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                    <text>Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of
Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of
South Sumatra in Early Centuries
Eka Asih Putrina Taim
National Research Center of Archaeology
University of Indonesia
ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com
Abstract
The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime
empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does
not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements
and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics
is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities
between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was
found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing
happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have
picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early
centuries AD.
Key words: Ceramics and Archeological Findings, Southern Sumatra,
Ancient Ports
Preface
The east coast region of Sumatra Island is commonly known for seafaring
since ancient times. As a “gate route” to enter the Indonesian Archipelago,
its connected or passed by ships with destinations to and from the Yellow
Sea in the North. The peak of trade activity in east coast region of Sumatra
Island happened during the period of the Maritime Kingdom of Srivijaya.
Its vast territory covered almost all of the western part of Indonesian
Archipelago and Malay Peninsula (Kedah) up to southern part of Thailand
(Ligor).
Based on ancient inscriptions and foreign written sources, the period of
this enormous kingdom was emerging presumably in 6th until 13th

�Centuries. Yet it cannot deny, some of archaeological evidences that
found in east coast of Sumatra Island, indicated the contacts activity with
foreigner already conducted far before 6th Century. The peak of trading
activity in eastern Sumatra through the Malacca Strait at that time
appropriated with the period of “silk road” trade routes between East and
West from the 8th -11th Centuries (Wolters, 1967). In land route of “silk
road”, the traders were assessing the desert land through Central Asia,
Eastern Asia to Europe, like wise from Europe to Central Asia. However,
the sea routes in “silk routes” were sailing the routes which connected
Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf in the West to South of China, through
the Melaka strait and the East Coast of Sumatra.
Meanwhile the trade network from trade centers in the West also
expanded to the South East. The 8th -11th Centuries were expanding
period of Muslim trade along coastline of Indian Sea to China. The Ships
sailed from Mesopotamia and Persian Gulf or from Egypt and Middle Sea
(Mediterranean) to India and Malabar, continued to Srilangka, Indonesia,
Indochina, and Southern China territory. They were loaded with
commercial goods such as rocks, turtle skin, comb, and metal bars. All of
those things were exchanged for elephant trunks, rhinoceros horn, and
camphor along the Indian seashore. Whereas in China, the trade goods
were exchanged for precious things such as silk and ceramic, all of those
were going to sale in Mediterranean markets and the Indian sea became
center for the distribution of spices, perfume, aromatic ingredients, and
medicines. (Lombard, 1996)
The sea trade routes between East and West had went on far before the
arrival of the Islamic religion into Indonesian Archipelagos. Traders and
seafarers from China, Arabia and Persia had travelled using the
advantage of monsoon winds. By assessing the historical records, we

�have descriptions of their navigation network and the kind of commodities
which were traded. The journey from China to Indonesian Archipelagos
and South East Asia, at least had 3 stages period of journeys:
The first period was the 5th – 7th Centuries; the journeys were motivated
by religious pilgrimages. It is marked by Fa-shien journeying to religious
centers in India and Ceylon in 414 AD. In his returned journey to China,
he passed and stopped in Yeh Po Tie which located in the East Coast of
Sumatra. At this time, the trade commodity was limited only to luxurious
or royal goods such as: pearls, turtle skin, and religious effects such as
benzoin, perfume and other exceptional things (Wolters, 1967).
The second period was in the 7th – 13th Centuries; the sea journeys not
only were intended for luxurious and royal goods, but also for spices and
medicines.

This period was marked by the emerging of maritime

kingdoms in Sumatra such as Sriwijaya and Melayu. As we found in ItTsing’s records (677 AD), in his journey to India he stopped in Palembang,
he noticed that Palembang had already become an important port.
Another record made by another Chinese traveler, Hsu- T’ang –Shu,
mentioned that Sriwijaya had at least 14 harbors or ports and Barus were
one of its biggest one in the west coast of Sumatra, which produced
camphor and had its own administrative rules (Wolters, 1967).
The third Period was in the 14th -17th Centuries; it was the summit of
Chinese commercial activity in the Ming Dynasty. At that time the Chinese
Empire was as its acme in prosperity and leading culture. At the beginning
of the 15th century, it was a period where there was an enormous interest
from the Chinese Empire to expand its influence to overseas lands, its
trade’s become more developed and more diverse, as well as China’s
knowledge in geography had became wider and more detailed (Mills,
1969). The famous and legendary trader and envoy at this time was

�Admiral Cheng Ho or Ma Huan (1403-1430 AD). Ma Huan or Cheng Ho
noted and recorded on his journey in his journal and he wrote a book “
Ying Yai Sheng Lan” ( The Overall Survey of The Ocean’s Shores) (Mills,
1969).
Base on its chronology, ports and trade settlements along east coast
Sumatra could divide into several periods,
1. Ports which emerged in pre or early Sriwijaya period 4th– 7th C
2. Ports during Sriwijaya Period 7th – 13th C
3. Ports which existed after Sriwijaya period and at the time of
emerging of many maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as
Panai, Malayu, and Samudra Pasai, as same period with
Majapahit supremacy in East Java in 13th C.
4. Port that was emerged and developed in 18th-19th C
From all of the five stages of Chronology, the existing of the ports was the
most varied. Some of ports could survive through several periods but
there also ports which only existed only in one period and abandoned
afterward.
Archaeological researches in eastern Sumatra, supported by written
sources, is also conducted by field research through either surveys or
excavations. The results of this research revealed that most of the sites in
this area were dated back to pre- and during the Sriwijaya period in 4th 13th C. The primary indications for the existence of those ports in east
coast of Sumatra were an enormous number of ceramics found, mostly
along the line of its seashore. As well as the ceramic sherds there’s also
traces of ancient settlements remains such as bricks, poles of wooden

�house pillars, fragments of ancient ships/vessels, beads, metal and wood
relics.
Other data that we could use to explain the existence of the ports are the
shipwreck cargos, which found in Indonesian Sea, such as shipwreck from
Pulau Buaya, Bangka Belitung, and the recent finding from Cirebon Sea.
The data from these projects are very important and relevant evidences
reveal the ancient trade activity and its commodities for export and import
from other places outside of the Indonesia Archipelago. More over with
sunken ship sites, which might have same chronological assemblage,
contains a high value of large number ceramic data related to other kinds
of commodities which were also important.

The ceramics we could

identified the origin of its dated and place, and from ceramics dating we
could confirm the variation of other commodities which came from the
same period of the ceramics.
This paper tries to decipher which sites have indicated that these activities
and how their role in shipping, trade and cultural exchanges of the past by
using both written source and artifacts that found in very sites.
The Archaeological Findings And Past Ten Years New Reveals In
South Sumatra
Most of sites that indicated maritime and long distance trade activity in
early centuries are located in two provinces in southern part Sumatera,
which are South Sumatra province and Jambi province.
A. Jambi Province
The existence of ancient port in south Sumatra began with toponim of a
place called “Muara Sabak”. It’s located in Batanghari estuary. The word
Sabak could be refer to Arabian noted in 7th C called Zabag , a place that
might be located in Sumatera (L. Damais, 1964). Nowadays Muara Sabak

�is in Tanjung Jabung distrik, along with others sites that had reveals later
in late 90’s such as Lambur. Nipah Panjang, Siti Hawa, and Koto Kandis.

Fig. 1: Tanjung Jabung District in Jambi Province.
Tanjung Jabung district lies in a delta at the mouth of the Batang Hari
River, the second largest river in southern Sumatra. The lowland region
mostly consists of peat swamps. Several rivers flow into this delta, which
partly empties into the Berhala Strait, among other rivers; Pemusiran,
Lambur Luar, and Simbur Rise. Those sites located in this region are on
the banks of the river flow, both of which still exist as well as the flow of
an ancient river that has dried up. The most prominent finding on sites in
this region is the distribution of foreign ceramics which is quite dense and
evenly distributed on every surface of the site.
Ceramic findings, especially Chinese ceramics are quite dominant to the
sites in the estuary area up to Muara Jambi site in the mid-stream of the
River Batanghari. In addition to ceramics, the findings in the estuary of the
river, also a variety of other ship findings such as wooden pegs, fiber
ropes, ship fragments, metal, pottery, gold, and other findings that show
traces of settlement activities and maritime activity of past trade. Mostly

�ceramic finds in this area came from the Sung Dynasty era; 11th to 13th
Century, and consists of various kinds of white ceramics, caldrons, jars,
ewers, which came in quite fine quality.
B. South Sumatra Province
Other than Batanghari River, the largest river in South Sumatra is Musi
River. The maritime site in this province mostly scattered in the bank of
this river. South Sumatra province are well-known on its role in trade route
either in historical or archeological data.

Fig. 2: Air Sugihan Site, South Sumatra Province.
The oldest data in this region date came from the early of the 7th century
AD, known as the Srivijaya period. The sites located in the estuary of the
Musi River facing directly into the Strait of Malacca, among others are the
wetlands sites on along the edge of the east coast of South Sumatra, such
as the sites in Bayunglincir, Karang Agung to Air Sugihan, and the site of
Kota Kapur in Bangka Island. These sites clearly indicate the trace of
ancient settlements existence and maritime activities from the beginning
of AD (century 3-4 AD). In addition to the findings of ancient settlements,

�there are household appliances (grinding), pottery, beads, and metal
fragment fragments, as well as Chinese ceramic findings from Tang
dynasty by the end of 9th century AD. For the oldest ceramic find in the
eastern seaboard South Sumatra is a jug from the 6th Century Sui dynasty
found on the site of Air Sugihan.
The district of Air Sugihan lies on the south side of the delta of Musi River
on an ebb and tide, swamp area. Since 1980 was made for transmigration
settlements, canals and bridges were built to reach the villages. Since
inhabited, many archaeological findings were reported yet illegal digging
occurred around the 1990s. Preliminary surveys were conducted in 1998
and again in 2003 through to 2011, and 2013 by Indonesian National
Research Center of Archaeology. The research had identified several
sites with surface finds such in Kertamurti, Nusakarta, Banyubiru, and
canal 7. Excavations were carried on at 2007 and 2008, 2011 and 2013.
Beside the traces of ancient settlement, sites in east coast of South
Sumatra also show remains of ancient maritime activities such as; part of
the remaining ancient boats, wooden fragments of ships; oars, peg wood,
rope fibers, shoe stoves, as well as remnants of an ancient dock. Some
others finds in Air Sugihan area which indicated similarity with other sites
in South India. China Mainland and South East Asia have various beads
made of glass and stone; stamps made of glass/stone; decorated pottery;
Chinese ceramics; and metal objects.

�Fig. 3 (left):Tthe end of a wooden
boat fragment (National Research
Center of Archaeology).

C. Bangka Island
Bangka Island was used to part of South Sumatra Province, now the
island namely Bangka and Belitung have became a Province of Bangka
Belitung. The Bangka Island it self with its Menumbing hill has been known
by sealer in early centuries. The oldest written story written before
Sriwijaya about Bangka obtained in India. A Buddhist literature written in
century 3 AD (Mahaniddesa) mentions a number of place names in Asia,
among others about Swarnnabhūmi, Wangka, and Java. Swarnnabhūmi
name can be identified with Sumatra as mentioned also in the book
Milindapanca while Wangka may be identified by Bangka. More detailed
information about the picture there Bangka Island the Chinese news from
the year 1436 AD is Hsing-Ch'a Sheng-lan ( General Reports Journey at
Sea) written by Fei Hsin of a place called Ma-yi-tung lying west of Kau-lan
(Belitung) in the southern sea (L. . Damais, 1995; Groeneveldt, 1960)
Kota kapur, a prominent archaeological site in Bangka island, well known
as its inscription about the invasion to Bumijawa. The inscription was
originally thought to have come from the 7th century AD, but with the
discovery of a statue Vishnu style 4 -5 centuries AD as it is also found in
the port of Oc Eo sites in northern Vietnam. With the discovery of these
findings, it can be said Kota Kapur site has been going on around the 4th

�century AD or the period before the Realm of Srivijaya. The findings from
this site not only inscription but also remains of brick temples, with one of
it center consist about 20 ceramic bowls dated from North Song Dynasty
10th C arranged in circle row.
The island of Bangka has a strait of Bangka that connects with Malacca
Strait. In the 7th century AD, the Malacca Strait has become an important
shipping lane and crowded with the Indian region. In 2013, National
Research Center of Archaeology has revealed remnants of an ancient
dock /port on southwest shore of Kota Kapur, facing to the mouth of Musi
River, This remnant presumably as an entrance dock to Kota Kapur in
early century. In addition to the rest of the pier, around the location are
also found the remains of a large wooden boat, pottery shard, and the
remains of house poles.

Fig. 4 (right): Excavation on ancient dock
in Kota Kapur Site of Bangka. (National
Research Center of Archaeology)

Conclusion
Indonesia was presumably greatly involved in the Indian Ocean network
trade at very early period. Indonesian products such as camphor, benzoin,
cloves, and gold were demand in India and China, moreover to Middle
East, Rome and west coast of Africa. Historical evidence however

�indicates that the main emporia in western Indonesia were not located
near the producing center, but instead were in south east Sumatra (Miksic,
1979)
The oldest evidences of long distance trade route, between southern
Sumatra’s east coast to elsewhere, are the finding of ceramic jars from
the Sui dynasty’s 6t -7th century , the Arikamedu’s pottery shard of 4th 5th century, also some potteries which as the same as found in Oc Eo site
(4-5 C). In Air Sugihan site, not only the potteries but also beads, metal
works, and also amulet are similar with those found in 4th-5th century site
of Oc Eo.
From the chronology of ceramic finds, ceramic that found in Tanjung
Jabung area of Batanghari estuary are mostly latter than those found
South Sumatera east coast. It is indicated that settlements in South
Sumatra by the Musi River estuary were older (9th-10th C) than
Batanghari’s (11th -13th C). The ceramics and other artifacts such as metal
work , glass and others found in Jambi and South Sumatra sites are the
same as those found in Pulau Buaya, Intan and Cirebon Shipwreck ,
which mean all those were came from the same period and the same trade
business (Taim, 2016)
Some boat fragments found in Air Sugihan or Bangka site shown the use
of Southeast Asian tradition of boat making. Southeast Asian boat making
techniques that consist of sewn plank technique and lash lug techniques.
This technique was flourishing in Southeast Asia so it use to call as
Southeast Asian Technique, which starts in early first century (Abas,
2009).
The eastern coastal area of southern Sumatra contains several areas that
indicate long-distance maritime and trade activities. The region covers

�Jambi province, south Sumatra, and Bangka Belitung. Based on the
findings of archaeological remains, the Jambi province area relatively
younger by archeological findings than the other two regions (southern
Sumatra and Bangka). This is in accordance with the chronology of the
history of the kingdom of Srivijaya which was mentioned in Sumatra by
Coedes (Coedes, Damais, Kulke, &amp; Manguin, 2014). Wolters, an English
Historian , also said that Jambi to South Sumatra area are the suitable
and strategic location, as enter port while waiting for the best wind that
might bring the ship to east (Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, 2006)

References
Abas, N. 2009. Perahu Kuno di Situs Punjulharjo , Rembang. Berita
Penelitian Arkeologi, 23, 46–59.
Coedes, G., Damais, L.-C., Kulke, H., &amp; Manguin, P.-Y. (2014). Kedatuan
Sriwijaya. (A. G. and P. M. Veronique de Groot, Ed.) (2nd ed.). Jakarta:
Komunitas Bambu.
Damais, L. 1964. "Etudes sino-indonesiennes III. Latrascription chionese,
Holloing designation de Java. BEFEO, 52(1), 93–161.
Damais, L. . 1995. “Agama Buddha di Indonesia. In Epigrafi dan Sejarah
Nusantara: Pilihan karangan Louis-Charles Damais. Jakarta: Pusat
Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional.
Groeneveldt, W. P. 1960. Historical notes on Indonesia and Malaya
compiled from Chinese sources. Jakarta: Bhratara. Retrieved from
http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/783716
Lombard, D. 1996. Nusa Jawa ; Silang Budaya (3rd ed.). Jakarta:
Gramedia.
Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, M. C. 2006. Daerah Dataran Rendah dan
Daerah Pesisir. In Menyelusuri Sungai Merunut Waktu : Penelitian
Arkeologi di Sumatera Selatan (pp. 49–62). Jakarta: Enrique Indonesi.

�Miksic, J. N. 1979. Archaeology, Trade and Society in Northeast Sumatra.
ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Cornel University. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/302932664?accountid=13771
Mills, J. 1969. Ying-yai Sheng-lan: “The Overall Survey of the Ocean”s
Shores. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Taim, E. A. P. 2016. Keramik Muatan Kapal Karam Cirebon: Sebaran Di
Situs-Situs Arkeologi Sumatera Bagian Selatan. Kalpataru, 25 No. 1(Mei
2016),29–44.
Retrieved
from
http://jurnalarkeologi.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/kalpataru/article/view/81
Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian commerce : a study of the origins
of ʹSrīvijaya. New York, Ithaca: University Press.

About Author
Name: Eka Asih Putrina Taim
Occupation: Researcher / Doctor Candidate of Indonesian University
Affiliation: National Research Center of Archaeology/ University of
Indonesia
Address: Jln. Raya Condet Pejaten no .4, Jakarta Selatan 12510
Indonesia
Email: ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com
Specialty in: Ancient Settlement of Hindu Buddha period in Sumatra and
Ancient Ceramics

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                  <text>Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world.  This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods.</text>
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                <text>The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of  early centuries AD. </text>
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                    <text>The Blues of the Santa Cruz: A study of porcelain color
and composition
Ellen Hsieh
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA
ellenhsieh@g.ucla.edu
Christian Fischer
UCLA/Getty Conservation Interdepartmental Program
chrisfischer@ucla.edu
Bobby C. Orillaneda
National Museum of the Philippines
bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com
Abstract
For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance
analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about
period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the
characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz
shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the
Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000
ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and
Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other
wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the
Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with
similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the
blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop
or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production
variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the
characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with
portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance
spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively
homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials
procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as
expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present
significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment
composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be

�related to weathering. From an archaeometry perspective, this research
provides some insight on production standardization in Jingdezhen as well
as on subsequent modifications that can affect ceramics found in an
underwater archaeological context.
Key words: Ceramics, shipwreck, Philippines, blue-and-white, pXRF

Introduction
Chinese blue-and-white porcelain was one of the most popular
commodities during the pre-modern and early modern periods, and it was
frequently found along the maritime trade routes. Because the decorative
patterns of blue-and-white porcelain changed over time, the artistic style
of this type of material is usually the primary research focus for clarifying
dating issues. However, the chronology of Chinese blue-and-white
porcelain was established based on fine wares made mostly for the court,
and the variability of the production was relatively ignored. Regarding the
color of the decoration observed with naked eyes, there is a broad range
of “blues” on blue-and-white porcelain, ranging from blue, green, purple,
gray, and sometimes even black.1 In this research, we have used scientific
analysis to investigate the causes of the color difference among a selected
set of blue-and-white porcelain from a shipwreck. This archaeological
context provides a particular opportunity for this research: loaded in the
same boat as merchandise, a same kind of mass-produced cargo was
most likely made around the same time and was even from the same or
nearby workshops.
The artifacts were selected from the cargo of the Santa Cruz shipwreck
that sunk about ten nautical miles off the northern Zambales coast on
Luzon Island. This shipwreck is one of the representative fifteenth-century
vessels in maritime Asia (Fig. 1). The underwater excavation was
conducted in 2001 by the National Museum of the Philippines in

�collaboration with the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology.
The vessel was about twenty-five meters long and six meters wide and
was built following the so-called South China Sea Tradition of
shipbuilding. The structure itself is well preserved as 80 percent of the
lower hull was discovered and the cargo was still loaded in the 16
transverse bulkheads. A variety of materials were found in the Santa Cruz
including ceramics, metal products, glassware, wooden and stone
materials. Among these artifacts, more than 15,000 ceramics were
recovered during the campaign, including Chinese and Vietnamese blueand-white porcelain, Chinese celadon, as well as Thai and Burmese
stoneware (Orillaneda, 2008, 2016). Mainly based on the style analysis of
the ceramics, the Santa Cruz shipwreck could be dated to the Hongzhi
period in Ming China (1488~1505 CE). The discovery of the Santa Cruz
shipwreck and its cargo is an important piece of evidence for the so-called
Dongyang (Eastern Sea, from the Chinese perspective) trade route during
the “Age of Commerce” in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1988, 1993).
Additionally, the vast amount of late fifteen-century CE Jingdezhen blueand-white porcelain on board marked the end of the “Ming Gap” (Brown,
2009) and the revival of the trade of Chinese ceramics in Southeast Asia.
This research therefore, not only contributes to the general issue of color
variation among blue-and-white porcelain but also sheds light on the
production process and trade of Chinese porcelain during this particular
period.

�Fig. 1: Map of East and Southeast Asia with the location of the Santa
Cruz Wreck (left) and images taken during the excavation (right).
Materials and methods
Blue-and-white porcelain
Twelve blue-and-white dishes were analyzed with a particular focus on
the different tones and shades of the blue color (Tab.1; Fig. 2). The
porcelain ware was loaded in piles mostly at the port side of the boat, and
the dishes were distributed in bulkhead 1, 3, 5, 7, and 9 (Orillaneda, 2008).
The locations of these samples show that those from the same bulkhead
did not necessarily share similar appearance or quality (e.g. III-2001-Z2963 and III-2001-Z-3245). The selected dishes are all saucer-shaped
and of similar size: diameter of the mouth rims is about 26cm, height is
about 4cm, and the diameter of the foot rim is about 13cm. Most of them

�are entirely decorated with the same kind of casual-style patterns (e.g.,
flora and rock, deer and pine tree). The blue decoration was applied on
both the interior and exterior of the dishes. To leave the foot rim unglazed,
the transparent glaze was applied separately at the bottom of the dishes.
In many cases, the glaze applied on the bottom looks different from the
glaze in the other parts. While all dishes have been cleaned and
desalinated after the excavation, some still show shell encrustations.
Methods
Two non-invasive technologies were used in this study: portable X-ray
fluorescence (pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS).
Previous research has shown that these two techniques are suitable for
the compositional analysis of blue-and-white porcelain and details of the
settings used here for the two instruments can be found in the
corresponding paper (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For pXRF, soil mode was
used to acquire data on minor and trace elements from both the blue and
white areas while mining mode was used for major elements from the
transparent glaze. Measurements on the blue areas (glaze + blue
pigment) were all taken on the main decoration at the center of the plate.
As to the white area, due to the difference of the glaze application
mentioned above, measurements were taken on two locations: one on the
area next to the blue decoration and another one at the bottom.
Depending on the size of the ‘white’ areas, the location of the first
measurement was sometimes on the external side of the dishes.
Compositional data of the body was collected on the only dish with a bare
bottom (i.e. III-2001-Z-7026). Regarding FORS, measurements were
taken on the blue decorated areas and on the ‘white’ at the bottom
because there was not enough space for the measuring probe in between
the blue decor.

�Fig. 2: The dishes selected and analyzed in this study, with the color
references of the decorations.

�Table 1. Characteristics of the selected blue-and-white porcelain dishes

Results and discussion
Visual observations
The selected blue-and-white dishes share general characteristics
regarding size, form and decoration styles. The shape of the foot rims and
the way of applying the glaze show that the manufacturing process might
be similar. In general, the glaze is quite transparent though a bit grayish,
but for a few dishes, it shows a milky and opaque appearance that
influence the visibility of the blue pigment beneath. Cracks and dewetting
features related to shrinkage are also commonly observed. In some
cases, these characteristics are only visible on one side of the dish,
suggesting that the variations of glaze might be mainly due to firing
conditions, such as the temperature of the kilns and where the plates were
loaded in kilns. The surfaces of the glaze are weathered to various
degrees after staying hundreds of years under the sea. In some cases, it
is however hard to tell whether the opaque aspect of the plates is due to

�their inferior quality or weathering at first glance. The blue areas are
generally dull and look greenish or grayish with the naked eye. The
primary motifs are outlined and filled with light colors, whereas the small
leave patterns were drawn directly with thicker pigments favoring the
formation of darker spots after firing. Sometimes, a brownish material can
be observed on the top of those dark blue areas, which is most likely due
to weathering.
Chemical composition and production kilns
Chemical composition data obtained with pXRF on the transparent glaze
indicate that the blue-and-white plates were produced in Jingdezhen
based on the concentrations of some discriminative elements such as
zirconium, thorium and titanium (Tab. 2), a result consistent with the
stylistic analysis and historical context. Values for these elements are
close to the ones measured in previous studies despite the different time
periods (Fischer and Hsieh, 2017; Ma, et al. 2012) and such compositional
similarities could correspond to a relative constancy in the procurement of
raw materials and processing technologies from the middle to late-Ming
period. However, variations in rubidium levels, i.e. the higher values
reported in the present study, also found for the Guanyinge and other
unspecified late-Ming kiln sites (Rb: 428±78 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016; Rb:
436±84 ppm, Ma et al. 2012) compared to the lower averages measured
on Jingdezhen blue-and-white ware from the Nan’ao One shipwreck in
China (Rb: 270 ppm, Zhu et al. 2016) and sherds from the Philippines
and Indonesia (315±40 ppm, Fischer and Hsieh 2017) dated to the lateMing and early-Qing periods, might reflect some intra-site variability
among the numerous kilns in Jingdezhen.
Based on the analyzed elements2, the chemistry of the glaze measured in
the ‘white’ area, corresponds to an alumino-silicate glassy network

�containing calcium and potassium added as fluxing agents and network
modifiers. The composition of the glaze is relatively homogeneous,
independently of its degree of transparency, making it difficult to identify
the origin of the opacity which could be linked to the firing process,
underwater weathering, or both. For some dishes, calcium levels are low
and such levels, associated with lower firing temperatures in some areas
of the kiln, could indeed contribute to opacify the glaze. On the other hand,
almost invisible defects in the glaze induced by composition and firing
conditions could favor the weathering in an underwater environment as
well, and explain the lack of transparency for the glaze of some dishes.
Also noticeable are some differences in the composition of the glaze
applied to the base which shows lower calcium and higher iron and
titanium in comparison to the ‘white’ and decorated areas. Although this
trend is not systematic (see e.g. III-2001-Z-3245), it could suggest usage
of a slightly different recipe for the glaze applied to the bottom. Finally, it
can be mentioned that the desalination process was rather effective as
the levels of chlorine and sulfur, not reported here, are generally low, apart
may be for the dish with reference III-2001-Z-14679.

�Table 2. Compositional data from pXRF and FORS analysis.
Major (% oxides)
Accession N°
Spot
CaO
K2 O
III-2001-Z-256
blue
white
4.4
5.2
base
3.9
5.1
III-2001-Z-789
blue
white
6.1
4.0
base
5.5
4.0
III-2001-Z-1269 blue
white
5.4
5.0
base
3.4
5.0
III-2001-Z-2797 blue
white
6.9
4.2
base
5.8
4.3
III-2001-Z-2963 blue
white
6.6
3.9
base
5.7
4.0
III-2001-Z-3245 blue
white
5.4
4.2
base
5.5
4.3
III-2001-Z-3851 blue
white
8.1
4.1
base
6.6
4.1
III-2001-Z-5135 blue
white
5.6
4.2
base
5.0
4.7
III-2001-Z-7026 blue
white
5.9
4.2
base** 4.1
3.5
III-2001-Z-13671 blue
white
5.9
4.8
base
4.4
4.6
III-2001-Z-14679 blue
white
5.9
4.3
base
4.9
4.5
III-2001-Z-14878 blue
white
5.9
4.6
base
4.9
4.1

Selected Elements from pXRF Analysis
Minor and Trace (ppm)
Fe
Ti
Mn Rb Sr Zr
Co
Cu
2546 -- 7265 408 87 46 1276 47
2104 116 340 412 95 45
-28
84 495 403 71 58
-28
4019 128 3035 385 99 44 279 37
3585 125 348 411 97 50
-27
139 391 406 101 48
-19
2996 103 3038 385 82 57 442 54
2553 251 326 392 87 53
-33
187 254 395 62 63
-28
3375 115 1796 448 109 45 275 51
2697 116 295 408 136 40
-32
228 371 475 122 56
-37
4678 -- 3840 307 100 45 611 45
4591 -440 318 95 53
-37
95 464 326 72 59
-26
3484 -- 2150 322 111 48 343 58
2997 156 262 335 97 54
-33
133 233 334 73 63
-29
3408 -- 8910 333 94 50 1047 112
3194 148 602 331 112 49
-52
229 439 361 78 62
-32
3376 285 2011 417 106 49 186 113
3131 81 229 457 84 53
-47
151 327 492 71 58
-37
2925 105 1305 573 88 39 133 48
2835 202 240 601 92 48
-24
266 310 669 42 57
-19
3884 133 3543 392 92 50 355 56
3061 191 428 394 91 52
-49
117 398 414 66 55
-29
3416 103 2516 400 54 52 356 34
2561 214 438 391 71 50
-35
172 528 415 49 61
-27
4335 129 3169 539 84 45 166 71
3752 142 347 567 85 54
-66
255 607 655 57 66
-43

Th
11
8
17
10
10
9
11
11
12
9
-15
9
10
14
9
12
14
12
12
16
9
10
10
8
-18
12
10
13
10
8
14
21
10
13

FORS Analysis
Spectral absorptions (nm)*
Co (II)
Ni Mn(II) Mn(III)
H2O
341 421w 491vw 519w 583s 678s
-71
244 422m 491w 517m 582s 673m
--206 420m 489vw 521vw 584m 679s +++
83
57
115 424w 493w 520m 585s 676s
67
77
415 422w 491w 517m 583s 677m
107
83
281 423w 491w 521m 581s 665br ++
-54
237 423w 491w 520m 583s 677s
87
82
164 426w 491vw 522m 585s 675s ++
-86
218 421m 491w 519m 583s 670s ++
--465 421m 492w 520m 581s 672m
111
64
351 421w 490w 518m 584s 671m +
88
-701 422m 492w 522m 586s 655br
93
56

* Absorptions: vw: very weak, w: weak, m:medium, s: strong, br: broad

** body

Composition and color variations of the blue decorations
The pXRF analysis of the blue decorated areas has shown that the cobaltbased pigment contains high levels of manganese, low iron and significant
amounts of nickel as well as traces of copper. After subtraction of the
manganese and iron contribution from the transparent glaze (white area),
normalized percentages of Mn, Co and Fe are similar to the blue pigment
analyzed on other export blue-and-white porcelain produced in
Jingdezhen (Fig. 3). This compositional profile is consistent with the
results of previous studies (Chen et al., 1978; Cheng et al., 2005; Fischer

�and Hsieh, 2017; Wen et al., 2007) and also supports the use of Mn-rich
asbolite ores in folk kilns during the Hongzhi period of the Ming dynasty.

Fig. 3: Ternary plot showing the blue pigment composition based on the
relative proportions of Co, Mn and Fe.
FORS analysis provided colorimetric data using the 1964 CIE 10° XYZ
standard which were converted to visible references, confirming the
variability of the blues based on visual observations (Fig. 2). Spectral
profiles obtained with FORS on the blue decorated areas (Fig. 4, left)
show the characteristic absorptions of Co2+ in tetrahedral coordination
with the triplet located around 520, 580 and 670 nm (Ceglia et al., 2012;
Fischer and Hsieh, 2017). For some plates, darker colors translate in an
overall lower spectral reflectance in the visible, but the cobalt absorptions
are always present though with variable intensities (Tab. 2). However, in
these darker areas obvious signs of weathering are often visible (Fig. 4,
right) and the associated brownish color is most likely due to an oxidation

�of Mn and Fe phases. Moreover, the grayish or blackish hue of the
decoration might be correlated with high levels of manganese in the
composition of the pigment, combined with redox firing conditions favoring
the crystallization of Mn-rich oxide phases (Wen et al., 2007). Some
analogy can be made with ‘black’ glasses containing several percent of
MnO making the glass appear black to the human eyes (Möncke et al.,
2014). Similar dark colors were also found on blue-and-white from the
Chenghua period (1465 ~1487 CE) though the amount of manganese in
the blue pigment was not analyzed (Qu et al., 2014). In the FORS spectra,
the presence of Mn-rich phases might be associated with the absorption
of Mn(II) at 420 nm and a broad but weak Mn(III) absorption around 490
nm (Tab. 2), although the latter attribution would need to be confirmed by
further research on reference materials. Finally, in the near infrared
spectral range, some plates show a strong and asymmetrical combination
band around 1910 nm which seems to be correlated to the degree of
opacity and can be attributed to the presence of water adsorbed in the
glaze and/or in the body that might result from the weathering and/or
indirectly reflect a more porous body and lower firing temperatures.

�Fig. 4: FORS spectra of the blue decorated area from selected dishes
(left) and weathering features of the glaze and dark spots concentrated
in blue pigment. (III-2001-Z-14878, right)
In this preliminary study, the variability of the blue colors of blue-and-white
porcelain from Santa Cruz shipwreck was explored by using pXRF and
FORS. Factors associated with composition, recipe and production
process as well as underwater conditions can all affect the appearance of
the excavated ware, the most critical ones being the recipe of the glaze,
the firing conditions and the weathering induced by water. The results of
the pXRF data have shown that regardless of the appearance variability,
the chemical composition of the selected dishes share the characteristics
of middle and late Ming blue-and-white porcelain produced in Jingdezhen.
The pXRF data also shed light on some aspects of production processes
of the dishes. FORS provided colorimetric data which are well correlated
with the visual perception and variability of the ‘blue’ colors. Also, the
spectral profiles and related absorptions have given some insight on the
potential causes for the darker colors. To further examine the variability of
the blue-and-white porcelain loaded in the Santa Cruz, it would be

�necessary to investigate a larger set of dishes and if possible, compare
dishes from the same pile.
Endnotes
1

It is worth noting that the Chinese name of blue-and-white porcelain is
“Qinghua,“ meaning “patterns with qing color.” And qing can refer to
colors ranging from green, blue and black.
2

For major elements, values for Si and Al are considered qualitative and
not reported in Table 2.
References
Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast
Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society Under
Royal Patronage, Bangkok.
Ceglia, A., W. Meulebroeck, K. Baert, H. Wouters, K. Nys, H. Thienpont
and H. Terryn, 2012. Cobalt absorption bands for the differentiation of
historical Na and Ca/K rich glass. Surface and Interface Analysis, Vol.
44:219-226.
Chen, Y.-c. , Y.-y. Kuo and T.-g. Chang, 1978. An
investigation
on
Chinese blue-and-white ware and its blue pigment. Journal of the Chinese
Ceramic Society, Vol. 1978(4): 225-241.
Cheng, H. S., B. Zhang, D. Zhu, F. J. Yang, X. M. Sun and M. S. Guo,
2005. Some new results of PIXE study on Chinese ancient porcelain.
Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam
Interactions with Materials and Atoms, Vol. 240(1-2): 527-531.
Fischer, C. and E. Hsieh, 2017. Export Chinese blue-and-white porcelain:
compositional analysis and sourcing using non-invasive portable XRF and
reflectance spectroscopy. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 80:1426.
Ma, H. , J. Zhu, J. Henderson and N. Li, 2012. Provenance of Zhangzhou
export blue-and-white and its clay source. Journal of Archaeological
Science, Vol. 39(2012): 1218-1226.

�Möncke, D., M. Papageorgiou, A. Winterstein-Beckmann and N.
Zacharias, 2014. Roman glasses coloured by dissolved transition metal
ions: redox- reactions, optical spectroscopy and ligand field theory.
Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 46: 23-36.
Orillaneda, B. C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics:
Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th
Century C.E., Archaeological Studies Program, The University of the
Philippines, Diliman.
Orillaneda, B. C., 2016. Of Ships and Shipping: The maritime archaeology
of fifteenth century CE Southeast Asia. In C. Wu (ed.), Early Navigation in
the Asia-Pacific Region: A Maritime Archaeological Perspective, Springer,
Singapore: 29-57.
Qu, Y., J. Xu, X. Xi, C. Huang and J. Yang, 2014. Microstructure
characteristics of blue-and-white porcelain from the folk kiln of Ming and
Qing dynasties. Ceramics International, Vol. 40: 8783-8790.
Reid, A., 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680,
Volume One: The Lands below the Winds. Yale University Press, New
Haven and London.
Reid, A., 1993 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680,
Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis. Yale University Press, New Haven
and London.
Wen, R., C. S. Wang, Z. W. Mao, Y. Y. Huang and A. M. Pollard, 2007.
The chemical composition of blue pigment on Chinese blue-and-white
porcelain of the Yuan and Ming dynasties (AD 1271-1644). Archaeometry,
Vol. 49(1): 101-115.
Zhu, J., H. Ma, N. Li, J. Henderson and M. D. Glascock, 2016 The
provenance of export porcelain from the Nan'ao One shipwreck in the
South China Sea. Antiquity, Vol. 90(351): 798-808.
Bios
Dr. Ellen Hsieh is a research affiliate at National Chengchi University in
Taiwan. She started her archaeological career from Neolithic Asia and
then switched to concentrate on historical archaeology. She received her
PhD degree in archaeology at the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the

�University of California, Los Angeles. Her research interests include
maritime archaeology, historical archaeology, global history,
archaeometry and cultural heritage. She has worked on archaeological
projects in Taiwan, China, the Philippines and Cambodia and has
published several articles about trading networks, colonialism, and
scientific analysis of trade ceramics.
Dr. Christian Fischer received a PhD in Geochemistry and Physical
Chemistry from the Louis Pasteur University in Strasbourg. After years of
scientific research in the private sector in France and China, he returned
to academia in 2001. At UCLA since 2005, he has been teaching on
various topics including archaeometry, conservation science and stone
conservation as well as spectroscopy for the analysis of archaeological
materials. He conducts research on raw materials sourcing and
conservation of cultural artifacts, particularly of stone in Cambodia and
neighboring countries in collaboration with the École Française
d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), Chinese export blue and white ceramics in
Southeast Asia, and is involved in other projects in Cyprus, Chile and
Mexico. Dr. Fischer is also the co-director of the Archaeomaterials group
and the Molecular and Nano Archaeology Laboratory at UCLA as well as
a scientific consultant for UNESCO on the preservation of cultural
heritage.
Bobby Orillaneda is a Museum Researcher at the Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the
Philippines. He is also finishing his doctoral studies at the Oxford Centre
for Maritime Archaeology, University of Oxford in England. He has been
involved in maritime archaeology since 1999 and has worked in a number
of projects in the Philippines, Egypt, Thailand, Indonesia and Sri Lanka.
He was also part of a training team that carries out underwater training
programs in Thailand and Indonesia. His areas of interest include
Southeast Asian maritime history, Asian ceramics and World War II
shipwrecks.

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                  <text>Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world.  This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods.</text>
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                <text>The Blues of the Santa Cruz: A study of porcelain color and composition </text>
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                <text>For the study of ceramics found in a shipwreck, stylistic and provenance analysis are two approaches that can provide critical information about period and trade route of the vessel. In this paper, we investigate the characteristics of trade ceramics from the well-preserved Santa Cruz shipwreck, which sunk along the west coast of Luzon Island in the Philippines. Underwater excavation has brought to light more than 15,000 ceramics, mainly Chinese Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and Longquan celadon of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505 CE) as well as other wares from Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma. Here, we have focused on the Jingdezhen blue-and-white porcelain and selected twelve dishes with similar decorative patterns, but showing different tones and shades of the blue color. The dishes were most likely produced in the same workshop or within a small region and the primary goal was to investigate production variability. The chemical composition of the ceramics and the characteristics of the blue pigment were studied non-invasively with portable X-ray fluorescence pXRF) and fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS). Results have shown that pXRF data are relatively homogeneous which reflects some constancy in term of raw materials procurement usage. On the other hand, although the blue pigment was as expected a cobalt-based material, FORS spectral profiles present significant differences which might be due to variations in the pigment composition and/or firing conditions, while for others, they could also be &#13;
related to weathering. From an archaeometry perspective, this research provides some insight on production standardization in Jingdezhen as well as on subsequent modifications that can affect ceramics found in an underwater archaeological context. </text>
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                    <text>Maritime Means and Mountain Ends: the origin of
stoneware jars in mid 15th CE burial complexes of the
Southern Cardamom Ranges, Cambodia.
Peter Grave
Archaeology &amp; Palaeoanthropology
University of New England, NSW Australia 2351
email: pgrave@une.edu.au
orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5076‐2386
Lisa Kealhofer
Anthropology/Environmental Studies
Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, CA USA 95053
orcid.org/0000‐0002‐8308‐462X
N. Beavan
Institute of Environmental Science and Research,
Kenepuru Science Centre,
Kenepuru, Porirua 5022, New Zealand
orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5649‐0430
Tep Sohka
Royal University of Fine Arts, Cambodia
Miriam Stark
University of Hawai’I‐Manoa, Honololulu, USA 96822‐2223
orcid.org/ 0000‐0003‐1700‐4406
Ea Darith
APSARA Authority
Siem Reap, Cambodia
Abstract
Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their
hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower
Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly
this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions – and
what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has
not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical
analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th
century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of
southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The

�wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader.
Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables
us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from
production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not
represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source
that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The
results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively
well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity
in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c
exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of
subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern
Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define
the processes of economic transformation.
Key words: Southeast Asia, ceramics, geochemical analysis, shipwreck,
Cardamom Mountains
Introduction
The dramatic expansion of archaeology across mainland Southeast Asia
in the last twenty years is beginning to provide the level of detail needed
to evaluate previous models of exchange and interaction (e.g., Bronson
1977; Reid 1988). The role of maritime interaction and trade has long
been argued to be a critical factor in the development of coastal polities
throughout the region (Manguin 2000). However, this perspective has
relied heavily on historical data, much of which begins in the Early Modern
period for this region. This historical bias has focused attention on
economic and political development for the coastal regions and the Early
Modern period as an instant of economic and political rupture (Wallerstein
1974). It has also promoted an externalist bias in how mainland political
and economic transformations are viewed. Arguably, our understanding
of the posited economic and political ruptures in the region remains
hampered by the still relatively sparse direct archaeological evidence of
the local economic trajectories across the transition (Stark 2010).

�Here we add to a growing body of material evidence that Southeast Asia
was a large scale, internally complex and integrated exchange system
prior to European engagement (e.g., Carter 2013; Manguin 2004;
Manguin 2014). Ceramic compositional data from exceptionally well dated
mid-15th c burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains of Cambodia, as well
as from a contemporary shipwreck just off the west coast of Cambodia,
are analyzed to better understand these local maritime/coastal economies
outside the main political centers, in the decades prior to the Early Modern
period engagement in SE Asia and the Pacific.
Maritime exchange spheres in mainland SE Asia
The organization of trade and exchange systems in Southeast Asia is a
key research area for archaeologists and historians of the region. In the
1970s, Bronson suggested a dendritic model integrating coastal and
inland sites (Bronson 1977), while others have focused on maritime
patterns over time (Cartier 1988; Evers 1988; Manguin 1993). These
earlier models heavily relied on historical data and ethnographic
comparisons, but with a few exceptions, little direct archaeological data
(e.g., Junker 1993; Junker 1998). More recent terrestrial archaeology
across both island and mainland Southeast Asia has greatly expanded
our understanding of the development of polities and their interaction
beginning in the first millennium CE (Hendrickson 2010; Hendrickson
2011; Manguin 2004; Manguin 2014; Murphy and Stark 2016; Stark 2010;
Stark 2006).
Two main types of evidence are used to reconstruct pre-modern trade and
exchange in the region: shipwrecks and trade goods. Shipwreck data
allow us to track the expansion of maritime trade (and technology).
Beginning with the 9th c. Belitung shipwreck in Indonesia, with cargo from
China and the Middle East, the shipwreck evidence increases through the

�early second millennium CE. The Gulf of Thailand, in particular, has a
shipwreck record of extensive local trade from the 13th-15th c. CE (Brown
2004; Green and Harper 1987). Wrecks like the 15th c. Pandanan, in the
South China Sea, reveal the extensive exchange between island and
mainland SE Asia, and with points to the west (Diem 1998). In terms of
ceramics, these wrecks commonly include a range of jars and fine
tablewares (typically glazed bowls and plates) from a wide range of
production centres in Southeast Asia and China (Grave and Maccheroni
2009).
With the improvement and expansion of both regional archaeological
databases and archaeometric analyses, we can begin to evaluate the
regional trajectories of trade across SE Asia. In addition to site
excavations and surveys, specific trade goods, such as carnelian beads
from burials, provide some evidence of the direction, scale, and intensity
of interaction across mainland SE Asia (Carter, et al. 2016; Carter 2015;
Carter and Dussubieux 2016; Theunissen, et al. 2000). Patterns of
exchange and emulation of South Asian religious items and iconography
have also provided insights into inland and maritime exchange networks
(Brown 1996; Shaffer 2015).
Large scale changes in economic and political relationships SE Asia took
place in the 10th-11th c. CE. These included the development of the
Khmer Empire and the expansion of interaction with China (Wade 2009).
Chinese interaction and exchange is apparent through both technological
adoption and trade goods. Manguin (Manguin 2000) argues that the 10th13th c CE is one the major phases of intensified maritime exchange that
promoted the growth of coastal polities (Baker 2003). However, while the
Khmer traded with the Chinese, and expanded northward in mainland SE
Asia, their production and exchange appear to have remained internal.

�The 15th c CE was a critical nexus in both political and economic
reorganization in SE Asia. Documentary sources suggest the Khmer
Empire collapsed by the mid-15th c. CE. Post-Angkorian power migrated
south to a series of 15th-18th c capitals that flanked the Tonle Sap lake
(Srei Santhor, Bakan [Pursat] and then to the Oudong and Longvek area
that lies c. 35 km NW of Phnom Penh). At the same time, other polities
emerged across the region during this time (Grave 1995), and the
expansion of maritime trade was supported by a network of entrepôts
(e.g., Melaka, in the Malacca Straits).
Chinese records suggest that 15th c Cambodia was a sea power in close
relations with China (Vickery, et al. 2004:43). Despite Ming Dynasty trade
restrictions, 15th c private Chinese ships continued their active trade
throughout Southeast Asia (Hall 2016:406-409; Wade 2004:19-27). At
least one previously-established Ming trade route through Southeast Asia
included Siam (Ptak 1998:27), and maritime research on 15th c shipwreck
sites offer ample evidence of durable Southeast Asian goods, including
high-fired ceramics from kiln complexes in central northern Thailand
(Flecker 2001:225-226).
The onset of the Early Modern period, in the 16th c. with the European
intervention in the region, arguably, caused a major rupture, redefining
production, exchange and scale of interaction. While current research
projects are beginning to address the nature of this transformation, we
argue that the political and economic relationships of the 15th-16th c. CE
in Southeast Asia are critical elements for understanding the impact of the
Early Modern economic transformation in SE Asian societies. Our use of
two Cambodian case studies allows us to trace one such relationship:
mid-15th century commodity flows across the region.

�Here we make use of contemporary evidence from mid-15th c. CE
isolated burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains as well as a
contemporary shipwreck on an adjacent coastline to assess exchange
networks on the eve of the Early Modern Period. Our Cardamom Mountain
samples derive from work at “Jar and Coffin burial sites” whose artifacts
and bioarchaeology has been reported previously (e.g., (Beavan, et al.
2012a; Carter and Beavan 2014; Halcrow, et al. 2014).
Using Neutron Activation Analysis [NAA] we characterize ceramics from
both the burial and shipwreck sites, and compare these results with legacy
stoneware data sets from both well dated shipwrecks and production
centers in Thailand and Cambodia. These analyses allow us to begin to
evaluate the economic relationships of these upland communities with
coastal shipping and elsewhere at this key historical juncture.

Background: The Sample &amp; Context
A relatively small sample of seventy one ceramics were selected for
geochemical profiling from fragmentary material in four contemporary mid15th c CE archaeological assemblages (i.e. three burial sites in the
Cardamom Range and the shipwreck Koh Sdech assemblage)(Fig 1). A
total of fifty samples were selected from the three burial sites and 21
samples came from the shipwreck (Table 1). Both the burial sites and the
shipwreck included earthenware and stoneware samples. Due to the
disparity in sample populations between the burial sites the burial sites
are combined into a single Southern Cardamom group to compare with
both the shipwreck assemblage and other reference NAA datasets. The
contemporaneity of these sites facilitated this grouping.

�Fig. 1: Study area and general location within mainland Southeast Asia
(inset) showing locations of burial sites and shipwreck discussed in the
text.

�Table 1: Summary of the NAA geotechnical results for the Cardamom
and Shipwreck samples organized by ware type
(stoneware/earthenware) and by compositional group (A-D for

S. Cardamom

A
B
C
C1
C2
D
E
100
200
210
300
400
500
S
SW
EW

N
20
4
2
1
1
11
1
4
3
2
5
12
5
71
40
31

Koh Sdech Shipwreck

Earthenware

Stoneware

Group

stoneware, E refers to the celadon singleton; 100-500 for earthenware).

12
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
5
0
0
21
14
7

8
3
1
1
1
11
1
4
3
0
0
12
5
50
26
24

The earthenwares include cooking pots, kendis, water jars, while the
glazed stoneware are mainly storage jars but also includes a few fine
glazed and decorated bowls. The glazed stoneware jar assemblage
includes brown, black, and green glazes, and potentially some unglazed
samples.
The shipwreck site is located in the Gulf of Thailand near the island of Koh
Sdech (20 km off shore). Radiocarbon dating of a piece of short-lived
cargo (bamboo core lacquerware box) established a mid-15th c CE date
for this assemblage (Beavan, et al. 2012b). The shipwreck included a
large assemblage of small, medium and large stoneware jars,

�predominantly from Singburi / Maenam Noi (based on typology (Cort
2017), as well as basins, bowls, mortars, kendis and Sisatchanalai and
Sukkhothai bowls (black under-painted and green glazed/celadons).
Earthenware types included cooking pots, lids, and stoves. Only a few
Chinese ceramic bowls were found, and were interpreted as the private
items of the ship crew (Sokha 2013). Non-ceramic items included
lacquerware, ‘picul’ (lead tokens), a betel box, ingots, a cannon, two ivory
tubes, and some sandstone.
The three burial sites, all with secondary interments, are distributed in a
cluster within the southern Cardamom Mountain range, 150-700 m asl,
ca. 40 km inland from the east coast of the Gulf of Thailand. Both log coffin
and jar inhumations are present at these sites. Through an extensive
program

of

radiocarbon dating

these burials

have

also

been

chronologically bracketed within the mid-15th c. CE (Beavan, et al. 2012a;
Beavan, et al. 2015). Other trade goods present in the burials include
simple copper finger rings and glass beads (Carter, et al. 2016). The glass
beads are consistent with types circulating in the maritime trade of SE
Asia at the time.
Methods
The ceramic samples were processed at UNE, and shipped to Maxxam
Labs, Ontario Canada for NAA. Processing included documentation,
photography prior to sampling. Subsamples were cleaned and crushed to
homogenize the sample, and submitted for analysis.
NAA results were structured and grouped using an iterative combination
of non-parametric multivariate procedures (PCA) and hierarchical cluster
analysis (Ward’s method).

�The compositional data from the ceramics were compared with two
general reference stoneware compositional data sets from Thailand and
Cambodia.

For

Thailand

the

production

sites

include

Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, Sukkhothai, and Suphanburi (n=24); the
production sites from Cambodia, dating to the Angkorian period, include:
Tani, Sar Sei, Thnal Mrech, Bangkong, Khnar Po, Torp Chey, Chong
Samrong, Veal Svey, and Cheung Ek (n=877). Several of these kiln sites
are closely clustered and have similar compositional fingerprints (e.g., Sar
Sei/Thnal Mrech as one group, and Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal
Svey as another). Our sample of five stoneware samples from the
Suphanburi kilns are of unglazed grey stamped jars.
The excavated shipwreck assemblage included a large number of jars of
various, all attributable to the Maenam Noi kiln complex in the Singburi
province of central Thailand. While we could not include reference results
from the Maenam Noi kilns in Singburi, we suggest that that there is a
common geochemical profile for Singburi and Suphanburi (75 km to the
southwest), reflecting the geographic proximity of these two Thai
production centres in the same geochemically undifferentiated (?) alluvial
plain.
Results
The Cardamom Mountains and Shipwreck data (Table 1)
Analysis of the NAA dataset for the combined Cardamom Mountains
burial and shipwreck assemblages shows that it is highly compositionally
structured with multiple discrete groups. We identified six earthenware
groups (n=31) and four stoneware groups (n=40) including one singleton
outlier

(Group

E;

a

fine

ware

celadon,

typical

Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, central Northern Thailand)(Table 1).

of

�The largest stoneware group (Group A, n=20) is split between burial (n=8)
and shipwreck (n=12) samples. The samples in the second largest
stoneware group, (Group D n=11), are from burial sites only, and include
several samples previously identified as dark brown glazed “Angkorian”
jars.
Four of the six earthenware groups are from burial sites only, and are
dominated by cooking pots. None of these have compositional matches
or external parallels and therefore are treated here as locally produced in
the Cardamom Mountains area. The other two earthenware groups are
exclusive to the shipwreck samples and include a range of vessel types.
Therefore, the distribution of earthenwares in this sample shows no
evidence of maritime trade in earthenwares.
Comparison with all SE Asian production centers (Table 2)

�Table 2: In this table we compare the burial and shipwreck
stonewasamples with the reference kiln ceramics from Thailand and
Cambodia. The data presented are a subset of the data illustrated in
Figure 2, focusing on the groups found only in the Cardamom Mountain
burials and the shipwreck. Singleton samples have also been excluded.

Cambodia Thai.

The table notes the total number of samples for each assemblage (N)
followed by percentage membership in each compositional group. The
letters following groups 3 and 4 refer to group identifications defined in
Table 1 (e.g., 3(A)). The matches in the greyed blocks are suggested to
be misleading, see Discussion section. The matches in black boxes
indicate matches between assemblages. For example, for Group 3,
matches are between the Cardamom and shipwreck jars and a
production center in Suphanburi/Singburi; the greyed block for Cheung
Ek indicates an apparent, but rejected, connection to the Group 3 burial
and shipwreck

Site
S. Cardamom burials
Koh Sdech Shipwreck
Suphanburi
Sisatchanalai
Chong Samrong
Torp Chey
Veal Svey
Cheung Ek

N
26
14
5
16
117
53
41
145

% Jars
W.ware
3 (A) 4 (D)
2.9
42
42
4
93
--100
---69
19
-98
--100
--98
-92
---

Given the size of the region with potential production centres, and the
strong likelihood there were many more production centers in operation
than we have reference material for, we undertook a further comparative
analysis to provide more general provenience information. This combined
analysis is useful for allowing a better understanding and differentiation of
shared or unique geological settings.

�We combined the compositional data from the nine Khmer and two Thai
ceramic production complexes (n=799). In this analysis, five general
geochemical groups were identified (Table 2) which were most clearly
distinguished by systematic variations in Fe (iron) and Sb (antimony)(Fig.
2). Four singletons are discounted due to small sample size (with the
exception of two fine ware bowls: Sukhothai underpainted and
Sisatchanalai celadon sample). The groups and sites with singleton
matches, or with production groups not matched in our burial and
shipwreck assemblages, are excluded from Table 2.

�3.

Antimony (Sb)
ppm

3

5
2
1

4

2.9
Iron (Fe) %
Fig. 2: Five compositional groups for stoneware samples identified in the
combined NAA dataset (n=839) defined by Fe/Sb concentrations in the
Southern Cardamom burial sites, the Koh Sdeach shipwreck assemblage,
Thai production centres at Sisatchanalai and Suphanburi, and nine Khmer
production centres (Bangkong, Cheung Ek, Chong Samrong, Khnar Po,
Tani, Thnal Mrech, Torp Chey and Veal Svey). Note group 2 is composed
entirely of whitewares from residual clays in the Kulen hills and is not
represented in the burial or shipwreck assemblage. It is also distinct from
white wares from Sisatchanalai (group 2.9). The singleton 3.9 is the only
example of a fine ware bowl produced at Sukhothai (inset) from the
Cardamom burials.

�At this scale, these groups represent the broad differences in chemical
composition of stoneware clays across the region. In some cases, specific
kiln complexes can be identified within specific groups, but more
commonly where complexes shared geologically similar settings, multiple
kiln complexes are grouped together (as noted above). For example, one
group combines kiln samples from Torp Chey, Chong Samrong, Veal
Svey, and Sisatchanalai although these can be differentiated at a finer
level of analysis.
Evaluation of the shipwreck and burial assemblages within this combined
analysis of production centers, shows that all of the burial and shipwreck
samples can be assigned to four of five general compositional groups
(Groups 1, 3-5; Table 2, Fig 2). (The fifth group [Group 2] is composed
entirely of whitewares from the Kulen hills which are absent in the
shipwreck and burial assemblages.)
Group 3, which matches with the Suphanburi kiln samples, includes both
shipwreck and burial site samples. In addition to the Suphanburi reference
samples, Group 3 also includes all the Cheung Ek samples. We discount
Cheung Ek as a source for this material for several reasons. First, a more
detailed separate analysis of Group 3 shows that Group A samples group
separately from Cheung Ek reference material. Second, the Cheung Ek
kilns date to the 11th c. CE, centuries before the Cardamom Mountains
burials. Lastly, there is no evidence for Cheung Ek jars, or any Khmer jars,
in Southeast Asian shipwreck assemblages.
However, the burial sites also match a second source (Group 4) that is
not found in the shipwreck assemblage. In addition to samples from the
burial sites, Group 4 includes the proxemic Angkorian production centers
of Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey (also the latest dated Angkorian
production center 14th c CE). While not direct support for an origin in these

�specific complexes, it does suggest an origin in a similar geological setting
within the region.
We would note that Group 4 also includes samples from the Thai
reference group of Sisatchanalai/ Sawankhalok. We suggest that the
Cambodian reference groups provide a more likely source region for two
main reasons. First, Sisatchanalai jars are not found in the shipwreck
assemblages; and second, the burial samples are compositionally closer
to the Cambodian reference samples when Group 4 is analyzed
separately.
Archaeological perspective
Burial site assemblage: The earthenwares from the burial sites are
predominantly cooking pots. Their compositional differentiation into
multiple groups is likely to reflect local production groups.
The stoneware samples from the burial sites include matches with both
the Suphanburi and the Sisatchanalai reference samples (jars and bowls;
Groups 3 and 2.9). A further group of jar samples (n=10), is not
represented in the shipwreck assemblage and only broadly/generically
matches our Thai reference groups. This group (Group 4) includes the
“Angkorian” jars and compositionally is better approximated by the
geographically proximate Cambodian centres of Torp Chey/Chong
Samrong/Veal Svey.
Shipwreck assemblage: The earthenware groups identified in the
shipwreck assemblage only occur in the shipwreck. We do not have
sufficient data to posit any origin for these earthenware samples. The
shipwreck stoneware sample, including typical Maenam Noi jar types, are
strongly

dominated

by

one

compositional

group

(93%),

which

�approximates the Suphanburi grouping, supporting a likely origin in this
region (Singburi).
Discussion
The unusually fine chronological resolution of these data, based on an
extensive dating program of multiple materials from multiple sites, allows
a high degree of certainty about the mid-15th c. single generation use of
the Cardamom burial sites (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Beavan, et al. 2015). In
addition to this inland assemblage, the shipwreck assemblage is also
firmly dated to the mid-15th c. from short-lived cargo (Beavan, et al.
2012b). In combination these two assemblages provide an unparalleled
window on exchange dynamics between inland and maritime trade.
The shipwreck assemblage is typical of other contemporary local trading
vessels within the Gulf of Thailand: with a few exceptions, the cargo is
composed of locally produced (mainly Thai) goods, cooking pots, multiple
jar types, and fine ware bowls (Brown and Sjostrand 2002). The
composition of the stoneware samples from the shipwreck are consistent
with production from a single complex, in this case jars that are readily
typologically attributed to Maenam Noi, Singburi province. The Cardamom
Mountains burial assemblage includes locally produced earthenwares,
fine wares and jars from Thailand (Sukkhothai, Singburi, and
Sisatchanalai), but also a typologically unmatched stoneware jar type.
This distinctive stoneware jar type has no parallels in the shipwreck
assemblage, either in form or composition. However, geochemically it is
consistent with stoneware samples from the 14th c. Angkorian kiln
complexes (Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey) east of Angkor. As
the likelihood that this group reflects heirlooming of old jars is small given
the number of jars represented (n=11), we suggest this compositional type

�was probably produced in a similar geological zone (near Torp Chey?) in
the 15th c.. The combination of both maritime and inland trade goods in
the Cardamom Mountain burials supports a scenario where upland groups
are providing goods in both directions as part of a larger regional
interaction sphere.
This is better documented in Northern Thailand where upland and lowland
groups were closely connected through an inland exchange economy in
the 13th-16th c..

Lowland urban elites controlled production of

stonewares, both emulating exotic types and innovating new ceramic
types (Grave 1995). Upland groups, thought be harvesting and
exchanging forest goods (Wheatley 1959), consumed both these
regionally produced ceramics as well as relatively large volumes of
maritime trade wares. Again the combination of local and exotic
stoneware ceramics were critical to the operation of Northern Thai inland
economic networks.
A further parallel is the similar and distinctive mortuary practices of the
Cardamom Mountain and upland northern Thai groups, particularly in
relation to stoneware consumption. These comparable patterns of
consumption suggest that while historically invisible, groups in the upland
and inland regions across mainland Southeast Asia engaged in extensive
interaction networks which supported local lowland production centers
and their controlling elites (in this case, stoneware production, but likely a
wider range of goods).
Conclusion
Historians have presented the transition from the premodern to Early
Modern period in Southeast Asia primarily through the lens of maritime
trade (Reid 1993). Arguably, the greatest impact of this transition is in the

�production and consumption dynamics of groups in the interior of
Southeast Asia, who remained beyond the reach of historical sources.
While as yet relatively rare (e.g., Grave 1995), archaeological research on
the Early Modern period in inland areas offers the potential to understand
the interior dynamics of this transition.
Our data provide insight into an economy that was apparently still
functional within and beyond the Greater Angkor region after the collapse
of the Khmer Empire. This economy utilized (at least) local stoneware
production to articulate with a large regionally integrated economy. We
conclude that local lowland elites in Cambodia found ways to engage with
the larger regional exchange economies after the political collapse of
Angkor Wat. How these inland groups negotiated the transformations of
the Early Modern period of the following century is now the challenge and
opportunity for future fine-grain, chronologically high resolution studies.
Acknowledgments
We thank Cambodia’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts for permission to
undertake field investigations that collected data used in this project.
Analytical research for this project was supported by the Australian
Research Council (DP140103194). Our Khmer Production and Exchange
Project is a collaboration between APSARA Authority, University of New
England, Santa Clara University, and the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa.
We thank Don and Toni Hein for Thai reference material used in this study.
We also thank the conference organizers for the opportunity to present
our research.
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                  <text>2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world</text>
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                  <text>Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world.  This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods.</text>
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Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. &#13;
Hong Kong </text>
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                <text>Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions â€“ and what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The &#13;
wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader. Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define the processes of economic transformation. </text>
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                <text>Miriam Stark </text>
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                <text>Ea Darith </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Lisa Kealhofer </text>
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