1 10 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/17da064c70e0bf02c849889d0eb9784a.mp4 f168785de45fa2be83ebfcb366608037 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Moving Image A series of visual representations that, when shown in succession, impart an impression of motion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 1 Introduction Video Description An account of the resource Andrew Viduka introduces Session 1. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/29/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a5abc9ca81b4ad21cb6e9d761268bd5b.pdf 14e82aadf2c299c3d4c2e718fa36c821 PDF Text Text Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Lon E. Bulgrin Archaeologist/Cultural Resources Manager Navy Base Guam Abstract Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Key words: Guam, Pacific Islands, Manila Galleon, Ceramics Introduction The Mariana Islands are some of the most geographically isolated islands in the Western Pacific. They lie on the western periphery of Oceania, located approximately 1200 miles southeast of Japan and 1500 miles east of the Philippines (Fig. 1). Spanish colonial policies of the late 17th century further isolated the Chamorro people of the Marianas from other indigenous polities in the Pacific. This solitude and segregation from the rest of Oceania would last through the late 19th century. This isolation extended to economic exchange even as they acted as a key nexus in the Manila Galleon trade. This paper will examine Guam’s place in world trade �at the end of the Manila Galleon trade through archaeologically recovered ceramics. Fig. 1: Map of the Mariana Islands. (Mike Carson) Historic Background Guam was the first landfall in the Pacific of an occupied island by Magellan and his exhausted scurvy-ridden crew in his quest to reach the Spice Islands. When Magellan and his crew made anchor on Guam on that first long trek across the Pacific they felt both saved and threatened in the initial lifesaving exchanges of food and water that were made with indigenous Chamorro inhabitants. The day after contact Magellan’s men launched an assault on a Chamorro village and burnt most of it down in the course of recovering a ships boat needed to sound future anchorages. Yet, at the same time that these Europeans were conducting a raid against one Chamorro village they were busy trading for fresh food and water with others. This ambiguity involving violence continued through the early Manila Galleon trade (Rogers 1995; Giraldez 2015). �For the next 150 years or so, the Mariana Islands were common stopping places on the southern leg of the Manila Galleon route to take on water, fruit, and fresh food. Trade was done at a distance with laughing Chamorros making sea-borne trades of rice and other victuals that often turned out to mostly consist of baskets of rocks and sand or coconut oil heavily diluted with seawater (Pigafetta 1521 and Legaspi 1564 in Barratt 2003: 56 and 61-62). The Chamorros had to maintain a safe distance from the Spanish ships or they might them find themselves impressed as involuntary translators for future voyages or worse yet working the pumps all the way to Manila in the stinking, over heated bilges of leaking galleons (Giraldez 2015:49). The Spanish mission and the colonization that rapidly followed in the Marianas were directly related to the glimpses of the islands from the passing galleons that inflamed the imaginations of various churchmen who saw them as fertile fields for the harvest of souls (Driver 1989). The Spanish crown showed initially little interest in acquiring a string of tiny islands without spice, textile, or mineral resources. Zealous religious first jumped ship to convert the Chamorro. After a campaign conducted by the politically connected Father San Vittores a Jesuit mission was established (McDonough 2004; Coomans 1997). The Marianas mission rapidly found itself embroiled in cultural and political conflict with local power structures and called for protection from the Crown (Lesveque 1995; Levesque 1996). However, the military companies sent for their protection were “like a rich armor worn in heat of day that scalds with safety” (Shakespeare Henry IV PtII.). The churchmen spent much of the next century or so complaining about the character and behavior of the troops and their captains. Still without the military presence the Catholic Church would have been unable to further their mission of conversion. The Spanish �controlled islands became safe harbors for galleons battered by typhoons or just poorly captained or incompetently crewed in the Acapulco crossing. These islands were also a welcome stop to take on fresh fruit and vegetables during the Manila crossing. Prior to European Contact the Chamorro people had maintained limited trading contact and social ties with the Caroline Island groups of Chuuk and Yap to the south and with the Philippines to the west (Farrell 2011:211; Quimby 2011). The punctuated natures of these trade ties are reflected in the sparse evidence of long distance trade in the archaeological record. Linguistic and historic accounts have been interpreted to represent a limited trade in iron with the Philippines (Quimby 2011) and perhaps iron fragments discovered at the Obyan latte site (Spoehr 1957) on Saipan may reflect a Pre-Contact trade in iron. Ethnohistoric evidence and historical accounts of the Carolinian contacts with the Marianas, however, are clear on the trade and interaction. The descendents of migrants from the outer islands of Yap and Chuuk make up a small but significant population of the Northern Mariana Islands and their relatives still visit Saipan using the traditional navigation chants to guide their way. At some time in the late 17th century the navigation routes disseminated and controlled by chants between the islands to the south to Guam were magically closed by the master navigators of the Carolines in response to stories of Spanish cruelty related by Guam Chamorros (Smith 2003:79; Farrell 2011:211). The Marianas were now isolated from their traditional Pacific trade partners. By the early 19th century Spanish policies of isolation, the Catholic mission, and the relentless hammering taken by the Chamorro people from introduced European and Asian diseases had eliminated the limited ties that once had bound them with their neighbors in the Pacific (Farrell �2011). The Spanish mission in the Marianas concentrated not only on the introduction of the Catholic faith but also inculcation and enforcement of European social and gender roles (Russell 1998). A primary goal was to eliminate the animistic beliefs and ancestor worship of the Chamorro. To this end, indigenous songs, dances, and oral histories were actively discouraged by the Jesuit Fathers. Indigenous knowledge systems that did not explicitly find favor with the Church rapidly eroded. Proprietary knowledge of all kinds was made vulnerable by the need to limit transmission to chosen heirs, the association with non-Catholic ancestors, and the unpredictable appearances of diseases that swept away the living repositories. Seafaring and navigational knowledge and expertise were heavily impacted by this social revolution. A people capable of making rapid voyages up and down the Marianas chain and of delivering passengers from Guam to Manila in 4 to 6 days as late as 1704 were barely capable of sailing beyond the northern tip of Guam by 1819 (Freycinet 2003, Originally 1827). The Spanish were interested in maintaining this isolation for geo-political as well as religious reasons, primarily to deny access to rival European powers. The Marianas were an important stop off point for the Manila galleons making their voyages between Manila and Acapulco, carrying New World silver in exchange for the spices, silks, and gold of Asia. The Pacific route of the galleons was composed of extremely empty distances with very few points where fresh water and food could be brought on board. The galleon routes could be approached by pirates from only a few points and the Spanish wanted to limit this. Denying access to the Marianas was a way to keep English and Dutch at bay. Accordingly the Spanish crown did not allow trade with foreign nationals in the Marianas. They maintained their own garrison and mission on Guam with an annual �situado or subsidy (Farrell 2011:192) that arrived on a very irregular basis. A series of venal governors usually managed to reacquire the majority or entirety of this subsidy before they were recalled, actively cheating their troops as well as the local subjects. The economies on the inhabited islands of Guam, Rota, and Saipan were subsistence based with limited internal trade and no outside trade to speak of. Local people saw little to no benefit from the galleon trade or the government (Rogers 1995). After the political unrest and revolutions in South and Central America starting in 1808, the Spanish money making machine, trading silver mined by encomienda labor in the New World for Asian gold and goods in the Philippines totally broke down (Giraldez 2015). The structural position of the Mariana Islands changed for the Spanish crown. No longer were the islands an essential supply stop and defensive shield for the Manila galleons located within a “Spanish lake”. Now they were at the ends of the earth, just beyond the Philippines, and a fiscal drain. Accordingly, the yearly situado, of New World silver, that provided payment for the Mission and the garrison was radically reduced (Rodgers 1995:93). Economically, changes had already been made in the trade policy in the Marianas before the revolutions. Governor Cerain, 1776-1786, had issued a proclamation allowing both internal trade as well as trade with passing ships. This was due to a deteriorating economy and the increase of foreign whaling vessels in the Pacific. The 19th century saw a slow opening and reintegration of the Marianas with the rest of the world. The Pacific whaling fleet composed primarily of U.S. and British vessels consistently wintered a few ships at Guam and Saipan. Sailors came ashore looking for leisure, fresh food, liquor and companionship, not necessarily in that order. The 19th century also saw a reappearance of Carolinians in the Marianas. The chief and master- �navigator Aghurubw reopened the navigational ways to the Marianas and led a fleet of canoes of Carolinean families north (Driver and Brunal-Perry 1996; Smith 2003). settle on Saipan. The governor of Guam gave them permission to More canoes would come north in the continuing decades and would help to spur interisland trade. The Marianas remained underdeveloped with land ownership becoming more concentrated in the hands of the Church and elite families (Rogers 1995:75). Many of the smaller landholding families slipped into debt peonage (Rogers 1995). During the stay over on Saipan and Guam, many whalers lodged with local families and presumably paid primarily in goods for room and board. The annual supply ship from the Philippines usually also wintered in the Marianas until the trade winds were steady. Some wealthy families also contracted with visiting ships to provide provisions. Providing fresh foods and salt meats would have required large land holdings so presumably only those families with significant crown grants would have been major players in the trade (Madrid 2006:14). Regardless of the participants this trade would have decreased, as the whaling fleets declined, through the mid to late 19th century (Rogers 1995:105). The lives of average Chamorro families were not much affected by these economic changes. They continued in their yearly rounds of religious festivals. They conducted small scale agriculture, fished and hunted, collected wild foods, and practiced limited animal husbandry. Most Chamorros retained two residences under the Spanish. During the week they lived on small farms called lancho and returned to their formal residence on the weekend to attend religious services (Madrid 2006:8; Rogers 1995). In 1898 the United States seized Guam during the Spanish American War. Following its defeat Spain sold the remainder of the archipelago, the �Northern Mariana Islands, to Germany. Japan seized the Northern Marianas from Germany in 1914 during World War I and Guam from the U.S, in 1941during World War II. The United States took Saipan, Tinian, and Guam in amphibious assaults in 1944 and retained the entire archipelago after WWII (Rogers 1995). Historical Archaeology and Rosario House Historical archaeological investigations into the Spanish Period in the Marianas have been limited. Almost all investigations have focused on the island of Guam where the vast majority of the population, the Catholic Mission, and colonial government were located. There are two principle challenges in conducting historical archaeology in the Mariana Islands. The first is the paucity of identifiable historic artifacts and the second is the direct involvement of the island chain in the ground combat of World War II. The paucity of identifiable historic artifacts is rooted in two separate factors. The primary factor is the economic isolation of the archipelago previously discussed. The second is the hostile preservation conditions. High heat and humidity, acidic soils and high levels of salt combined with termites, mildew, and periodic typhoons, rapidly decay most materials including metal. The effects of WWII can not be overemphasized in the historic archaeology of the Marianas. The majority of Saipan and Tinian and a significant portion of Guam were subjected to naval and aerial �bombardment and combat ground operations. More importantly, post battle cleanup and the WWII logistical buildup subjected huge portions of the islands to the not so tender mercy of the Seabees, who never did anything with hand tools when it could be done mechanically. Their “Can Do” spirit was a war winning attitude but it wreaked havoc on the archaeological sites of the Marianas. This damage was particularly acute because of the aforementioned lancho residence system. The three largest towns and commercial centers on Guam; Hagatna, Sumay, and Agat were destroyed and built over, as was Garapan, the largest town on Saipan. In the case of Hagatna significant portions were bulldozed into the sea to create additional land. Garapan also suffered extreme earthmoving. These actions eliminated most of the formal residences in the Marianas where imported materials were present for archaeologists to study. Asian and European artifacts have been discovered at former lancho sites but they are not common finds and they are present in low densities. The Rosario House (Fig. 2) is one of the few surviving Pre-WWII buildings and intact archaeological sites remaining in Hagatna on Guam. The site was investigated by archaeologists from Micronesian Archaeological Research Services in 1988 (Moore et.al. 1993). The largest historic ceramic collection discovered in the Marianas was recovered from these excavations. In 2009 the Guam Preservation Trust funded the cataloging of this important collection (Bulgrin 2010). �Fig. 2: The Rosario House. (Guam Preservation Trust) Stratigraphical interpretation of the excavations at the Rosario House indicates historical processes that caused disturbance and soil mixing in the areas tested. A leaching field and potential excavation for garbage disposal appear to have mixed PreContact and historical deposits. Laboratory analyses agreed with these interpretations. Uncertain contexts have limited chronological interpretations so the collection needs to be addressed as a totality. The Rosario House Ceramic Collection A large variety of European and Asian ceramics were recovered from the initial testing at the Rosario House. The vast majority of the ceramics dated from the late 18th century to the late 19th century. European ceramics made up 24% of the Rosario House collection and were dominated by wares manufactured in the United Kingdom. This is no surprise given the English domination of ceramic production at that time (Tames 1995:39). Asian ceramics present at Rosario House were manufactured in both China and Japan. The Chinese ceramics, porcelain and stoneware, composed 71% of the collection and tended to cluster in the late 18th to mid-19th century. Japanese porcelain and stoneware made �up the remaining 5% of the collection and dated from the late 19th century to the 20th century. Fig. 3: European Ceramics. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) European ceramics (Fig. 3) are uncommon finds on historic sites in the Marianas and the Rosario House is unique in the quantity and richness of their discovery. European refined earthen wares present were produced for food service or hygienic purposes. The more utilitarian earthenwares of the time produced for food preparation and storage such as yellow ware, Rockingham glazed yellow wares, and annular whitewares were present but in very low numbers. Decorated refined earthenwares predominated. Creamwares, pearlwares, whitewares, and a very few semi-porcelain sherds were recovered. The only wares that were not decorated were the creamwares and a single tin glazed earthenware sherd. These are presumably some of the earliest European ceramic type introduced into the Marianas (other than a very few majolica vessels, none of which were discovered at the Rosario House). Decoration ranges from inexpensive shell edged wares �and sponge stamped wares to transfer prints. Transferprints were recovered in all colors produced, but blue was the most common. Plates and large serving or hygienic vessels predominated as vessel forms with cups and bowls making up the majority of the rest of the collection. Unusual vessel types include an open vegetable dish, a chamber pot or spittoon, a child’s chamber pot, a possible candlestick and a teapot. Importantly, none of the recovered ceramics matched any other within the collection and it appears that they were acquired individually. Two unusual finds include a copper luster sherd and a fragment of an animal figurine. Chinese porcelains and stonewares made up by far the largest proportion of the ceramics collected from excavations at Rosario House. This study does not address the large quantity of utilitarian stoneware recovered at the site. Asian stoneware jars of various makes and national origins were ubiquitous in trade within Southeast Asia and the Manila Galleons, being the shipping containers of their day. Almost all of the Chinese porcelain (Fig. 4) present was of the type commonly referred to as Provincial ware whose production was centered in Fujian province (Macintosh 1977; Sheaf and Kilburn 1988). These wares were produced for Asian tastes rather than European and are of a different quality and aesthetic to the porcelain exported to the West. Porcelain bodies were a uniform light grey. Glazes ranged from pale blue through pale grey for most sherds. More unusual glaze tints included pale greenish grey and pale cream colored. Most vessels were decorated with blue underglaze handpainting but there are examples of underglaze block printing and overglaze hand painting as well. Unglazed rings on both the interior and exterior are another common technique present. Unglazed footrings and sand adhesions are also common. Several sherds were �clearly of inferior production runs as they appeared to be over oxidized perhaps due to an early opening of the kiln. Fig. 4: Chinese Porcelain. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) A small number of porcelain sherds were clearly produced for the European export trade based on quality, form, and painting style. One sherd has characteristics of early 19th century English porcelain and another higher quality painted sherd has an Empire Shape lobed body (Berthoud 1990:105). Many porcelain sherds from Rosario House are identical to ceramics recovered from the wreck of the Junk Tek Sing that sank in 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). These include motifs such as stylized peach sprays, stylized Sanskrit printing, floral sprays, and lingzhi fungus and flower heads within a spiral or bloom. Koh (2013) has identified the majority of the porcelain from the Tek Sing as Dehua Blue and White. Dehua blue and white porcelains were a lesser quality ware that was principally marketed to Southeast Asia. Koh (2013) has also proposed that the Tek Sing cargo serves as a reference collection for the late �Qianlong/Daoguang period (late 18th century – 1850). Nevertheless, the variety of glazes present and different painting techniques and quality among the porcelain collection make it unlikely that all of the collection is the product of the Dehua kilns. Porcelain vessel types are overwhelmingly for food service, predominantly bowls and cups. The general impression from working with the collection is that sets of bowls and cups are present at the site but this can not be stated with certainty due to the small size of most of the sherds recovered and the few cross mends that could be made. A number of sherds from small plates with a dark blue edge with lotus blossoms was found in two of the excavation units and were almost certainly a set. Similar decorated plates are dated from 1825-1850 (Mudge 1986:182). Block printed “debased Sanskrit” pattern bowls are another possible set present in the assemblage. The availability of these as sets is reinforced by block printed “Sanskrit” bowl sherds recovered from excavations at the Governor’s palace at Hagatna (Schuetz 2007:139). Fig. 5: Chinese Stoneware. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) �Chinese stoneware (Fig. 5) makes up a small proportion of the Rosario House collection. Two distinct types are present in the collection. The first type has a buff body and cream colored glaze. Decoration consists of crimson overglaze painting. The second type has a body varying from grey to pale buff to pinkish buff, glazes ranging from pale greyish blue to cream, and underglaze blue painting. The ceramic collection from Rosario House seems to be a direct reflection of economic opportunities for an elite family on Guam. The earliest architectural remains at Rosario House date to approximately 1750 but there are no imported artifacts from that period. Upon legalization of private trade, foreign artifacts immediately appeared but in low quantities. With the advent of the whalers quantities increase and more varied goods are available. European ceramics appear to be individually acquired and may reflect lodging and board transactions for whaling crews. Chinese ceramics are available in greater quantity and possibly in sets. However, the porcelain’s quality is low and lower quality stoneware copies are sometimes substituted for porcelain vessels. Provincial porcelain is difficult to date, particularly as fragmented as it is in the Rosario House collection. However, the porcelain recovered from the Rosario House site is extremely similar in style to the cargo recovered from the Tek Sing wreck of 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). Logically the porcelain at both location dates to approximately the same date. Given that cargoes may have been assembled over time from wares in storage a time frame of the late 18th century – 1830s seems appropriate for the porcelain. Ceramics at Rosario House dating to the late 19th century and early 20th century are almost entirely Japanese stenciled porcelains. Two different ceramic types, Chinese Provisional porcelain and English refined earthenwares are predominant in the Rosario House collection. �Clearly these ceramics were manufactured in two different areas of the world under very different conditions and their distribution in tandem is unlikely. It is also interesting that European ceramics appear to have been acquired singly while Chinese ceramics were available in sets or small lots of similar decoration. These patterns indicate two different streams of availability. It is likely that the European ceramics were acquired in serial transactions with Euro-American sailors as payments for lodging, meals, or commodities such as dried meat, coffee or tobacco, that were locally available. Whaling ships may have carried ceramics as part of a suite of trade goods to reprovision and refit ships over the whaling voyage. It is possible that crews were able to draw from these against future wages for their needs or they may have brought their own trade goods in their sea chests against future need. Chinese porcelain availability in sets (Fig. 6) indicates a different kind and direction of trade. These were available for trade or purchase in bulk, if not necessarily on a regular basis. Provincial porcelain was produced for and marketed to the Southeast Asian market. It is unlikely that whaling ships would have chosen to load these ceramics in bulk at their home ports in New England or the United Kingdom when cheaper industrially produced English earthenwares were available. It is also unlikely that these ceramics are tied to the Manila Galleon. These porcelains would have been readily available in Manila but in order to be transported to Guam via the galleon trade they would have had to be trans-shipped through Acapulco and back to Guam. This is an unlikely scenario as separate taxes and fees would have had to be paid and the ceramics could have already been sold for a substantial profit in Mexico. In addition, the bulk of the Provincial porcelain in the Rosario collection postdates the �Manila Galleon. Therefore, it appears that these ceramics were being shipped directly from the Philippines to Guam, most likely by the annual supply ship or mail schooners. It is ironic that the demise of the galleon trade actually led to an increased availability of consumer goods on Guam. It is not clear whether this was speculative trade or orders put in by local consumers or retailers for delivery. Fig. 6: Porcelain Patterns. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) Conclusion Several preliminary conclusions on consumer choice can be made for the family that lived at the Rosario House given the caveats of limited sample size. The first is that the end of the galleon trade and the political turmoil of the South and Central American revolutions expanded the availability of foreign commodities on Guam. This supposes that other non-preserved commodities such as fabric that presumably made up the bulk of trade followed the pattern for ceramics. The second is that options on the products available were still limited. Large serving bowls and other serving vessels, and hygienic vessels such as ewers and basins and chamber �pots were probably only available when European or American ships were in port. This hypothesized punctuated availability likely extended to other commodities as well. Rarity and inherent fragility possibly indicate use of these vessels primarily for display and prestige purposes. In the case of imported ceramics, there was a preference for food service vessels such as cups, bowls and plates, over utilitarian vessels such as pans, mixing bowls, bottles, and jars. Presumably food storage and preparation functions were being taken up by more durable though heavier stonewares. In the case of European ceramics, there was a preference for decorated wares and this continued over time. This is in contrast to the general trend by European manufacturers of producing plainer, whiter vessels such as molded ironstones. There was also a preference for blue decorated wares over other colors. Finally, even when broken, imported ceramics retained some value as there are multiple examples of broken sherds rechipped into circular gaming or tally pieces. Hopefully, more archaeological testing will be conducted at the Rosario House in conjunction with planned rehabilitation and these hypotheses can be tested with additional data. (Please note that this research was conducted privately by the author under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 and does not represent the opinion or the policy of the U.S. Navy) References Barratt, G., 2003 The Chamorros of the Marianas Islands, Early European Records, 1521-1721. Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 10, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Berthoud, M.,1990 A Compendium of British Cups. Micawber Publications: Shropshire. �Bulgrin, L., 2010 Catalog of the Non-Utilitarian Ceramics from the Rosario House Site, Hagatña, Guam. Report prepared under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 Coomans, P., 2000 1667-1673. History of the Mission in the Marianas Islands, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 4, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Driver, M., 1989 Fray Juan Pobre in the Marianas, 1602. Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Driver, M. and O. Brunal-Perry (eds), 1996 Carolinians in the Mariana Islands. Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Farrell, D., 2011 History of the Mariana Islands To Partition. Public School System, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. Freycinet, L., 2003 An Account of the Corvette L’Uranie’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819. Translated by Glynn Barratt, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 13, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Giraldez, A., 2015 The Age of Trade: The Manila Galleons and the Dawn of the Global Economy. Rowman and Littlefield: Lanham,MD. Koh, N.K., 2013 Dehua Blue and White. Retrieved June 26, 2017, from http://kohantique.com/Dehua/dehua_blue_and_white.htm Levesque, R. (ed), 1995 History of Micronesia: Vol. 6 Revolts in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Levesque, R. (ed), 1996 History of Micronesia: Vol. 7: More Turmoil in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Macintosh, D., 1977 Charles Ltd: London. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. David and �Madrid, C., 2006 Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877. Northern Marianas Council for Humanities, Saipan. McDonough, J. A. S.J. (ed), 2004 The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis De San Vitores, S.J. MARC Monograph Series No. 3, Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Moore, D., J. Amesbury, R. Hunter-Anderson, and E. Wells, 1993 Archaeological Excavations at Rosario House, Agana, Guam. Report prepared for Tanaguchi-Ruth-Smith and Associates. Micronesian Archaeological Research Services: Mangilao Mudge, J., 1986 Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson N. Potter Inc,: New York. Pickford, N. and M. Hatcher, 2000 The Legacy of the Tek Sing. Granta Editions: Cambridge. Quimby, F., 2011 The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521–1668. Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 46, No. 1. Rogers, R., 1995 of Hawai’i: Honolulu. Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam. University Russell, S., 1998 Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No.32, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Description An account of the resource Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c10727548255ef684893c8b5fb14df5e.pdf f8bbc7114ce6f4f7c858cd4eff06ebe4 PDF Text Text Building Capacity in the South West Pacific – The Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association Andrew Viduka PhD Student University of New England akudiv@gmail.com Abstract: The Australian Government Department of the Environment and Energy administers the Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976 and the National Historic Shipwrecks Program. This Program enables the Department to work with the States, the Northern Territory and Norfolk Island to protect historic shipwrecks. With the wealth of maritime history on Norfolk Island and the strong associations with Pitcairn Island, the potential for involving the broader community in documenting and protecting Norfolk Island's wonderful maritime heritage is significant. In 2010, at the request of the Norfolk Island Delegate, the first in a series of community focussed capacity building activities in maritime archaeology was conducted on the island. These activities resulted in the creation of the Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association (NIMAA), Australia's newest maritime archaeology association. This paper briefly outlines the history of maritime archaeological associations in Australia and their engagement with management agencies. As a case study for other small island communities, the paper highlights some of the activities of NIMAA since its creation, issues faced for participants and the management agency and the potential for NIMAA into the future. Key words: NIMAA, Norfolk Island, maritime archaeology associations, public archaeology, community engagement, historic shipwrecks Introduction The management of shipwrecks in Australia balances protecting historic shipwrecks with maintaining public access for recreational, scientific and �educational purposes. Objectives of the 1983 Historic Shipwrecks Program (HSP), the vehicle to coordinate the national collaborative administration of the Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976 (the Act), include: the support of an informed public for historic shipwrecks as a cultural resource; undertaking fieldwork including shipwreck survey, excavation and monitoring; and community engagement (Viduka, 2012). This provision has been echoed in Article 20 of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. Of Australia’s approximately 7500 - 8000 protected Historic Shipwrecks, 23 lie within protected or no-entry zones without permit (Historic Shipwrecks Protected Zones 2017). The remaining sites can be dived without permit if that activity does not cause damage, disturbance or removal of material from the site. Divers are encouraged and can use wreck sites for recreational purposes but the physical fabric of the wreck must not be disturbed and relics must not be removed from the site without a permit (Viduka, 2015). Due to the small number of professional maritime archaeologists and the vast amount of coastal waters around Australia, it has always been obvious that little can be done by the professional maritime archaeological community alone to: locate; document; assess the significance of; monitor; protect; stabilise and research this large distributed assemblage. A core reality of underwater cultural heritage management in Australia is that community support and community participation in the monitoring or discovery of vessels is critical to achieving the objectives of discovering and protecting underwater cultural heritage. To support such an outcome, strong community based programmes that improve the public’s access to, knowledge and enjoyment of their underwater heritage is vital (Hosty, 1987; McCarthy and Garrett, 1998; Nutley, 1998; Smith, 2006; Styne, 2010; Viduka and Raupp, 2008). �Management agencies around Australia have developed a range of different communication and engagement strategies to facilitate public access and inform the public of their heritage. These strategies include: online databases (with detail on the history, location and diving conditions of each site) (NSW Maritime Heritage Database, 2017; WA Shipwrecks Database, 2017; Vic Heritage Database, 2017; SA Shipwrecks Database, 2017; Australian Government Shipwrecks Database, 2017); websites, brochures, posters and books (Nash, 2007; Henderson, 1986 and 2016); accurate historical and site data provided to commercial dive charter industries; community based interactive programs (NSW Wreckspotters, 2015; Queensland Survey, 2015; Viduka and Raupp, 2008); and the development of dive trails (Philippou and Staniforth, 2003). A fundamental element in the strategy of promoting community participation is the development and support for vocational maritime archaeology groups. Maritime Archaeological Associations in Australia Australian management agencies initially put significant time and resources into fostering the establishment of local maritime archaeological associations. The 1994 Australian Government Guidelines for the Management of Australia’s Historic Shipwrecks includes details on how to foster and support the development of archaeological associations. The 1996 Australian Government Public Access Guidelines, specifically state that community groups can undertake disturbance activities subject to meeting specific criteria in training in maritime archaeology. This extended to private and public groups and institutions including local historical and archaeological societies, regional community museums and affiliated groups under the direction of a person qualified in maritime archaeology (Australian Government, 1996). �Given the strong contemporary policy framework in Australia limiting the granting of permits for the recovery of relics by private individuals or groups without conservation and collection management resources, many community groups, often known as Maritime Archaeological Associations, focused their activities into locating shipwrecks and or survey of known resources. Many of these groups were instrumental in a jurisdiction being able to undertake more extensive fieldwork activities, such as excavation, but under the direction of a qualified maritime archaeologist. Over time, many of these associations not only planned and undertook their own research, but also became the backbone of their jurisdiction’s fieldwork program, supplying divers with: practical, historical and nautical knowledge; a vast depth of diving experience; boat handling skills; medical and safety skills; and training in archaeological methodology. Notable amongst these groups is the Maritime Archaeological Association of Victoria (MAAV, 2017) and the Maritime Archaeological Association of Western Australia (MAAWA, 2017). The relationship between management agency and community group was so symbiotic, that at times, the strength of a jurisdiction’s management was indicated by the activity of the local community group. Other maritime archaeological associations existed in: South Australia (Society for Underwater Historical Research) (SUHR) which was renamed the South Australian Archaeology Society in 2012; Tasmania (Maritime Archaeological Association of Tasmania) (MAAT) (Lester, 1983a, 1983b); and Queensland (Maritime Archaeological Association of Queensland) (MAAQ, 2015) however these are no longer active. A common thread amongst all these groups was some level of active involvement or support by the relevant State Historic Shipwrecks Practitioner. �A feature of the last decade or so is that new groups have appeared on their own volition, with a specific area of research interest. Southern Ocean Exploration (SOE, 2017) and the Sydney Project (Sydney Project, 2017) are notable examples of groups who like both technical diving and discovering shipwrecks. Other groups such as Wreck Check Incorporated are interested in searching for, locating and documenting underwater cultural heritage related to or shared with Australia (Wreck Check, 2017; Fortuyn Project, 2017). Unlike other Australian jurisdictions Norfolk Island has never had the permanent support of a local professional maritime archaeologist. The Delegate for the Historic Shipwrecks Act, who is located within the Norfolk Island Museum, has relied on external organisations or individuals to assist them in undertaking their delegated responsibilities to sites and associated recovered artefacts. Recognising a need for a local capacity to assist in the delivery of day to day delegated responsibilities, the Norfolk Island Delegate supported the idea of building maritime archaeological capacity within the local community. The value of such an approach was immediately recognised as delivering positive outcomes on three principle levels: community engagement, management and museological. Harking back to the earliest model of fostering a community maritime archaeological association to support a jurisdiction’s management goals, in 2012 Australia’s most recent Maritime Archaeological Association was formed, called the Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association (NIMAA). Norfolk Island – a maritime landscape Norfolk Island is located in the Southwest Pacific approximately 1700 kilometres northeast of Sydney, at 167°57'E, 29°02'S. The island has an approximate area of 37 km2 and a population estimated between �2000 to 3000 individuals. To the south of Norfolk Island are two smaller islands, Nepean and Phillip (Fig. 1). All the islands are formed from horizontal sheets of basalt with Mount Bates on Norfolk Island as the highest point, rising to 319 metres above sea level (Geosciences Australia, 2017). Fig. 1 (left): Map of Norfolk Island. (naming bays and locations mentioned in text) (Australian Government) Norfolk Island has several phases of occupation. Excavations around Emily Bay, on the south-central coast, identified occupation of the island by people of Polynesian ancestry circa the 13th/14th through to the 15th century AD (Anderson and White, 2001). The island was located by Captain James Cook in 1774 and was identified for its strategic value and economic potential in timber and flax. In the 19th century a British penal settlement was established near Emily Bay now known as the UNESCO World Heritage listed Kingston and Arthur's Vale Historic Area. After the �closure of the penal settlement in 1855 the island was subsequently occupied in 1856 by people relocated from the Pitcairn Islands. With the arrival of the Pitcairners, many with Tahitian ancestry, Norfolk Island again became a community thread in the tapestry of Pacific Island cultures. Today, many Norfolk Islanders are intrinsically a part of the Pacific with strong cultural and familial links. The mid to late 19th and early 20th century Norfolk Island population comprised of subsistence farmers, whose only hope of deriving an income was through exporting agricultural products predominantly to either mainland Australia or New Zealand. Intermittent services by shipping companies, further exacerbated by the First World War, often resulted in total spoilage and loss of products. Other than agriculture the only major industry on the island was shore based whaling which occurred between 1858 and the early 1950’s. In 1942 at the height of World War II in the southwest Pacific, the island became a strategic airbase and was occupied by New Zealand troops. A radar station was located on Mount Bates. Prior to the airbase’s construction shipping was the only transport to and from the island. Fishing from rocks and boats remains a very popular activity both for food and recreation. The underwater cultural heritage resource and community engagement In 2009, recognising the operational limitations on the Historic Shipwrecks Delegate, the Department engaged Cosmos Archaeology to undertake a desktop review of shipwrecks around Norfolk Island for updating records in the Australian National Shipwrecks Database (ANSDB) (Luckman and Viduka, 2013). Prior to this desktop survey, most maritime archaeological activity had focussed on the National Heritage listed site of HMS Sirius (1790), unofficial flagship to Australia’s First Fleet, and its associated �artefacts on display at the Norfolk Island Museum (Henderson and Stanbury, 1986; Stanbury, 2002 and 2007). Through the desktop project new information, media and archival material was collated for several sites. The ANSDB now includes approximately twenty-six sites around Norfolk Island which are recorded as sinking from 1790 – 1960’s (Fig. 2). Fig. 2: Map indicating the distribution of the known shipwreck resource around Norfolk Island and their approximate locations. (Australian Government) To help build an informed and supportive community group who could assist the Delegate, an Australasian Institute of Maritime Archaeology modified Nautical Archaeology Society (AIMA/NAS) training course part 1 (Nautical Archaeology Society, 2013; Philippou and Staniforth 2003) was delivered to 25 participants. The AIMA/NAS course was presented in 2010 by Cassandra Philippou, Sarah Ward and myself (Fig. 3) (Norfolk Island Museum, 2017; AIMA, 2017; AIMA NAS, 2017). This course was very successful in bringing many individuals of the community together on a subject of shared interest. The enthusiasm of the individuals involved led directly to their creation of NIMAA. This paper looks at NIMAA and the �challenges for that group as a case study for other small island communities. Fig. 3 (left): AIMA/NAS training 2D survey. (Andrew Viduka) A shaky start Following the creation of NIMAA, economic downturn on the island drove many diving members to the Australian mainland or elsewhere for work opportunities. At the request of the Delegate, who recognised that the group’s existence was immediately imperiled, from 22 February to 1 March 2013, a small team of maritime archaeologists were engaged to work with NIMAA members and undertake a maritime archaeological survey of Ball Bay and other coastal sites around Norfolk Island. The maritime archaeology team comprised Dr Brad Duncan (State Maritime Archaeologist, New South Wales), Mr Amer Khan (Maritime Heritage Officer South Australia) and myself (Australian Government). 2013 NIMAA Ball Bay Survey Due to the limited anchorage or landing options at Norfolk Island, Ball Bay is constantly being considered for future development by Norfolk �Islanders. To assist development consideration and for science based heritage management decision making an understanding of the potential for underwater cultural material in Ball Bay was required to be made. To that end a physical and remote sensing survey of the bay was planned. The intent of this collaboration with NIMAA was fourfold:  to help inform discussion and decision making on Norfolk Island regarding this site so the Delegate could be well placed to protect the maritime heritage of the island if present;  provide further practical archaeological training for NIMAA in underwater and terrestrial archaeological field techniques;  empower NIMAA to continue archaeological surveys around the island and lead in the recording of previously undocumented heritage sites; and  to galvanize activity in NIMAA. Historically known activities in Ball Bay include a shore-based whaling station from 1935-39. Remains of the processing plant are still in situ. However, the bay has a longer history of use, starting circa 1788/9 when Captain Philip Gidley King, then lieutenant-governor of Norfolk Island, attempted to build a pier. Anecdotal accounts suggest even an earlier use of the bay by Polynesians. The Director of the Norfolk Island Museum reported anecdotal accounts of the recovery of some Polynesian cultural material, possibly dating to the pre-history settlement period (Pers com Lisa Richards 17 May 2012). Due to bad weather, only two days of underwater surveys could be completed in Ball Bay though some in water survey training was conducted in the calm of Emily Bay and an inspection snorkel over the site of HMS Sirius was achieved with NIMAA members (Fig. 4). Activity �switched to teaching and doing oral history recordings with locals. Selected individuals who were described by Dr Duncan as having ‘deep familial and direct knowledge of sites’ and other island maritime industries on boat building, defence, whaling and transport were interviewed (Duncan 2012) (Fig. 5). Further, several sites were surveyed and recorded including: the Mt Bates Military Radar Defence Station; an incised marking on stone associated with HMS Calliope’s visit in 1888; and a World War II bunker in Anson Bay overlooking the landing point of the 1902 telegraph cable that connected Canada and Australia. Fig. 4: HMS Sirius (1790) last anchor on site relocated and inspected by NIMAA members. (Andrew Viduka) �Fig. 5: Oral history interview on Norfolk Island whaling heritage in Ball Bay. (Andrew Viduka) 2013 NIMAA Cascade Bay In the perennial search for improved lightering or anchorage conditions on Norfolk Island, in May 2013, at the request of the administration of Norfolk Island who were considering possible improvements to Cascade Pier, NIMAA undertook an underwater survey for cultural material in the proposed development and associated works footprint. Cascade Pier is located on the northern coast of Norfolk Island in an unsheltered bay. Due to the rugged coastal conditions, all produce and supplies must be lightered to and from vessels anchored off shore. Cascade Bay is one of two contemporary locations used on Norfolk Island, the other being Sydney Bay/Slaughter Bay. Both are subject to weather. NIMAA planned, coordinated and carried out the survey with available diving members. The survey was conducted on Sunday 19 May 2013. Based on a brief supplied by Alan McNeil, Manager, Land Use & Environment, Administration of Norfolk Island, the area to be surveyed �was identified using Global Positioning equipment and marked with ropes and buoys which were used as reference points. While no artefacts were found in the area surveyed, NIMAA divers on SCUBA methodically searched the designated sea floor (Fig 6) (Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeology Association 2013). NIMAA’s work contributed directly to a positive community outcome and the Pier upgrade commenced in 2016 (Norfolk Island News, 2017). Fig. 6: NIMAA members first sweep swimming north on the eastern side of survey area 40 M off the pier. (Courtesy of NIMAA) Since 2013 NIMAA members have been involved in other terrestrial projects than those mentioned in this paper including a remote sensing archaeological survey project led by Dr Duncan and Dr Martin Gibbs (University of New England). However, outside of externally generated projects or terrestrial and museological activity little has been reported that suggests NIMAA remains an active underwater group driven by internal initiative. Potential for NIMAA into the future �As with many other small island communities, the remoteness of the island has been the primary cause of much joy and difficulty for Norfolk Islanders and it is this thread that may be best exploited to deliver an exciting project for NIMAA that will engage the broader community. Certainly, the success or not of NIMAA resides with its members, their individual enthusiasm and the support they receive from the Historic Shipwrecks Delegate and, in general, the Australian Government’s Historic Shipwrecks Program. As outlined above, volunteer associations are vulnerable to change and will cease to operate. In the case of the MAAQ, which ceased to operate in 2016, changing demographics of the group, few new members, the ability of existing members to volunteer time and insurance issues restricting fieldwork all combined to make the group inoperable (Pers Com Paddy Waterson 6 June 2017). It is worth highlighting that Queensland is Australia’s 3rd most populous state and most popular dive tourism location for domestic and inbound tourism. Yet, even in this setting, a maritime archaeology volunteer association withered and collapsed. On Norfolk Island, NIMAA has many keen and capable members. The entire island is a maritime landscape and everyone is intrinsically a part of that story. However, it is not yet certain if their individual enthusiasm will result in a coordinated community approach to projects of shared interest. The greatest hope for the longevity of NIMAA is with the strong and ongoing support of the Norfolk Island Museum, which has undergone recent organisational change and restructuring, and the Norfolk Island Historic Shipwrecks Delegate. Separate to the activities that NIMAA members themselves may pursue in regards to whaling and military heritage, other opportunities do exist to engage participants in their underwater heritage. �Collaboration with other researchers Collaboration with other maritime archaeological groups or seeking opportunities to join projects in other jurisdictions is open to NIMAA members. One example of this is a project proposed by Wreck Check Inc, chaired by Graeme Henderson. Wreck Check will collaborate with NIMAA in 2017/2018. This project proposes to reassess why was the Sirius wrecked? Arguably the infant Australian colony’s most threatening single incident. NIMAA members will be doing photogrammetry of the Sirius ballast mound for calculation of the residual weight (Fulton et al 2016) and approximate determination of stowage area in the vessel. This data will be used to consider the potential impact of insufficient ballasting as a contributing factor to the vessel’s loss. Other future project – Resolution? As briefly described earlier, to break their isolation from external markets and remedy the lack of reliable shipping services to Norfolk Island, circa 1917 the Norfolk Island Shipping Company purchased the ketch Warrigal (ANSDB Shipwreck ID 7958). After one successful voyage, the vessel was lost with all hands in a cyclone. This vessel has not been relocated. Still faced with the same isolation and lack of reliable shipping issues, in 1923 the Norfolk Island Farmers and Growers Association resolved to build their own ship which they named Resolution. The Norfolk Island Museum describes the construction of the vessels: “It was difficult to source the resources needed to build a boat. Men searched the valleys for timbers with natural bends to make the stern and ribs. A Norfolk Island Pine was selected for the keel, providing a 20-metre log that was dragged to the building site at Emily Bay. There it was pit-sawn, adzed to shape and squared up. Norfolk Pine was also used for the keel and planking, while the framing was of island grown olive and ironwood. She was built as �a stout auxiliary schooner of about 60 tons and more than 18 metres in length.” (Norfolk Island Museum, 2017) Sadly, for the Norfolk Islanders the Resolution, which was launched in December 1925 and subsequently fitted with a diesel motor, was sold in 1927 to Burns Philp (South Seas) due to their financial inability to operate the vessel. For the next 20 years, the Resolution worked on the Tonga, Fiji and New Hebrides (now Vanuatu) trades. In March 1948, the vessel was disabled by a cyclone and in 1949 Resolution sank at moorings in the harbour at Port Villa in 36 meters. While the site has been actively and continuously pillaged by recreational divers, this site is one of many shared heritage sites between Norfolk Island/Australia more broadly and Vanuatu that could form the basis of a collaborative maritime archaeological project between NIMAA members and the people of Vanuatu to the benefits for both island communities. Conclusion and observations It is an established truism that community engagement in heritage is vital for better heritage management outcomes. Certainly the creation of NIMAA by interested individuals on Norfolk Island has stimulated activity and greater knowledge in the community. While it is dangerous to extrapolate too much from this singular example, certain observations warrant consideration for their potential value to others who are considering developing a community based underwater cultural heritage capacity in a small island community. Threats All volunteer groups face a common threat, competing activities for the attention of members. While this is not unique to small island communities, a complication for individuals on small islands, in particular, �is that they are often involved in multiple concurrent positions to derive an income/subsistence. Financial support Financial support will assist any group to continue to operate. Without some form of financial support being available, any group’s personal resources may not be able to sustain activity over the long term. In a small island community where individuals may have less income, external funding is vital. For NIMAA members, they are fortunate in that they have two options for funding assistance, via the Delegate or through competitive grants offered to small community museums through the Australian National Maritime Museum. Without the opportunity to obtain external funding, the long term viability of NIMAA would be in serious doubt. A local champion/s Two types of champions were required to create and sustain NIMAA. In the first instance it was the support of the Delegate who championed the creation of NIMAA. The Delegate recognised the need to have an engaged and empowered community on Norfolk Island to participate in underwater cultural heritage. Once NIMAA was created it was important that individuals within NIMAA took a leadership role and championed activities within the group. Based on observations with NIMAA, it is important to recognise that the role of the Delegate who initially championed the creation of NIMAA does not cease. Their active and ongoing support is required to sustain an individual’s enthusiasm and or the group’s effectiveness. Further, the leadership role within a group should be shared otherwise this becomes a constraining factor to the groups effectiveness. �Links to a cultural institution/management agency At least initially, the group would benefit from being linked to an appropriate institution so that their activities have some oversight and official support. This not only helps build trust between individuals responsible for the protection of underwater cultural heritage but ensures the group’s ethical development. It advantageously also assists the group to seek funding support for their activities. Research potential – an active program A critical element to maintaining activity is to have projects that are initiated by the group, achievable and interesting to the individuals in the group. While Norfolk Island has enormous research potential, it is yet to be ascertained if NIMAA members will develop their own research program. Acknowledgements: Thanks to the wonderful Norfolk Islanders who I have met over the years. Particular thanks to Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeology Association Members - Dean Burrell, Steve and Sandy Nutley, Doug and Eve Creek, Rick and Kally Peay, Don and Sue Brian, Rossco Quintal, Brad O’Hare, Bob Tofts - Norfolk Whaling Author, Herbert (Wiggy) Knapton – (exwhaler), Jimmy Christian (ex- whaler), the late Byron Burrell and Ralph Weslake (WWII Defence). Lisa Richards – previously Norfolk Island Museum Director. Janelle Blucher and Jeanine Snell – Heritage Management, Norfolk Island Regional Council. Cassandra Philippou and Sarah Ward who participated in delivering AIMA/NAS training. Lastly, thanks Brad Duncan and Amer Khan. References �Anderson, A., and White, P., 2001. Prehistoric Settlement on Norfolk Island and its Oceanic Context. 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(ed.), Shipwreck Archaeology in Australia (pp. 25 – 38). University of Western Australia Press. Nedlands, WA. Steyne, H., 2010. Managing invisible sites: Developing a management approach or inaccessible shipwreck sites, Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Ed. Jeremy Green and Myra Stanbury, Vol: 34: 50-56. Philippou, C., & Staniforth, M., 2003. Maritime heritage trails in Australia: An overview and critique of the interpretive programs. In J. Spirek, D, & D. Scott-Ireton, A., (Eds.), Submerged cultural resource management: �Preserving and interpreting our maritime heritage, New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers: 135-149. UNESCO, 2001. UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. Paris: UNESCO. Viduka, A., and Raupp, J., 2008. Research, heritage tourism and diver education – The Undersea Explorer Expedition 2007. Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Ed. Jeremy Green and Myra Stanbury, Vol: 32: 20-26. Viduka, A., 2012. 1976 and beyond – managing Australia’s underwater cultural heritage, presented at IKUWA4 Managing the Underwater Cultural Heritage, University of Zadar, Zadar, Croatia from 29 September to 2 October 2011, Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Ed. Jeremy Green and Myra Stanbury, Vol: 37: 1-9. Viduka, A., 2015. The Preservation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Australia, in papers from The Preservation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage-Theories, Methods and Practices, Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Republic of China (Taiwan), October 4th to 6th 2015, Taichung City, Taiwan: 14 – 41. Websites AIMA 2017, Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology Homepage, accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.aima-underwater.org.au AIMA NAS 2017, AIMA/NAS Training, accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.aima-underwater.org.au/parts-i-iv/ Australian Government Shipwrecks Database 2017, Australian National Shipwrecks Database, accessed 10 May 2017, https://www.environment.gov.au/heritage/historic-shipwrecks/australiannational-shipwreck-database ANSDB Shipwreck ID 7958, accessed 10 May 2017, https://dmzapp17p.ris.environment.gov.au/shipwreck/public/wreck/wreck .do?key=7958 �Fortuyn Project 2017, Accessed 11 June 2017, http://wreckcheckinc.org Geosciences Australia, Accessed 9 June http://www.ga.gov.au/scientific-topics/national-locationinformation/dimensions/remote-offshore-territories/norfolk-island 2017, Historic Shipwrecks Protected Zones 2017, Australian Government, Australia, accessed 7 March 2017, http://www.environment.gov.au/topics/heritage/historicshipwrecks/historic-shipwreck-protected-zones MAAV 2017, Maritime Archaeological Association of Victoria, accessed 11 June 2017, http://home.vicnet.net.au/~maav/ MAAWA 2017, Maritime Archaeological Association of Western Australia, homepage accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.maawa.net MAAQ 2015, Maritime Archaeological Association of Queensland, homepage, accessed 6 August 2015, http://www.maaq.org.au/ Norfolk Island Museum 2017, Report on the Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association, accessed 11 June 2017, http://norfolkislandmuseum.blogspot.com.au/2010/09/maritimearchaeology-on-norfolk-island.html Norfolk Island News, accessed 5 June 2017, http://www.norfolkonlinenews.com/non-lead-stories/cascade-pierupgrade-has-begun-by-betty-matthews NSW Wreckspotters 2017, New South Wales government web pages for Wrecks potters program, accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/MaritimeHeritage/whatsnew/wrecks potters.htm NSW Maritime Heritage Database 2017; accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.environment.nsw.gov.au/maritimeheritageapp/WebsiteSearc h.aspx Queensland Survey 2015, Report an historic underwater wreck or artefact/Queensland Historic Shipwreck Survey, accessed 7 October �2015, https://www.qld.gov.au/environment/land/heritage/archaeology/shipwrec ks/ SA Shipwrecks Database 2017, NatureMaps, accessed 10 May 2017, http://spatialwebapps.environment.sa.gov.au/naturemaps/?locale=enus&viewer=naturemaps&runWorkflow=ZoomToFullExtentShipwreck SOE 2017, Southern Ocean Exploration Homepage, accessed 11 June 2017, http://www.southernoceanexploration.com Sydney Project 2017, http://www.sydneyproject.com/ accessed 11 Jun e2017, Vic Heritage Database 2017, Victoria’s significant heritage places and objects, accessed 10 May 2017, http://vhd.heritagecouncil.vic.gov.au/ WA Shipwrecks Database 2017, Wrecks, accessed 10 May 2017, http://museum.wa.gov.au/maritime-archaeology-db/wrecks Wreck Check 2017, accessed 10 May 2017, http://wreckcheckinc.org/ Biography Andrew Viduka is a maritime archaeologist and conservator employed by the Australian Government as the Assistant Director Maritime Heritage. In this role he leads Australia’s consideration of ratification of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. Andrew is actively involved in maritime archaeological projects and or capacity building training in Australia, the Pacific and the Mediterranean Regions. Andrew’s research currently focuses on linking community outcomes with the discovery and protection of Australia’s underwater cultural heritage, shared heritage management and international capacity building �projects. He is a foundation member of the research group Wreck Check Inc. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Building Capacity in the South West Pacific - The Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association Description An account of the resource The Australian Government Department of the Environment and Energy administers the Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976 and the National Historic Shipwrecks Program. This Program enables the Department to work with the States, the Northern Territory and Norfolk Island to protect historic shipwrecks. With the wealth of maritime history on Norfolk Island and the strong associations with Pitcairn Island, the potential for involving the broader community in documenting and protecting Norfolk Island's wonderful maritime heritage is significant. In 2010, at the request of the Norfolk Island Delegate, the first in a series of community focussed capacity building activities in maritime archaeology was conducted on the island. These activities resulted in the creation of the Norfolk Island Maritime Archaeological Association (NIMAA), Australia's newest maritime archaeology association. This paper briefly outlines the history of maritime archaeological associations in Australia and their engagement with management agencies. As a case study for other small island communities, the paper highlights some of the activities of NIMAA since its creation, issues faced for participants and the management agency and the potential for NIMAA into the future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Andrew Viduka Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Andrew Viduka Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/79c4cd74769497f978fd08f24c312040.pdf 8cfa80b495ffaf05bdc643fbe226cf97 PDF Text Text Underwater Cultural Heritage Management and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States Samoa Email: a.takahashi@unesco.org Abstract This paper begins with introducing UNESCO’s Conventions focusing on different forms of heritage, namely land-based, underwater, movable, immovable, tangible and intangible, including the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH Convention) adopted in 2001. The paper then presents progress in activities under the three key Conventions, namely, the UCH Convention, the Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (World Heritage Convention) and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention (ICH Convention), in the Pacific Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Notable progress in UCH-related activities includes the enhanced awareness of the importance of UCH to SIDS sustainable development through the explicit reference to UCH in the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway outcome document of the 3rd UN SIDS Conference (Samoa, 2014) and a call for the development of comprehensive strategies to raise awareness of the natural and cultural significance of the ocean at the UN Conference to Support the Implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 14: Conserve and Sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development (NY, September 2017). Taking into account of these developments and based on good practices identified through the promotion and implementation of the World Heritage Convention and the ICH Convention in Pacific SIDS, the paper aims to present an implementation strategy for the effective support to UCH-related activities and the promotion of the UCH Convention among Pacific SIDS as a way forward. �Key words: UNESCO, UCH Convention, World Heritage Convention, Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, SDGs Introduction The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is one of the Specialized Agencies of the United Nations (UN). Among its broad mandate, UNESCO is recognized as a leader in the international cooperation in culture. The Culture Programme of UNESCO consists of two pillars of Heritage and Creativity. By safeguarding heritage in all forms, namely, land-based, underwater, movable, immovable, tangible and intangible, and promoting arts and cultural/creative industries, the Culture Programme of UNESCO aims to protect and promote the diversity of cultural expressions for sustainable development and peace in the world. Over the years, UNESCO adopted seven conventions in culture. All together, they provide a comprehensive coverage of the culture sector. Among them, the following five Conventions directly concern cultural heritage; i) Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003), ii) Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), iii) Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972), iv) Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Property (1970), �v) Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (1954) and its first Protocol (1954) and the 2nd Protocol (1999). It must be noted that these Conventions provide important guidelines and principles for the heritage safeguarding that could help member states build and develop the national systems – policy, strategy, management tools such as heritage registers and inventories, infrastructure, capacities, etc. – necessary for heritage safeguarding. Some of the Conventions establish international lists through intergovernmental process. The World Heritage List established by the World Heritage Convention is one of the examples. The objective of this listing system is to enhance the protection and visibility of heritage that meet specific criteria set out in the operational guidelines of the respective Convention through international cooperation. The Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflicts adopted in The Hague in 1954 is the first Convention that UNESCO adopted after World War II. It is the first international treaty addressing the cultural property protection both at peace time and during conflicts. The definition of cultural property under the Hague Convention is broad, covering both movable and immovable, including not only cultural heritage sites, but also cultural institutions such as libraries, museums, and archives. After the end of the Cold War in 1990s, cultural heritage became a target of intentional attack and some iconic heritage such as Mostar Bridge in Bosnia and Herzegovina was destroyed during the civil war. At the request of member states calling for more effective heritage protection, UNESCO launched a process to elaborate the 2nd Protocol to the Hague Convention, which was adopted in 1999. The 2nd Protocol establishes the Enhanced Protection system. The Hague Convention played a pioneering role in promoting the concept of “Cultural �heritage of all mankind” and in entrusting the international community with the responsibility for its protection. With the increasing number of thefts and pillage of archaeological sites and museums as background, the Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Property was adopted in 1970. The 1970 Convention regards cultural property as an embodiment of cultural identity and aims to facilitate their return to the countries of origin. This Convention, however, does not apply to the cases of illicit traffic that occurred before 1970. Therefore, the Intergovernmental Committee for Promoting the Return of Cultural Property to its Countries of Origin or its Restitution in case of Illicit Appropriation (ICPRCP) was established in 1978 with the aims to provide an international forum to promote the return and restitution of cultural property for the cases before 1970 and in the process of colonization. Increasing needs of the protection of movable cultural property were identified not only for land-based heritage but also underwater heritage. For a long time, historical and cultural objects that were found in submerged shipwrecks have been dispersed due to the application of the law of finds to sunken and abandoned vessels under which the finder is granted ownership of the objects. The advancing technology has increasingly made the access to submerged shipwrecks easier, making them more vulnerable to commercially driven “treasure hunting” activities. The United Nations Convention on the Low of the Sea (UNCLOS) adopted in 1982 includes two provisions concerning UCH. However, these provisions were felt by cultural experts to be incomplete without providing details of the protection measures. With this as background, the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was adopted in 2001. Article 4 of the UCH Convention states that “Any �activities relating to UCH to which this Convention applies shall not be subject to the law of salvage or law of finds, unless it; (a) is authorized by the competent authorities, and (b) UCH Convention protects UCH from being commercially exploited for trade or speculation, and (c) ensures that any recovery of the UCH achieves its maximum protection”. In this way, the UCH underlined the importance of in situ preservation of UCH, prohibiting UCH from being commercially exploited for trade or speculation. The Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, known as the World Heritage Convention, was adopted in 1972. Behind its adoption was the global interest in and movement for the protection of environment. The World Heritage Convention combined the protection of cultural heritage and natural heritage, establishing a more comprehensive system for international cooperation for the heritage safeguarding. The World Heritage Convention presents the concept of “Common heritage of humanity”, and the responsibility for future generations. The World Heritage Convention primarily addresses issues related to tangible cultural heritage and natural heritage. The Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) Convention was adopted some 30 years after the adoption of the World Heritage Convention. The ICH Convention addresses the need of the urgent safeguarding of ICH or “the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their heritage.” (Article 2 of the ICH Convention). The ICH Convention underlined the importance of the participation of community and ICH holders/practitioners in establishing community-based ICH inventories �with “Free, Prior, and Informed Consent”. The ICH Convention is characterized by the respect for the communities’ decision, and equality among diverse cultures. Despite the initial issues over its coherence with the existing heritage concept, the ICH Convention has received growing support of member states in particular in Africa and Asia. UNESCO Office for the Pacific States based in Samoa is one of some 50 field offices of UNESCO. The Office in Apia is in charge of 16 member states and 1 associate member. The priority group is the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in the Pacific, most of them are young nations and facing development challenges that are specific to SIDS. The key objective of the culture programme of the Office in Apia is to assist Pacific SIDS to develop and upgrade their national systems based on the guidelines provided by the Conventions to strengthen the culture sector through technical assistance and capacity building. Progress related to UCH Convention At present, most of Pacific SIDS are parties to the World Heritage Convention and the ICH Convention, while none of them are parties to the UCH Convention. Despite slow progress in terms of ratification, however, there have been progress in the awareness raising on the importance of UCH for SIDS sustainable development. UNESCO organized a series of activities on UCH during the 3rd UN International Conference on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 1 – 4 September 2014). These activities resulted in a partnership with the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) and its Pacific Ocean Alliance (POA). The goals of POA are to reinvigorate the commitment to and implementation of the Pacific Island Regional Ocean Policy composed of six areas of cooperation including “Culture and Identity”. �A new network called Pacific UCH Partnerships (PUCHP) was also agreed upon at the expert meeting held during the SIDS Conference as an open-ended network with universities, regional intergovernmental agencies, specialized institutions and centres, NGOs and other civil society organizations in the areas related to UCH protection and management. As its first assignment, and in response to the request by Pacific member states and in cooperation with UNESCO, PUCHP carried out a research project in 2015 with the following objectives; i) to have a better understanding of issues surrounding WWII remains in the Pacific, ii) to identify good practices in the protection and management of these remains to reduce the impact on the environment and human safety, and iii) to identify areas of international cooperation. A final report is expected to be available before the end of 2017. Importantly, the outcome of the SIDS Conference titled Samoa Accelerated Modality of Action (SAMOA) Pathway reaffirms that SIDS remain a special case for sustainable development, recognizing SIDS’s ownership and leadership in overcoming challenges specific to SIDS. The SAMOA Pathway paragraph 54 supports SIDS’s efforts to conserve their UCH and paragraph 58 (j) supports States to consider becoming parties to the UCH Convention. This was the first time that UCH was mentioned in the outcome documents of the SIDS Conference. The summary of UCH-related activities at the SIDS Conference was published by UNESCO as an e-document (UNESCO 2014). The document was officially launched at the inaugural POA Meeting held in Suva in May 2015. �Fig.1: Flyer on Pacific Ocean Alliance. (© PIF) Another important document was adopted at the UN Conference to support the implementation of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 14: Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development (the UN Ocean Conference) at the UN in NY (New York) in June 2017. The Conference’s outcome document is titled “Our Ocean, our future: call for action” and paragraph 13 (d) in the document states “develop comprehensive strategies to raise awareness of the natural and cultural significance of the ocean, as well as of its state and role…”. As background, SDGs are the goals that the international community agreed to achieve towards 2030 in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development adopted in November 2014. The 2030 Agenda has 17 SDGs and 169 targets. Culture plays a transversal role in achieving all the SDGs, and directly concerns some of the SDGs, notably, SDG 11 on �Sustainable Cities and Communities to protect worlds’ cultural/natural heritage (Note that Government budget per year for heritage safeguarding is mentioned as a basis to provide SDG Indicator 11.4.1), SDG 4 on Quality Education through the education and appreciation of cultural diversity, SDG 8 on Decent Work and Economic Growth through employment in the sector of cultural and creative industries and tourism. Progress related to other Conventions in Culture With regard to the World Heritage Convention, the Pacific member states managed to meet at a Pacific World Heritage Workshop on a regular basis with funding from development partners and UNESCO (UNESCO 2012 and 2014). This allowed the region to develop a medium-term Pacific World Heritage Action Plan since 2000. The Action Plan identifies priority actions; both at national and regional levels and currently Pacific SIDS are implementing the Pacific World Heritage Action Plan 2016-2020. Thanks to this successful regional cooperation, all Pacific SIDS except two countries are now parties to the World Heritage Convention and over ten sites in Pacific SIDS are inscribed on the World Heritage List. As for the ICH Convention, UNESCO launched a global capacity building programme in 2011. Under this programme, UNESCO trained a corps of trainers, developed learning materials and standard programmes of workshops focusing on ratification, implementation, community-based ICH inventorying, safeguarding plan development, and nomination development. This programme was benefitting from a significant amount of voluntary contributions from member states and development partners. Mention should be made about so called “ratification workshop” and its impact. This category of workshop is a multi-stakeholder workshop bringing together government officials, ICH practitioners and holders, �community leaders, NGOs, researchers and academics involved in ICH safeguarding. The government officials participating in this workshop typically come not only from the cultural authorities but also from other Ministries such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs which is usually a focal point for international conventions and the UN-related matters, Attorney General’s Office that provides legal advice when countries make a decision on ratification, the Ministry of Commerce which is in charge of the Intellectual Property Rights (IRP) protection of cultural production. Participants in this workshop have the opportunity to learn the history and background of the adoption of the ICH Convention to learn why this Convention was needed, examine the key provisions of the Convention to learn what the benefits and obligations are as well as the national process towards ratification. The workshop creates a group of ICH champions who would continue to engage in the safeguarding activity in each country. The government officials trained in this workshop have obtained an ability to prepare an information paper to a Minister for his/her submission to the cabinet for a decision, or, depending on governance system, to a relevant committee attached to the parliament for its presentation at the parliament. The ratification workshops were held both at national level and also regional level. The regional ratification workshops were attended by delegates both from states parties and state-non-parties so that delegates could have an opportunity for information sharing and mutual learning among themselves. Conclusion As underlined at the beginning, the UNESCO Culture Conventions provide internationally recognized guidelines for developing national systems for heritage safeguarding and for the culture sector. Ratification of these Conventions itself should not be considered as the end in itself. �Pacific SIDS are relatively young nations and most of them are still in the process of developing their own national systems for heritage safeguarding. The guidelines and principles enshrined in these Conventions are useful in their efforts in developing national systems. The progress and experience in the promotion and implementation of the key Conventions illustrated above provide good practices in UNESCO’s normative actions for Pacific SIDS which might be applied to the promotion of the UCH Convention among Pacific SIDS. The good practices identified so far are the following; i) The advocacy for cultural heritage, its historical, cultural and scientific significance and its contribution to sustainable development through the participation in multi-sectoral platform and regional policy development, ii) The preparation of a medium-term strategy and action plan both at national and regional levels for prioritization and coordination, iii) The organization of a regional forum on regular basis for information sharing and mutual learning, iv) The development of a capacity building programme addressing the specific needs under different phases of the life cycle of the Conventions. Obviously, the heritage safeguarding is a long-term process, and the success stories in the past have owed their success to the commitment of member states and stakeholders as well as the support of funding from development partners. Therefore, it is also critically important to �strengthen resource-mobilizing efforts for the promotion of the UCH Convention by all parties involved. As a way forward, UNESCO in Apia is organizing the next regional workshop that will take place in Koror from 30 August to 1 September 2017 as “Pacific Heritage Workshop”. The focus of this Workshop remains the information sharing on the implementation of the Pacific World Heritage Action Plan 2016-2020, but the Workshop will include a session dedicated to the UCH Convention and the Hague Convention as well. It will bring together not only government officials in charge of heritage but also, UCH experts as resource person and partners in Asia and the Pacific region. It is hoped that this first “Pacific Heritage Workshop” will be an effective forum, leading to the concrete result of ratifications of the UCH Convention by Pacific SIDS. Endnote For the Hague Convention and the 1970 Convention, UNESCO in Apia organized the Melanesia Workshop on the Illicit Trafficking in Cultural Property (Vanuatu, 2015) and the first ever Pacific Workshop on the Hague Convention and its Protocols (Fiji, 2016). Final reports of these workshops were published as an e-document and available online. References UNESCO, 2012, Final Report, UNESCO Pacific World Heritage Workshop (Apia, Samoa, 5 – 9 September 2011), UNESCO, Apia. UNESCO, 2014, Pasivika - Islands Connected through Heritage, UNESCO, Apia. UNESCO, 2015, Underwater Cultural Heritage and Small Island Developing States: 3rd UN International Conference on Small Island Developing States (Apia, Samoa, 1 – 4 September 2014), UNESCO, Apia. �Biography Akatsuki Takahashi (高橋 暁), BA in international relations (Tsuda College, Tokyo), Diploma in education (International Christian University, Tokyo), PhD in cultural heritage risk management (Institute of Disaster Mitigation for Urban Cultural Heritage at Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto) has been the Programme Specialist for Culture at the UNESCO Office for the Pacific States � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Underwater Cultural Heritage Management and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource This paper begins with introducing UNESCO’s Conventions focusing on different forms of heritage, namely land-based, underwater, movable, immovable, tangible and intangible, including the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH Convention) adopted in 2001. The paper then presents progress in activities under the three key Conventions, namely, the UCH Convention, the Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (World Heritage Convention) and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention (ICH Convention), in the Pacific Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Notable progress in UCH-related activities includes the enhanced awareness of the importance of UCH to SIDS sustainable development through the explicit reference to UCH in the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway outcome document of the 3rd UN SIDS Conference (Samoa, 2014) and a call for the development of comprehensive strategies to raise awareness of the natural and cultural significance of the ocean at the UN Conference to Support the Implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 14: Conserve and Sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development (NY, September 2017). Taking into account of these developments and based on good practices identified through the promotion and implementation of the World Heritage Convention and the ICH Convention in Pacific SIDS, the paper aims to present an implementation strategy for the effective support to UCH-related activities and the promotion of the UCH Convention among Pacific SIDS as a way forward. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Akatsuki Takahashi https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/784b54b32524e81495e98918d0c23b07.pdf 0aebe55a1801867239cb797bb5bead16 PDF Text Text Exploring the Sunken Military Heritage of Midway Atoll Madeline J. Roth East Carolina University Jason T. Raupp East Carolina University Kelly A. Keogh Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument Bert Ho, Submerged Resources Center, National Park Service Abstract Following the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, the Japanese Imperial Navy readied their forces to secure the Pacific Theatre through one final blow to the US aircraft carrier fleet. The target of that attack was the US base at Midway Atoll, which provided support as a naval air station and submarine refit center. In June 1942, the Japanese Navy launched an aerial attack on Midway in an effort to destroy its defenses and lure the remaining aircraft carriers into combat. Although outgunned and outnumbered, US aviators surprised the Japanese fleet and succeeded in destroying four of their carriers, thereby crippling Japanese aerial defenses for the remainder of the war. Today, Midway Atoll is situated within the boundaries of Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument and many of its World War II naval facilities are preserved as a memorial to those who lost their lives. Recent interest in the battle has led to a renewed effort to locate and document the submerged cultural heritage of the atoll and to create outreach materials addressing both the tangible and intangible heritage of the battle. This paper provides an overview of the history of the atoll and the Battle of Midway, describes significant archaeological sites so far located there, and discusses recent survey projects focused on identifying the remains of aircraft associated with the battle. Key words: Midway, World War II, survey, aircraft Introduction Located at the northwest end of the Hawaiian island chain (Fig. 1), Midway atoll is geographically isolated, sitting approximately 1300 miles northwest of Honolulu (FWS, 2000). Managed by the US Fish and Wildlife Service �(FWS) and part of the larger Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument (PMNM), the atoll is protected as a National Wildlife Refuge, National Memorial, and a United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site (NOAA, 2017). Furthermore, the WWII-era facilities on Eastern and Sand Islands are designated as historic structures on the US National Register of Historic Places (Thompson, 1986). Visitation to the atoll is currently restricted, limiting public interaction with the atoll's historic resources to outreach materials. As such, there has been an increased interest by PMNM (in partnership with FWS and the US National Park Service, NPS) to better understand and present the historical significance of Midway atoll to the public through archival research, archaeological site detection and documentation, site visitation, and mapping. Fig. 1: Midway Atoll, located at the eastern part of the Northwestern Hawaiian Island chain. (NOAA) �Historical Background Concerned with the increasing Japanese presence in the Pacific, the United States (US) Navy began construction on a naval air station at Midway atoll in 1938 (FWS, 2000). The two islands within the atoll soon became host to the 6th Marine Defense Battalion and the 2nd Raider Battalion when construction of the base was completed in 1941 (Thompson, 1986). As Midway was (and remains) geographically isolated, the islands' infrastructures emphasized coastal defense, fuel storage, and air transport facilities. In May 1942, the Imperial Japanese Naval code was deciphered, revealing an imminent attack on the base (Layton et al., 2006). Reinforcements of submarines, motor torpedo (PT) boats, and aircraft were sent to Midway while the US aircraft carriers sailed north of the atoll (Office of Naval Intelligence, 1943:3). Submarines and small craft began patrolling nearby waters while aircraft stationed at the base participated in daily scouting trips (Nimitz, 1942:4). The evening of 3 June 1942, US scout bombers located Japanese ships to the west of the atoll, approximately 470 miles from the air station (Office of Naval Intelligence, 1943:9). By 6:00 a.m., on 4 June, radar stationed at the atoll had picked up numerous aircraft flying at 12,000 feet approximately 93 miles from the base (Simard, 1942:2). Targeting communications buildings, the power plant, and fuel storage areas, Japanese aviators succeeded in disrupting communications and caused substantial damage to the seaplane base (Fig. 2). Furthermore, many of the base's defenses proved useless against Japanese planes. Antiaircraft guns were too slow to match Japanese bombers, as were American fighter planes; of the 27 Brewster F2A-3 Buffalos and Grumman F4F Wildcats which had departed Midway to meet the coming onslaught, �only a handful of planes returned unharmed (Office of Naval Intelligence, 1943). Fig. 2: Japanese attack on Midway Atoll as depicted by Norman Bel Geddes for Life Magazine (Official U.S. Navy Photograph). As personnel on Midway prepared for a second attack, Japanese aircraft on carriers faced an escalating emergency; bomber aircraft from US carriers had located the Japanese fleet. A carrier war emerged out of the chaos—by 7 June, US forces had destroyed the Japanese carriers Akagi, Kaga, Sōryū and Hiryū while a Japanese submarine succeeded in sinking the carrier USS Yorktown. A total of 332 Japanese and 147 American aircraft were lost during the battle (Office of Naval Intelligence, 1943:54; Thompson, 1986). With the Japanese carrier fleet destroyed, the Imperial Japanese Navy was forced to retreat. Those stationed at Midway began rebuilding and strengthening the islands’ defenses (Thompson, 1986:3). Publicized as the ‘turning point’ for war in the Pacific, the battle of Midway has become �synonymous with American valor (Thompson, 1986). However, heroes emerged on both sides of the during the attack and the battle was not without sacrifice—over 300 Americans and 2,400 Japanese gave their lives in service to their countries (Office of Naval Intelligence, 1943: 54; Thompson, 1986). Following the battle, the Japanese Navy remained a formidable opponent. While US forces had succeeded in keeping control of the atoll, American aircraft were repeatedly out-maneuvered by their Japanese counterparts such as the Mitsubishi A6M Zero Fighter. Major Jo Warner who was stationed at Midway during the attack would later state, "…the saddest story was our fighters. The PBYs and dive bombers are slow, but the Grumman and Brewsters used by the marine fighter outfits didn't have a chance against the Zeros” (Warner, 1942:7). Following the battle, engineers strove to redesign American fighter aircraft. The resulting F6F Hellcat and F4U Corsair proved far superior to the Buffalos and remained in use through the end of the war. Following the battle of Midway, the atoll remained important in the US Navy’s Pacific strategy through the construction of a submarine base (Ellis, 2002). After WWII, it was used as a US Naval base for the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Downgraded to a Naval Air Facility in 1978, the atoll was designated a National Wildlife Refuge in 1988. In 1993, the atoll was transferred to FWS Papahānaumokuākea following Marine base National closure. Expansion of Monument (formerly the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Marine National Monument) in 2006 placed atoll management under the jurisdiction of FWS and NOAA. Currently, the atoll is closed to visitors; as such, emphasis is currently placed on digital outreach by cultural resource managers. Archaeological Investigations of Midway’s Submerged Heritage �Archaeological investigations of Midway atoll’s sunken heritage began in 1998 (Van Tilburg, 2002a). Since that time, surveys have focused on the documentation of previously known wrecked or dumped watercraft and airplanes, as well as searching particular areas in the vicinity of historically reported wrecks. Along with the many craft lost at the Battle of Midway, historical accounts indicate that a number of 19th and early 20th century vessels are known to have come to grief upon the atoll’s reefs. These include the two-masted schooner Julia E. Whalen (1903), the schooner General Seigel (1886), the bark Wandering Minstrel (1888), the threemasted bark Carrolton (1906), the sloop Helene (1915), and an unidentified Japanese sampan lost in 1925 (Van Tilburg, 2002b; PMNM, 2011). Of those sites, only the bark Carrolton has been identified and thoroughly documented (Maynard et al., 1998; Van Tilburg, 2002b; Van Tilburg, 2003; Van Tilburg, 2005). Towboarding and drift diving have been the most fruitful methods for identifying underwater cultural heritage that represents many of the various events and activities that have occurred at Midway over time. Such surveys have resulted in the discovery of a range of materials and sites such as 19th and 20th century anchors and chain, WWII-era aircraft wreckage and unexploded ordinance, and sites of 20th century scientific data collection (Raupp, 2015). USS Macaw The wreck of the submarine rescue vessel USS Macaw is among the most prominent and well-known underwater archaeological sites at Midway Atoll. Situated on the eastern side of the main shipping channel, the site lies in 8-12 meters (m) (25-45 feet (ft)) of water. The wreck was first investigated in 1998 with a detailed site plan and photomosaic produced by an archaeological team from NOAA, East Carolina University, and University of Hawaii in 2003 (Van Tilburg, 2003; PMNM, 2011). In 2005, �the wreck was extensively documented using high definition video equipment and digital still photography (Van Tilburg, 2005) and monitoring surveys are conducted regularly with a focus on photographic and video documentation. Although US Navy divers attempted to reduce the ship’s superstructure and clear the channel post-wrecking, substantial hull remains – including the relatively intact bow section – are scattered over an approximately 75 m (240 ft) area. Associated material culture including three large anchors, the detached rudder anchor chains, and heavy bronze artifacts remain scattered throughout the site (Van Tilburg, 2003). A Midway-based dive shop took advantage of the easy access to the site and for several years ran tours during slack tide and optimum weather conditions; however, no changes are known to have occurred to the site since salvage operations ended in 1944 (Van Tilburg, 2003a; Van Tilburg, 2003b). The location and remains of USS Macaw have been further researched since the time of its wrecking. Archival data indicates that the Chanticleer class USS Macaw (ASR-11) was launched in 1942 in Oakland, California and received a commission by the US Navy in July 1943. The vessel first sailed to the south Pacific to participate in a hydrographic survey of uncharted coral reefs. Soon after it was sent on its first salvage mission to Midway Atoll, where in January 1944 it ran aground while attempting to assist the submarine USS Flier (Van Tilburg, 2003a; Van Tilburg, 2003b; PMNM, 2008). Foul weather and sea conditions thwarted the numerous efforts to extract USS Macaw from the reef and it was ultimately abandoned and sunk. The ship was later salvaged of useful equipment before explosives flattened the superstructure and cleared the channel (Van Tilburg, 2003a). Vought F4U Corsair �The remains of a Vought F4U Corsair aircraft were first identified by members of the "Coral King Dive Club" in 1976 (NOAA, 2017). Resting in approximately 35 m (115 ft) of water on a sand seabed, the site is situated off the south shore runway on Sand Island. Archaeological surveys conducted between 2002 and 2008 focused on site documentation and a special photographic survey of the site was conducted in 2008 to capture data for use in the creation of a computer generated three-dimensional rendering of the site (Fig. 3)(Gleason, 2008; PMNM, 2011). The wreck site is comprised of two distinct areas situated approximately 200 m apart; one incorporates the largely inverted fuslage and wing portion of the plane with its retractable landing gear down and the other is a large and wellpreserved radial engine. The fuselage and wing section is largely intact and the artifacts identified on the seabed are pieces of the plexiglass from the cockpit canopy and rolls of .50-caliber ammunition (Van Tilburg, 2002). Due to the mostly flat and featureless bottom, the site provides a wide variety of fish species with a wealth of habitats in which to shelter” (Van Tilburg, 2007:4). �Fig. 3: Photogrammetric model of the Vought F4U Corsair at Midway Atoll (Image courtesy of Bert Ho, Exploring the Sunken Heritage of Midway Atoll expedition 2017). The distinctive bent-wing design of the wrecked aircraft make it easily identifiable as a F4U Corsair. In production between 1942 and 1952, the Corsair was powered by a Pratt and Whitney R-2800 Double Wasp aircooled radial engine with a large Hamilton Standard propeller which produced a top speed of over 400 miles per hour (Tillman, 2001). Although the exact date for the loss of this F4U Corsair is unknown, it occurred sometime after Battle of Midway since the type was only introduced to the Pacific theater in 1943. Based on the postion of the retractable landing gear, it is likely that the plane crashed either on appraoch or shortly after take off from the runway at Sand Island (Van Tilburg, 2002a). F2A Brewster Buffalo In 2012, divers from NOAA’s Pacific Islands Fisheries Science Center Coral Reef Ecosystem Division located the remains of a wrecked Brewster �F2A Buffalo while conducting marine debris surveys at Midway Atoll. Located in approximately 3 m (10 ft) of water on the eastern side of the lagoon, the site consists of disarticulated military aircraft components concentrated in a discreet area of the seabed. An archaeological survey of the site by a team of researchers from PMNM produced detailed sketches of artifacts, a site plan, photographic and video records, and a photogrammetric model of the main concentration of wreckage. Reconnaissance surveys of the surrounding area found a large scatter of associated wreckage, which suggests that the plane likely broke up on impact with the water. Artifacts recorded at the site include a Wright R1820-40 Cyclone radial engine and mangled propeller, four .50-caliber Browning machine guns, .50-caliber ammunition, cockpit canopy glass, a control column, a tail cone, and multiple components of a Buffalo’s distinctive landing gear (Raupp and Green, 2012). No previous knowledge of the site or evidence of anthropogenic impacts have been located in archives or historic documents. The shallow nature of the site and the fact that no fuselage remains were identified, however, suggest that the majority of the wreckage may have been recovered sometime after impact for disposal. Archival research did provide information on the aircraft and the wrecking event; in February 1942, a squall caused United States Marine Corps (USMC) Lt. Col. Charles W. Somers, Jr. to crash into the lagoon at Midway Atoll while trying to land at Eastern Island (TIGHAR, 2012:27). Somers survived the crash and went on to fight in the Battle of Midway. He was later appointed as the first commanding officer of VMF-214, also known as the Black Sheep Squadron (Allison, 2003:68). �P40 Warhawk While conducting routine towboarding operations in 2014, PMNM archaeologists discovered the remains of a P-40K Warhawk fighter aircraft off the southeastern portion of Midway Atoll’s barrier reef. Resting at a depth of approximately 8m (25 ft) and situated in two distinct areas within a relatively small area of the spur and groove reef system, the site is located just offshore of one Eastern Island’s historic runways. Site surveys produced detailed sketches of individual artifacts and a site plan, as well as photographic and video records of the site. Identified among the scattered wreckage were a large inline engine, components of landing gear, two propeller blades, three .50-caliber machine guns, a machine gun muzzle, and .50-caliber ammunition (Gleason, 2014). Determination of the aircraft type proved simple due to the distinct design of the motor; identified as an Allison V-1710 12 cylinder liquid-cooled engine, it was used to power the Curtiss P-40 Warhawk aircraft. Markings on some of the artifacts further supported this identification. The .50caliber shells marked “1941” offered at date of production, and manufacturing on the muzzle indicated that was intended for use with a .50-caliber Browning machine gun (Gleason, 2014). No previous knowledge of this site or any impacts that have occurred to the wreck over time have been located. The fact that no fuselage remains were identified is unsurprising, given the large swells created by winter storms which have likely broken up and displaced the lightweight aluminum hull and deposited only heavier iron objects. Archival research indicates that only one P-40K Warhawk is known to have wrecked off the eastern shore of Eastern Island. In February 1943, US Army Air Force (USAAF) Lt. Ray Obenshain, Jr. was forced to ditch �his P-40 and parachute to safety when the controls froze shortly after takeoff (NOAA, 2017). This plane was one of twenty-four aircraft detailed to the USAAF 78th Fighter Squadron, which set an aviation milestone when they arrived at Midway in January 1943. After equipping the planes with special belly tanks to provide extra fuel, the squadron departed Barking Sands Air Force Base on Kauai and flew 1100 miles, the longest over-water flight of a single engine, land-based airplane ever attempted (Bennett, 2009). Aircraft Wreck SW Components of an unidentified aircraft wreck were identified in the southwestern portion of the barrier reef in 2015. Phenomenal sea conditions allowed a team PMNM of researchers to conduct towboard surveys close to the reef in the generally difficult to operate portion of the atoll. Lying in approximately 3 m (10 ft) of water in a channel of the spur and groove reef topography, an intact three-bladed propeller, hub, shaft, gears, and other engine components were identified. Time constraints allowed for only preliminary archaeological recording of the site but produced sketches of artifacts, photographic and video records, and a photogrammetric model of the propeller and nearby artifacts. Artifacts identified in the surrounding area included a tailhook painted with alternating red and white stripes, two .50-caliber machine guns, a cylinder cover from a radial engine, rubber fittings, wiring, a loaded ammunition canister, and deteriorated portions of the plane’s hull (Raupp et al., 2015). The area was considered a priority for survey as archival research suggested a P-40 Warhawk had been lost in the vicinity (Linville, 2010:12). While the aircraft has not been identified as a Warhawk—and is in need of further archaeological and archival research—limited survey of the site suggests the aircraft hit the water and/or reef very hard, �breaking apart on impact. As with the P-40K site identified off the southeast of Midway’s barrier reef, the lack of substantial fuselage remains identified in this location is unsurprising. Heavy swells appear to have displaced hull structure by forcing lightweight artifacts into crevices under the reef and depositing heavier objects on the seabed. 2017 Survey A total of 31 WWII-era aircraft wrecks occurring within 5 miles of Midway have been identified through archival research (Linville, 2010:10-14). As only four of these sites were documented archaeologically, NOAA and NPS archaeologists (in partnership with FWS personnel) returned to Midway in 2017 (coinciding with the 75th anniversary of the battle) to continue surveying for material culture. Funded through the NOAA Office of Ocean Exploration and Research, the project was aimed at identification of submerged aircraft remains associated with the atoll’s World War II heritage. Over the course of one week, 200 linear nautical miles were surveyed with a magnetometer. 102 anomalies were identified, 86 of which yielded material culture. While many of these findings date to the 19th and early 20th century, two WWII era sites were located during the survey. The first site has been (tentatively) identified as a Pratt and Whitney Twin Wasp Engine (Ho and Keogh, 2017). While this model was prevalent during the war, an F4U Corsair was the only plane with this engine flown at Midway. As the Corsair only arrived at the atoll in October 1942, this site post-dates the battle. The second site, found during the last day of diving operations, consists of a partial radial engine. Due to the fragmented nature of the site, further research must be conducted before a positive identification can be made (Ho and Keogh, 2017). �Ongoing Research Additional research addressing the WWII cultural heritage at Midway were conducted as part of the 2017 fieldwork. Prior to physical fieldwork at the atoll, researchers revisited archival material to assess the battle’s military terrain through KOCOA analysis (Roth and McKinnon, 2017). Widely used to interpret historic naval and terrestrial engagements, little has been done to adapt KOCOA to historic aerial combat (Babits et al., 2011, Spennemann, 2011:360, Frye and Resnick, 2013). Thus, re-evaluating KOCOA parameters to include aerial combat aided researchers in better understanding decisions made by pilots during the battle. Furthermore, the KOCOA data could be presented in cartographic form (Fig. 4). Fig. 4: WWII Era Facilities at Midway Atoll. (Authors 2017) The resulting geo-spatial data was used in conjunction with biographies of WWII-era crash casualties at Midway (see Linville, 2017) to create an �ArcGIS Story Map. Archaeologists have found the Story Maps program is opening new avenues of interactive digital outreach (Alemy et al., 2017). Given the current constraints of visiting Midway and accessing the atoll’s tangible heritage, the Story Map presents interactive content and a platform for public outreach on a global scale. Conclusions Aircraft wrecked within the shallow waters of Midway have undergone extensive mechanical deterioration associated with the dynamic marine environment found at the atoll. Comparative preservation of the F4U Corsair, located in a much deeper and more stable environment, suggests that offshore survey may yield sites with better preservation. Nevertheless, the 2017 survey results suggest WWII heritage remains submerged in shallower atoll waters and can contribute to the ongoing study of war in the Pacific. Further research into the activities at the atoll post-battle may shed light on the newest WWII-era submerged sites. While none of the remains located thus far are associated with the battle, they are significant cultural resources which contribute to understanding the role Midway played in the War. Digital outreach materials addressing this history offers new ways for the public to engage with both tangible and intangible remains of a shared aviation heritage. �References Alemy, Alexis, Sophia Hudzik, and Christopher N. Matthews, 2017. Creating a User-Friendly Interactive Interpretive Resource with ESRI’s ArcGIS Story Map Program. Historical Archaeology. Vol. 51(2):288-297. Allison. F. H., 2003. The Black Sheep Squadron: A Case Study in the U.S. Marine Corps’ Innovation in Close Air Support. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Texas Tech University, Lubbock. Babits, Lawrence, Christopher T. Espenshade, and Sarah Lowry, 2011. Battlefield Analysis: Six Maritime Battles in Maryland Revolutionary War and War of 1812. Final Report. New South Associates, Stone Mountain, Georgia. Bennett, John D., 2009. Barking Sands Army Air Base World War II History. Manuscript on File at Pacific Missile Range Facility Barking Sands, Kekaha, Hawaii. Ellis, D.R., 2002. The History and Strategic Importance of the Midway Islands. USAWC Strategy Research Report, Carlisle Barrack, PA. Frye, Lori, and Benjamin Resnick, 2013. National Register of Historic Places Registration Form: Ewa Plain Battlefield. National Register of Historic Places Registration Form. GAI Consultants, Inc., Homestead, Pennsylvania. FWS, 2000. Midway Atoll National Wildlife Refuge. U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Washington D.C. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/umn.31951d01858169p. Gleason, K., 2008. Activity Report: Maritime Heritage Resources Survey HA-08-04. Submitted to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration/ Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument. Gleason, K., 2014. Activity Report: Maritime Heritage Resources Survey HA-14-04. Submitted to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration/Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument. Ho, Bert and Kelly Keogh, 2017. Beneath the Surface: Exploring the Sunken Heritage of the Battle of Midway. Gooney Gazette, Summer 2017. Friends of Midway Atoll NWR, San Anselmo, CA. �Layton, Rear Admiral Edwin T., Captain Roger Pineau, and John Costello, 2006. And I Was There : Breaking the Secrets - Pearl Harbor and Midway. Naval Institute Press, Annapolis, MD. Linville, Nicholas, 2010. Maritime Heritage Remote Sensing Survey of Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, Northwestern Hawaiian Islands: Archival Research Report. Prepared for NOAA and PMNM by SEARCH, Inc. Linville, Nicholas, 2017. 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Maritime Heritage Research, Education, and Management Plan: Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument. Honolulu, Hawai‘i. Raupp, Jason T. 2015. PMNM RAMP Cruise 2015 Maritime Heritage Activity Report. Report Submitted to Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, HI. Raupp, Jason T. and Cathy Green, 2012. HI-12-03 Maritime Heritage Cruise Activity Log. Report Submitted to Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, HI. �Roth, Madeline and Jennifer F. McKinnon, 2017. Aerial Combat and Heritage: KOCOA Analysis of the Battle of Midway. Report prepared for NOAA by East Carolina University, Program in Maritime Studies, Greenville, NC. Spennemann, Dirk H. R., 2011. The Cultural Landscape of the World War II Battlefield of Kiska, Aleutian Islands: Findings of a Cultural Heritage Survey. Carried out in June 2009. ABPP Grant, U.S. NPS. Institute for Land, Water and Society, Charles Sturt University, Albury, NSW, AU. Simard, C.T., 1942. Report of Engagement with Enemy, Battle of Midway 30 May to 7 June, 1942. Battle Report. United States Naval Air, Midway Island, HI. Report on file at the National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. TIGHAR, 2012. “Lessons from a Buffalo:” TIGHAR Tracks: The Journal of the International Group for Historic Aircraft Recovery, Vol. 28(1):26-29. Tillman, B., 2001. Warbird Tech Series, Volume 4: Vought F4U Corsair. Specialty Press Publishers and Wholesalers, North Branch, MN. Thompson, Erwin N., 1986. World War II-Era Military Facilities, Midway Islands National Register Nomination. National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination Form. National Park Service, Washington D.C. Van Tilburg, H., 2002a. Underwater Archaeology, Hawaiian Style, in C.V. Ruppé and J.F. Barstad (Eds.), International Handbook of Underwater Archaeology, New York, Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers: 247-266. Van Tilburg, H., 2002b. Maritime cultural resources survey: Northwestern Hawaiian Islands. Report Submitted to Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Coral Reef Ecosystem Reserve. Van Tilburg, H., 2003a. Kure and Midway Atoll Maritime Heritage Survey 2003. Report Submitted to Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Coral Reef Ecosystem Reserve. Van Tilburg, H.K., 2003b. U.S. Navy Shipwrecks in Hawaiian Waters: An Inventory of Submerged Naval Property. Report Submitted to Naval Historical Center, Washington, D.C. �Van Tilburg, H., 2005. Maritime Heritage Resources Assessment 2005 Activity Log. Report Submitted to Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Coral Reef Ecosystem Reserve. Van Tilburg, H., 2007. Activity Report: Maritime Heritage Resources Survey HI-07-07. Report Submitted to Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Marine National Monument. Warner, Jo K., 1942. Journal of VII Bomber Command Liaison Officer at Midway. Journal Entry. U.S. Navy, Midway Island, HI, June 13. Report on file at National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD. Biography Jason Raupp is the Staff Archaeologist for the Program in Maritime Studies at East Carolina University. He holds a B.A. in Anthropology from Northwestern State University, M.A. in History and Historical Archaeology from University of West Florida, and Ph.D. in Archaeology from Flinders University. Over the past twenty years he has been involved with maritime and terrestrial archaeological research in the US, West Africa, Australia, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Pacific region. He has extensive experience in public and private sector cultural heritage management, as well as diving and boating safety. Jason’s research interests include historical and maritime archaeology of the Pacific Ocean, culture contact, historic fisheries, military technologies, battlefield studies, and contact-period rock art. Madeline Roth is a current graduate student at the East Carolina University Program in Maritime Studies. Her research interests include WWII heritage, resource management, and identity construction. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Exploring the Sunken Military Heritage of Midway Atoll Description An account of the resource Following the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, the Japanese Imperial Navy readied their forces to secure the Pacific Theatre through one final blow to the US aircraft carrier fleet. The target of that attack was the US base at Midway Atoll, which provided support as a naval air station and submarine refit center. In June 1942, the Japanese Navy launched an aerial attack on Midway in an effort to destroy its defenses and lure the remaining aircraft carriers into combat. Although outgunned and outnumbered, US aviators surprised the Japanese fleet and succeeded in destroying four of their carriers, thereby crippling Japanese aerial defenses for the remainder of the war. Today, Midway Atoll is situated within the boundaries of Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument and many of its World War II naval facilities are preserved as a memorial to those who lost their lives. Recent interest in the battle has led to a renewed effort to locate and document the submerged cultural heritage of the atoll and to create outreach materials addressing both the tangible and intangible heritage of the battle. This paper provides an overview of the history of the atoll and the Battle of Midway, describes significant archaeological sites so far located there, and discusses recent survey projects focused on identifying the remains of aircraft associated with the battle. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Madeline J. Roth Jason T. Raupp Kelly A. Keogh Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Madeline J. Roth Jason T. Raupp Kelly A. Keogh Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/127f4e9676ecc066f564fa683dca32da.pdf 4263c4ec4942ac6ab6327a6125ff0ed8 PDF Text Text The Sacred and Cultural Maritime Sites of Fiji-An Inventory in the Making Elia Nakoro Archaeology Department The Fiji Museum Thurston Gardens Suva, Fiji Email: rocksfel@yahoo.com.au Abstract The Fiji Museum Archaeology Department, since 2015, has begun inventorying the different underwater and maritime sites in Fiji. Ratification of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage and review of the legislation on the Preservation of Objects of Archaeological and Palaeontological Interest Act (Chapter 264) has had little fruition due to limitations in manpower and resources. The Fiji Museum has however taken first steps towards realizing the amendment of the legislation by developing and drafting an overarching policy for the institution. The Fiji Museum continues to deliberate on the draft policy encompassing all aspects of its services, which includes underwater and maritime cultural heritage sites, to ensure that Fiji’s cultural heritage is protected. This paper will elaborate on the different types of underwater/maritime cultural heritage sites in Fiji and the inventory process of documenting and creating a database, including challenges and opportunities. It will highlight the importance of the database in assisting the Fiji Museum in its work to raise awareness and provide advice to Government and relevant authorities in the respect, preservation and protection of these submerged historical treasures. The paper will also highlight the various agencies with common goals to protect underwater cultural sites and discuss the importance of interagency collaboration. Key words: Cultural heritage, maritime, preservation, and protection �Introduction The Fiji Islands The island nation of Fiji encompasses over 300 volcanic islands. About 100 of these are inhabited, rich in biodiversity and cultural heritage. Fiji is located in the tropics of the southern hemisphere and has a total land area of approximately 18,300km2 that covers the region positioned between a latitude of 12°N-21°S and longitude 176°E-178°W (Nakoro, 2014). Fig 1: Map of the Fiji Islands. (Fiji Museum) The Republic of the Fiji Islands is a multicultural nation with a tapestry of cultural traditions of Indigenous Fijians (iTaukei), Indians, Europeans, Chinese and other minority cultures. While all the various cultures can be linked to the underwater heritage of the nation through shipwrecks, the �iTaukei people are custodians to a special, sacred and mysterious connection to the land, which includes sacred underwater or maritime sites. In capturing the fascinating connection between the sacred maritime sites and its owners, the Archaeology Department embarked on a digitization project in 2015 to document details pertaining to the sites and protection under legislative powers1 entrusted to the Fiji Museum. Utilizing the basic Microsoft Access tool, the department developed its maritime sites database. The Fiji Museum The Fiji Museum is located in a historically significant site within an old fortified village that was called Suva. During the expansion of the city, the inhabitants of the old settlement were relocated across the harbor. Today, the area known as the Thurston Gardens complements the Fiji Museum in the background. Currently under the jurisdiction of the City Council, the Thurston Gardens have great potential for a facelift with plans in the pipelines for this to eventuate before the end of 2017. Adjacent to the Gardens is the historic and newly refurbished Albert Park where the monoplane Southern Cross, piloted by Sir Charles Kingsford Smith made a safe landing on its first transpacific flight from Hawaii to Fiji en route to Australia in 1928. Similarly the northwestern fringe contains the remnants of the World War II underground tunnels and the Allied forces military headquarters, which now accommodates the residence of the British High Commission and Fiji’s presidential palace and compound �Fig. 2: Location of Fiji Museum. (Google Earth) Since its establishment in 1904, the Fiji Museum has been governed by two legislations - the Fiji Museum Act and the Preservation of Objects of Archaeological and Palaeontological Interest (POAPI) Act, enacted in 1940. The latter, which is administered by the Archaeology department of the institution, is the legal instrument covering the protection of cultural heritage sites in Fiji. This legislation has a more generalized definition of cultural heritage where underwater cultural heritage sites such as shipwrecks, planes, sunken villages, islands and the likes are not specifically mentioned but in the clause which reads ‘…or any objects of archaeological, anthropological, ethnological, prehistoric and historic significance....’ covers any form of culturally significant sites and objects without distinction of their location. As such the Fiji Museum, Archaeology Department with limited manpower and resources tries to cover all aspects of Fijian cultural heritage. In early 2017, the institution underwent a change in leadership involving the designation of a new Director and Board of Trustees members. The �driving force behind changes to the Museums’ priorities, new leadership identified gaps in legislation of the safety of cultural heritage sites in Fiji, as a target area to be addressed. The Board endorsed the review of the legislation and the Archaeology Department is currently in the process of forming the relevant committees to spearhead this process. These committees will be tasked with development of policies to strengthen the role of the department and its legislation. The Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage has also been highlighted as an ideal approach in the near future. The Archaeology Department Cabinet endorsed the legislation that governs the work of the Archaeology Department in 1940, however the Archaeology unit of the Fiji Museum was not formally established until over 5 decades later in1995. Since its establishment, the Archaeology Department has been involved in the identification, documentation and protection of terrestrial archaeological and cultural heritage sites of the nation. This includes the protection of ancestral old village sites, sacred grounds, cemeteries, caves, or any prehistoric or historic significant places discovered from the impacts of development. Today, the Archaeology unit at the Fiji Museum is comprised of four staff members who look after the entire Fijian group of islands. At present the team, focuses much of its efforts on terrestrial cultural heritage sites meeting an influx of community requests to survey, record, document and protect places of cultural heritage significance against the ever-looming threats of development. Most of these issues are related to a complicated land acquisition system that was developed in the early stages of Fiji’s colonial administrative system. �The Archeology department plays a crucial role in the implementation of Archaeological Impact Assessments (AIA) in line with Environment Impact Assessments (EIA) for national development projects such as tourism development, infrastructural development, agriculture, and other land use development. In addition to this, the department is engaged in national projects for climate change mitigation and reducing carbon emissions through carbon trade with the Reduce Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and Foster Conservation (REDD+) and the Mangrove Ecosystem Conservation and Livelihood (MESCAL) projects. This includes the setting up of new forest reserves where a rapid survey is warranted. The Archaeology team’s role in these projects is to identify cultural heritage sites within the earmarked forest boundaries and to examine and record the ancient forest system - in particular, evidence of the impacts of human activities on natural systems. The Archaeology Department is mandated under the same legislation to issue archaeological research permits for local and international researchers and field schools. During the course of the research, the officers of the Archaeology Department are required to be present providing advice to researchers, conducting the various traditional protocols on their behalf and ensuring that proper procedures itemized in the research permits are carried out. This paper will explore and discuss the different types of underwater cultural heritage sites in Fiji with focus on traditional maritime sites. It will highlight the inventory process of documentation and the creation of a database to assist in the preservation and protection of these submerged historical treasures. �The paper will also feature the various institutions or agencies with mutual goals to protect underwater cultural sites and discuss the importance of stakeholder collaboration. Maritime Cultural Sites Database Fiji is one of the more developed nations in the Pacific region making it particularly vulnerable to the destruction and loss of significant cultural features related to the history and identity of its people. With limited resources and manpower, the Archaeology Department is at the forefront of defending the nation’s cultural heritage from such threats. At present the department manages six databases, as listed below: 1. Terrestrial Cultural Heritage Sites 2. Traditional maritime cultural heritage sites 3. Shipwrecks 4. Excavated Archaeological Research Materials 5. Lapita Sites 6. Oral History recordings Excavated archaeological research materials that are kept in the department’s storage facility and oral history recordings are managed using the Microsoft Access platform. Terrestrial cultural sites, maritime heritage sites, shipwrecks, and Lapita sites, on the other hand are maintained using the Geographic Information System (GIS) program ArcGIS. Since the information has spatial attributes, the ArcGIS program is an appropriate tool for such systematic recording, information analysis, mapping, and data sharing within national authorities on the preservation of cultural heritage sites. After each survey, the Archaeology team members marked each site visited using a Global Positioning System (GPS). The GPS data is later �transcribed for report compilation and corresponds to the national register or database. The database is rather a useful tool in decision-making, advising authorities dealing with national development on the existence of cultural heritage sites in earmarked project areas. Given that a small team looks after the various functions of the Archaeology unit for the whole country, managing four separate databases on ArcGIS was a challenging responsibility that fell solely on the Head of Department. A combination of limited human resources, a lack of capacity in team members and no centralized system contributed to a constant backlog in updating the database. Ideally, the vast information database managed by the Archeology department needed to be maintain on a single database as all databases shared common coordinates from the various sites surveyed, the only difference being in the key thematic areas. In June (2017), the Fiji Museum successfully installed a file server for a centralized mechanism available to all the museum departments. This was a great boost to the institution, as each department ceased to have separate databases of the same contents to manage. Soon after the installation of the server infrastructure, the Archaeology Department embarked on a weeklong staff capacity building in the areas of field mapping with the use of conventional survey methods, the use of GPS, GIS and database management including Microsoft Access. This enabled all team members to update the database in a shared folder as and when needed, freeing up time for departmental heads to carry out their supervisory functions improving productivity greatly. Merging the 4 data sets was advantageous and crucial to improve database management efficiency while ensuring that all four themes of �terrestrial sites, maritime sites, shipwrecks and Lapita sites are equally represented in the Archaeology departments work. Legislation Pertaining to the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage Sites in Fiji Currently, the overarching legislation (POAPI Act) makes feeble reference to the safeguarding of underwater or maritime sites. However, it is encouraging that there are agencies that share similar goals to protect Fiji’s cultural heritage including underwater sites. In the past year, these agencies have taken a stance on the activities within Fiji’s Exclusive Economic Zone propelled by a nationwide implementation of marine protected areas towards the sustainable monitoring and use of marine resources as food supply and transport. The global concerns of mitigating climate change and the different treaties and conventions that Fiji is a signatory to have elevated these agencies to take action. Below is a list of these agencies, which include Government, civil society organizations and regional institutions now in the forefront of maintaining marine protected areas. Government Agencies 1. Maritime Safety Authority of Fiji (MSAF) MSAF is responsible for the registering, regulations and safety of shipping services and shipping routes in Fiji. As a member state of the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the United Nations specialized agency with responsibility for the safety and security of shipping and the prevention of marine pollution by ships, Fiji is trying to secure the international recognition for the protection of two significant sea areas recognized for ecological, socio-economic, cultural and scientific reasons which may be vulnerable to damage by international maritime activities (www.imo.org, �16th July 2017) under the Particularly Sensitive Sea Area (PSSA) special protection action by IMO. Fiji has several maritime ports of entries and two of these have been identified as meeting the criteria for PSSA. This further enhances the local regulations in the protection of maritime cultural significant areas. The two sites, the Beqa Passage and the Vuda Passage, may have shipwrecks and other sensitive cultural components necessary for submission to have the passages protected. The Archaeology Department is a new member of the taskforce for the PSSA. On the 14th of July, 2017, the taskforce held its second meeting since its establishment and many stakeholders attended. The PSSA taskforce is in the early stages of information gathering and report submissions. 2. The Department of Environment (DOE) Mandated to protect the environment and regulate development procedures in the country, the DOE, under the Environment Management Act (EMA-2005) is vital in the protection of coastal cultural sites. In July 2017, the Fiji Museum was consulted to assist in the protection of three World War II lookouts constructed out at sea threatened by a development application for the construction of a jetty. 3. The Fijian Naval Unit under Republic of the Fiji Military Forces The Fiji Navy is responsible for the maritime needs in boarder control such as watching over Fiji’s exclusive economic zone ad organizing task and rescue missions. Similar to any naval force, the Fiji Navy is equipped with a dive team that recently (2017) spearheaded a diving expedition to assess the discovery of seven chests in Fiji waters. The chests were believed to contain explosives and arms. Unofficial information stated that �these would have been WWII materials-mine. The Fiji Museum continues to work closely with the Fiji Police to confirm the contents of the chests. 4. iTaukei Affairs Board (iTAB) i-Taukei Affairs Board is the Government arm that looks after any matters concerning indigenous Fijians or i-Taukeis. With crucial mandates for safeguarding Fiji’s indigenous culture and traditions, it is vital that iTAB is aware of the significance of the maritime sites as all the sacred sites are of iTaukei origins. iTAB has access to legal expertise to be able to assist with the protection of intangible cultural heritage. Non-Governmental Organizations 5. International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) The IUCN is heavily engaged in conservation works in the Pacific and in Fiji, with a regional office in Suva, Fiji. The organization has signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the Fiji Government to provide advice and review legal frameworks, policies, legislations and conventions in safeguarding and protecting Fiji’s environment. In 2016, IUCN included the cultural heritage sites (an area that is usually overlooked) in its list of marine protected areas and consulted the Fiji Museum for information and advice (H. Wendt and N. Yakub, personal communication, July 12, 2017). Regional Institutions 6. The Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) Similar to the role of the IUCN, SPC has the expertise and equipment for underwater surveys. SPC also has a unit that looks after the cultural affairs of the Pacific region and is aware of the significance of underwater cultural heritage. �While these institutions and agencies have a shared vision to promote the protection of Fiji’s underwater cultural heritage sites, there is a need to inform these stakeholders on the role and functions of the Fiji Museum in safeguarding UCH. The Archaeology Department needs to lobby and promote the significance of UCH and the need for collaboration between all stakeholders involved. Sacred Maritime Sites Fiji is filled with many traditional or cultural sites and practices which cannot be explained with scientific knowledge. Attempts by Mr. David Attenborough, a BBC documentary reporter in the early 60s were futile as he tried to explain some of the practices he came across such as the fire walkers of Beqa, the turtle calling in Koro, the fishes in the lake on Vanua Balavu. Below is captured some of the fascinating and respected maritime sites that the Archaeology Department has already listed in its database: �Fig. 1: Map showing the names of places mentioned in the Sacred Maritime Sites section. 1. The sacred fishes of Naigani Island On the eastern coast of mainland Viti Levu, the paramount chief of Verata, Rokomoutu holds and can be identified with the traditional title 2of the ‘Ratu.’ It was said that when the first Fijian’s left Lake Tanganyika in Africa for Fiji, the daughter of Lutunasobasoba (the chieftain of the group) asked to take with her some pet fish. In Fiji, the fishes (Sardinella fijiense) known as Daniva or sardines, were put in the Verata waters by the princess. So catching the fish with a spear or using of fine nets or fishing lines were prohibited. Normally the Trevallies would swim after the Daniva and push them close to land and during this pursuit there would be a lot of splashing �noise on the beach. People would normally go to the beach and pick the Daniva. When the fishes were in Verata, Rokomoutu, one day tried to use his spear on them. He threw his spear, missed them and it landed on the rocks. He slipped, hitting his knee on the rock (today, the mark of his spear and his knee on the rocks are still evident). Furious, he said to the fishes, “go down to Naigani (an island about 37.5 kilometers north of Verata as shown on the map) where I will not see or hear you, and when I want to drink boiled water, I will come down for you” (oral history recording with Naigani village elder, 2004) The people of Naigani would catch the Trevallies as they come close to land with the sardines. Similar to the Norse folklore of Thor and his goats, when consuming the Trevallies, the bones are not allowed to be broken. The bones are then carefully placed back in the water where it comes back to life. According to the people of Naigani, one can easily tell the difference between a newly formed Trevally from an old one and this is a traditional practice that is still carried out today. 2. The sacred passage between the island of Ovalau and Naigani One of the oral accounts collected from Naigani was that there were two cousins named Laginiwasa and Rakavono. One day, the cousins ate the young germinating coconut palms, which is called ‘vara’ in the iTaukei dialect. The vara had been planted by Laginiwasa’s father Ratu (chief) Matanabalavu. Hearing Ratu Matanabalavu coming, Rakavono fled but not before he was seen by Ratu Matanabalavu. Encountering Laginiwasa and enraged at his behavior, Ratu Matanabalavu banished him from the island. Laginiwasa took his double hull canoe (drua) and fled to the island of Moturiki which is south of Ovalau Island (Ramoli and Nunn, 2001). �A few days later Ratu Matanabalavu confronted Rakavono and told him that he must leave the island as Laginiwasa had done. Lacking his own drua, Rakavono swam to Rukuruku on the northwestern coast of Ovalau island (Ramoli and Nunn, 2001). According to the oral narrative, the path when Rakavono swam, is a warm passage about 8 kilometers in distance. Several fishermen from both Naigani and Ovalau have swam the passage without any swimming aid stating that the warmth provided buoyancy and any cold water encountered during the swim meant that the path where Rakavono swam was not being followed. 3. The sacred stone of Matuku Matuku is an island located in the Lau group (southeast of Viti Levu). It was also the only island in the Lau group that was not conquered by the Tongan army led by the Tongan prince, Enele Ma’afu’out’itonga (around the 1840s). On the eastern end of the island, there is a stone which is submerged during high tides. The stone, reddish in color is almost rectangular in form and about 1 meter x 1.5 meters in dimension can be found amidst beach cobbles near Levukaidaku village. This reddish stone displays traditional relationships between Levukaidaku and the neighbouring village, Raviravi. According to the oral accounts collected from both villages, giant tidal waves occur instantaneously when a villager from Raviravi walks past the stone. Similarly, another reddish stone which is smaller in size is located about 20 meters west of the previous one happens to cause giant tidal waves when it is disrespected through speech or action. �The giant waves can only be calmed when a clan member from Levukaidaku performs a ritual by covering the red stones with leaves from a particular tree. 4. The sacred mosquito crevice, Matacaucau Along the eastern coast of the main island, Viti Levu, there is a mysterious maritime site. This is a crevice at the foot of a cliff at high water mark. The crevice is called ‘Qara ni namu.’ Qara is opening and namu is mosquito. The Qara ni namu contains mythical history. It is said that this was a gift by Rokomoutu who was the leader of one of the migrating party from the hills of Nakauvadra. While sailing across towards Verata Ucunivanua, strong winds tore his sails and he decided to seek shelter close to land to mend his sails. As a gift for the people that helped him, Rokomoutu presented a parcel containing mosquitoes, which was supposed to be his present to the Turaga na Ratu from Verata to awake him every morning. This was instead gifted to the people of Matacaucau for their assistance. The villagers of Matacaucau relayed stories that anyone who disturbed the Qara ni namu would suffer dire consequences in that mosquitoes would swarm the village resistant to repellents and sleeping nets. It was also relayed that during ceremonial festivities young men would purposefully stir the Qara ni namu to Conclusion Pacific Islanders are deeply connected with the ocean. The ocean as the source of life, the medium for transportation between islands and sustaining livelihoods, much of the Pacific’s history is related to the use of the ocean where some of it are now underwater. �Similarly, the Fiji Islands is littered with historical sites related to maritime heritage. This paper offers a glimpse of the diversity of distribution of maritime heritage sites, most of which are connected through myths and legends and have unexplainable occurrences. However, these mysterious heritage sites are considered in the iTaukei language as the ‘sau ni vanua’ or the power of the land and its people. On the contrary, current climatic conditions should also be considered. Fiji is experiencing the threats of global sea level rise where a total of 64 coastal villages are earmarked for relocation. More than 3 villages have already been relocated under the National Climate Change Fund and the Archaeology Department is mapping a proactive strategic plan on the potential of documenting all community related heritage in affected villages which will add to the list of underwater heritage in the future. Given that human and financial resources are lacking, the Fiji Museum will slowly proceed and continue to document underwater cultural heritage sites while working in collaboration with other government agencies and NGOs in creating awareness on the significance and protection of UCH. Endnotes 1 Preservation of Objects of Paleontological Interest Act: (Laws of Fiji, Chapter 264) 2 Title, name by which a person or group is identified, the (usually honorific) name by which a kin-group is known or, less commonly, their plant, fish or other animal (Gatty, 2009). References Gatty R, 2009, Fijian-English Dictionary with notes on Fijian culture and natural history, Publication under the Auspices of the Southeast Asia program Cornel University, New York. �Government of Fiji, 1940. Chapter 264: Preservation of Objects of Archaeological and Palaeontological Interest in Laws of Fiji. Government Printery, Suva, Fiji Islands, Pp 2 Nakoro E. 2014. The Fiji Museum’s Efforts Towards the Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage Sites in Fiji, Session 3, Underwater Cultural Heritage, Museums, and Sustainable Development, the Proceedings of 2014 Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, May 12-16, Honolulu, Hawaii. Pp 99-112. Nakoro E. and Matararaba S. 2014, Archaeological Assessment Report: Report prepared for the Vanua of Waimaro Levulevu specifically for the villages of Verata Ucunivanua and Matacaucau, Fiji Museum, Suva, Fiji. Ramoli A. and Nunn P. 2001, Naigani Island and its historical connections with Ovalau and Moturiki Islands: convergences between legend and fact, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/247769057, accessed on the 16th July, 2017. BBC, 1960, The People of Paradise, video, episodes 1 & 2 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sacred and Cultural Maritime Sites of Fiji-An Inventory in the Making Description An account of the resource The Fiji Museum Archaeology Department, since 2015, has begun inventorying the different underwater and maritime sites in Fiji. Ratification of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage and review of the legislation on the Preservation of Objects of Archaeological and Palaeontological Interest Act (Chapter 264) has had little fruition due to limitations in manpower and resources. The Fiji Museum has however taken first steps towards realizing the amendment of the legislation by developing and drafting an overarching policy for the institution. The Fiji Museum continues to deliberate on the draft policy encompassing all aspects of its services, which includes underwater and maritime cultural heritage sites, to ensure that Fiji’s cultural heritage is protected. This paper will elaborate on the different types of underwater/maritime cultural heritage sites in Fiji and the inventory process of documenting and creating a database, including challenges and opportunities. It will highlight the importance of the database in assisting the Fiji Museum in its work to raise awareness and provide advice to Government and relevant authorities in the respect, preservation and protection of these submerged historical treasures. The paper will also highlight the various agencies with common goals to protect underwater cultural sites and discuss the importance of interagency collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elia Nakoro Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Elia Nakoro Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cc40182a66743896eac80d7b831c14e2.pdf ecda582982239ac6e21c8293f0db38ae PDF Text Text Lata’s Wayfinding System and Climate Science M. George Vaka Taumako Project Abstract The cultural vision and history of Taumako extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the western Pacific. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe. Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian people in that they still build and navigate voyaging canoes using only the ancient designs, materials, and methods of Lata. Lata/Laka/La’a/Rata/Raka, etc, is a Culture Hero across Polynesia, and at least some islands where the ancient Austronesian migrants settled thousands of years ago. Lata’s successes and mistakes help Taumakans, and us, learn who we are, and what to do and not do as we face global climate change and cultural wars. Taumako is full of sites where episodes of the Story of Lata happened…the islet where Lata was born, the rock Lata’s father killed the father eel, the place where Lata stood with Hina to see if the tree he cut down was actually on Hina’s land, the stones where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, where he sailed out and Hina blocked the entrance so he could not come back, where Lata picked his crew from out of the ocean, etc. Taumako was a crossroads of early Papuan settlers and Lapita pottery-making, migrants, and canoe technology that combines both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. The Story of Lata is lived today in the practice of the ancient Pacific voyaging arts. How can all this help them break out from colonialist borders and policies, make a living at the bottom level of the global economy, and/or survive climate change? What can we learn from Lata? Key words: Lata, Pacific, ethnography, Austronesian Introduction Climate researchers use data about the past to understand what is changing now. Today, climate scientists lack ground-truthed data for natural phenomena of the Indian and Pacific oceans (BioScience, 2011). �However Austronesian voyagers colonized Oceania millennia before Europeans arrived, and some of their descendants still practice knowledge systems that offer useful data for climate science. Taumakan Islanders of the Duff Islands of SE Solomons practice an ancient system of knowledge in everyday life on their island and in voyaging to other islands. That system is based on ecological and environmental patterns, and relationships between patterns of natural phenomena, as well as between Taumakans and natural elements. Today the people of Taumako are isolated from the outside world by lack of electricity, phone service, WIFI, anchorage, or airstrip. So, they still depend upon ancient cultural ways to meet everyday needs. They speak Polynesian language and practice Polynesian customs. They are the only Polynesians who still make and sail voyaging canoes using only ancient designs, materials, methods, and tools. They are heirs of an ancient system of deep sea navigation that uses knowledge of natural phenomena rather than modern instruments. This ancient system provides data of rare specificity and complexity about relationships between patterns of wind, sea, sky, and spirit that are little known to science. The Heirs of Lata After European diseases killed all but 37 Taumakans in 1919, and colonial controls arrived in 1922, the number of voyaging canoes in the region dwindled from two hundred active vessels to a few relics in the 1960s. Extensive partnerships and networks between islands were lost. The history and cultural vision of Taumakans extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the Western Pacific. Three thousand years ago, Taumako was a crossroads of Lapita pottery-making migrants (Leach and Davidson, 2014). Today Taumakan voyaging canoes and �navigation methods combine both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor, Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe (vaka). Lata is a voyaging Culture Hero to the people of thousands of Pacific and Indian Ocean islands. Lata’s name varies, as Laka, La’a, Rata, Raka, etc. Today, some of the variants are known today as male, and others as female. Today, some places like Hawai’i, only remember short episodes in the Story of Lata. Taumakans tell the Story of Lata hour after hour, year after year, during building of vaka, and while making voyages to other islands. Taumakans live their lives as characters in their Story of Lata. As such they are the present generation of an uninterrupted line of voyagers. Lata’s successes, mistakes, and spiritual relationships with natural phenomena, help Taumakans learn who they are, and what to do, and not do, in life. Duff Islands are full of sites where episodes of the original Story of Lata happened. These include the seaward platform on Tohua, and islet where Lata was born, the Kahula stream lava-rock home of the father eel who Lata’s father killed and whose tail Lata suckled on after his parents died, the mountaintop where Lata stood with Hinora to look down and see if the tree he already cut down was actually on his or her ancestral land (kainga), the black stones beside Tohua where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, the entrance to TeVeni, a hole in the reef where Lata sailed out and Hinora blocked so he could not come back, the ocean outside of TeVeni where Lata picked his crew from after their canoe fell apart from being tricked by Lata telling them the wrong plant to use for their lashings, etc (George, 1999). The interactions of the characters, the natural phenomena they deal with, and the places, episodes, and themes of the �Story of Lata, are critical to Taumakan decisions about gardening, performing rituals, building voyaging canoes, and for way finding at sea. Taumakan voyaging canoes (vaka) are made in the image of Lata and other characters in the Story of Lata. Each end of the vaka is carved into facial features of Te Ube, the bird who Lata befriended, and the teeth of Lata, which securely hold the carving of Te Ube into the back of which the mast is stepped (Fig. 1). The sail has slender extended tips, which are Lata’s arms held overhead to catch the wind (Fig. 2). The entryway to the shelter is where the current day Lata (most senior wayfinder) sits in supervision of the crew and the elements. Fig. 1(left): Photo of Chief Kaveia instructing crew how to rig Te Puke voyaging canoe. (Michael Tauchert and Vaka Taumako Project) �Fig. 2: Photo of carving of Te Ube bird at end of Te Puke. (Michael Tauchert and Vaka Taumako Project) Since the 1970’s islanders from Hawaii, New Zealand, Cook Islands, and other more commercially developed islands have taken voyages using navigation methods that did not include modern instruments, such as compass, sextant, or electronics. Their “non-instrument” methods are traditionally inspired, and have centered on use of star paths to know the direction to islands. But the specific star path methods that most of these revival voyagers have used were created by Nainoa Thompson and Will Kyselka in Bishop Planetarium in the 1970’s. They also rely on meteorology for their weather, engage modern vessels to escort them everywhere in case rescue is needed, and they construct their vessels with nylon, Dacron, fiberglass, epoxy, chainsaws, etc. These voyagers have traveled far, correcting several centuries of denial and misrepresentation of the true history of oceanic voyaging, and reviving pride among island peoples for the brilliant achievements of their ancestors. But it is clear that they cannot, or do not intend to, make voyages using only Lata’s technology. �Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian peoples in that they still build their vessels and navigate using only Lata’s technology. But Lata’s vessels are only good for sailing interisland during certain seasons. If Lata’s crew sails to another island then they must stay there until the right season comes to sail back to their island, which could be nine months later. Who will feed them and what will they do while they are waiting? How will they earn money to pay school fees for their children? Who will maintain their vessel if they are lucky and a ship comes that can bring them home? If and when they have transport to return to their Vaka then how will they get money to harvest some trees to replace certain parts, and to re-lash others? Given these challenges, why do young Taumakans want to work hard at learning the ancient ways, rather than going off-island to make money? Don’t they want their children to go to secondary and tertiary schools? Wouldn’t they like to have a permanent house with a toilet rather than a leaf house and the ocean? How can their heritage help them cross colonial nation-borders between them and nearby islands, and policies that make it impossible for them to make a living at the bottom level of the global economy? How will perpetuating ancient practices help them survive climate change? Furthermore, what can outsiders learn from the heirs of Lata? Can people who are fully dependent on the global economy and its petrochemical and electronic technologies, learn something to help them stop their polluting and warlike ways, and possibly save what is left of the planet for all of our children? �Perpetuation of Lata’s Voyaging Vessels In 1996, the Vaka Taumako Project was officially started as a research project under the Ministry of Education of Solomon Islands. It was the idea of the Paramount Chief of Taumako, Koloso Kaveia, who was a very experienced voyager on Lata’s vessels, and then on a trading scow, for many years. He, and other elders of Taumako, wanted to teach a new generation how to build and sail a Te Puke, which is the design of vessel that Lata is most known for. He also wanted that knowledge documented for future generations. In 1997 the Te Puke named “Vaka Taumako” was launched. In 1998 it sailed to Nifiloli, in the Outer Reef Islands, and in 2000 it sailed back to Taumako. The biggest challenges of those voyages included the lack of safe places to keep the vessel on other islands. People of other islands have more money-based economies, with ships coming monthly, airstrips, and phone service. Taumakans needs their own transport to relieve their isolation. During his nineties Kaveia planned to lead a voyage from Taumako to Vanuatu. But he passed away in 2009. Several voyages were made in 2012, and again in 2013, and another one in 2017. In every case there was barely enough food for the crew, and the return transport to Taumako was delayed for weeks. Despite the hardships they continued to work on making new vaka and more voyages. The costs of delayed transport ate up what had been set aside to pay the school fees of their children. So, why do they persist? The positive results of these voyages have included at least one interisland marriage by a crew member for each voyage, and some sort of reconciliation (Heihei Lavoi) over events that took place generations back, �when voyaging canoes were stopped by government and missionary policies, WWII, and other colonial impacts. Another result is that through voyaging each crew members gains, or proves, a good relationship with patterned phenomena of the wind, sea, stars, and with their voyaging ancestors. The leader of a voyage becomes a present day Lata. Lata’s crew is celebrated for its accomplishments at home and throughout Solomon Islands. Te Puke are featured on both provincial and national icons, and Taumakans regard the leader of a voyage on a Te Puke, as singularly qualified to be the Paramount Chief of Duff Islands. Knowing what Lata knew qualifies one to give advice on gardening, weather, fishing, social events, naming of newborns, spiritual activities, and so many other disciplines that are practiced by Duff Islanders. Old people reward voyaging students with appropriate knowledge and resources for voyaging, because they know that voyaging can provide the inter-island communications that are necessary to survival and the joy of renewing ties with close relatives who may not have been contacted in many decades. The voyagers themselves become responsible to share their knowledge, and inform others of changes in natural patterns that they observed. When there are natural disasters, such as the King Tides and ferocious cyclones that are coming more frequently, there is more need for a vessel that can sail over the reef and right up onto the beach…to carry sago palm leaves to roof and wall houses, betel nut for social sharing, pigs for feasting events such as weddings and funerals, and many other goods necessary to the wellbeing and relationships between people of different islands and atolls. �Children of Taumako are told bedtime stories whose characters are navigational stars. Stories of the giants (Pakhola), the old woman of the forest (Hinora), and the fresh water eel who was killed by Lata’s father, are filled with references and meanings about voyaging. The winds that come from different directions and bring different weather and plants and animals into the center of Taumako life, are themselves main characters in the Story of Lata. Though they are not often named as such in the storytelling, the interrelationships of these winds with other phenomena are critical to finding the way to other islands. They are also the basis for correlating and calibrating many other natural phenomena that Lata used to find the way. Lata’s Navigation (Wayfinding) System From the 1970’s onward, Pacific navigation researchers focused on the use of stars as the basic method of finding land without modern instruments (Lewis, 1972). More recently, some natural navigation researchers have centered ‘stick charts’ and ‘wave piloting’ in the Marshall Islands (Genz, 2016). They hypothesized that knowledge of swell patterns between the Ratak and Ralik island chains were the primary phenomena used for navigation there. Although the Taumakan heirs of Lata use both stars and swell patterns extensively, they organize their navigational technology differently. They prioritize knowledge of wind, and its relationships with all other natural phenomena. Taumakans regard winds, not stars, as primary, to their navigation methodology. Taumakans use a systematic model of way finding that does not privilege asterisms (including stars, star groups, dark places in the sky, and star paths) above other phenomena. Taumakans use Lata’s mental model to �link the position of the wind around the horizon with phenomenal patterns that occur (when the wind is in that position). So by knowing the wind position a Taumakan wayfinder knows which phenomena are useful for what voyaging routes, and which phenomena work together or provide alternatives to others. Asterisms are important because the wind positions that the asterisms rise and set in are indicative of what other phenomena are useful. Te Nohoanga Te Matangi The organizational image, i.e. basic data organizer, of this ancient system is a model of 32 named wind positions that are located equi-distant from each other around the horizon (Fig. 3). From the geographically widespread documentation of what English speakers have called “wind compasses” throughout the Pacific and Indonesia, it seems likely that voyagers figured out this system long ago. Fig. 3: TNTM Diagram 8/16/32 Named Wind Positions. �The Taumako wind-based system is called “Te Nohoanga Te Matangi” (TNTM). TNTM translates into English as “the wind positioning system” or “the life of the winds.” The eye of the wind can sit (noho) in, or move through, the various positions. The 32 named TNTM positions surround the observer around the horizon, and each TNTM position is located at equal distances from its neighboring position. TNTM Opposite Partners Each TNTM wind position is paired with the position that is located opposite to it on the horizon (Fig. 4). Taumakans do not learn the 32 positions one by one, sequentially in a circle. They learn them in opposite pairs, or “partners.” There are 16 partners in the 32 wind positions. But most people just deal with the 4 partners that comprise the basic 8 wind positions. After a person learns the relevant partners for any voyage, then they know what is in front of them and behind them, no matter which position they are headed for. Thus, the partner of Te Alunga is Te Haka Hiu, and the partner of Te Tonga is Te Tokelau (Fig. 3). �Fig. 4: TNTM Diagram opposite Pair. (Partners) TNTM works like a slide rule (mechanical analog computer) that recognizes patterns in a variety of natural phenomena, and organizes those patterned natural phenomena into spatial, temporal, and spiritual relationships. The relationships contained in these TNTM linkages are based on knowledge about natural and spiritual phenomena, and relationships between them. Such linkages include storm winds (natural) and beneficial or dangerous interventions of ancestors (spiritual). For example, it is not surprising that cyclonic west winds come in the strongest wind positions of the cyclone season (Te Hakahiu to Te Tokelau) (Fig. 5). But if a Te Alunga or Te Tonga winds are weak during the middle of the tradewind season, then it indicates that there has been disrespectful behavior toward ancestors. Ancestors include winds, rocks, stars, animals, and other natural �elements. So disrespectful behavior to these elements can cause climate change. Fig. 5(left): . TNTM Diagram Sunrise and Sunset Positions Annually. There are times when certain phenomena will happen, such as strong winds. There are signs that herald new weather, such as a rainbow showing where the wind will soon position itself. The TNTM slide rule correlates and calibrates natural phenomena that can be both observed and engaged with. The engagement is a spiritual endeavor, with many layers and scales. The late Te Alki Koloso Kahia Kaveia of Taumako told, and showed, me these explanations of TNTM. As a master of TNTM, Kaveia did a lot of “weather work,” e.g. prediction and modifications. Prediction included telling when the best wind for a voyage would come the next year. Modifications included stopping rain, and changing the wind position (but not the season). He also used TNTM to control dangerous seas, heal illnesses, plan ritual events, facilitate gardening, and control communications with colonial powers, (as Paramount Chief for about 35 years). �Kaveia remembered all this information, without making diagrams. But he invited and approved the diagrams I made. Furthermore he wanted them shared with his descendants who want to learn how Lata made voyages, and with anyone who wanted to learn how Lata found the way to other islands. Here are diagrams that my colleague, industrial designer Daniel Jackson, and I made to illustrate Kaveia’s teachings about TNTM. The head position of the system is named Te Alunga, which translates in English to “the pillow.” In other words, Te Alunga is where you lay down your head. Te Alunga is also the defining wind position of the trade wind season, and its location on the horizon is where the sun rises during the winter solstice (Fig. 5). Te Tonga is a variation of what Hawaiians call Kona (Hawaiian Kumu, Roselle K. Bailey, pers. comm.), but since Te Tonga is a sunrise position it is not easy to know why it is linked with a term that is used for the dry west side of Hawaiian islands. Perhaps it is because when Te Tonga blows the west sides of island become dry. Te Tokelau contains the work lau, which translates to English as “strong.” The strongest winds occur in Te Tokelau. Taumakans I asked did not know a translation for other wind position names. Kaveia thought that this could be because they were very old names. In any case many of these names were reported in ‘wind compasses’ reported throughout Polynesia and Indonesia. TNTM Annual Sunrise and Sunset Positions There are eight wind positions that traditional Taumakan voyagers use to keep track of at the sunrise and sunset positions during the year. Te Alunga is the wind position that the sun rises in at the qinter solstice. When the sun rises in Te Alunga it sets between Te Tokelau and Te Tokelau Palapu. Later in the Trade wind Season, when the sun rises in Te Alunga Tonga, it sets exactly in Te Tokelau. Later yet, when the sun rises in Te �Tonga, it sets somewhere between Te Tokelau Haka Hiu and Te Haka Hiu. Lastly, when the sun rises in Te Ulu Tonga, it sets somewhere between Te Tokelau Haka Hiu and Te Haka Hiu. The fact that when the sun rises in three out of four sunrise positions, the sun is observed to set in a range of positions, rather than just one position may not seem intuitive. However if one considers that the orbit of the sun is not circular, but elliptical, then it may be that when the sun is closest to the observer its movement along the horizon is more observable that when it is farther away. So maybe Te Alunga Tonga sunrise sets exactly in Te Tokelau because it is so far away and moving mostly away or toward the sun around the pointy end of the orbit, then we cannot observe its change of position along the horizon. Whereas when the sun rises in Te Alunga and sets between (and including) Te Tokelau and Te Tokelau Palapu, or when the sun rises in Te Tonga, or Te Ulu Tonga, and sets anywhere between (and including) Te Tokelau Hakahiu and Te Hakahiu, it is because we can actually see the change in position along the horizon when the earth is nearer to the sun in its orbit. In any case, the naked eye observations are correct. TNTM Seasons, Solstices, and Equinoxes According to TNTM, the tradewind season begins at the winter solstice and ends at the spring equinox. The cyclone season begins at the summer solstice and ends at the autumn equinox. The Gregorian calendar, that is commonly used by European-derived cultures today, is not useful when interpreting TNTM correlations. This is because the particular dates when the sun is overhead is different at different latitudes. So the actual month for making a particular voyage, or the length of a particular voyaging season, or gardening season, varies too, But the �solstices and the equinoxes never change. Thus these comprise the calendric structure of TNTM seasons. Fig. 6: TNTM Diagram Seasons, Solstices and Equinoxes. The tradewinds start when the wind sits briefly in Te Tokelau Tu, and then moves clockwise to sit firmly in Te Alunga (Fig. 6). Te Alunga is regarded as the base position for the Trade wind Season. Any wind position from Te Alunga, Te Tonga, Te Ulu, and Te Laki are trade wind positions. During the period of time from the Winter Solstice to the Spring Equinox, the eye of the wind will shift gradually from Te Alunga to Te Tonga, Te Ulu, or even to Te Laki, and then shift back again to Te Alunga. But as the Trade wind Season progresses, the wind will sit for prolonged periods in Te Tonga. Toward the end of the season, the wind starts to sit in Te Ulu, and then moves into Te Laki before coming back to Te Tonga or Te Ulu. During the cyclone season, from the summer solstice to the autumn wquinox, the wind sits between Te Hakahiu Laki and Te Palapu. As weather fronts move through, the wind position moves clockwise from position to position, returning to Te Hakahiu Laki early in the season, and �then only returning to Te Tokelau, then only to Te Palapu, and finally moves into Te Tokelau Tu when the tradewind season is beginning again. Taumako Model of Wind Patterns, and Human Modifications The ancient model of seasonal and inter-seasonal wind shifts is that there is a person who, like Lata, stands in the middle of all the wind positions (Fig. 7). This person, according to Taumakans, is like anyone who has an interactive relationship with the elements, like wind. That is, anyone can modify the positions of the wind, as Lata did, and Lata’s descendants, do today. Fig. 7: TNTM Diagram Lata Pushing the Wind Back. When the wind sits down in the primary positions of the Trade wind or the cyclone season (i.e. Te Alunga for the tradewind and Te Hakahiu for the cyclone) then the person waits for the wind to move clockwise to other positions. Each time it does this, the person pushes the wind back �(counterclockwise) to Te Alunga or Te Hakahiu (depending on the season). But as the season progresses the Lata-like person in the middle (which is identified as a “man” in the diagram, but is not necessarily gendered) is not able to push the wind all the way back to the starting position of each season. So, for a long time the person can only push the eye of the wind back to Te Tonga (for the trade wind season), or back to Te Tokelau (for the cyclone season). Eventually, when it is getting close to the next equinox or solstice, the person will be unable to push the wind back to Te Tonga or Te Tokelau…or even back to Te Ulu or Te Palapu. So then, the wind will eventually move past Te Hakahiu and out of the tradewind season positions, or past Te Palapu, and out of the cyclone season positions. Then the man (probably Lata) will have to turn 180 degrees around and begin to push the wind back to the base position of the next season. So the person who pushes the wind back turns his/her own body clockwise twice a year to keep modifying the wind positions and the seasons. This person is spiritually skilled in relationship to weather, and has the ability to modify, but not completely control weather patterns. This model recognizes that some people have useful relationships with weather. This model is also very like the meteorological model of the way systems moving through a location during seasons. As the location of highs and lows shift with time during a season the wind rose positions experienced at any location in the southern hemisphere tend to shift in just the way the Taumako model describes. TNTM Voyaging Routes between Islands Sailing vessels need to have the wind come from favorable directions and not be too stormy to sail to other islands. Taumako voyagers choose wind �positions that are most reliable and that come from the side of, or from behind, the vessel (Fig. 8). Fig. 8: TNTM Diagram Inter-Island Routes. Routes between islands are linked with wind positions needed for those routes. TNTM way finders set off on a given route only when the wind sits (noho) in the right position for that voyage. For example, to voyage from Taumako to Tikopia or Vanikoro, the wind must come from Te Palapu, and it must come sometimes in November. No other wind position is reliable for that route. But for voyaging from Taumako (Duffs) to Reefs, any wind position from Te Alunga through Te Tonga is good, and these occur during the trade wind season. Rises and Sets of Asterisms Useful for Navigation The rises and sets of asterisms (stars, star groups, dark cloud shapes, or other celestial bodies) occur in certain wind positions (Fig. 9). When various asterisms are in these wind positions they are useful for navigation. Each of the named asterisms is the lead asterism in a star path �comprised of other un-named asterisms that rise and set in the same wind positions. Each of them also has an opposite partner asterism. When one of the partners rises higher above the horizon the other is falling closer to the horizon, or is below it. But some asterisms are used for way finding during some of the months when they are not seen above the horizon at all…such as Hetu Mdavo (the Pleiades). Fig. 9 (left): TNTM Rises and Sets of Asterisms Useful for Wayfinding. The opposite partners Takelo (Orions belt on far right) is going to set, while Salo Lavoi (top 7 stars of Scorpio on far left) has just risen (Fig. 10). In this diagram there are note about the weather that occurs when some of �these asterisms rise or set, such as the rises or sets with specific wind positions and weather. Fig. 10: TNTM Asterisms/TNTM Miles-High View Diagram. Conclusion Interrelationships have been briefly presented here that are part of a body of knowledge of Taumaka voyagers. These relationships are between wind positions and weather, rises and sets of asterisms, (including the sun, the stars and star groups, and the solstices and equinoxes), seasons, and specific routes between islands. There is specificity, complexity, and layering of natural patterns, and there are spiritual relationships between the voyagers and the elements. These are correlated and calibrated in the mental model of Lata’s TNTM wayfinding system (Fig. 11). �Fig. 11: TNTM Diagram Combination of Diagrams 3-10. There are many more types of phenomena included in TNTM voyaging knowledge, including swell patterns, Te Lapa (George, 2012), signs by animals, plants, and atmospheric phenomena, as well as complex protocols involving respectful spiritual behaviors. As scientists seek to further define the causes and effects of climate changes, the systematic knowledge of ancient voyaging cultures has value as baseline data about natural patterns and events, including relationships between spiritual knowledge and natural phenomena. References Dow, K. Ebi, K. Kunkel, K. Mearns. K, Mearns. Melillo, J. 2012. http://nca2014.globalchange.gov/report/response-strategies/research- �Genz, J. H. 2016. Resolving Ambivalence In Marshallese Navigation: Relearning, Reinterpreting, and Reviving the “Stick Chart” Wave Models. Structure and Dynamics, 9(1) University of Hawai′i at Hilo. http://escholarship.org/uc/item/43h1d0d7 George, M. 1999. July. “The Return of Lata” Sailing New Zealand Vol. 38. George, M. 2012. “Polynesian Navigation and Te Lapa – “The Flashing” Time and Mind: The Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture. Vol 5 Issue 2. pp. 135-174 Leach, F. and Davidson, 2014. J. Archaeology on Taumako: A Polynesian Outlier in the Eastern Solomon Islands. Archaeology Laboratory, Museum of New Zealand, Te Papa, Tongarewa Lewis, D. H. 1996 (1972). We, the Navigators: The Ancient Art of Pacific Landfinding in the Pacific, Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press Alexander, C. Bynum, N. Johnson, E. King, U. Mustonen, T. Neofotis, P. Oettle, N. Rosenzweig, C. Sakakibara, C. Vyacheslav, S. Vicarelli, M. Waterhouse, J. Weeks. 2011. “Linking Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge of Climate Change” BioScience (2011) 61 (6): 477-484. https://doi.org/10.1525/bio.2011.61.6.10 Biography: Marianne “Mimi” George, Ph.D, a remote-ocean sailor and cultural anthropologist, who supports revival of ancient voyaging practices that enable sustainable and peaceful interactions. George researched spiritual power and female imagery in the ritual cycle of an Austronesian people in New Ireland, Papua New Guinea, the experience of a small, mixed gender, group, in prolonged isolation, wintering-over a sailboat in Antarctic sea-ice to do science, the spiritual connections of sea-hunters and herders across Bering Straits, and the efforts of SE Solomon Islands Polynesian elders and their students to build and navigate using only ancient materials, designs, and methods, and re-establish voyaging networks to share and maintain resources. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lata's Wayfinding System and Climate Science Description An account of the resource The cultural vision and history of Taumako extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the western Pacific. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe. Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian people in that they still build and navigate voyaging canoes using only the ancient designs, materials, and methods of Lata. Lata/Laka/La’a/Rata/Raka, etc, is a Culture Hero across Polynesia, and at least some islands where the ancient Austronesian migrants settled thousands of years ago. Lata’s successes and mistakes help Taumakans, and us, learn who we are, and what to do and not do as we face global climate change and cultural wars. Taumako is full of sites where episodes of the Story of Lata happened…the islet where Lata was born, the rock Lata’s father killed the father eel, the place where Lata stood with Hina to see if the tree he cut down was actually on Hina’s land, the stones where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, where he sailed out and Hina blocked the entrance so he could not come back, where Lata picked his crew from out of the ocean, etc. Taumako was a crossroads of early Papuan settlers and Lapita pottery-making, migrants, and canoe technology that combines both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. The Story of Lata is lived today in the practice of the ancient Pacific voyaging arts. How can all this help them break out from colonialist borders and policies, make a living at the bottom level of the global economy, and/or survive climate change? What can we learn from Lata? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource M. George Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource M. George Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1ecea3592374a51f29816ce8e0f7b1c3.pdf ecd5524873976891781c72e2c92eaf5d PDF Text Text From safe haven to island abandonment - impacts of the growth of Pacific shipping on the Pitcairn Island community during the 19th century Dr. Nigel Erskine Head of Research Australian National Maritime Museum Abstract The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast, our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement. Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti, Valparaiso and Sydney. Just a few years later however, the resources of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn, this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in the Pacific. Key words: Mutiny, Pacific, Whaling, Royal Navy Mutiny and Pitcairn “Know then my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty. …On the 28th April at daylight in the morning Christian having the morning �watch, he with several others came into my cabin while I was asleep, and seizing me, holding naked bayonets at my breast, tied my hands behind my back, and threatened instant destruction if I uttered a word.“ With these words to his wife, William Bligh (Brunton, 1989) described the event which would galvanize public opinion and haunt him for the rest of his life. Recounted repeatedly, dissected, weighed and scrutinized from every angle, the story of the mutiny on the Bounty has been the subject of numerous books and films and needs no further discussion here. By contrast, the subject of my paper – the settlement of Pitcairn Island by mutineers from the Bounty and their Polynesian partners - is a story which is far less known, and in the context of this conference’s theme, represents one of the earliest sources of data demonstrating the impact of European activities in the Pacific. Fig.1: Pitcairn Island. (Photographer Jon Carpenter, © Nigel Erskine) Pitcairn is a volcanic island situated in the Eastern Pacific, south and east of the southern end of the Tuamotu Islands. The first European record of the island was made by Philip Carteret in 1767 when his ship HMS Swallow sailed around it. His description of the island was published in John Hawkesworth’s Voyages in 1773. Carteret wrote: �“…it appeared like a great rock rising out of the sea: it was not more than five miles in circumference, and seemed to be uninhabited; it was, however, covered in trees, and we saw a small stream of water running down one side of it. I would have landed upon it, but the surf, which at this season broke upon it with great violence, rendered it impossible” Cook passed to the east of Pitcairn in 1769, and to the west in 1773, without sighting the island – suggesting the position of the island, calculated by Carteret and shown on Hawkesworth’s chart of the Pacific, was wrong. Indeed, while Carteret’s latitude for Pitcairn was relatively accurate, his longitude placed Pitcairn 320 kilometres too far west – a not unusual error in the period prior to the use of chronometers and one which the mutineer Fletcher Christian appears to have suspected. For, following an abortive attempt by the Bounty mutineers to settle on the island of Tubuai (300 km south of Tahiti), and after leaving 16 mutineers at Tahiti, Christian took the Bounty east against the prevailing wind, sailing along the latitude given by Carteret until finally sighting Pitcairn in January 1790. When the vessel finally anchored, it had 28 people aboard – 9 European mutineers, 6 Polynesian men, 12 Polynesian women and a baby girl. Once ashore the group soon found evidence of previous Polynesian occupation of the island in the form of rock carvings and a morai, and later they would discover a stone quarry on the southern side of the island littered with the discarded flakes from tool manufacturing.1 While this evidence of a Polynesian presence remained, the Bounty settlers soon realised they were alone on the island and totally reliant on a combination of their skills, the resources they brought with them, and what they found in their new home, to establish a viable community. Indeed Pitcairn offered Fletcher Christian and his fellow mutineers the perfect place to hide! Uninhabited, incorrectly charted and cliff-bound, the island was �effectively lost to Europeans in the vastness of the Pacific Ocean - a harbourless, uncontested 2.5 square mile speck of land where the next stage of the Bounty saga would be played out. Satisfied with their new home, the mutineers set about stripping the ship, and after a week, they set fire to it – destroying it completely. With the destruction of their vessel, the Bounty settlers became selfimposed exiles – a tiny community in the Pacific hiding from the Royal Navy and completely cut off from the world. Indeed, the mutineers had found a place so remote that the settlement remained undisturbed for the first 18 years of its existence and it was only as a network of Pacific trade gradually developed in the 19th century that Pitcairn’s isolation diminished. Violence and isolation The first years of settlement on the island were marked by violence as the mutineers divided the island’s resources amongst themselves and attempted to impose their control over the Polynesians who had accompanied them to Pitcairn. In the case of the women, each of the 9 mutineers had a partner from amongst the 12 women, leaving 3 women to partner with the 6 Polynesian men. This situation was initially tolerated by the Polynesian men who were now treated as servants to the mutineers, but following the deaths of two of the women (one falling off a cliff while collecting birds’ eggs, and the other dying of natural causes), the affected mutineers took new partners from those living with the Polynesian men. This produced immediate hostilities between the Polynesian men and the mutineers and resulted in the murder of two of the Polynesian men in 1791. Two years later a second wave of violence spread across the island, claiming the lives of Fletcher Christian and four other mutineers, quickly followed by the murder of the last remaining Polynesian men. �With these deaths the community settled into a period of relative peace for another six years until 1799 when William McCoy committed suicide. In that same year Matthew Quintal was killed by his shipmates in a preemptive strike after he threatened them. And finally in December 1800, John Adams emerged as the last mutineer standing when Edward Young died of natural causes. After a decade on the island, and with the population standing at 38 (consisting of 27 children, 10 women and 1 man), the community now entered a new era of peace and stability. In regard to viability of the settlement, the violence characterizing this early period highlights the fact that the main threat to the community was social rather than ecological. Like Pandora’s Box, the Bounty contained a volatile mix of racial, sexual and class tensions thrown together by the chance circumstances of the mutiny and which Polynesians happened to be sleeping aboard when the vessel left Tahiti for the last time. With the destruction of the Bounty, these forces were released and, as we have seen, played out to bloody resolution. However, despite this violence, a number of positive factors contributed to the initial survival of the community. Pitcairn was a relatively fertile island with natural resources of water, trees, plants, fish and birds – a Pacific environment with which the Polynesian women were familiar, where their skills in such things as sourcing food, thatching and producing tapa cloth, were immediately beneficial. Adding to the natural resources, were resources brought ashore from the Bounty. These included pigs, goats, chickens, plants, seeds and gardening tools, muskets, gunpowder, axes and saws, a forge and bellows, wheelbarrows, medical supplies, books and cooking pots as well as rope, canvas , iron and timber from the ship. �Also brought ashore were elements of maritime culture relating to the maintenance and allocation of provisions. An observer present in 1814 (the second contact with shipping) noted (Pipon, 1834) that John Adams maintained a journal system of ‘regular established allowance’, a practice paralleling the role of the purser on board naval vessels. On Pitcairn food was either stored communally to create a ‘food bank’ accessible throughout the seasons, or (in the case of perishables) divided equally using a system known as the ‘share out’. Aboard the Bounty this form of division was known as Who shall have this? Bligh (1790) described this method, which he used to divide a seabird amongst the men during his famous open boat voyage: “One person turns his back on the object that is to be divided; another then points separately to the portions, at each of them asking aloud, “Who shall have this?” to which the first answers by naming somebody. This impartial method of division gives every man an equal chance of the best share.” The settlers also lived communally in a single village. Very early on, the pigs and goats had gone feral and fences had been built around parts of the village to protect the vegetable gardens. Communal living also helped to harness the labour and skills of the settlers, efficiently sustaining the settlement through the years of total isolation. �Fig.2: Village at Pitcairn 1825, artist William Smyth. (State Library of NSW PXB55) First contact In 1808, that isolation was finally interrupted by the arrival of the sealer Topaz. It was an edifying occasion all round, with captain Folger as surprised to be hailed in English by the young ‘natives’ who paddled out to his ship, as indeed they were to see such a large and foreign object floating off their island. Mindful of his mutineer status, John Adams sensibly remained on Pitcairn, but despite this, goodwill was established by an exchange of objects. In itself, the impact of this visit was slight but it set an important precedent, as Adams later recalled (Bechervaise, 1839): “They got from this ship a great number of articles they stood in need of, after which no vessel came near the island without being visited.” �Six years later the islanders were again amazed, this time finding two Royal Navy ships laying off the island. It should have been the moment of truth for the old mutineer but his luck remained! For after touring the village and meeting Adams and his burgeoning flock, Sir Thomas Staines, the senior captain, declared that Adams was a reformed character whose arrest and removal from the island could only have a detrimental effect on the community. In an instant John Adams was transformed from villain to hero and thereafter the community at Pitcairn enjoyed both legitimacy and celebrity, becoming a popular port of call in a rapidly expanding network of Pacific sailing routes. Some measure of the relative isolation of the community at Pitcairn in the first half of the 19th century can be seen in the following charts. Fig.3: Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1800. (Erskine) Fig.4 Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1825. (Erskine) �Fig.5: Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1850. (Nigel Erskine) In 1788 a British settlement was established at Port Jackson on the east coast of Australia, which finding itself poorly supplied from Britain, soon initiated sailing routes to the more fertile Norfolk Island and to Tahiti for pork. Those ships which did arrive from Britain with supplies, returned there either by the southerly Cape Horn route or via one of the trading centres in Asia such as Calcutta, Canton and Batavia. At the same time a regular route was established between China and the Pacific North West by vessels trading in sea otter pelts, and routes along the west coasts of the Americas serviced Spanish supply lines. Some measure of the relative importance of particular trade centres in the Pacific is indicated by the growth of European populations. In 1820 Honolulu had a foreign population of about 90. By 1842 the town’s population had grown to 8000 people, of whom 500 were foreign. At the same time, Papeete had a foreign population of around 70, and the Bay of Islands in New Zealand over 600 Europeans. Both Levuka and Apia �developed later, and had foreign populations of around 50 by the 1850s (Ralston, 1979). Of these centres, the most important for Pacific trade before the discovery of gold in California was Honolulu. The location of the Hawaiian Islands in the middle of the North Pacific Ocean made them a natural centre linking trade routes between the North-West coast of America, California and China. After 1849 San Francisco assumed much greater importance in Pacific commerce, resulting in the development of sailing routes between Australia and San Francisco, and San Francisco, New England and Europe. Both the route from Australia and New Zealand to San Francisco, and the route from San Francisco to Europe via Cape Horn, passed close to Pitcairn and represented a significant change in the relative isolation of the island. Fig.6: Chinese Export Ware plate c.1816 – example of trade item excavated at Pitcairn land site. (Nigel Erskine) Development of Trade A total of 432 ships visited Pitcairn between 1808 and 1856, with the majority being whale ships. Some idea of the pattern of trade between �the Pitcairn community and the crews of these ships is apparent in surviving logbooks. One of the earliest accounts describing trading activities at Pitcairn is that of the American whaleship Russell that visited Pitcairn in 1822. Arriving off the island, the ship was met by a boat carrying seven of the islanders who “…brought us some bananas, plantains, coconuts and melons and informed us that there was a quantity more on the island”. The ship took on fresh water over a period of three days – allowing part of the crew ashore each day on liberty. When it came time to depart, the islanders2: “…stood around us with tears in their eyes and presented us with some little tokens of friendship and said that we were not to pay for them but send more ships there as they would be very lonesome when we were gone. They supplied us with such vegetables and fruit as the island produced without asking anything for them but seemed pleased to have us in their home.” It is clear from this account that trade at this time was largely unregulated and limited to the basic resources of water, vegetables and fruit. By 1825 the impact of shipping appears to have induced experiments with new crops and Captain Beechey (1968) listed English potatoes, peas, beans and onions amongst these. In 1830 Captain Waldegrave (1833) listed the supplies available to ships: “Ships may obtain fire-wood at Pitcairn’s Island in abundance, with a certain quantity of yams. Coconuts and plantains, but not a large supply; poultry and pigs they object to part with: it would be impossible to water a man-of-war, as the water is carried from Brown’s Well on the shoulders of the natives.” A significant change is evident by 1834 when a regular price for articles is listed in the Pitcairn Island Register. This indicates that ‘exotic’ produce �such as Irish potatoes, beans and onions had been successfully established and that chickens were available in quantity by this date. In effect, Pitcairn had joined the provisioning trade and over the next 20 years the demands on the island’s resources increased dramatically. For example in 1836 the whaleship Triton took3 two boatloads of wood, 54 chickens and a pig and in the following years there is consistent reference to the supply of potatoes, beans, pumpkins and wood in relatively large quantities. In 1843 the Charles took4 six boatloads of potatoes and four boatloads of wood. In 1847 the Three Brothers took5 130 barrels of water, 34 barrels of yams, 34 barrels of sweet potatoes, five barrels of Irish potatoes, 22 chickens, five pigs, a duck and two boatloads of wood and so on. At the same time as these foreign demands were taxing the island’s resources, the population of Pitcairn had been growing steadily, reaching 194 in 1856. Environmental impact of trade The evidence indicates that the growth in Pacific shipping had a negative impact on Pitcairn. For in addition to demands on the island’s limited water supplies, the provisioning trade significantly depleted the island’s timber resources and placed an increasing burden on the land as the Pitcairn islanders attempted to produce agricultural surpluses. Some indication of the environmental impact of such changes is suggested by an example of catastrophic erosion recorded in the Pitcairn Island Register for 1845 (Lucas, 1929): “…the place in question was situated at the head of a ravine which debouched into the sea; the rain mixing with the falling earth (which was of a clayey nature) brought it to the consistency of thick mud but sufficiently liquefied to glide very slowly down the inclined plane of the valley – nothing with which it came in contact could resist its �force – the large trees at the head of the ravine and immense pieces of rock, were borne slowly but unresistingly along and about three hundred coconut trees were torn up by the roots and swept into the sea.” Further evidence indicative of the community’s vulnerability and inability to sustain increasingly high levels of trade exists in the last years of the settlement. During the visit of HMS Portland in May 1853, Rear Admiral Fairfax Moresby found the island badly affected by drought and donated grain to sustain the community. Six months later, Captain Morshead of HMS Dido found the island still affected by drought and left more supplies. The crop failures of 1853 revealed the vulnerability of the community at Pitcairn and prompted application to the British Government to relocate the community to Norfolk Island. Supported by Rear Admiral Fairfax Moresby, the request was favourably received in England and Sir William Denison was instructed to make arrangements for the removal of the Pitcairn Islanders to Norfolk Island. The impact of human settlement on island ecologies is a major theme in Polynesian colonisation of the Pacific. In this context Fosberg (1963) noted the great variation between islands of the eastern Pacific and large continental islands of the western Pacific and emphasised the effects of isolation and limited size in creating insular and fragile ecological environments which were highly vulnerable to disturbance associated with human settlement. While Pitcairn does not fit into the extreme category with fragile environments such as atolls, the total impact of colonisation on the island was no less devastating – it simply took longer and was ultimately the result of both internal and external factors. �Conclusion Turner (1962) conceived of the frontier as a dynamic process of expansion, characterised by continuous movement into free land at the margins of the colonial area by a succession of industries comprising furtraders, miners, ranchers and farmers who were irresistibly attracted to the resource opportunities of the new area. European expansion into the Pacific was motivated by similar opportunities that were exploited by industries such as the pork trade, pearling, sandalwood, beche-de-mer and whaling. However, unlike the opening of vast new land areas of the American West, the expansion into the maritime frontier of the Pacific took place in a context of hundreds of small islands of which Pitcairn was but one. The history of Pitcairn Island provides a record of the ecological cost of such expansion. Endnotes In this context, Marshall Weisler’s work (1993) has shown that this Polynesian presence dates to a period starting about AD 850 and ending in about 1500. Weisler, M. 1993 Long-distance Interaction in Prehistoric Polynesia: Three case studies, unpublished thesis, University of California, Berkeley 2 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 890 3 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 671 4 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 318 5 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 386 1 References Bechervaise, J., 1839. Thirty-Six Years of a Seafaring Life, Woodward, Portsea: 176.Beechey, F.W., 1968 [1831]. Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait, Da Capo Press, New York, Vol.1. Bligh, W., 1961. The Mutiny On Board HMS Bounty, Signet Classics, New York: 164. �Paul Brunton (Ed.), 1989. Awake Bold Bligh – William Bligh’s letters describing the mutiny on HMS Bounty, Allen and Unwin, Sydney: 23. Fosberg, R., (Ed), 1963. Man’s Place in the Island Ecosystem, BP Bishop Museum, Honolulu. Hawkesworth, J., 1773. An Account of the Voyages by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret and Captain Cook, Strahan and Cadell, London: 561. Lucas, C., (Ed.), 1929. The Pitcairn Island Register Book, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London. Pipon, P., 1834. The Descendants of the Bounty’s Crew. United Services Journal, Vol.63:191-199. Ralston, C., 1979. The pattern of Race Relations in 19th century Pacific port towns, Essays from the Journal of Pacific History, Massey University. Turner, F.J., 1962. The Frontier in American History, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York: 12. Waldegrave, W., 1833. Remarks of Captain William Waldegrave, HMS Seringapatam 1830, The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, London, Vol. III: 156-162. �Biography Nigel Erskine is Head of Research at the Australian National Maritime Museum. As a maritime archaeologist he has worked extensively in the South Pacific and was Director of the Norfolk Island Museum 2000 – 2003. As a maritime archaeologist he has worked on the sites of HMS Sirius, HMS Pandora, HMS Bounty, HMS Porpoise, Cato and Mermaid. Since 2005 he has been actively involved with the Rhode Island Maritime Archaeology Project in the search for Cook’s ship Endeavour. His recent work includes developing interpretive narratives for ANMM’s core galleries, building the museum’s international engagement in archaeological projects, and expanding the museum’s research profile. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From safe haven to island abandonment - impacts of the growth of Pacific shipping on the Pitcairn Island community during the 19th century Description An account of the resource The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast, our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement. Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti, Valparaiso and Sydney. Just a few years later however, the resources of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn, this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nigel Erskine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Nigel Erskine Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0ecded04c2d4bd894dcdace419031d91.pdf 8ff215a6c69c8d921e9b65a3d22e7134 PDF Text Text Reinterpretation of Stone Fish Weirs mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on Guam Boyd Dixon CARDNO GS Inc. Tamuning, Guam Abstract In 1819 the French Corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor on Guam where its captain Louis Claude de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs, no longer in use. Archaeological surveys of Apra Harbor tidal flats identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries. Controlled excavation of small sites adjacent to one of these complexes yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725. Besides Chamorro fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations, it is plausible they were expanded to feed visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence documenting the continuity of communal aquaculture practices well after sustained Contact. The apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion circa 1700 is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and enforced settlement patterns. Key words: Guam, Fishing Weirs, Pacific, Radiocarbon Introduction In 1998, an archaeological survey for the U.S. Navy of Outer Apra Harbor tidal flats on the Micronesian island of Guam (Fig. 1) identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of a freshwater estuary (Dixon et al. 2013), first recorded in 1991 (Wylie and Madsen 1991). Piles of WWII-era bottles of Japanese manufacture and discarded bivalve shells were also found on the surface at these shoreline sites, suggesting that the walls themselves may have been constructed to foster shellfish production by forced native labor known to have been used to expand �wartime rice fields nearby. However, interviews with a local Chamorro resident who abandoned the area with his family in 1941 yielded no memory of the walls in Apra Harbor during their periodic harvesting of shellfish before the war1. Fig. 1: Location of Gigao on Guam. (Modified from Dixon, et al. 2017:196) Another archaeological survey of Inner Apra Harbor tidal flats in 2002 identified more low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries, many overgrown by mangroves or half-buried by silt, thus bringing archival documents in the Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) at the University of Guam (UOG) under new scrutiny. A rereading of Captain Louis Claude de Freycinet’s account of his 1819 visit to Apra �Harbor aboard the French Corvette L’ Uranie suggested these sites might be the stone fish weirs or gigao mentioned by Chamorro residents. On March 17, 1819, the French corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor in Guam on a three year scientific mission to the Pacific which eventually circumnavigated the globe (Freycinet 2003), finishing the voyage in the vessel Physicienne (Arago 2013). While surveying the island and its inhabitants’ customs, Captain Louis de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs no longer in use. Most archaeologists and historians assumed that Freycinet was misinformed or such features had not survived the frequent typhoons that affect the region, as well as the ravages of WWII and subsequent U.S. Navy harbor construction. WWII therefore seemed the most logical date of origin for these walls (Dixon et al. 2013), until scholars of Japanese history on Guam who were consulted found no record of non-military construction projects along the shores of Apra Harbor during the 1941-1944 occupation. A more thorough examination of archaeological and historical literature from across Micronesia housed at the Micronesian Area Research Center then revealed close parallels between construction methods and environmental settings in Apra Harbor and traditional stone fish weirs recorded in coastal Yap, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. Marine science literature housed at the Marine Science Laboratory of UOG also confirmed the former use of fenced fish weirs by Chamorro residents near Apra Harbor from before WWII until the 1970s when such methods were outlawed. Freycinet’s informants therefore appear to be vindicated by the convergence of archaeological, historical, and circumstantial evidence. So besides Pre-Contact fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations before the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in 1521, it is hypothesized they were expanded to exchange fish and shellfish for metal �and trade goods with visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons, perhaps until well after the arrival of Jesuit missionaries in 1668. Traditional sailing techniques, ancestor veneration, ritual cohabitation, matrilineal land tenure, herbal healing specialists, and communal redistribution of natural resources were by then all discouraged in favor of Spanish Colonial norms of behavior and economy. In contrast, the gigao might have been maintained until after the forced relocation of northern Guam residents into traditional southern Guam villages like Sumay during La Reduccion circa 1700 and even the subsequent development of Apra Harbor to accommodate periodic Spanish shipping before Freycinet’s arrival. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence for continued traditional aquaculture methods and pottery production radiocarbon dated generations after the Spanish entrada, generally perceived as the end of the traditional era (Dixon et al. 2017). Documenting the continuity of subsistence practices from before until well after initial Contact and the apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and settlement patterns. Archaeological Identification of Fish Weirs around Apra Harbor During the first survey in the mangroves along the edge of Outer Apra Harbor in 1998 (Dixon et al. 2013), a complex of 14 previously unrecorded low-walled coral enclosures and nearby sites was encountered on the coral shelf and within the low tide area (Fig. 2), near fresh water seeps situated between the mouths of two small estuaries. At irregular intervals along the shoreline opposite this wall system were scatters of late Latte Period style prehistoric ceramics and marine bivalve shells (Fig. 3), mostly of Anadara sp. with fewer Gafrarium sp. Site 1 on-shore appeared to be the battered remains �of a low latte set or raised Latte Period habitation with midden, Site 4 was a coconut hummock located about 50 m inland with shell midden and more pottery, and Sites 2, 3, and 5 contained the stone enclosures off shore. Site 15 was a natural limestone hill with WWII Japanese defenses dug into the hillside. A subsequent survey of a segment of the Inner Apra Harbor shoreline in 2002 (Dixon et al. 2013) revealed another complex of seven walled constructions on the coral shelf near the mouth of another small estuary. Fig. 2: Outer Apra Harbor Fish Weir Map. (Dixon, et al. 2013:360) �Fig. 3 (left): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Shell Midden and Pottery, View to the Southeast. (Dixon, et al. 2013:359) Fig. 4 (right): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Coral Wall, view to the Northwest. (Dixon, et al. 2013:358) The walled enclosures of Outer Apra Harbor were composed of irregularly shaped, medium to large coral heads (Fig. 4), removed from inside the enclosures and piled directly on the tidally inundated coral substrate without the aid of mortar or fill. While some stacking was evident, the walls were very porous and today attract mangrove growth due to their stability and entrapment of sediment from the small estuaries flowing into the features. The outer walls of the roughly rectangular shaped enclosures measured approximately 3 m wide and 90 cm tall, accounting for some collapse after years of abandonment and typhoon damage, while some of the inner walls were less substantial. Many of the walls did not reach the modern shoreline during high tide, and much of their interiors were exposed during low tide. Controlled excavation adjacent to one of these complexes at Site 2 (Fig. 5) yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood �charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725 (Fig. 6). Fig. 5: Outer Apra Harbor Site 2, TU. 2, East Profile. (Dixon, et al. 2013:363) �Fig. 6: Radiocarbon Dating Results, Site 2, TU.2. (Dixon, et al. 2013:365) Regional Context of Fish Weirs on Guam within Micronesia A regionally appropriate comparison with the Apra Harbor walled enclosures in design and construction may be made with other Micronesian islands that have undergone less impact from modern development (Moore 1987), and hence maintained traditional prehistoric fish weirs into modern times. Low islands as far away as the Gilberts and Nauru farmed juvenile milkfish in artificial interior ponds for later harvest (Alkire 1972). On Kosrae, stone holding pens for turtles and fish were built along the mangrove-lined coastline near chiefly residential complexes indicating their ownership by specific high-ranking families over time (Cordy 1981). On Pohnpei, basalt stone weirs were constructed near shore to trap fish driven into the mangroves by high tides of the tradewind season from December to February. Weirs of coral were longer and more �irregular in shape, constructed closer to the deeper water lagoon to enable their incorporation in group fish drives to generate chiefly tribute (Ayers et al. 1979). The Micronesian island group best known for their fish weir diversity is Yap, where several varieties of offshore construction provide the best comparison for interpreting the function of the Apra Harbor enclosures. The arrow trap may be the oldest technique employed on Yap, where a V-shaped enclosure with a central shaft is built facing away from the shore toward the direction of the outgoing tide and the reef, although some were built facing deeper channels and holes within the lagoon (HunterAnderson 1981). Baskets were placed at the ends and apex of these weirs to trap fish attempting to escape. Another type of multiple V-shaped trap was built just inside the reef to catch fish running both in and out with the tide, while other Z-shapes traps were built on the crest of the reef pointing in both directions for a similar purpose. Rock and coral piles were also constructed in relatively clear areas of the lagoon to provide refuge for certain fish before they were speared or netted, although the yield of such features was lower than the V-shaped constructions. Closer to shore and along main channels were rectangular surrounds which reportedly functioned as corrals or holding pens for fish captured in deeper waters, as well as foundations for guardhouses associated with the more productive V-shaped arrow traps owned by chiefly families. Conclusions After comparison of the walled enclosures within Apra Harbor on Guam to their regional counterparts in Micronesia, it appears that the majority of features recorded archaeologically likely functioned as holding pens or corrals for high tide fish collection in deeper waters and as traps for fish stranded as the tide receded. The partial arrow-shaped wall extending seaward from the west end of Site 5 in the Outer Apra complex suggests �its function in trapping fish returning to the reef at low tide as seen in Yapese constructions. Its spatial proximity to a set of rectangular walls in Site 3 that do not reach the shore suggests a similar function. Given the holding capacity of these pens, it is reasonable to expect that deeper water features similar to those on Yap also existed in mid-harbor (i.e. rock or coral piles) or nearer the reef (i.e. V- or Z-shaped traps). It is possible that 19th century Spanish Colonial sailors may have found some aquaculture features at shallower depths within Outer Apra Harbor to be an obstacle to safe entry and mooring, although many vessels remained in deeper anchorage or at Umatac. The organization of Chamorro labor by local alcaldes to clear such impediments as payment of labor tax in the late 17th and early 18th century would have been challenging however, given native participation in numerous revolts against Spanish demands (Lon Bulgrin, personal communication 2017). Almost yearly visits by the Manila-bound situado ship from Acapulco by the 1580s and at least 24 Dutch and English visits by 1686 also noted the increasingly poor health of many inhabitants (Levesque 1997). Instead, if these deeper aquaculture features indeed existed at mid-harbor then many may have been dismantled to build Fort Santa Cruz in 1801 (Driver and Brunal-Perry 1994), a generation or more after their use had been discontinued by native fishermen when Freycinet arrived. The shoreline pens nevertheless, could still have been useful settings for family fishing even with declining population and Colonial entanglement, until mangrove growth reclaimed them in the 20th century. Forms of indigenous resistance in the face of Spanish Colonial influences were varied in the 16th through 18th century Pacific, but included the maintenance and transformation of native food ways in coastal California missions: “European-introduced foods… were prepared and cooked… according to traditional native prescriptions…” (Lightfoot 2005:196). �Reuse of European objects was another method of resisting their intended uses: “instead of using the objects in the European fashion as ceramic and glass tableware, the people transformed them into native objects such as pendants, beads, scrapers, and projectile points” (Lightfoot 2005:196). Traditional political structures and marriage patterns did change as native populations suffered catastrophic mortality rates from introduced disease, but religious dances continued and Catholic symbols and rituals were incorporated into native belief systems (Lightfoot 2005). Similarly, one might expect Chamorro use of the near-coastal fish holding pens in Apra Harbor to continue for a generation or more after La Reduccion circa 1700, albeit in smaller scale family collection endeavors not inviting Colonial taxation. The continued use of specific coastal settings for aquaculture in the Mariana Islands thus emphasizes the longevity of cultural memory as encoded in marine resource exploitation practices, even in the face of sustained Colonial enculturation. Cultural revitalization movements as expressed in the maintenance of traditional fishing practices remain active in the region today in the face of new challenges, as they appear to have been after the initial shock of Spanish contact in the Mariana Islands. Further archaeological evidence remains to be sought in Guam’s other embayments, as well as off the west coast of Saipan that represents a much larger lagoon system of equal antiquity. _________________________________________________________ _____ 1 This manuscript in no way reflects the opinions of the U.S. Navy or its contractors. Permanent site locations are not revealed here for their protection. �References Alkire, W. 1972. An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia. In W. Alkire, editor, The Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia, Addison-Wesley Publications, 1-56, Canada. Arago, J. 2013. Narrative of A Voyage Round the World IN the Uranie and Physicienne Corvettes, Commanded by Captain Freycinet, During the Years 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820 Cambridge University Press, London. Ayers, W., A. Haun, and C. Severance. 1979. Ponape Archaeological Survey: 1978 Research. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report Number 4, Historic Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Saipan. Cordy, R. 1981. Archaeological Survey of Inem, Okat and Loal Kosrae Island. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report Number 7, Historic Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Saipan. Dixon, B., L. Gilda, and T. Mangieri. 2013. Archaeological Identification of Stone Fish Weirs Mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on the Island of Guam. Journal of Pacific History 48(4):349-368. Dixon, B., A. Jalandoni, and C. Craft. 2017. The Archaeological Remains of Early Modern Spanish Colonialism on Guam and their Implications. In M. Cruz Berrocal and C. Tsang, Historical and Archaeological Perspectives on Early Modern Colonialism in Asia-pacific and the Pacific, Volume 1, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, in press. Driver, M., and O. Brunal-Perry. 1994. Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam. MARC, University of Guam, Mangilao. Freycinet, L. C. de. 2003. An Account of the Corvette L’Uranie’s Sojourn at the Marianas Islands, 1819. Occasional Historical Papers No. 13, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation, Saipan. Hunter-Anderson, R., 1981. Perspectives 24(1): 81-91. Yapese Stone Fish Weirs. Asian Levesque, R. 1998. Accounts of Early Contact: Non-Spanish Visitors to Guam before 1830. In Guam History: Perspectives Volume Two. L. Carter, W. Wuerch, and R. Carter Editoris, pp. 37-66, MARC Educational Series No. 22, University of Guam, Mangilao. �Lightfoot, K. 2005. Indians, Missionaries, and Merchants The Legacy of Colonial Encounters on the California Frontiers. University of California Press, Berkeley. Moore, J. 1987. Current Fishing Practices and Use of Marine Resources in the Outer Islands. Yap State Fishing Authority, Manuscript of file at MARC, Mangilao. Wylie, J., and D. Madsen 1991. Guam’s Excess Military Lands: Opportunities for the Multiple-Use and Protection of World-Class Natural and Cultural Resources. Department of Agriculture – Division of Forestry and Soil Resources, Territory of Guam. Acknowledgments The author would like to extend his appreciation to Jeannette Simons and Dr. Eric West, then of NAVFACPAC, and Jennings Bunn and Lon Bulgrin of NAVFACMAR who freely gave advice and council during the field surveys and technical reporting. The assistance of Journal of Pacific History editor Vicki Lucker with an earlier interpretation of this paper is also greatly appreciated as is the sage advice of Professor Bill Jeffery at UOG. Biography Dr. Boyd Dixon is a Senior Archaeologist for the Cardno GS office in the U.S. Territory of Guam. With over 40 years of archaeological experience in North America, Latin America, Western Europe, and the Pacific Basin, his interests are equally varied. They embrace prehistoric and historic patterns of settlement, subsistence, interaction, power, and conflict. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Reinterpretation of Stone Fish Weirs mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on Guam Description An account of the resource In 1819 the French Corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor on Guam where its captain Louis Claude de Freycinet was told of the former presence of stone fish weirs, no longer in use. Archaeological surveys of Apra Harbor tidal flats identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater estuaries. Controlled excavation of small sites adjacent to one of these complexes yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725. Besides Chamorro fishermen using the weirs to feed local populations, it is plausible they were expanded to feed visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons. More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence documenting the continuity of communal aquaculture practices well after sustained Contact. The apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La Reduccion circa 1700 is provocative, especially after the introduction of Eurocentric food ways and enforced settlement patterns. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Boyd Dixon Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Boyd Dixon Asia-Pac Session 1 2017