remains. The survey tools for this project included a side scan sonar, a multi-beam sonar, a magnetometer, and a sub-bottom profiler. A total of 31 anomalies were detected by these sonars; most of them were lain on the surface of the river bed, and these were believed to be modern debris. However, some anomalies were covered by the sand or under the river bed; therefore, the team could not identifiy these targets further without underwater operations. First, In order to verify the anomalies lying on the surface of the river bed, the team used an underwater camera and diverbased investigation. As a result of the investigation, no specific archaeological remains were found on the surface of the river bed; also the team found out that the sediments of the riverbed had accumulated repeatedly by erosion and floods since 1884. It seems that a strong power of natural dynamics on this region may had destroyed the barrier. In conclusion, the underwater investigation could not confirm archaeological remains of the barrier. Further investigation is required to find archaeological remains. In this paper, the author shall share historical contexts related to the Tamsui Estuary that were found during his historical literature reviews. Also the author shall share his hypothesis of where to find, or what might have happened to, the potential archaeological remains from Sino-French War of 1884. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tai-Lung Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Tai-Lung Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b5a07bd794490d688d66b73e322c9f8a.pdf e7f8ae641174dd9f1248d675050774e0 PDF Text Text The 17th Century Wooden Shipwreck off Hatsushima Island, Japan Hayato Kondo Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology hkondo@kaiyodai.ac.jp Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp Toshiaki Hayashibara Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology sea.museum@gmail.com Abstract The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011. The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres from the western shore. It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull. Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part of Japan for the capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern part at that time. Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle. In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site, about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar. In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with photogrammetry software Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’. Key words: Shipwreck, survey, Photogrammetry �Introduction Hatsushima Island is approximately 4km around and located in the Sagami bay off east coast of Izu peninsula. In terms of its administration, it belongs to Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture. From the mainland city, we could always see the island and vice versa, and regular ferry services are frequently available between them (Fig. 1). Hatsushima Island has approximately 200 inhabitants, most of whom engage in fishery and tourist industries. There is only one elementary school, about 30 guest houses, and a resort hotel on it. The surrounding sea around Hatsushima Island is managed by the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island; without permission from the association, neither recreation fishing nor fun diving around the island is allowed. Fig. 1: Location of Hatsushima Island. �The so-called Hatsushima shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, being 200 metres from the western shore. Its cargo mainly consists of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of wooden hulls. Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part of Japan, might be Osaka or Hyogo, for the capital town of Edo, which is currently known as Tokyo. During the Edo period, Japan was in national isolation, called sakoku (鎖国); consequently, there was only limited contact with foreign countries, while domestic seaborne transportation systems were highly developed. Almost all areas in Japan were connected by the shipping traffic with wooden freighters. Using ships, rice was transported from northern Japan to Edo or Osaka, which was the largest town in western Japan; earthenware from western Japan to Edo; marine products from Hokkaido to western Japan, and so on. The shipwreck site was officially found in the latter half of 1970s by a constructor of underwater pipelines which supplied pure water to Hatsushima Island from mainland. Even before, however, it has been known by fishermen that roof tiles and grindstones have sometimes been caught by fishing nets. In addition, the islanders have inherited legends testifying that at the shipwreck, night after night, a sodden samurai who wore armour used at that time, landed on the western shore of Hatsushima island from the bottom of the sea. Since the area was opened as a diving spot, some leisure divers have recognized the shipwreck. Because the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island has strictly managed the wreck, its destruction has been prevented somehow. �A series of surveys have been done mainly by the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) and by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network. The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology is the only an active academic society for underwater cultural heritage in Japan. Although its headquarters is situated at Fukuoka city, Kyushu, the institute has not only Japanese members but also foreign scholars including from Korea and Germany. It was founded in 1986 under the name of the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology or KOSUWA, and then in 2005 it became a nonprofit organization. The president director is Kenzo Hayashida, who is an expert advisor of the Submerged Sites Study Committee at the Agency for Cultural Affairs. The institute has regally published a journal titled The Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies which is the only one periodical specialized about underwater cultural heritage in Japan. In November 2011 and in February 2012, several ARIUA underwater archaeologists did the underwater survey upon the Hatsushima shipwreck site to locate its exact position. The third diving campaign was executed on April 2012, which was covered by a TV programme, and the fourth diving campaign was executed on October 2012 in order to create plans for future surveys and excavations. On March 2013, the multibeam sonar survey and pilot survey using an autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV), which was built by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, were executed (Kondo, 2017). Figure 2 shows the bathymetry around the site generated by a multibeam sonar mounted. A group of embossments surrounded in a circle shows the wreck site. multibeam survey was a SONIC 2024. A sonar used for this �Fig. 2: Bathymetry of the archaeological site. Archaeological Relics The shipwreck site itself measures 4.7m from east to west and 5m from north to south. In an area of 5m square, the freighter’s cargos, such as roof tiles, grinding bowls, and whetstones are spread (Fig. 3). Although decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles, and whetstones are found dispersedly, other cargo components such as pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles, and grinding bowls are well aligned. It could be imagined that, when this freighter sank, the heavy cargos might be placed bottom on the wooden hull. The number of pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles, and grinding bowls were spread far more than that of decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles, and whetstones. As for the hull, its greater part seems to be buried inside the sandy seabed; after the sand is push aside, a few wooden plates from the ship could be observed between the group of aligned pan-tiles and grinding bowls. �Fig. 3: Rough drawing of the wreck site. At the southern part of the relics-concentrated site, pan-tiles are aligned in five rows and two layers to the east-west directions; and others are aligned in one row and one layer to the north-south directions. About the northern part, round eaves-tiles are aligned in two rows and two layers. Contrarily, pan eaves-tiles and decorative ridge-end tiles are sporadically spread to relatively outside of the relics-concentrated site. Judging from their forms and characteristics, the grinding bowls were produced from the middle of the 17th century to the beginning of the 18th century in the Tamba region of western Japan, which is now in Hyogo Prefecture. This Tamba ware or Tamba-Tachikui ware had started to be made around 1000 years ago, and then became famous in Japan �especially for its grinding bowls. Before the 18th century almost all Japanese grinding bowls came either from the area of Tamba or from Seto. After the middle of the 18th century, however, the cheap bowls produced in a town of Sakai, near Osaka, became much more popular. As for roof tiles, the original production area might be Awaji Island, which is also now in Hyogo Prefecture. Throughout Japanese History, we had three famous roof tile production areas, viz. Awaji Island at Hyogo, Sanshu at Aichi, and Sekishu at Shimane. The roof tile production at Awaji Island is said to have started around the 6th or the 7th centuries. The roof tiles produced at Awaji Island are characterized by their beautiful silvery colour, which could be observed on some roof tiles at the Hatsushima wreck. Indeed, it would be possible that not all roof tiles belonging to the wreck came from Awaji Island, but other roof tiles might have also been produced at some tile kilns, at least near Awaji Island, such as kilns around Osaka or Kyoto. Most of roof tiles found on the shipwreck seem to be relatively high-quality products. One of the decorative ridge-end tiles has a well-known mark, its centre displays the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms (三葉葵文) of the Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan. The decorative cap of each round eaves-tile presents the crest of three comma-shaped figures (連珠三巴文) in a circle without circular line. On the other hand, the decorative cap of each pan eaves-tile has the ‘Osaka-typed’ motif of arabesque (均整唐草 文) which is marked by elongated calyxes and y-shaped sides both on the right and left. All the roof tiles were polished-up beautifully that even did not display trace of polishing marks. �These high-qualitied roof tiles seem to have been produced especially for the Edo Shogunate castle as one of the decorative ridge-end tiles that has the crest of the Tokugawa family or clan. In 1657, the Great Fire of Meireki burned down more than the half districts of Edo, including the castle; therefore, the roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck might be ordered for the reconstruction attempt of the castle after the fire. Also, there is a record that the Genroku earthquake hit Edo in 1703, yet the physical damage on the castle against the Edo castle was minor; only some gates or guard houses were reported to be collapsed. Consequently, it is natural to consider that the roof tiles were to be used for the repair works after the fire rather than the earthquake. The roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck must be specially ordered products by the Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan, while the grinding bowls seem to have been general-purpose products. As this freighter carried both products, it was not a ship owned by the government but rather a private merchant vessel. During the Edo period, two types or systems of mercantile operations were recorded. One was ‘kaizumi (買積)’, in which vessels itself went to productions, factories, or industrial areas to buy goods directly in order to bring those goods back home ports or to bring them to the big cities such Edo or Osaka to sell. The other one was ‘unchinzumi (運賃積)’, in which vessels carried cargos for customers, for instance the government and other merchants, based on orders and requests of customers. The Hatsushima wreck did belong to the latter system. The wreck of the same trading type was discovered off of Kozushima Island (Iwabuchi, 2012). Survey after 2015 �The main purpose of the survey after 2015 was to map the wreck site accurately using a 3D photogrammetry technique. The obtained data will help us to understand the whole archaeological site off Hatsushima Island including the shipwreck. Presumably the evaluation of this site by using this data would open a way that the site will be registered as a place of buried cultural properties which will be a legal evidence to help the site. Another purpose of this survey is to consider the potential usage of underwater vehicles and underwater photogrammetry for archaeological site. Methodology: A remotely operated vehicle (ROV) was operated to take pictures while keeping close distance over the wreck for mapping. Divers were attended at the seabed to prevent any accidents. To complement for the mapping, visual inspections and measuring were operated by divers. The survey area was set to 5m square focusing on the relicsconcentrated area. A small boat was locally hired to serve as a research vessel which delivered divers and instruments from pier to the site; and operation of the ROV was also done from the boat. The survey operations were completed by both photo-shooting by the ROV and visual inspection by divers; any destructive operations such as excavation and rising artefacts of the relics were not executed. Homemade Remotely Operated Vehicle: A simple ROV was designed and constructed by Kondo laboratory of Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. Figure 4 shows the general arrangement of the vehicle. The length of the ROV is 1m, width is 0.58m and the depth is 0.48m (excluding hanging points). The weight is about 70kg, yet it is neutrally buoyant in seawater. Four propeller thrusters are mounted on the vehicle; two horizontal thrusters are mounted horizontally to make the vehicle �move forward and backward; the other two thrusters are mounted vertically (see Fig. 4) to make the vehicle to move upward and downward. Fig. 4: General arrangement of the homemade ROV. Four cameras are mounted on the vehicle as observational equipment. Main camera has Type 4/3 sized, 3296 x 2472 resolution CCD. An F mount lens was attached to the camera. The camera is sealed in a homemade pressure bottle with underwater connectors. Still images are transmitted from the ROV to the surface boat via an umbilical cable, and stored in a laptop computer. This main camera is mounted vertically/perpendicularly as the camera face-down to the seabed. Other used cameras were wearable cameras (GoPro), one camera was mounted perpendicularly to take top-view movies. Other two were paired as works as stereo cameras, and mounted slightly diagonally angled down to take slant-view movies of the site. Three original underwater LED lights were also mounted to provide lighting. A syntactic foam, which is a buoyancy material made of glass microspheres and compound was mounted on top of the vehicle. A main pressure bottle made of aluminum alloy was attached beneath the buoyancy material. Microcomputers, control units, a depth sensor and batteries were stored in the main bottle. The main bottle was relatively �heavy to make the long separation between centers of buoyancy and gravity to provide better stability for the vehicle’s motions. An umbilical cable which encloses ethernet and power lines connected the main bottle and a laptop computer on the boat. Operator can control the vehicle’s motion and onboard equipment from the laptop. The structure of the ROV consists of High Density Poly Ethylene (HDPE), which is positively buoyant in seawater, free from corrosion and easy to let any equipment to be mounted. Results: Although divers supported the ROV (Fig. 5) because of electric failure of thrusters, an orthophoto mosaic of the wreck (Fig. 6) was obtained from 3D spatial data generated by photogrammetric processing using digital images taken by the ROV. Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’ was used for photogrammetric processing. Although blank parts can be seen on the orthomosaic because of the bad image conditions, distortions of the orthomosaic are minimum, and this orthomosaic can be used for archaeological drawings. �Fig. 5: A photo taken by a diver during the Survey. Fig. 6: Orthophoto mosaic of the wreck site. �In November 2016, to obtain better 3D photogrammetric data, several ARUIA divers took numerous underwater photos of the Hatsushima shipwreck. At that time, two grapnels were discovered at north-east from the wreck site (about 10 metres apart from the site). However, the relationship between these anchors and the wreck is still under investigation. Both in 2015 and in 2016, the open briefing sessions of the survey for the general public living in Hatsushima Island were organized by ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology during the campaigns. Many islanders, including members of the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island, attended the sessions and displayed their high interests to this underwater cultural heritage (Hayashibara et al., 2016). We have once again understood that working together with local people is necessary. Additionally, foreign researchers participated in the surveys at Hatsushima Island both in 2015 and in 2016. In 2015, one Indonesian student from the graduate school of Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology received hands-on training of underwater archaeology in this field campaign. This was a part of the programmes of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network at TUMSAT. In 2016, two Italian scholars from the International Research Institute for Archaeology and Ethnology, one Dutch from ICOMOS Netherlands, and one American from the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, attended the survey to help the underwater investigations. Complying with the UNESCO international standard, ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology are planning to make good use of this underwater archaeological site for education and training, not only as a touristic attraction. �Conclusions and Perspectives An orthophoto mosaic of the wreck was generated from 3D spatial data generated by photogrammetric processing using digital images taken by the ROV and divers. Line art (2D site plan) for the cultural heritage documentation is under drawing. Currently, the team is planning more data collection in order to obtain sectional drawings. The ROV operation was executed twice and its total time is about one hour; this is a large saving for divers’ archaeological sites. underwater operation time for underwater The advantage of underwater vehicles for archaeological survey has been confirmed by the orthophoto mosaic of the wreck. Also, we are planning to evaluate the validity of increasing the image quality and usage of underwater technological instruments. The goal of these investigations is to produce a site map as an orthophoto mosaic, and share detailed and accurate information of the site with the Board of Education of Atami city. Although it has already recognized its existence, the Hatsushima shipwreck has not designated as a ‘Buried Cultural Property’ or ‘Historic Site’ under the Japanese domestic law of the Cultural Properties Protection Act (Hayashibara, 2013). The board of education believes that more detailed information is required, for instance its historical values or current situation including the complete picture of the hull buried beneath the seabed. Without raising all archaeological components of the site, which is against the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, its general view of the site could not be appeared and observed. The other reason why the board of education does not want to protect this site under the civil law is that the Agency for Cultural Affairs has ordered every board of education to execute the Cultural Properties Protection Act upon all sites before the Middle Age, �but this order also implies that it is not priority to apply this order to heritage sites dated after the Early Modern Age. Acknowledgements The research in 2011 and in 2012 was carried out with financial assistance from the Nippon Foundation, in 2013 from the Canon Foundation, and in 2015 from the Asahi Shimbun Foundation, to which our thanks are due. We also wish to thank ARIUA members and graduate or undergraduate students at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology who helped our surveys. References Hayashibara, T., 2013. Off Hatsushima Island, Atami city. Archaeology Quarterly, Vol. 123: 31-33. Hayashibara, T., Kondo, H., and Iwabuchi, A., 2016. Making a site map of underwater cultural heritage off Hatushima Island. ARIUA Newsletter, No. 5: 2-11. Iwabuchi, A., 2012. Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to Underwater Archaeology. Kagaku-Dojin, Kyoto. Kondo, H., 2017. Underwater techniques to exploit new possibilities of deepwater archaeology. In K. Hayashida (Ed.), Underwater Cultural Heritage: History Resuscitated from the Sea, Bensei, Tokyo: 175-203. Biographies Hayato Kondo is Associate Professor at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. His research interests include ocean-related autonomous system, high-resolution ocean observation, AUV system design, and its payload system including optical and acoustic sensors. He received his PhD from the University of Tokyo in 2002 on naval architecture and ocean engineering, M.Eng. and B.Eng. from Waseda University on mechanical engineering. He is a co-chair of the technology committee on unmanned �maritime vehicles and submersibles, Oceanic Engineering Society, IEEE. He is also a member of the Japan ICOMOS National Committee. Akifumi Iwabuchi is Professor of Maritime Anthropology and Nautical Archaeology at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network. He is the ICOMOSICUCH National Representative for Japan, being also Directors of the Japan Society for Nautical Research, of the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology, and of the Forum on the Oceanic State of Japan. He received his PhD from the University of Oxford in 1990. His publications include The People of the Alas Valley (Clarendon Press, 1994) and Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to Underwater Archaeology (Kagaku-Dojin, 2012). Toshiaki Hayashibara was born in Tokyo in 1960. He received his MA from Toyo University in 1986. He is a director of the Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology at Fukuoka and lecturer in underwater archaeology at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. He is also a member of the Japanese Archaeological Association. His archaeological specialties include prehistorical bronze wares in Japan, underwater cultural heritage, and heritage management. In the process of participating in underwater researches all over Japan, he has most gradually come to have his doubts about treatments of underwater archaeological sites and their managements in Japan. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The 17th Century Wooden Shipwreck off Hatsushima Island, Japan Description An account of the resource The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011. The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres from the western shore. It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull. Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden freighter or kaisen ( 廻船 ), which left a port of western part of Japan for the capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern part at that time. Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle. In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site, about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar. In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with photogrammetry software Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hayato Kondo Akifumi Iwabuchi Toshiaki Hayashibara Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Hayato Kondo Akifumi Iwabuchi Toshiaki Hayashibara Asia-Pac Session 6 2017